Vaqi'at-i Bāburī - The Memoirs of Bābur, Volume 2

have built a house of stone; and beyond the enclosure that surrounds the well, a stone mosque has been built; but it is ill built, and after the style of Hindustān.

By the time that Humāiūn had made some progress in his march,^a Nāsir Khan Lohāni, Maarūf Fermūli, and the rebel lords,^b had assembled and encamped at Jājmāu.¹ Humāiūn, when about fifteen^c kos off, sent Mūmin Atkeh, in order to gain intelligence, and to push on, to plunder and beat up their quarters. He could not get any accurate information of their motions, but the rebels, having notice of his approach, took to flight, without waiting for his appearance. Humāiūn sent out Kasimnāi with Bāba Chihreh and Bujkeh, after Mūmin Atkeh, in order to get intelligence. They brought news of the panic and flight of the enemy; whereupon Humāiūn advanced and occupied Jājmāu, from whence he proceeded onward. When he arrived near Dilmāu,² Fateh
Khan
Sarwāni
submits.
Trans-
actions in
Khorasān. Fateh Khan Sarwāni came and made his submission. He sent that nobleman to me, accompanied by Mahdi Khwājeh and Muhammed Sultan Mirza.

This same year, Obeidullah Khan raised an army, and advanced from Bokhāra against Merv. Ten or fifteen peasants, who were in the citadel of Merv,³ were taken and put to the sword. Having settled the revenue of Merv, he, in the course of forty or fifty days,^d proceeded against Sarakhs. In Sarakhs he found about thirty or forty Kizilbāshes, who shut the gates, and refused to give up the fort. The inhabitants being divided in their affections, some of them opened a gate,^a by which the Uzbeks entered, and put all the Kizilbāshes to the sword. Having taken Sarakhs, he moved upon Tūs and Meshhad.¹ The inhabitants of Meshhad, having no means of defence, submitted. Tūs was blockaded for eight months, and finally surrendered on capitulation, the terms of which were not observed; all the men in the place being put to the sword, and the women reduced to slavery.²

This same year Behāder Khan, the son of Sultan Muzaffer of Gujerāt, succeeded his father on the throne of Gujerāt, of which country he is now king. Upon some difference with his father, he had fled to Sultan Ibrahīm, by whom he was treated with great slight; during the time that I was in the vicinity of Pānipat, I received from him letters asking for assistance. I returned him a gracious and encouraging answer, inviting him to join me. He at first intended to wait upon me, but afterwards changed his plan, and, separating from Ibrahīm’s army, took the road of Gujerāt. His father, Sultan Muzaffer, having died at this very crisis, Short reign
of Sikander
Shah. his elder brother Sikander Shah, the eldest son of Sultan Muzaffer, succeeded his father on the throne of Gujerāt. In consequence of his bad conduct, one of his slaves, Imād-al-mulk, conspired with some others, and put him to death by strangling him. They then sent for Behāder Khan, who was still on the road, and on his arrival, placed him on his father’s throne, under the name of Behāder Shah.³ This prince acted rightly in enforcing the law of retaliation by putting to death Imād-al-mulk, who had behaved so treacherously; but unfortunately, besides this,^a he put to death a number of his father’s Amīrs, and gave proofs of his being a blood-thirsty and ungovernable young man.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 933

IN the month of Muharrem,¹ Beg Weis arrived with news of the birth of Farūk; although a messenger on foot had previously brought me the news, yet Beg Weis came this month for the purpose of communicating the good tidings. Aug. 2. He was born on Friday eve, the 23rd of the month of Shawāl, and named Farūk.

I had directed Ustād Ali Kuli to cast a large cannon, for the purpose of battering Biāna, and some other place which had not submitted. Having prepared the forges and all the necessary implements, he sent a messenger to give me notice that everything was ready. On Monday, the 25th of Muharrem,^{b 2} we went to see Ustād Ali Kuli cast his gun. Around the place^c where it was to be cast were eight forges,^d and all the implements in readiness. Below each forge they had formed a channel, which went down to the mould in which the gun was to be cast. On my arrival, they opened the holes of all the different forges. The metal flowed down by each channel in a liquid state, and entered the mould. After waiting some time, the flowing of the melted metal from the various forges ceased, one after another, before the mould was full. There was some oversight either in regard to the forges or the metal. Ustād Ali Kuli was in terrible distress; he was like to throw himself into the melted metal that was in the mould. Having cheered him up, and given him a dress of honour, we contrived to soften his shame. Two days after,^e when the mould was cool, they opened it. Ustād Ali Kuli, with great delight, sent a person to let me know that the chamber of the gun for the shot was without a flaw, and that it was easy to form the powder chamber. Having raised^a the bullet-chamber of the gun, he set a party to work to put it to rights, while he betook himself to completing the powder chamber.¹

Mahdi Khwājeh, who had received the charge of Fateh Khan Sarwāni from Humāiūn, brought him to court. He had parted from Humāiūn at Dilmau. I gave Fateh Khan a favourable reception, and bestowed on him the pergannas of his father, Azīm Humāiūn, with some places in addition, to the value of a kror and sixty laks.² In Hindustān it is customary to bestow on the Amīrs who are in the highest favour certain titles. One of these is Azīm Humāiūn; another is Khan Jehān; another Khan Khānān.³ His father’s title was Azīm Humāiūn. As I saw no propriety in any one’s bearing this title except Humāiūn himself, I abolished it, and bestowed the name of Khan Jehān on Fateh Khan Sarwāni.

On Wednesday, the 20th of Safer,⁴ I erected awnings on the banks of the tank, on the side above the tamarind trees, and had a feast, when I invited Fateh Khan Sarwāni to a drinking party, made him drink wine, invested him with a turban, and a complete dress of honour from head to foot,^{b 5} and, after distinguishing him by these marks of favour and grace, gave him leave to return to his own country. It was arranged that his son Mahmūd Khan should always remain at court.

On Wednesday, the 24th of Muharrem, Muhammed Ali Haider Rikābdār was dispatched with all speed to Humāiūn to desire him, as the army of the rebels of the Pūrab (east) had been put to flight and dispersed, that, immediately on Muhammed Ali’s arrival, he should proceed to Jaunpūr, leave in the place^a some Amīrs adequate to the trust, and then immediately set out with his army in order to rejoin me; that the Pagan Rāna Sanka had taken advantage of the absence of the army, to approach very close upon me,^b and was now the first object to be attended to.

After the army had marched to the eastward, I had ordered Terdi Beg, Kūch Beg, with his younger brother, Sher-afgan, and Muhammed Khalīl Akhtehbegi, with his brothers and akhtajiān,¹ Rustam Turkomān with his brothers, as well as other chiefs of Hindustān, and Rao Wadi Sarwāni,^c to proceed to plunder and lay waste the country about Biāna: if they could prevail on the garrison in the fort by any assurances of safety and indemnity to join me, they were to do it; if this failed, they were to waste and plunder the country, and to reduce the enemy to as great distress as possible.

Ālim Khan, who was in the fort of Tehenger,² was an elder brother of Nizām Khan of Biāna. Repeated messengers had come from him, bringing professions of submission and allegiance. This Ālim Khan undertook, if I would give him charge of a body of troops, to bring all the archers of Biāna to listen to terms of capitulation, and to deliver Biāna^d into my hands. I gave instructions to the troops who had been sent on the plundering expedition along with Terdi Beg, that as Ālim Khan, who was a Zemindār of consequence,^e had undertaken this duty and service, they should be guided by his advice and opinion in whatever regarded the reduction of Biāna. Though many of the men of Hindustān are brave swordsmen, yet they are extremely ignorant and inexperienced in the art of war, and in the disposition and conduct of their force as commanders. This Ālim, who was accompanied by the whole of our detachment, paid no attention to a single word that fell from anybody, and with a total indifference as to what was expedient and what was not, carried it close up to Biāna. The detachment consisted of two hundred and fifty, or nearly three hundred Tūrks, and somewhat above two thousand Hindustānis, and men from different quarters.^a Nizām Khan, with his Afghans, and the troops of Biāna, amounted to above four thousand horse, with upwards of He is sur-
prised and
taken. ten thousand infantry. Observing the advance of our troops, and perceiving the error which Ālim had committed,^b they made a sudden sally with their whole force; and being much superior in numbers, charged the detachment at full speed, and put them to flight in a moment. Ālim Khan Tehengeri, who was Nizām Khan’s elder brother, was taken prisoner, with five or six others.^c In spite of this, I still consented to overlook Nizām Khan’s past offences, and again sent him letters, offering him terms and assurances of indemnity. As soon as he had certain information of the near approach of Rāna Sanka the Pagan, seeing no remedy, he sent for Biāna sur-
renders. Syed Rafaa, and, by his mediation, delivered up the fort to my troops; after which he accompanied the Syed to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service.^d I bestowed on him a perganna of twenty laks¹ in the Doāb. Dost Ishek-Agha had been sent to take the temporary command of Biāna till a governor was appointed. A few days after, I appointed Mahdi Khwājeh² to the charge with an allowance and appointment of seventy laks,³ and sent him to his government.

Tātār Khan Sārangkhāni, who held Gwāliār, had repeatedly sent messengers with professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandār, and when he was approaching Biāna, one of the Rajas of Gwāliār, Dermenket, and one Khan Jehān, a pagan, came into the vicinity of Gwāliār, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the fortress. Tātār Khan finding himself in considerable difficulty, was willing to deliver up the fort to me. My Begs and confidential servants, as well as the greater part of my best men, had all been sent off with the armies, or in various scattered detachments. I, however, dispatched Rahīmdād with a party of Behreh men and Lahoris, and made Imshiji Tunketār with his brothers accompany them, having previously assigned pergannas in Gwāliār to the whole party. I likewise sent along with them Mulla Apāk and Sheikh Gūren, who were directed to return after establishing Rahīmdād in Gwāliār. When they got near Gwāliār, Tātār Khan had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. At this period Sheikh Muhammed Ghaus, well known as a Derwīsh, and celebrated for his piety, and whose followers and disciples are very numerous, sent a man from the fort to Rahīmdād, to advise him to procure admission any way that he could; that Tātār Khan’s intentions were changed, and that now he was resolved to hold out.^a Rahīmdād, on receiving this information, sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without, from dread of the pagans: and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest stayed without the walls. After much entreaty, Tātār Khan assented to this arrangement. Rahīmdād had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate,^b which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hāthipol, or Elephant-gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tātār Khan, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly,^a and came and waited upon me at Agra. I assigned for his support the perganna of Biāwān, with twenty laks.¹

Muhammed Zeitūn likewise, seeing that nothing could be done, surrendered Dhūlpūr, and came and waited on me. I bestowed on him also a perganna of several laks, and made Dhūlpūr an imperial domain, bestowing the shikdāri (or military collectorship) of it on Abul Fateh Turkomān, whom I sent to Dhūlpūr.

In the neighbourhood of Hissār-Firozeh, Hamīd Khan Sārangkhāni, and a party of the Pani Afghans, having collected a number of Afghans and others from the countries around, to the number of three or four thousand men, were in a state of open and active revolt.

On Wednesday the 15th^b of Safer, I ordered Chīn Taimūr to take with him Sultan Ahmedi Perwānchi, Abul Fateh Turkomān, Malikdād Karrāni, and Mujāhid Khan Multāni, and to proceed with a light-armed force against these Afghans. They accordingly set out, and advancing^c by a circuitous road, fell upon the Afghans, whom they completely Defeated. routed, and killed a number of men, whose heads they cut off, and sent to me.

In the end of the month of Safer, Khwājehgi Asad, who had been sent into Irāk, on a mission to the Prince Tahmāsp,² returned accompanied by a Turkomān, named Suleimān, bringing several curiosities of the country, as presents. Among these were two Circassian³ female slaves.

On Friday the 16th^d of the first Rabīa, a strange occurrence happened. As the particulars are circumstantially detailed in a letter which I wrote to Kābul, the letter itself is inserted here, without adding or taking away. It was as follows:

‘A very important incident happened on Friday the 16th^d day of the first Rabīa, in the year 933. The circumstances are these: The mother of Ibrahīm, an ill-fated lady, had heard that I had eaten some things from the hands of natives of Hindustān. It happened in this way. Three or four months ago, never having seen any of the dishes of Hindustān, I desired Ibrahīm’s cooks to be called, and out of fifty or sixty cooks, four were chosen and retained. The lady, having heard the circumstance, sent a person to Etāwa to call Ahmed, the taster, whom the Hindustānis call bekāwel,^a and delivered into the hands of a female slave a tola¹ of poison, wrapped up in a folded paper, desiring it to be given to the taster Ahmed.^b Ahmed gave it to a Hindustāni cook^c who was in my kitchen, seducing him with the promise of four pergannas, and desiring him,^d by some means or other, to throw it into my food. She sent another female slave after the one whom she had desired to carry the poison to Ahmed, in order to observe if the first slave delivered the poison or not. It was fortunate that the poison was not thrown into the pot, it was thrown into the tray. He did not throw it into the pot, because I had strictly enjoined the tasters to watch the Hindustānis, and they had tasted the food in the pot while it was cooking. When they were dishing the meat, my graceless tasters² were inattentive, and he threw it upon a plate of thin slices of bread; he did not throw above one-half of the poison that was in the paper upon the bread, and put some meat fried in butter upon the slices of bread. If he had thrown it above the fried meat, or into the cooking pot, it would have been still worse; but in his confusion, he spilt the better half of it on the fire-place.

‘On Friday, when afternoon prayers were past, they dished the dinner. I was very fond of hare,^a and ate some,^b as well as a good deal of fried carrot.^c I was not, however, sensible of any disagreeable taste; I likewise ate a morsel or two of smoke-dried meat, when I felt nausea. The day before, while eating some smoke-dried flesh, I had felt an unpleasant taste in a particular part of it. I ascribed my nausea to that incident. The nausea again returned, and I was seized with so violent a retching, two or three times while the tray was before me,^d that I had nearly vomited.^e At last, perceiving that I could not check it, I went to the water-closet. While on the way to it my heart rose, and I had again nearly vomited. When I had got in front of^f the water-closet I vomited a great deal.

‘I had never before vomited after my food, and not even after drinking wine. Some suspicions crossed my mind. I ordered the cooks to be taken into custody, and desired the meat to be given to a dog, which I directed to be shut up. Next morning about the first watch, the dog became sick, his belly swelled, and he seemed distressed. Although they threw stones at him, and shoved him, they could not make him rise. He remained in this condition till noon, after which he rose and recovered. Two young men had also eaten of this food. Next morning they too vomited much, one of them was extremely ill, but both in the end escaped.

‘I ordered Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi to guard and examine the cooks, and at last all the particulars came to light, as they have been detailed.

‘On Monday, being a court day, I directed all the grandees and chief men, the Begs and Wazīrs, to attend the Diwān. I brought in the two men and the two women, who, being questioned, detailed the whole circumstances of the affair in all its particulars. The taster was ordered to be cut to pieces. I commanded the cook to be flayed alive. One of the women was ordered to be trampled to death by an elephant; the other I commanded to be shot with a matchlock. The lady I directed to be thrown into custody. She too, pursued by her guilt, will one day meet with due retribution. On Saturday I ate a bowl of milk. I also drank some of the makhtūm flower, brayed and mixed in spirits. On Monday I drank the makhtūm flower,¹ and teriāk e fārūk,² mixed in milk. The milk scoured my inside extremely. On Saturday, as on the first day,^a a quantity of extremely black substance, like parched bile, was voided. Thanks be to God, there are now no remains of illness! I did not fully comprehend before that life was so sweet a thing. The poet says,

‘Whenever these awful occurrences pass before my memory, I feel myself involuntarily turn faint. The mercy of God has bestowed a new life on me, and how can my tongue express my gratitude? Having resolved with myself to overcome my repugnance,^b I have written fully and circumstantially everything that happened. Although the occurrences were awful, and not to be expressed by the tongue or lips, yet by the favour of Almighty God, other days awaited^c me, and have passed in happiness and health.^a That no alarm or uneasiness might find its way A. D. 1526.
Dec. 25. among you, I have written this on^b the 20th of the first Rabīa, while in the Chārbāgh.’

When I had recovered from this danger, I wrote and sent this letter to Kābul. As the ill-fated princess had been guilty of so enormous a crime, I gave her up to Yunis Ali, and Khwājeh Asad, to be put under contribution. After seizing her ready money and effects, her male and female slaves, she was given to Abdal-Rahīm’s^c charge, to be kept in Ibrahīm’s
son sent to
Kābul. custody. Her grandson, the son of Ibrahīm, had previously been guarded with the greatest respect and delicacy. When an attempt of so heinous a nature was discovered to have been made by the family, I did not think it prudent to have a son of Ibrahīm’s¹ in this country.^d On Thursday, the A. D. 1527.
Jan. 3. 29th of the first Rabīa, I sent him to Kāmrān² along with Mulla Sarsān, who had come from that prince on some business.

Humāiūn, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jaunpūr, marched expeditiously to Ghāzipūr, for the purpose of attacking Nasīr Khan.^e The Afghans in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Sarū.³ The light detachment of the army, that had advanced, marched back again, after plundering the country. Humāiūn then arranged everything as I had directed. He left Sultan Juneid and a body of his best troops to support Shah Mīr Hussain in Jaunpūr. He also ordered Kazi Jīa to remain behind, and left Sheikh Bayezīd in Oudh. Having left these posts well fortified, and with every means of defence,^a he crossed the Ganges at Karreh-Mānikpūr,¹ and marched by way of Kālpi to join me. Ālim Khan, son of Jalāl Khan Jighet, who was in Kālpi,² had sent letters of submission, but had not himself come to court. Humāiūn, on arriving opposite to Kālpi, sent a person who removed all distrust from his mind, and he accompanied Humāiūn and and rejoins
Bābur at
Agra.
Jan. 6. was introduced to me. On Sunday, the 3rd of the last Rabīa, Humāiūn waited on me in the garden of the Hasht-Behisht.³ That very same day Khwājeh Dost Khāwend arrived from Kābul.

At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mahdi Khwājeh, to announce that the Rāna Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined by Hassan Khan Mewāti; that it was become indispensably necessary to attend to their proceedings, in preference to every other object. That it would be beneficial to my Detach-
ment sent
to the
succour of
Biāna. affairs if a detachment could be sent on, before the Grand Army, to the assistance of Biāna. In order, therefore, to harass the Rāna’s army,^b I pushed on before me towards Biāna, a light force, under the command of Muhammed Sultan Mirza, Yunis Ali, Shah Mansūr Birlās, Kitteh Beg, Kāsimi, and Bujkeh. Nāhir Khan, a son of Hassan Khan Mewāti, had fallen into my hands in the battle with Ibrahīm I had kept him as a hostage, and his father, Hassan Khan, He is joined
by Hassan
Khan of
Alwar. had ostentatiously maintained a correspondence, and constantly asked back his son. Many imagined, that if I gratified Hassan Khan by sending his son to him, he would be extremely sensible of the obligation, and exert himself actively in my service.^c I therefore invested his son, Nāhir Khan, with a dress of honour, and on his entering into an engagement,^a sent him back to his father^b; but that wretch, as soon as he had ascertained that his son was released, and before the young man had reached him, totally forgetful of the obligation conferred on him,^c marched out of Alwar,¹ and went to join Rāna Sanka.^d I was certainly guilty of a piece of imprudence in dismissing his son at such a crisis.

A great deal of rain fell about this time, and we had several parties at which Humāiūn too was present; although he did not like wine, yet during these few days he drank it.

One of the most remarkable incidents of this period occurred at Balkh. When Humāiūn was on his way from the fort of Zafer² to Hindustān, Mulla Bāba Peshāgheri and his younger brother Bāba Sheikh deserted from him by the road, and went and joined Kitīn Kara Sultan. The troops in Balkh being hard pressed, that place fell into Kitīn Kara Sultan’s hands. The traitor now taking on himself and his brother the management of an expedition against my dominions,^e entered the territory of Aibek, Khuram, and Sārabāgh.³ Shah Sikander, being confounded by the fall of Balkh,^f surrendered the fort of Ghūri to the Uzbeks, and Mulla Bāba and Bāba Sheikh, with some Uzbeks, took possession of it. As Mīr Hameh’s fort was close at hand, he saw nothing left for it but to declare for the Uzbeks. A few days afterwards, the Mīr and his party were ordered to Balkh, as a place of safety, while Bāba Sheikh, with a body of Uzbeks, proceeded to occupy his castle.^g Mīr Hameh introduced Bāba Sheikh himself into the castle, and appointed the rest of his party their quarters in different Success
of Mīr
Hameh. parts, at some distance from each other. Mīr Hameh having wounded Bāba Sheikh, and made him and some of the others prisoners, dispatched messengers full speed to Tengri Berdi at Kunduz, to give him notice of what had happened. Tengri Berdi immediately sent Yār Ali, Abdallatīf, and a party of his best men, to his assistance. Before their arrival, Mulla Bāba had reached the castle with a party of Uzbeks, intending to have attacked it; he was, however, unable to effect anything, and the garrison having succeeded in joining the detachment sent by Tengri Berdi, reached Kunduz in safety. As Bāba Sheikh’s wound was very severe, they cut off his head, which Mīr Hameh brought along with him. I distinguished him by particular marks of honour and regard, and ranked him in the number of my most intimate and favourite servants.^a When Bāki Shaghāwel marched against these two old traitors, I had promised him a reward of a ser of gold for each of their heads. In addition to all the other marks of favour which I showed Mīr Hameh, I gave him a ser¹ of gold according to that promise.

Kāsimi, who had proceeded at this time with a light force towards Biāna, had cut off and brought away several heads. Kāsimi and Bujkeh, while riding out with a few marauders to procure intelligence, defeated two parties of the enemy’s skirmishers, and took seventy or eighty men; from whom Kāsimi having gained authentic information, that Hassan Khan Mewāti had arrived and formed a junction with the Rāna, he immediately returned back with the intelligence.

On Sunday, the 8th of the month,² I went to see Ustād Ali Kuli fire that same great gun, of which the ball-chamber had been uninjured at the time of casting, and the powder chamber of which he had afterward cast and finished as has been mentioned. We went to see how far it would throw.^b It was discharged about afternoon prayers, and carried one thousand six hundred paces. I bestowed on Ustād a dagger,^a a complete dress, and a Tipchāk horse, as an honorary reward.

On Monday, the 9th of the first Jumāda, I began my march to the holy war against the heathen. Having passed the suburbs, I encamped on the plain, where I halted three or four days, to collect the army and communicate the necessary instructions. As I did not place great reliance on the men of Hindustān, I employed their Amīrs in making desultory excursions in different directions. Ālim Khan was directed to proceed with a light force to Gwāliār, to carry assistance to Rahīmdād, while I appointed Makan, Kāsim Sambali, Hamīd with his brothers, and Muhammed Zeitūn, to proceed with a light-armed party towards Sambal.

At this station we received information that Rāna Sanka had pushed on with all his army nearly as far as Biāna. The party that had been sent out in advance were not able to reach the fort, nor even to communicate with it. The garrison of Biāna had advanced too far from the fort, and with too little caution, and the enemy having unexpectedly fallen upon them in great force, completely routed them. Sanger Khan Janjūheh fell on this occasion. When the affair began, Kitteh Beg came galloping up without his armour, and joined in the action. He had dismounted a pagan, and was in the act of laying hold of him, when the Hindu, snatching a sword from a servant of Kitteh Beg, struck the Beg on the shoulder, and wounded him so severely that he was not able to come into the field during the rest of the war against Rāna Sanka. He, however, recovered long after, but never was completely well. Kāsimi, Shah Mansūr Birlās, and every man that came from Biāna, I know not whether from fear, or for the purpose of striking a panic into the people, bestowed unbounded praise on the courage and hardihood of the pagan army.

Marching hence,^b I sent forward Kāsim, the master of horse, with the pioneers, to open a number of wells in the perganna of Madhakūr, which was the place where the army was to encamp.

On Saturday, the 14th of the first Jumāda, I marched from the vicinity of Agra, and encamped in the ground where the wells had been dug.

Next morning I marched from that ground. It occurred to me that, situated as I was, of all the places in this Bābur
marches for
Sīkri. neighbourhood, Sīkri,¹ being that in which water was most abundant, was, upon the whole, the most desirable station for a camp; but that it was possible that the pagans might anticipate us, take^a possession of the water and encamp there. I therefore drew up my army in order of battle, with right and left wing and main body, and advanced forward in battle array. I sent on Derwīsh Muhammed Sārbān with Kismnai,² who had gone to Biāna and returned back, and who had seen and knew every part of the country; ordering him to proceed to the banks of the tank of Sīkri and to look out for a good ground for encamping. On reaching my station, I sent a messenger to Mahdi Khwājeh, to direct him to come and join me without delay, with the force that was in Biāna. At the same time I sent a servant of Humāiūn’s, one Beg Mīrak Moghul, with a body of troops, to get notice of the motions of the pagans. They accordingly set out by night, and next morning returned with information, that the enemy were encamped a kos on this side of Basāwer.³ The same day Mahdi Khwājeh, with Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and the light troops that had been sent to Biāna, returned and joined us.

I had directed that the different Begs should have charge of the advance and^a scouts in turn. When it was Abdal-azīz’s day, without taking any precautions, he advanced as far as Kānwā, which is five kos from Sīkri. The pagans were on their march forward when they got notice of his imprudent and disorderly advance, which they no sooner learned, than a body of four or five thousand of them at once pushed on and fell upon him. Abdal-azīz and Mulla Apāk had with them about a thousand or fifteen hundred men. Without taking into consideration the numbers or position of the enemy, they immediately engaged. On the very first charge, a number of their men were taken prisoners and carried off the field.^b

The moment this intelligence arrived, I dispatched Muhibb Ali Khalīfeh, with his followers, to reinforce them. Mulla Hussain and some others were sent close after to their support, being directed to push on, each according to the speed of his horse.¹ I then detached Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng to cover their retreat.^c Before the arrival of the first reinforcement, consisting of Muhibb Ali Khalīfeh and his party, they had reduced Abdal-azīz and his detachment to great straits,^d had taken his horse-tail standard, and taken and put to death Mulla Niamet, Mulla Daūd, and Mulla Apāk’s younger brother, besides a number of others. No sooner did the first reinforcement come up, than Tāhir Tibri, the maternal uncle of Muhibb Ali, made a push forward, but was unable to effect a junction with his friends, and got into the midst of the enemy.^e Muhibb Ali himself was thrown down in the action, but Baltū making a charge from behind succeeded in bringing him off. They pursued our troops a full kos, but halted the moment they descried Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng’s troops from a distance.

Messengers now arrived in rapid succession, to inform me that the enemy had advanced close upon us. We lost no time in buckling on our armour; we arrayed our horses in their mail, and were no sooner accoutred than we mounted and rode out; I likewise ordered the guns^{a 1} to advance. After marching a kos we found that the enemy had retreated.

There being a large tank on our left,^b I encamped there Bābur for-
tifies his
position. to have the benefit of the water. We fortified^c the guns in front, and connected them by chains. Between every two guns we left a space of seven or eight gaz, which was defended by a chain. Mustafa Rūmi had disposed the guns according to the Rūmi² fashion. He was extremely active, intelligent, and skilful in the management of artillery. As Ustād Ali Kuli was jealous of him, I had stationed Mustafa on the right with^d Humāiūn. In the places where there were no guns, I caused the Hindustāni and Khorasāni pioneers and spademen to run a ditch. In consequence of the bold and unexpected advance of the pagans, joined to the result of the engagement that had taken place at Biāna, aided by the praises and encomiums passed on them by Shah Mansūr, Kāsimi, and those who had come from Biāna, there was an evident alarm diffused among the troops; the defeat of Abdal-azīz completed this panic. In order to reassure my troops, and to add to the apparent strength of my position, wherever there were not guns, I directed things like tripods to be made of wood, and the spaces between each of them, being seven or eight gaz, to be connected and strengthened by bull’s hides twisted into ropes. Twenty or twenty-five days elapsed before these machines and furniture were finished. During this interval, Kāsim Hussain Sultan, who was the grandson of Sultan Hussain Mirza by one of his daughters, Ahmed Yūsef, Syed Yūsef, with some who belonged to the royal camp,^a and a number of other men who had gathered by ones and twos from different quarters, amounting in all to five hundred Muhammed
Sherīf the
astrologer. persons, arrived from Kābul. Muhammed Sherīf the astrologer, a rascally fellow, came along with them. Bāba Dost Sūchi,¹ who had been sent to Kābul for wine, came back with some choice wine of Ghazni, laden on three strings of camels,² and arrived in their company. While the army was yet in the state of alarm and panic that has been mentioned, in consequence of past events and of ill-timed^b and idle observations that had been spread abroad, that evil-minded wretch Muhammed Sherīf, instead of giving me any assistance, loudly proclaimed to every person whom he met in the camp, that at this time Mars was in the west, and that whoever should engage coming from the opposite quarter would be defeated. The courage of such as consulted this villainous soothsayer was consequently still further depressed. Without listening to his foolish predictions, I proceeded in taking the steps which the emergency seemed to demand, and used every exertion to put my troops in a fit state to engage the enemy.

On Sunday the 21st³ I sent Sheikh Jamāli to collect as many bowmen of the Doāb and Delhi as he could, to proceed with them to plunder the country of Mewāt, and to leave nothing undone to annoy and distress these districts. Mulla Tūrk Ali, who had come from Kābul, was instructed to accompany Sheikh Jamāli, and to see that everything possible was done to plunder and ruin Mewāt. Similar orders were given to Maghfūr Dīwān, who was instructed to proceed to ravage and desolate some of the bordering and remoter districts, ruining the country, and carrying off the inhabitants into captivity. They did not, however, appear to have suffered much from these proceedings.

On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jumāda, I had mounted to survey my posts, and, in the course of my ride, was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved, one time or another, to make an effectual repentance, and that some traces of a hankering after the renunciation of forbidden works had ever remained in my heart.^a I said to myself, O, my soul!

(Persian verse)—

How long wilt thou continue to take pleasure in sin? Repentance is not unpalatable—Taste it.

(Tūrki verse)—

How great has been thy defilement from sin!— How much pleasure thou didst take in despairb!— How long hast thou been the slave of thy passions!— How much of thy life hast thou thrown away!— Since thou hast set out on a Holy War, Thou hast seen death before thine eyes for thy salvation. He who resolves to sacrifice his life to save himself, Shall attain that exalted state which thou knowest.c Keep thyselfd far away from all forbidden enjoyments; Cleanse thyself from all thye sins. Having withdrawn myself from such temptation,f I vowed never more to drink wine.

The Firmān of Zehīreddīn Muhammed Bābur.⁴

Let us⁵ return praise to the Forgiver, for that he holds as his friends the repentant, and such as have cleansed themselves from their sins; and let us return thanksgiving to Him who shows the right road to sinners, and bestows favours on such as ask his blessing;^a and let us give praises to the best of created Beings, Muhammed, and to his family who are pure, and his friends^a who are pure; and blessed be the mirror-like minds of men of understanding, which are the place in which the affairs of the world are seen in their true light, and which are the treasury of the pearls that adorn the forms of truth and right, and will be the receivers of the figures of the brilliant jewels of this truth^b— that the human constitution, from the mode of its creation, is prone to desire the gratification of earthly passions, though the renunciation of such desires is inseparably connected with the favour of God and celestial aid. Human passions are not far removed from evil desires; and I feel that my mind is not pure, since it certainly draws me towards evil. And this abstinence from wickedness is a boon not to be gained, but by the mercy of the most merciful King.¹— Yet such is the graciousness of God, that he gives it to every one that asks it; And God is the author of mighty kindness.² The purpose of writing these lines, and of enouncing these truths is, that from the frailty of human nature, in compliance with the usage of kings, the seductions of royalty, and the custom of men of rank, both kings and soldiers, during the times of early youth, many forbidden acts and unlawful deeds have been obstinately committed; and after a few days, repentance and sorrow having ensued, these forbidden acts have in succession been renounced, and the door of relapse shut on such criminal transgressions by unfeigned repentance. But the renunciation of wine, which is the most indispensable of all renunciations, and the most important of all these resolutions of amendment, remained hid behind a veil, since every act has its due season,^c and did not show itself until, in this blessed and auspicious hour, when, exerting all our energies, and^a binding on the badge of a holy war,¹ we sat down, along with the armies whose sign is the Faith, over against the pagans in warfare^b; having heard from secret inspiration, and from the warnings of a voice that cannot err, the blessed tidings of A. L. M.² or of,^c O ye that have received the faith, and whose hearts bend down at the mention of God,³ for the purpose of plucking up^d the roots of sin, we knocked with all our might at the door of penitence; and the pointer of the way assisting,^e in conformity to the saying, He who knocks at the door, and persists in knocking, shall be admitted, opened the door of his mercy: and we have directed this holy warfare to commence with the Grand Warfare, the War against our Evil Passions. In short after saying with the tongue of truth and sincerity, O, my Creator! we have subjected our passions; fix us on thy side, for^f I have written on the tablets of my heart, that now, for the first time, I have indeed become a Musulman,⁴ I have blazoned abroad the desire to renounce wine, which was formerly hid in the treasury of my heart. And the servants, victory-adorned, in obedience to the commands which terminate in blessing, have, for the glory of religion, dashed upon the ground of contempt and ruin, and broken in pieces, the goblets, and cups, and all the utensils and vessels of silver and of gold, which, resembling in their number and splendour the stars of the lofty sky, were the ornaments of the Assembly of Wickedness,^a and were like unto those idols which, God willing, we shall quickly be aided in breaking to pieces^b; and every fragment was thrown to a needy or helpless one. And by the blessing of this repentance which draws near unto remission of sins, many of those near the presence, as the custom is^c that courtiers follow the usage and fashion^d of the prince, in that same meeting were exalted by the glory of repentance, and entirely renounced the use of strong drinks; and still, crowds of those who are subjected to us, hourly find their blessing and exaltation in this self-denial. And hopes are entertained, according to the saying, He who shows the road to goodness is as the doer of good,^e that the blessing of these acts will terminate in the good fortune and greatness of the Nawāb whose undertakings are successful, the emperor^f: And that from the happy influence of these good deeds victory and success may day by day increase^g; and after the conclusion of this enterprise, and the fulfilment of this wish, that the firmān which the world obeys may receive such perfect execution, that, in the regions protected by our sway, God keeping watch to protect them from all evil and all enmity,^h there may not be a creature who shall indulge in the use of intoxicating liquor, or employ himself in procuring, or in making spirits, or in selling them; or who shall purchase them, or keep them, or carry them out or bring them in. Abstain from intoxication: perhaps you may be justified¹; and there is a blessing on this self-conquest.ⁱ And as an offering made on occasion of this sincere repentance,^a the sea of royal bounty has risen, and displayed the waves of liberality, which is the source of the populousness^b of the world, and of the glory of the sons of men. And a firmān has issued, renouncing, as far as concerns the Musulmans, the tamgha of all our dominions, the amount of which exceeds all limits and calculation; for although, in the time of former sultans, the usage was to levy it, yet the practice was opposite to the constitutions of the laws delivered by the holy prophets^c; and orders have been given, that in no city, or town, or road, or street, or passage, or port, should the tamgha be received or levied; and that there shall be no delay or^d deviation in the execution of these commands. And if any one alters these commands after having heard them, then, of a truth, the crime of such act shall fall on that person who shall change these commands;¹ the duty of the soldiers^e who are shielded under the royal favour, whether Tūrks or Tājiks, or Arabs or Ajems,² or Hindus or Persians, of subjects civil or military, and of all the followers of every religion,^f and of all the tribes of the sons of men, is, that being strengthened and filled with hope by this sustaining generosity, they may employ themselves in the praises of the mightiness of Him who exists for ever; and may never deviate from the injunctions of the mandate whose termination is in good^g; but adhering to their duty, according to the firmān that has been published, fulfil its intention.^h And as soon as it reaches the seal, that the great, the exalted, the lofty, obey it. Written by the High Command. May the great God exalt this Firmān, Feb. 26,
1527. and the Almighty always protect its inviolability.ⁱ Dated the 24th of the first Jumāda, in the year 933.

At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed Alarm in
Bābur’s
army. among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a courageous opinion. The Wazīrs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the Amīrs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness.^a During the whole course of this expedition Khalīfeh conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discouragement of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the Amīrs and officers, and addressed them,—‘Noblemen His speech
to his
officers. and soldiers! Every man that comes into the world is subject to dissolution. When we are passed away and gone, God only survives, unchangeable. Whoever comes to the feast of life must, before it is over, drink from the cup of death. He who arrives at the inn of mortality must one day inevitably take his departure from that house of sorrow—the world. How much better is it to die with honour than to live with infamy!

With fame, even if I die, I am contented;
Let fame be mine, since my body is Death’s.¹

The Most High God has been propitious to us, and has now placed us in such a crisis,^b that if we fall in the field, we die the death of martyrs; if we survive, we rise victorious, the avengers of the cause of God.^c Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God’s holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body.’

Master and servant, small and great, all with emulation, seizing the blessed Korān in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible, far and near, on friend and foe.

The danger and confusion on all sides were particularly alarming at this very moment. Hussain Khan Lohāni had advanced and taken Rāberi.¹ Kutb Khan’s people had taken Chāndwār.² A man^a of the name of Rustam Khan having assembled a body of Doāb bowmen, had come and taken Koel,³ and made Kīchek Ali prisoner. He loses
many dis-
tricts. Zāhid had been compelled to evacuate Sambal and had rejoined me. Sultan Muhammed Duldāi had retired from Kanauj, and joined my army. The pagans of the surrounding country came and blockaded Gwāliār. Ālim Khan, who had been sent to the succour of Gwāliār, instead of proceeding to that place, had marched off to his own country. Every day some unpleasant news reached us from one place or another. Many Hindustānis began to desert from the army. Haibet Khan Gurg-andāz^{b 4} fled to Sambal. Hassan Khan Bāriwāl fled and joined the pagans. Without minding the fugitives, we continued to regard only our own force. March 12.
He advan-
ces against
the enemy. On Tuesday, the 9th of the latter Jumāda, on the day of the Nouroz, I advanced my guns, and tripods that moved on wheels, with all the apparatus and machines which I had prepared, and marched forward with my army, regularly drawn up and divided into right and left wing and centre in battle order. I sent forward in front the guns and tripods placed on wheel-carriages. Behind them was stationed Ustād Ali Kuli, with a body of his matchlock-men, to prevent the communication between the artillery and infantry, who were behind, from being cut off, and to enable them to advance and form into line. After the ranks were formed, and every man stationed in his place, I galloped along the line, animating the Begs and troops of the centre, right and left, giving each division special instructions how they were to act, and to every man orders how to conduct himself, and in what manner he was to engage^a; and, having made these arrangements, I ordered the army to move on in Encamps. order of battle for about a kos, when we halted to encamp. The pagans on getting notice of our motions, were on the alert, and several parties drew out to face us, and advanced close up to our guns and ditch.^b After our army had encamped, and when we had strengthened and fortified our position in front,^c as I did not intend fighting that day, I pushed on a few of our troops to skirmish with a party of the enemy, by way of taking an omen. They took a number of pagans and cut off their heads, which they brought away. Malik Kāsim also cut off and brought in some heads. He behaved extremely well. This incident raised the spirits of our army excessively, and had a wonderful effect in giving them confidence in themselves.

Next morning, I marched from that station, with the intention of offering battle; when Khalīfeh and some of my advisers represented to me, that as the ground on which we had fixed for halting was near at hand, it would be proper, in the first place, to throw up a ditch and to fortify it, after which we might march forward and occupy the position. Khalīfeh accordingly mounted to give directions about the ditch, and rejoined us, after having set pioneers to work on the different parts of it,^d and appointed proper persons to superintend their progress.

On Saturday, the 13th of the latter Jumāda, having dragged forward our guns, and advanced our right, left, and centre in battle array, for nearly a kos, we reached the ground that had been prepared for us. Many tents were already pitched, and they were engaged in pitching others, when news was brought that the enemy’s army was in sight. I immediately mounted, and gave orders that every And en-
gages the
enemy. man should, without delay, repair to his post, and that the guns and lines should be properly strengthened.^a As the letter announcing my subsequent victory contains a clear detailed account of the circumstances of the Army of the Faith, the number of the pagan bands, the order of battle and arrangements of both the Musulman and pagan armies,^b I shall therefore subjoin the official dispatch¹ announcing the victory, as composed by Sheikh Zein, without adding or taking away.

The Firmān of Zehīreddīn Muhammed Bābur Ghāzi
(victorious over the Heathen).

All manner of praise² be to God, for that His promises are sure, and that He assists His servants, and exalts His armies, and scatters in rout the bands^c of those who give associates unto Him.³ He is one, and except Him there is nothing. O Thou who hast exalted the standards of Islām, by means of the friends of the faith,^d who walk in the right way; and who hast dashed down the standards^e of idols, by dispersing in flight the enemies of the Musulmans, who are rejected; for verily he cuts down^a and destroys the race which practises oppression; all praise belongs unto God, who is the creator of the world; and may the blessing of God light on the best of his created beings Muhammed, the greatest of holy warriors, and of such as ever waged war on the heathen; and blessing be on his family and friends^b who are the pointers of the true road, even till the day of judgement. The constant succession of God’s mercies is the cause of the number of praises bestowed on the Most High; and the number of the praises and glorifyings of God is again, in its turn, the cause of the constant succession of God’s mercies. For every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and every thanksgiving is followed by a mercy. To pay the due praise and thanksgiving to the Almighty, far exceeds human ability, and even the best are altogether unable to discharge the mighty debt. But, above all, thanksgiving is due for a grace, than which no more mighty favour is, or for evermore can be, in this world,^c—for victory over the heathen, and the defeat of powerful sinners^d; for these are those heathen and sinners¹ concerning whom revelation has been made^e; and verily, in the sight of men of understanding, there can be no blessing more excellent; all good and all blessing proceed from God.^f And that grand favour, that mighty gift (which, from the cradle till the present moment, was the most ardent wish and most fixed desire of this heart that longs for the good of mankind, and is eager in pursuit of truth), at this fortunate and auspicious moment, showed itself from the hidden store of the mercies of the sublime majesty of the Wisest of the Wise^g; and the Accomplisher who never reproaches, and He who is bountiful without cause, with the keys of victory has opened the doors of bounty before the face of the wishes of us the Nawāb, success-adorned^a; and the illustrious names of our ever-successful armies have been inserted in the book of the illustrious warriors of the faith, while the standards of Islām, with the aid of our victorious hosts, have attained the highest heights of exaltation and glory. The particulars of this happy transaction, and the details of this glorious event, are as follows: When the glancing of the swords of our soldiers, who are the stay of the faith, illuminated the regions of Hindustān with the splendours of conquest and victory; and the hands of divine assistance exalted our victorious banners in the kingdoms of Delhi, and Agra, and Jonpur, and Kharīd, and Behār, and elsewhere, as has been made known in former accounts of our victories^b; many tribes of men, both of the heathen and of such as professed the faith, submitted to and became subjects of us the fortunate Nawāb. When, according to what is written, he^c hath waxed rebellious and presumptuous, and is become one of the heathen,¹ some having raised up their heads^d in revolt like Satan, and having become the leaders of the army of the accursed, and the generals of the soldiers of the rejected, were the cause of the gathering of these bands, composed of some who bore on their necks the zunnār,² (that yoke of perdition), and of others who fixed thorns from the pangs of apostacy^e in the hem of their garments; now the sway of the accursed Pagan, May the Almighty consign him to perdition^f at the day of judgement, was so extensive in the country of Hind, that before the rising of the sun of the imperial dominion, and before our attaining the Khalīfat and empire,^a (although mighty Rajas and Rais, who, in this contest, have obeyed his mandates, and Hākims and rulers, glorying in apostacy, who were under his control in this warfare, having regard to their own dignity, did not obey nor assist him in any former war or battle, and had never accompanied the Pagan in any of his former enterprises, but had only deceitfully flattered and fed his vanity^b), yet the standards of the heathen streamed in two hundred cities inhabited by people of the faith; whereby the destruction of mosques and holy places had ensued, and the women and children of the Musulmans of these towns and cities have been made captives; and his strength had reached such a pitch, that, calculating according to the custom in Hind, by which a country yielding a lak¹ furnishes one hundred horse, and one yielding a kror (or ten millions) ten thousand horse, the countries subject to that Pagan had attained the amount of ten krors (or one hundred millions), which afforded one hundred thousand cavalry. And at this time, many heathen of eminence, who never before in any war had any one of them assisted him, actuated by hatred to the armies of the faith, increased his villainous array, so that ten independent princes, each of whom raised on high like smoke the boast of revolt, and who in different quarters were the leaders of the pagan hosts, and were like the chains² and fetters on the limbs of these wretched pagans^c; each of those ten infidels, who, unlike the ten blessed,³ unfolded the misery-freighted banners, which mark them out for futuretorment and wailing^a,¹ possessed many dependants and armies, and wide-extended pergannas. As, for instance, Silāhed-dīn² possessed^b thirty thousand horse; Rāwal Ūdai Sing Nāgari,³ ten^c thousand horse; Medini Rai, ten^d thousand; Hassan Khan Mewāti, twelve thousand horse; Bārmal Īdari, four thousand horse; Narpat Hāda,^e seven thousand; Sattervi Kachi, six thousand; Dharm Deo, four thousand; Narsing Deo,^f four thousand horse; Mahmūd Khan, the son of Sultan Sikander, though he possessed no country nor perganna, yet had gathered about him ten thousand horse, who adhered to him in the hopes that he might succeed in establishing his pretensions; insomuch, that the total number of all these wretches, who were separated from the fields of salvation and bliss, if an estimate be formed from the capacity of their dominions and pergannas, was two hundred and one thousand. These haughty-minded, yet blind pagans,^g having latterly united their hearts^h with those of the other black, hard-hearted, ill-fated pagans, like one darkness coming upon another, advanced in hostile array, to war with the people of Islām, and to destroy the foundation of the religion of the Chief of Men, on whom be praise and blessing. The holy warriors of the imperial army, coming like the divine mandates on the head of the one-eyed Dajāl,⁴ showed to men of understanding the truth of the saying, whenever fate arrives the eye becomes blind; and having placed before their sight the text of the blessed Korān, where it is written, Whoever engages in a holy war, of a truth fights for his own soul,¹ exhibited their obedience to the commandment ever to be obeyed, engage in war with the heathen and the impious.^{a 2} March 16.
A.D. 1527. On Saturday, the 13th of the latter Jumāda, in the year 933, of the good fortune of which day the sacred words, since God has given a blessing on your Saturday, are a proof, the encampment of the victorious army of Islām was established in the neighbourhood of Kānwā, one of the districts of Biāna, hard by a hill which resembled the grave of^b the enemies of the faith. When the accounts of the glorious array and parade^c of the army of Islām reached the ears of the accursed pagans, the enemies of the faith of Muhammed (who, like the warriors of the elephant, were eager to destroy the kaabeh of the people of the faith, and who made the mountain-formed, demon-looking elephants their confidence), all with one heart and mind drew out their armies, which marched under ill-starred standards.

In these elephants the wretched Hindus
Were confident, like the warriors of the elephant.³
Like the evening of Death, the detested and execrable bands,
Darker than night, and more numerous than the stars,
All ascending like fire, nay, rather like smoke,
Raised their heads in hostility to the azure sky:
Like ants they issue from right and left,
Horse and foot, thousands of thousands.

Eager for combat and battle, they approached the camp of the true believers.^a The holy warriors of the faith, who are the trees of the garden of valour, advanced in ranks straight as the rows of fir-trees, and exalted aloft their fir-like helmets and basinets, that gleamed in the sun, even as the hearts of those that strive in the way of the Lord. Their array, like the barrier of Sikander,¹ was of iron hue; and, like the road of the Muhammedan faith, straight and firm, and bearing indications of its strength. And the foundation of the array was like those foundations which are strong,² and supporting^b success and victory; and what is written,^c They are on the right road on the side of their Creator, and they are successful,¹ belonged to the men in that army.^a

The far-seeing guardians having concerted measures for the security of the matchlock-men and thunder-darters,³ who were in front of the army, made a line of carriages,^b connected with each other by chains, according to the practice of the holy warriors of Rūm; and the troops of Islām finally displayed such array and firmness, that old Intelligence,⁴ and our Heaven,⁵ poured down praises on their orderer and arranger; and in making this array and arrangement, and firm front and immovable order, a personage honoured in the imperial presence, the pillar of the royal state, Nizāmeddīn Ali Khalīfeh, gave all his aid and assistance; and all his ideas were conformable to fate, and all his acts and doings were agreeable to the illuminated mind (of the Emperor). The station of the imperial grandeur was established in the centre; and on his right the cherished brother, the high-in-rank,^c the respectable^d and favoured of fate, the selected-by-the-kindnesses of the assistance-giving king,^e Chīn Taimūr Sultan; and the son high-in-rank, who is distinguished by the gifts of the exalted majesty,^a Suleimān Shah; and he who is exalted by pointing the true road, the piety-adorned Khwājeh Dost Khāwend^b; and the trusty in^c the mighty empire, faithful to the exalted royalty,^d the confidential counsellor, the chosen among persons of trust, Yunis Ali; the prop of the grandees, the perfect in friendship, Shah Mansūr Birlās; the prop of the nobility,^e the chosen among the attached,^f Derwīsh Muhammed Sārbān; the prop of the nobles, the pure in attachment,^g Abdallah Kitābdār and Dost Ishik-Agha, were stationed in their posts. And in the left of the centre, the sovereignty-adorned, the Khilāfat-descended^h Sultan, Alāeddīn Ālim Khan, the son of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, a prince who has near access to the royal majestyⁱ; and the Dastūr, the most exalted among Sadders¹ of the human race,¹ the protector of mankind, the supporter of Islām, Sheikh Zein Khawāfi; and the prop of nobles, the perfect-in-friendship, Muhibb Ali, the son of him who has near access to the royal majesty above mentioned²; and the chosen among nobles, Terdi Beg, the brother of Kūch Beg, who has been received into mercy and purified; Shīr-afgen,³ the son of the said Kūch Beg, who has received the divine forgiveness; and the chosen among grandees and nobles, the mighty Khan, Arāish Khan; and the Wazīr, the greatest of Wazīrs among men, Khwājeh Hussain, and a band of grand officers, were stationed, each in his place. And in the right wing, the exalted son, the fortunate, the honourable, befriended-of-fate, the happy, the well-regarded in the sight of the mercies of Creating Majesty, the star of the sign of monarchy and success, the sun of the sphere of Khilāfat and royalty, the praised by slave and free, the exalter of the emperor and empire, Muhammed Humāiūn Bahāder, was stationed. On the right of that lofty prince, who is nearly allied to good fortune, was he whose rank approximates to royalty, who is distinguished by the favour of the king, the giver of all gifts, Kāsim Hussain Sultan; the column of the nobility, Ahmed Yūsef Aghlākchi^a; the trusted-of-royalty, the perfect-in-fidelity, Hindu Beg Kūchīn; and the intrusted-of-royalty, Khosrou Gokultāsh; and the intrusted-of-royalty,^b Kewām Beg Urdu-Shah; and the pillar of the royal retainers, the perfect-in-attachment, Wali Kāsim^c Karagūzi; and the chosen among attached adherents, Pīr Kuli Sīstāni; and the pillar of Wazīrs amongst mankind, Khwājeh Pehlewān Badakhshi; and the prop of the royal bands, Abdal Shakūr; and the prop of the nobility, Suleimān Agha, the ambassador of Irāk, and Hussain, the ambassador of Sīstān, were stationed. On the victory-clothed left of the fortunate son who has been mentioned, of lofty extraction and Syed race, of the family of Murtiza,¹ Mīr Hāmeh; and the prop of the household troops,^d Muhammedi Gokultāsh, and Khwājehgi Asad Jāndār,^e were stationed. And in the right wing, of the Amīrs of Hind, the Umdet-al Mulk (prop of the state), Khan Khanān (Khan of Khans), Dilāwer Khan²; and the prop of the nobility, Malikdād Karrāni; and the prop of the nobility, the Sheikh of Sheikhs, Sheikh Gūren, were stationed, each in his fixed place. And in the left wing of the Islām-exalted armies, the lord of high rank, the protection of the magistracy, the abode of greatness, the ornament of the family of Taha and Yasīn,^{a 1} Syed Mahdi²; and the exalted, the fortunate brother, he who is well regarded in the sight of the Creating King, Muhammed Sultan Mirza; and the personage near to royalty, the descended of monarchs, Ādil Sultan, son of Mahdi Sultan³; and the intrusted-in-the-state, the perfect-in-attachment, Abdal-azīz Mīr Akhūr; and the intrusted-in-the-state, the pure-in-friendship, Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng; and the prop of the nobility, Kūtluk Kadem Kerāwal; and Shah Hussain Yāregi, Moghul Ghānchi, and Jān Beg Atkeh,^b extended their ranks. And in this station, of the Amīrs of Hind, of royal race, Jalāl Khan, and Kamāl Khan, the sons of the Sultan Alāeddīn who has been named; and the selected among nobles, Ali Khan Sheikhzādeh Fermūli; and the prop of nobles, Nizām Khan of Biāna, were placed. And as a tulughmeh (or flanking party), two persons of chief trust among the household retainers, Terdīkeh and Malik Kāsim, the brother of Bāba Kashkeh, with a party of the Moghul tribes, were stationed on the right wing; and two persons of trust from among the nobility, Mūmin Atkeh and Rustam Turkomān Bāshlīgh, with a party of the Emperor’s own immediate dependants, were stationed on the left wing; and the prop of the household troops, the perfect-in-friendship, the choice of confidential advisers, Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi, having arranged the nobles and grandees of the warriors of the faith in their suitable stations and places, himself repaired to await my commands; and he sent the tewāchis⁴ to execute their orders, and dispatched directions worthy to be obeyed,^a regarding the array and disposition of the army and troops, to the Sultans high in rank, and to the great Amīrs, and to all the illustrious soldiers of the Faith. And when the pillars of the army were made firm, and every person had repaired to his post,^b the firmān, worthy to be obeyed, and necessary to be attended to, was published, commanding that no person should move from his station without orders, nor lift his hand to engage without instructions. And of the aforesaid day about one watch and two garis^c were past,¹ when the two opposing armies having approached each other, the combat and battle began. While the centres of the two armies, like light and darkness, stood opposed to each other, so desperate an engagement ensued on the right and left wings, that the ground was shaken with an earthquake, while a tumultuous clangour filled the uppermost heaven. The left wing of the ill-doomed heathen approached the right wing of the faith-clothed armies of Islām, and made a desperate attack on Khosrou Gokultāsh, Malik Kāsim, and^d Bāba Kashkeh. Our brave and elevated brother,^e Chīn Taimūr Sultan, according to orders, carried a gallant reinforcement, joined in the combat, and having driven back the heathen, pushed on nearly to their centre. And a noble gift has been given to that our exalted brother.^f And the wonder of our times, Mustafa Rūmi, from the centre directed by^g my exalted, upright, and fortunate son, who is regarded with favour in the sight of the Creating Majesty, and distinguished with the particular grace of the mighty King who commands to do and not to do, Muhammed Humāiūn Behāder, having brought forward the cannon, broke the ranks of the pagan army with matchlocks and guns like their hearts.² And during the battle, Kāsim Sultan Hussain of royal race,^a and the pillars of the nobles, Ahmed Yūsef and Kewām Beg, having received orders, hastened to his support: and as, from time to time, armies of the heathen and troops of the rebels came from behind repeatedly to the succour of their men, we also dispatched to the assistance of our warriors, the intrusted-in-the-state, Hindu Beg Kūchīn, and after him, the props of the nobility, Muhammed Gokultāsh and Khwājehgi Asad, and afterwards the intrusted in the high monarchy, the trustworthy in the resplendent court, the most confided-in of nobles, the chosen among my confidential adherents, Yunis Ali, and the prop of the nobles, the perfect-in-attachment, Shah Mansūr Birlās, and the prop of the grandees, the pure-in-fidelity, Abdallah Kitābdār, and behind him, the prop of the nobles, Dost Ishek-Agha, Muhammed Khalīl Aktehbegi.¹ The heathen^b made repeated and desperate attacks on the left wing of the army of Islām, and fell furiously upon the holy warriors, the children of salvation; and each time the high and mighty holy warriors struck some with wounds from their arrows which lead to victory, and sent them to the house of destruction, the worst of abodes,² and part of them they drove back. And the trusty among the nobles, Mūmin Atkeh and Rustam Turkomān, advancing in the rear of the dark and benighted bands of the heathen, who reposed on evil fortune; and the trusty among nobles, Mulla Mahmūd and Ali Atkeh Bāshligh, the servants of the counsellor of the imperial majesty, the trusty in the royal state, Nizām-ed-dīn Ali Khalīfeh,³ were sent to support them. And our brother of high rank, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and the allied-to-royalty,^c Ādil Sultan, and the trusty in the state, Abdal-azīz Mīr Akhur, and Kūtluk Kadem Kerāwel, and Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, and Shah Hussain Yāregi,^d and Moghul Ghānchi, having engaged in action, maintained a firm position; and we sent the Wazīr, the highest of Wazīrs among men, Khwājeh^a Hussain, with a body of our household, to their support; and all the men devoted to holy warfare, exerting every nerve, and straining all their means,^b entered into fight with desperate delight, and reflecting on the text of the Korān, Say, Verily they regard me, and place before their eyes one of two blessings,¹ and incited by the desire of lavishing their lives, displayed their life-destroying banners; and as the combat and battle were drawn out to length and extended in time, the mandate worthy of obedience was issued, when straightway^c the bold warriors of the imperial household troops, and the rending warriors, united in mind,^d who were standing behind the cannon, like lions in chains, issuing from the right and left of the centre, and leaving in the middle the station of the outer matchlock-men, engaged on both sides, and darted forth^e from behind the carriages, like the rising of the van of the true dawn from below the horizon; and spilling the ruddy crepuscle-coloured blood of the infidel^f pagans in combat, on the field wide as the rolling firmament, caused many of the heads of the rebels to fly like falling stars from the sky of their bodies; and the miracle of the time, Ustād Ali Kuli, who was stationed with his men in front of the centre, having exhibited great proofs of valour, discharged^g huge bullets,² of such a size, that if one of them were placed in the basin of the scale of duty, its master,^h then that man whose scale is heavy gains a name among the blessed³; and if thrown against a rooted hill, or a lofty mountain, it would drive them from their foundation like teazed wool.¹ Such were the bullets he darted on the iron-clad lines of the heathen bands, and from the discharge of balls and guns and matchlocks, many of the suns^a of the bodies of the heathen were annihilated. The imperial matchlock-men,^b according to orders, having issued from behind the artillery in the heat of the fight,^c each of them made many pagans drink the draught of death; and the infantry having advanced into the place of high and fearful conflict,^d made their names conspicuous among the lions of the forest of bravery, and the champions of the field of valour. And at the moment while these events were passing, the firmān, worthy to be obeyed, was given to drag forward the guns in the centre. And the pure soul^e of the Emperor, on whose right is the victory of the state,^f and on whose left are pre-eminence and glory, began to move forward on the Pagan’s troops; which being understood on all sides by the victory-graced armies, the whole raging sea of the victorious army rose in mighty storm, and the valour of all the crocodiles of that ocean was manifested. The blackness of the dust spreading over the sky, like dark clouds, raced back and forward over all the plain^g; while the flashing of the gleaming of the sword within exceeded the glancing of lightning^h; so that the face of the sun, like the back of a mirror, was void of light. The striker and the struck, the victor and vanquished, mingled in the frayⁱ; the marks of discrimination were concealed from view, and such a night ensued that the firmament was not visible, and the only stars that could be distinguished were the prints of the horses’ feet.^a

The warriors of the Faith, who were in the temper of self-devotion, and prepared to submit to martyrdom,^c heard from a secret voice the glad tidings And be not dejected nor sorry, for ye are exalted;³ and from the infallible informer heard the joyful words, Assistance is from God, and victory is at hand; spread the glad tidings among the Faithful.⁴ They fought with such delight, that praises were showered down on them from the pure above,^d and the angels who are near to God, hovered like butterflies around their heads. And between the first and second prayers, the fire of battle blazed so, that its flames raised the standards above the firmament. And the right and left of the army of the Faithful, having driven the right, left, and centre, of the infidels into one place,^e the indications of the superiority of the illustrious holy warriors, and the exaltation of the standards of Islām, began to be evident; and in the course of one hour, those damnable heathen and those atheistical wretches, being desperate and astonished at their condition, finally resigning their lives to despair,^a made an attack on the right and left of our centre, and having advanced their greatest force on the left, had nearly reached it; but the holy warriors distinguished by valour, exhibiting the fruits of excellence,^b planted the tree of their arrows on the ground of the breast of every one, and cast them all out^c like their black fortune. In this situation of things, the breezes of success and victory blew on the garden of the Good Fortune of us the fortunate Nawāb, and the glad tidings came, Of a truth we have displayed on thy account a splendid victory.¹ The mistress Victory, whose world-adorning countenance decked with waving ringlets, and with God will aid you with mighty aid,² had been hid behind a veil, as the ornamented Bride of Futurity, now gave her aid and came to greet the Present^d; the vain Hindus discovering their dangerous state, were scattered abroad like teazed wool, and broken like bubbles on wine.³ Many were slain, and fell in the battle, and some giving up their lives for lost, turned to the desert of ruin, and became the food of crows and kites; and hillocks were formed of the slain, and towers raised of their heads. Hassan Khan Mewāti was enrolled in the band of the dead by a matchlock shot, and in like manner many of these bewildered and misled rebels, the leaders of that army, were struck by arrows or musket-shot, and closed their lives; of the number, Rāwal Udai Sing, before named,^a who was Prince (Wali) of the country of Udaipūr, and had twelve thousand horse; and Rai Chanderbhān Chuhān, who had four thousand horse,^b and Mānikchand Chuhān, and Dilpat Rai, who were masters of four thousand horse, and Gangū, and Karm Sing, and Rao Bikersi,¹ who had three thousand horse, and a number of others, who each were leaders of great clans, men of high rank and pride, measured the road to Hell, and, from this house of clay, were transferred to the Pit of Perdition. The road from the field of battle was filled like hell, with the wounded who died by the way; and the lowest hell was rendered populous, in consequence of the numbers of infidels who had delivered up their lives to the angels^c of hell. On whatever side of the armies of Islām a person went, on every hand he found men of distinction lying slain; and the illustrious camp, wherever it has moved after the fugitives, could nowhere find a spot in which to plant a foot, in consequence of the number of distinguished men lying mangled.^d

All the Hindus were scattered and confounded,^e
With stones,² like the warriors of the elephant.
Many hills of their bodies were seen,
And from each hill flowed a rivulet of running blood.
From the dread of the arrows of the ranks full of grandeur,
They were flying and running³
to every field and hill.

Arabic.—They go backwards in flight. And the event happened as it had been ordained of Fate. And now the praise be to God, who is All-hearing and All-wise; and except from whom there is no help, for he is great and March
1527. powerful.^{a 1} Written in the month of the latter Jumāda, in the year 933.²

After this victory I used the epithet Ghāzi,³ in the imperial titles. On the Fatehnāmeh (or official account of the victory), below the imperial titles (inscribed on the back of the despatches), I wrote the following verses:

Sheikh Zein discovered the date of this victory in the words Fateh-i-bādshāh-i-Islām⁴ (the victory of the Emperor of the Faith). Mīr Gīsū also, one of the men who had come from Kābul, discovered the date in the very same words, and sent them with four verses inscribed below.^c There was a perfect coincidence between Sheikh Zein and Mīr Gīsū, in their best emblems.^d The very same words were contained in their quatrains.^e On another occasion, on my conquest of Debālpūr, Sheikh Zein discovered the date in Wasat-i-shahr-i-Rabīa ul awwal⁵ (the middle of the month of the first Rabīa); and Mīr Gīsū hit upon the very same words.

Having defeated the enemy, we pursued them with great slaughter. Their camp might be two kos distant from ours. On reaching it, I sent on Muhammedi, Abdal-azīz, Ali Khan, and some other officers, with orders to follow them in close pursuit, slaying and cutting them off, so that they should not have time to re-assemble.^f In this instance I was guilty of neglect; I should myself have gone on and urged the pursuit, and ought not to have entrusted that business to another. I had got about a kos beyond the enemy’s camp when I turned back, the day being spent, Banishes
Muhammed
Sherīf, the
astrologer. and reached my own about bed-time prayers. Muhammed Sherīf, the astrologer, whose perverse and seditious practices I have mentioned,^a came to congratulate me on my victory. I poured forth a torrent of abuse upon him; and when I had relieved my heart by it, although he was heathenishly inclined, perverse, extremely self-conceited, and an insufferable evil-speaker,^b yet, as he had been my old servant, I gave him a lak¹ as a present, and dismissed him, commanding him not to remain within my dominions.

Next day we continued on the same ground. I despatched Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, Sheikh Gūren, and Abdal Malūk Korchi, with a large force against Iliās Khan, who had made an insurrection in the Doāb, surprised Koel, and taken Kīchek Ali prisoner. On the arrival of my detachment, the enemy, finding that they could not cope with them, fled in all directions, in confusion and dismay. Some days after my return to Agra, Iliās Khan was taken and brought in. I ordered him to be flayed alive.

The battle was fought within view of a small hill near our camp. On this hillock, I directed a tower of the skulls of the infidels to be constructed.

From this encampment, the third march brought us to Biāna. Immense numbers of the dead bodies of the pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight,^c all the way to Biāna, and even as far as Alwar² and Mewāt. I went and surveyed Biāna, and then returned to the camp; and, having sent for the Tūrki and Hindi Amīrs, consulted about proceeding against the country of these pagans. That plan was, however, abandoned, in consequence of the want of water on the road, and of the excessive heat of the season.

The country of Mewāt lies not far from Delhi, and yields a revenue of three or four krors.¹ Hassan Khan Mewāti had received the government of that country from his ancestors, who had governed it, in uninterrupted succession, for nearly two hundred^a years. They had yielded an imperfect kind of submission to the Sultans of Delhi. The Sultans of Hind, whether from the extent of their territories, from want of opportunity, or from obstacles opposed by the mountainous nature of the country, had never subdued Mewāt.^b They had never been able to reduce it to order, and were content to receive such a degree of obedience as was tendered to them. After my conquest of Hind, following the example of former Sultans, I also had shown Hassan Khan distinguished marks of favour. Yet this ungrateful man, whose affections lay all on the side of the pagans, this infidel,^c regardless of my favours, and without any sense of the kindness and distinction with which he had been treated, was the grand promoter and leader of all the commotions and rebellions that ensued, as has been related. The plan for marching into the country of the pagans having been abandoned, I resolved on the reduction of Mewāt. I advanced four marches, and, after the fifth, encamped six kos from the fort of Alwar, which was the seat of government, on the banks of the river Mānasni.² Hassan Khan’s ancestors had made their capital at Tijārah. In the year in which I invaded Hindustān, defeated Pahār Khan,³ and took Lahore and Debālpūr,⁴ being even then apprehensive of the progress of my arms, he had set about building this fort. A person named Karmchand, one of Hassan Khan’s head men, who had come to visit Hassan Khan’s son while he was a prisoner in Agra, now arrived from the son, commissioned to ask a pardon. I sent him back accompanied by Abdal Rahīm Shaghāwel, with letters to quiet his apprehensions, and promising him personal safety^a; and they returned along with Nāhir Khan, Hassan Khan’s son. I again received him into favour, and bestowed on him a perganna of several laks for his support. I had bestowed on Khosrou¹ an allowance and establishment of fifty laks,² and nominated him to the government of Alwar, from a supposition that, during the battle, he had performed a certain very important piece of service. As his ill luck would have it, he put on airs and refused the boon. I afterwards discovered that the service had not been performed by him, but by Chīn Taimūr Sultan. I bestowed on Sultan^b the city of Tijārah,³ which was the capital of Mewāt, granting him at the same time a settled provision of fifty laks.⁴ To Tardīkeh, who, in the battle with Rāna Sanka, commanded the tulughmeh (or flanking division) on the right, and had distinguished himself more than any other, I gave an appointment of fifteen laks,⁵ with the charge of the fort of Alwar. I bestowed the treasures of Alwar, with everything^c in the fort, on Humāiūn.

I marched from this station on Wednesday the first of Rajeb, and, having come within two kos of Alwar, went and examined the fort, where I stayed all night, and returned back to the camp in the morning. Before engaging Rāna Sanka in the Holy War, as has been mentioned, when all, small and great, took the oath, I had told them, that after conquering this enemy, I had no objection to any one’s returning home, and would give leave to as many as asked it. Most of Humāiūn’s servants were from Badakhshān and the neighbouring countries, and had never served in an army on any expedition that lasted more than a month, or two months at a time. Before the battle, they had been seized with a longing for home.^a I had made with them the agreement which has been mentioned. Besides, Kābul was very imperfectly defended. On these accounts, I finally resolved to send off Humāiūn to Kābul. Having come to this resolution, I marched from Alwar on April 11. Thursday the ninth of Rajeb, and having moved four or five kos, encamped on the banks of the Mānasni. Mahdi Khwājeh appearing also to be very uncomfortable, I gave him liberty to return to Kābul. The shikdāri of Biāna I conferred on Dost Ishek-Agha. As Mahdi Khwājeh held the nominal government of Etāwa, I^b now bestowed it on Jaafer Khwājeh, the son of Kutb Khan, who had fled from Etāwa and joined me.¹ I halted three or four days in this ground, previous to taking leave of Humāiūn.^c From this station, I despatched Mūmin Ali Tewāchi to Kābul, with letters giving an account of the victory.

I had heard much of the fountain of Firozpūr,² and of the great tank of Kotilah.³ On Sunday, I mounted and rode out from the camp, for the double purpose of seeing the country,^d and of conducting Humāiūn for some distance on his way. That day I went to visit Firozpūr and its fountain, and took a maajūn. In the valley from which the water of the fountain flows, the kanīr¹ flowers were all in full bloom. It is very beautiful, though it will not support the high praises lavished upon it. Within this valley, where the stream widens, I directed a reservoir to be made of hewn stone, ten by ten. We halted that night in the valley, April 15. and next morning rode to visit the tank of Kotilah. One of its banks is formed by the side of a hill,^a and the river Mānasni flows into it.² It is a very large tank, but does not look well from either of its sides.^b In the midst of the tank is a rising ground, around it are a number of small boats. The inhabitants of the towns on the banks of the tank, when any alarm or confusion occurs, embark in their boats, and make their escape. When I arrived there, a number of people got into their boats, and rowed into the middle of the lake. After riding to the tank, I returned to Humāiūn’s camp, where I rested and dined, after which I invested the Mirza and his Begs with dresses of honour, and Humāiūn
takes leave.
April 16. towards bed-time prayers, took leave of Humāiūn, mounted, and slept at a place on the road. I afterwards mounted again, and, towards dawn, passed the perganna of Kuhri,³ where I took a little more rest, after which I continued my journey and reached the camp, which I found at Tudeh.⁴

Having marched from Tudeh, when we alighted at Somgīr, Hassan Khan’s son, Nāhir Khan, who had been delivered into the custody of Abdal-rahīm, made his escape. Leaving this place, the second march brought us to the fountain which is on the face^a of the hill, between Busāwer and Jhūseh, where we halted. I here erected an awning, and had a maajūn. When the camp passed this way, Terdi Beg Khāksār had praised this fountain. We now went and visited it on horseback.^b It is a very beautiful fountain. In Hindustān there are scarcely any artificial water-courses, so that fountains for confining and conducting the water^c are not to be looked for. What few fountains there are ooze out, as if distilling from the ground; but do not burst forth like the springs in our countries. The water of this fountain might be about half large enough to drive a mill, and it issues bursting from the skirt of the hill. The ground all about it is meadow pasture, and is very pleasant. I gave orders that an octagonal reservoir of cut-stone should be built, where this spring issues out. While we were sitting by the fountain, under the influence of our maajūn, Terdi Beg repeatedly proposed, with some appearance of vanity, that, as we were pleased with the place,^d we ought to give it a name. Abdallah proposed that it should be called the Royal Fountain, Terdi Beg’s delight.^e This proposal furnished us with great subject for merriment. Dost Ishek-Agha, who came from Biāna, waited on me at this fountain.

Setting out from this place, I again visited and surveyed Biāna, and went on to Sīkri, where I halted two days, close by the garden which I had formerly directed to be laid out. After giving directions about the garden,^f on the April 25.
Arrives in
Agra. morning of Thursday, the 23rd of Rajeb, I pursued my way and reached Agra.

I have mentioned that, during the late disturbances, the enemy had made themselves masters of Chāndwār and Rāberi.¹ I now sent Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, Terdi Beg, Kūch Beg, Abdal Malūk Korchi, Hussain Khan, with his Daryā-khānis,¹ against Chāndwār and Rāberi. They no sooner reached Chāndwār, than the garrison in the place, who were Kutb Khan’s people, on getting notice of their arrival, deserted and joined them. After taking possession of Chāndwār, they proceeded against Rāberi. Hussain Khān Lohāni’s people advanced beyond the suburb-fence,² intending to skirmish a little^a; but our men had no sooner come close upon them and begun the attack, than the enemy, unable to stand their ground, took to flight. Hussain Khan mounted on an elephant, reached the river in company with some others, but was drowned in crossing the Jumna. On receiving intelligence of this, Kutb Khan surrendered and
Etāwa. Etāwa, and joined me.^b As Etāwa had at first been given to Mahdi Khwājeh, his son Jaafer Khwājeh was now sent to take charge of it, in his father’s room.

During the war with the Pagan Sanka, a number of Hindustānis and Afghans had deserted, as has been mentioned; in consequence of which all their pergannas and governments had been seized.^c Sultan Muhammed Duldāi, who had abandoned Kanauj and rejoined me, was now unwilling, whether from fear or from shame, to return thither, and, in exchange for the government of Kanauj, which was thirty laks, took that of Sirhind, which was only fifteen. Kanauj was bestowed on Muhammed Sultan Mirza,³ with the allowance of thirty laks.⁴ Budāun⁵ was given to Kāsim Hussain Sultan, who was ordered to accompany Muhammed Sultan Mirza. Several others of the Tūrki Begs, Malik Kāsim, Bāba Kashkeh, with his brothers and Moghuls, Abul Muhammed Nezehbāz, Muayyid, with his father’s followers, Sultan Muhammed Duldāi,^a and Hussain Khan, with his Daryā-khānis; as well as several Amīrs of Hind, Ali Khan Fermūli, Malikdād Karrāni, Sheikh Muhammed, Sheikh Behkehāri,^b Tātār Khan, and Khan Jehān, were ordered to accompany Muhammed Sultan Mirza against A. D. 1527. Bīban,¹ who, during the confusion occasioned by the war against Sanka the Pagan, had besieged and taken Lakhnau.² When this army passed the river Ganges,³ Bīban, having information of its approach, packed up^c his baggage and fled. The army pursued him as far as Khairābād,⁴ halted there many^d days, and afterwards returned.

The treasures had been divided, but I had not hitherto found leisure to make any arrangement as to the pergannas and provinces, the holy war against the pagans having intervened to prevent me. Being now relieved from the war with the infidels, I made a division of the different provinces and districts; and the rainy season being near at hand, I directed every person to repair to his own perganna, to prepare his accoutrements and arms, and be in readiness to join me again when the rains were over.

At this time I received information that Humāiūn had repaired to Delhi, and had there opened several of the houses which contained the treasure, and taken possession by force of the contents. I certainly never expected such conduct from him, and, being extremely hurt, I wrote and sent him some letters containing the severest reprehension.

Khwājehgi Asad had formerly been sent by me as ambassador to Irāk, and had returned accompanied by Suleimān Turkomān. On Thursday, the 15th of Shābān, I sent him back a second time, accompanied by Suleimān Turkomān, on an embassy to the Prince Tahmāsp, with some suitable rarities and curiosities as a present.

Terdi Beg Khāksār, whom I had formerly withdrawn from the life of a Derwīsh, and induced to betake himself to arms, had remained several years in my service, but now felt a strong desire for returning to the state of a Derwīsh, and asked his discharge, which I gave him. I sent him on a sort of mission to Kāmrān, to whom I made him carry three laks¹ of treasure. Last year I had written some Tūrki verses, with a view to those persons who had returned home.^a I now addressed them to Mulla Ali Khan, and sent them to him by Terdi Beg. They are as follows:

From the eleventh year of my age till now, I had never spent two festivals¹ of the Ramzān in the same place. Last year’s festival I had spent in Agra. In order to keep June 30. up the usage, on Sunday night the thirtieth, I proceeded to Sīkri to keep the feast there. A stone platform was erected on the north-east of the Garden-of-Victory, on which a set of large tents was pitched, and in them I passed the festival. The night on which we left Agra, Mīr Ali Korchi was sent to Tatta, to Shah Hassan.² He was extremely fond of cards,³ and had asked for some, which I sent him.

On Sunday, the 5th of Zilkaadeh, I was taken very ill^a. My illness continued seventeen days. On Friday, the 24th Aug. 4.
His tour to
Dhūlpūr,
Bāri, Sīkri,
&c. of the same month, I set out to proceed to Dhūlpūr. That night I slept at a place about half-way on the road. Next morning I rode as far as^b Sultan Sikander’s mound,⁴ Aug. 24. where I alighted. Below the mound, where the hill terminates, there is a huge mass of red stone. I sent for Ustād⁵ Shah Muhammed, the stone-cutter, and gave him directions, if he could make a house out of the solid stone, to do it. If the stone was too small^c for a house, to level it and make a reservoir in the solid rock. From Dhūlpūr I went and Aug. 25.
Aug. 26. visited Bāri.⁶ Next morning I mounted and left Bāri, and passing a hill that lies between Bāri and the Chambal,^d rode as far as the river Chambal, and returned. In this hill, between the Chambal and Bāri, I saw the ebony tree. Its fruit is called tindū.⁷ A white species of ebony tree is also often met with; in this hill the ebony trees were chiefly Aug. 28. white. Leaving Bāri, I visited Sīkri, and on Wednesday, the 29th of the same month, reached Agra.

About this time I heard disagreeable accounts of Sheikh Bayezīd’s¹ proceedings. I sent Sultan Ali Tūrk to arrange a truce of twenty days with him.

On Friday, the 2nd of Zilhijeh, I began to read the texts, which were to be repeated forty-one times.² At this same period I composed the verses,

in five hundred and four measures, and collected them in a book.^b At this time I again fell sick,^c and was ill for Sept. 26. nine days. On Thursday, the 29th of Zilhijeh, I set out on horseback to visit Koel and Sambal.³

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 934

ON Saturday, the first of Muharrem, we encamped at Koel.⁴ Derwīsh and Ali Yūsef, who had been left by Humāiūn in Sambal,⁵ had defeated^d Kutb Sirwāni, and several Rajas, who had crossed a river^e and attacked them; had killed a number of the enemy, and sent me some of their heads and an elephant, which reached me while I was at Koel, where I spent two days in visiting the place. On the invitation of Sheikh Gūren I alighted at his house. After dinner^f he presented me with a peshkesh.

Setting out thence, I halted at Atrūli.¹ On Wednesday, I crossed the Ganges, and encamped in the country^a of Oct. 3. Sambal. On Thursday, I halted at Sambal, and having spent two days in surveying the neighbourhood, I left it on Oct. 5.
Oct. 6. the morning of Saturday. On Sunday, I halted in Sikandera,² at Rao Sirwāni’s house, where he entertained and waited Oct. 7. on me. Leaving that place before day-rise, I rode forward, and, separating from my people by a finesse, I galloped on, and arrived alone within a kos of Agra, when some of my followers overtook and went on along with me.^b I dismounted at Agra about noon-day prayers.

On Sunday, the 16th of Muharrem, I was seized with a fever and ague. The fever continued on me, at intervals, for twenty-five or twenty-six days. I took medicine, and finally recovered. I suffered much from want of sleep and from thirst. During this illness, I composed three or four quatrains. One is the following:

On Saturday, the 28th of Safer, Fakher Jehān Begum, and Khadījeh Sultan Begum, my paternal aunts, arrived. I went in a boat, and waited on them above Sikanderābād.³

On Sunday, Ustād Ali Kuli fired a large ball from a cannon; though the ball went far, the cannon burst in pieces, and every piece knocked down several men, of whom eight died.

On Monday, the 7th of the first Rabi, I mounted and rode to Sīkri. The octagonal platform, which I had ordered to be built in the midst of the tank, being finished, we went over in a boat, raised an awning, and had a party,^c when we indulged in a maajūn.

Having returned from my visit to Sīkri on Monday, the 14th of the first Rabi, I set out, in pursuance of a vow, on^a a holy war against Chanderi,¹ and, marching three kos, halted at Jalīsir, where, having stayed two days, in order to Dec. 12. accoutre and review^b my troops, on Thursday I marched forward, and halted at Anwār.² Leaving Anwār in a boat, I passed Chāndwār, and landed. From thence we proceeded, Dec. 23. march after march, and on Monday, the 28th of the month, Dec. 26. halted at the ford of Kanār.³ On Thursday, the 2nd of the latter Rabi, I crossed the river. I remained four or five days, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, to get my army conveyed across. During that time, I regularly went aboard of a boat, and indulged in a maajūn. The junction of the Ganges and Chambal is a kos or two above Dec. 27. the ford of Kanār. On Friday, I embarked in the river Chambal in a boat, and passing over at the point of junction, went on to the camp.

Though I had no decisive proofs of Sheikh Bayezīd’s hostility, I was well assured, from his way of proceeding and general conduct, that he was hostilely inclined. On this account I detached Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng from the army, and sent him to bring together at Kanauj, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and the Sultans and Amīrs in that quarter, such as Kāsim Hussain Sultan, Taimūr Sultan, Malik Kāsim Koki, Abul Muhammed Nezehbāz, Manūcheher Khan, with his brothers and the Daryā-khānis, and to march with them, under his command, against the hostile Afghans. He was directed to summon Sheikh Bayezīd to attend him. If he came frankly, they were to take him along with them on the expedition; if he did not join them, they were then, first of all, to settle his business. Muhammed Ali asked me for a few elephants; I gave him ten. After Muhammed Ali had been sent off, I directed Bāba Chihreh also to join them.

I advanced one march from Kanār in a boat. On Wednesday, the 8th of the last Rabi, we halted within a kos of Kālpi.¹ Bāba Sultan, the younger brother of the full blood of Sultan Saīd Khan,² the son of Sultan Khalīl Sultan, came and waited on me at this station. Last year he had fled from his elder brother, and come to my territories,^a but soon after, changing his mind,^b had gone off from the country of Anderāb. When he got near Kāshgar, however, Khan Haider Mirza was sent to meet him, and to desire him to return back.^c

Next morning I halted at Kālpi, at Ālim Khan’s house. He entertained me with a dinner, in which the meats were dressed after the Hindi fashion, and presented me with a peshkesh.

On Monday the 13th, I marched from Kālpi, and on Friday we encamped in Iraj.³ On Saturday we reached Bandīr.⁴

On Sunday the 19th, I sent forward in advance Chin Taimūr Sultan, with six or seven thousand men, against Chanderi. The Begs who went on this expedition were Bāki Ming-Begi,¹ Terdi Beg, Kūch Beg, Āshik Bekāwel, Mulla Apāk, Muhsin Duldāi; and of the Amīrs of Hindustān, Sheikh Gūren.

On Friday the 24th, we encamped near Kachweh. I sent to assure the inhabitants of Kachweh that they had nothing to apprehend, and bestowed the place on Budreddīn’s Reaches
Kachweh. son. Kachweh is rather a pretty place. It is surrounded by small hills. On a hill to the north-east of Kachweh,^a they have constructed a mound² for collecting the water, and formed a large tank, which may be five or six kos in circumference. This tank encloses Kachweh on three of its sides. To the north-west there is a small neck of dry land, on which side is the gate of the town. In this tank they have very small boats, which may hold three or four persons. Whenever they are obliged to flee, they betake themselves to their boats, and push out into the middle of the A. D. 1528. tank. Before coming to Kachweh, in two other places, we had met with similar mounds thrown up between hills, and tanks formed, but they were less than that at Kachweh.

Having halted one day at Kachweh, I sent on a number of overseers and pioneers, to level the inequalities of the road, and to cut down the jungle, to admit of the guns and carriages passing without difficulty. Between Kachweh and Chanderi the country is jungly. Leaving Kachweh, the second day’s march brought us within three kos of Jan. 19
and 20. Chanderi, where we encamped, having previously crossed the river of Burhānpūr.³

The citadel of Chanderi⁴ is situated on a hill. The outer fort and town lie in the middle of the slope of the hill. The straight road, by which cannon can be conveyed, passes right below the fort.^b After marching from Burhānpūr, we passed a kos lower down than Chanderi, on account of our guns, and, at the end of the march,^c on Tuesday Jan. 21. the 28th, encamped on the banks of Bahjet Khan’s tank, on the top of the mound.^a

Next morning I rode out and distributed the different posts around the fort, to the different divisions of my army, to the centre, and to the right and left wings. In placing his battery, Ustād Ali Kuli chose a piece of ground that had no slope. Overseers and pioneers were appointed to construct works on which the guns were to be planted. All the men of the army were directed to prepare tūras and scaling-ladders, and to serve the tūras¹ which are used in attacking forts. Chanderi had formerly belonged to the Sultans of Māndu. After the death of Sultan Nāsir-ed-dīn,² one of his sons, Sultan Mahmūd, who is now in Māndu, got possession of Māndu and the neighbouring countries; another of his sons, Muhammed Shah, seized on Chanderi, and applied to Sultan Sikander for protection. Sultan Sikander sent several large armies, and supported him in his dominions. After Sultan Sikander’s demise,³ in Sultan Ibrahīm’s reign, Muhammed Shah died, leaving a young son of the name of Ahmed Shah. Sultan Ibrahīm carried off^b Ahmed Shah, and established one of his own people in his stead. When Sanka advanced with an army against Ibrahīm as far as Dhūlpūr, that prince’s Amīrs rose against him, and on that occasion Chanderi fell into Sanka’s hands. He bestowed it on one Medini Rao,⁴ a pagan of great consequence, who was now in the place with four or five thousand pagans. As Arāish Khan had long been on terms of friendship with him, I sent Arāish Khan to him, along with Sheikh Gūren, to assure him of my favour and clemency, and offering him Shamsābād⁵ in exchange for Chanderi. Two or three^c considerable people about him were averse to conciliation.^a I know not whether he did not place perfect reliance in my promises, or whether it was from confidence in the strength of his fort, but the treaty broke off without success. On the Jan. 28. morning of Tuesday, the 6th of the first Jumāda, I marched from Bahjet Khan’s tank, for the purpose of attempting Chanderi by force, and encamped on the banks of the middle tank, which is near the fort.

The same morning, just as we reached our ground, Khalīfeh brought me a letter or two. The tenor of them was, that the army which had been sent to the eastward (to Pūrab), while marching in disorder, had been attacked and defeated; that it had abandoned Lakhnau, and fallen back to Kanauj. I saw that Khalīfeh was in great perturbation and alarm, in consequence of this news. I told him, that alarm or discomposure was of no use; that nothing could happen but by the decrees of God; that as the enterprise in which we were engaged was still unfinished, we had better not speak a word of his intelligence, but attack the fort vigorously next morning, and see what ensued. The enemy had garrisoned every part of the citadel strongly,^b but had placed only a few men, by ones and twos, in the outer fort, to defend it.^c This very night my troops entered^d the outer fort on every side. There being but few people in the place, the resistance was not obstinate. They fled, and took shelter in the citadel.

Next morning, being Wednesday, the 7th of the first Jumāda, I commanded the troops to arm themselves, to repair to their posts, and to prepare for an assault, directing that, as soon as I raised my standard and beat my kettle-drum, every man should push on to the assault. I did not intend to display my standard, nor beat the kettle-drum, till we were ready to storm, but went to see^e Ustād Ali Kuli’s battering-cannon play. He discharged three or four shot; but his ground having no slope, and the works being very strong, and entirely of rock, the effect produced was trifling. It has been mentioned, that the citadel of Chanderi is situated on a hill; on one side of it they have made a covered way that runs down to the water.¹ The walls of this covered way reach down below^a the hill, and this is one of the places in which the fort is assailable, with most hopes of success. This spot had been assigned to the right and left of the centre, and to my own household troops, as the object of their attack. The citadel was attacked on all sides, but here with particular vigour. Though the pagans exerted themselves to the utmost, hurling down stones from above, and throwing over flaming substances on their heads, the troops nevertheless persevered, and at length Shāhem Nūr Beg^b mounted, where the wall of the outer fort joined the wall of the projecting bastion.^c The troops likewise, about the same time, scaled the walls in two or three other places. The pagans who were stationed in the covered way took to flight, and that part of the works was taken. They did not defend the upper fort with so much obstinacy, and were quickly put to flight; the assailants climbed up, and entered the upper fort by storm. In a short time the Despera-
tion of the
garrison. pagans, in a state of complete nudity, rushed out to attack us, put numbers of my people to flight, and leaped over^d the ramparts. Some of our troops were attacked furiously and put to the sword. The reason of this desperate sally from their works was, that, on giving up the place for lost, Massacre of
the women they had put to death the whole of their wives and women, and, having resolved to perish, had stripped themselves naked, in which condition they had rushed out to the fight; and, engaging with ungovernable desperation, drove our people along the ramparts.^{e 2} Two or three hundred pagans had entered Medini Rao’s house, where numbers of them slew each other, in the following manner: One person took his stand with a sword in his hand, while the others, one by one, crowded in and stretched out their necks, eager to die. In this way many went to hell; and, by the favour of God, in the space of two or three garis,¹ I gained this celebrated fort, without raising my standards, or beating A. D. 1528. my kettle-drum, and without using the whole strength of my arms.² On the top of a hill, to the north-west of Chanderi, I erected a tower of the heads of the pagans. The words Fateh dār-ul-harb³ (the conquest of the city hostile to the faith) were found to contain the date of its conquest. I composed the following verses:⁴

Long was the fort of Chanderi
Full of pagans, and styled the town of hostility and strife;
I stormed and conquered its castle,
And the date is the Conquest of the castle hostile to the faith.⁵

Chanderi is an excellent country, abounding on every side with running water. Its citadel stands on a hill. In the midst of it they have excavated a large tank out of the rock. Another large tank was in the covered way, that has been mentioned, as the point by which the place was attacked and taken by storm. The houses of all the inhabitants are of stone, and are beautiful and capacious.^a The houses of the men of consequence are of hewn stone, wrought with great skill and labour. The houses of the lower ranks are wholly of stone, generally not hewn. Instead of tiles, the houses are covered with flag-stones. In front of the fort there are three large tanks. Former governors have thrown up mounds on different sides of it, and formed these tanks. In an elevated situation in this district, called Betwi, there is a lake. It is three kos from Chanderi. In Hindustān the water of Betwi is famous for its excellence and its agreeable taste. It is a small pretty lake. Little spots of rising ground are scattered about it, affording beautiful sites for houses.^a Chanderi lies south from Agra ninety kos by the road. It is situated in the 25th degree of north latitude.^b

Next morning, being Thursday, I marched round the fort,^c and encamped by the tank of Mallū Khan. When I came, it was my design, after the capture of Chanderi, to fall upon Rai Sing,¹ and Bhīlsan,² and Sārangpūr, which is a country of the pagans, that belonged to Silāh-ed-dīn the Pagan; and I intended, after conquering them, to advance to Chitūr³ against Sanka. On the arrival of the unfavourable news that has been alluded to, I convened the Begs, and held a council, in which it was decided that it was necessary, first of all, to proceed to check the rebellion of the insurgents. I gave Chanderi to Ahmed. Shah, who has been mentioned, the grandson of Sultan Nāsir-ed-dīn, and fixed a revenue⁴ of fifty laks⁵ to be paid from it to the imperial treasury. I made Mulla Apāk shikdar (or military collector) of the territory, leaving him with two or three thousand Tūrks and Hindustānis to support Ahmed Shah.

Having made these arrangements, on Sunday, the 11th of the first Jumāda, I set out from Mallū Khan’s⁶ tank on my expedition,^d and halted on the banks of the river of Burhānpūr. I dispatched from Bandīr, Yakeh Khwājeh and Jaafer Khwājeh, to bring vessels from Kālpi to the passage at Kanār.¹

On Saturday the 24th, having halted at the passage of Kanār, I ordered the troops to lose no time in crossing with all possible speed. At this time I received intelligence, that the detachment which I had sent forward, after abandoning Kanauj, had fallen back to Rāberi, and that a strong force² had advanced and stormed the fort of Shamsābād, which had been garrisoned^a by the troops of Abul Muhammed Nezehbāz.³ We were detained three or four days on the two banks of the river, while the army was passing. Having transported the whole army across, I proceeded, march after march, for Kanauj, and sent on a party of light troops before us, in order to gain intelligence of the enemy. We were still two or three marches from Kanauj, when they returned with information, that, instantly on discovering from a distance the troops who had advanced to reconnoitre, the son of Maarūf had fled from Kanauj and abandoned it, and that Bīban and Bayezīd, as well as Maarūf,⁴ on hearing of my motions, had recrossed the Ganges, and occupied the east side of the river opposite to Kanauj, hoping that they would be able to prevent my passage.

On Thursday, the 6th of the latter Jumāda, I passed Kanauj, and encamped on the western bank of the Ganges. My troops went out and seized a number of the enemies’ boats, which they brought in. From above and from below they collected about thirty or forty boats in all, of different Resolves to
force a pas-
sage. sizes. I sent Mīr Muhammed Jālehbān to throw a bridge over the river.^b He accordingly went and marked out a situation, about a kos below our encampment. I appointed commissaries to provide everything requisite for the bridge.^a Near the place pitched on, Ustād Ali Kuli brought a gun for the purpose of cannonading, and having pitched upon a proper spot,^b began his fire. Bāba Sultan and Derwīsh Sultan, with ten or fifteen men, about evening prayers, crossed over in a boat without any object,^c and returned back again without fighting, and having done nothing. I reprimanded them severely for having crossed. Malik Kāsim Moghul and a few men passed over once or twice in a boat, and had very creditable affairs with small bodies of the enemy. Having planted a swivel on an island,^d at a place below where the bridge was constructing, a fire was commenced from it. Higher up than the bridge, a breastwork was raised, over which the matchlock-men fired with great execution.^e At length Malik Kāsim, with a few men, having defeated a party of the enemy, led away by excess of confidence, pursued them with slaughter up to their camp. The enemy sallied out in great force with an elephant, attacked him, and threw his troops into confusion, driving them back into their boat; and before they could put off, the elephant came up and swamped the boat. Malik Kāsim perished in this affair. For several days, while the bridge was constructing, Ustād Ali Kuli played his gun remarkably well. The first day, he discharged it eight times; the second day, sixteen times; and for three or four days he continued firing in the same way. The gun which he fired was that called Dīg Ghazi¹ (or the victorious gun). It was the same which had been used in the war with Sanka the Pagan, whence it got this name. Another gun, larger than this, had been planted, A. D. 1528. but it burst at the first fire. The matchlock-men continued actively employed in shooting, and they struck down a number both of men and horses with their shot. Among others, they killed two of the royal slaves, and a number of their horses.^a

As soon as the bridge was nearly completed, on Wednesday the 19th of the last Jumāda, I moved and took post at the end of it.^b The Afghans, amazed at our attempt to throw a bridge over the Ganges, treated it with contempt.^c On Thursday, the bridge being completed, a few of the infantry and Lahōris crossed, and had a slight action with March 13. the enemy. On Friday, part of my household troops, the right of the centre, the left of the centre, my best troops,^d and foot musketeers, crossed over. All the Afghans having armed themselves for battle, mounted, and, advancing with their elephants, attacked them. At one time they made an impression on the troops of the left, and drove them back, but the troops of the centre and of the right stood their ground, and finally drove from the field the enemy opposed to them. Two persons, hurried on by their impetuosity, advanced to some distance from the main body of the troops to which they belonged. One of them was dismounted and taken on the spot. Both the other and his horse were wounded in several places. His horse, in a feeble and tottering condition, escaped,^e and dropped down when it had reached the middle of the party to which it belonged. That day, seven or eight heads were brought in. Many of the enemy were wounded by arrows or matchlocks. The fight continued sharply till afternoon prayers. The whole night was employed in bringing back, across the bridge, such as had passed to the other side. If that same Saturday eve¹ I had carried over the rest of my army, it is probable that most of the enemy would have fallen into our hands. But it came into my head, that last year I had set out on my march from Sīkri, to attack Sanka, on New-Year’s Day, which fell on a Tuesday, and had overthrown my enemy on a Saturday: this year, we had commenced our march against these enemies on New-Year’s Day, which fell upon a Wednesday, and that if we beat them on a Sunday, it would be a remarkable coincidence. On that account I March 14. did not march my troops. On Saturday the enemy did not come out to action, but stood afar off, drawn up in order of battle. That day we conveyed over our artillery, and next March 15. morning the troops had orders to cross. About the beat of the morning drum, information reached us from the The enemy
retire. advanced guard, that the enemy had gone off and fled. I commanded Chīn Taimūr Sultan to push on before the army, in pursuit of the enemy, and I appointed Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, Husām-ud-dīn Ali Khalīfeh, Muhibb Ali Khalīfeh, Koki Bāba Kashkeh, Dost Muhammed Bāba Kashkeh,¹ Bāki Tāshkendi, and Wali Kizil, to accompany Sultan, for the purpose of pressing upon and cutting off the enemy; and enjoined them to pay the most implicit obedience to his orders. I also crossed over, about the time of early morning prayers.² I directed the camels to be led over by a ford lower down, which had been surveyed.³ That day, being Sunday, I encamped within a kos of Bangermou⁴ on the banks of a pool. The detachment which had been sent on to harass the enemy, had little success.^a They had halted at Bangermou, and the same day,⁵ about noon-day March 16. prayers, set out again from that place.^b Next morning, I encamped by a tank that is in front of Bangermou, and, the same day, Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, a younger son of my maternal uncle, the younger Khan, waited upon me. March 21. On Saturday, the 29th of the latter Jumāda, I reached Lakhnau; and, having surveyed it, passed the river Gūmti, and encamped. The same day I bathed in the river Gūmti. I know not whether any water got into my ear, or whether it was the effect of the air,¹ but I became deaf in the right ear, though it was not long very painful.

We were still a march or two from Oudh,² when a messenger arrived from Chīn Taimūr Sultan, with intelligence that the enemy were encamped on the other side of the Saru, and that he would require to be reinforced. I dispatched to his assistance a thousand of the best men from the centre, March 28. under the command of Kazāk. On Saturday, the 7th of Rajeb, I encamped two or three kos above Oudh, at the junction of the Gogra and Saru. Till that day, Sheikh Bayezīd had kept his station, not far from^a Oudh, on the other side of the Saru. He had sent a letter to Sultan,³ for the purpose of overreaching him.^b Sultan having discovered his insincerity, about noon-day prayers sent a person to call Karācheh⁴ to his assistance, and began to make preparations for passing the river. When Karācheh had joined Sultan, they passed the river without delay. There were about fifty horse, with three or four elephants, on the other side, who, being unable to stand their ground, took to flight. Our people brought down some of them, and cut off their heads, which they sent me. Bikhūb Sultan, Terdi Beg, Kūch Beg, Bāba Chihreh, and Bāki Shaghāwel, passed the river after Sultan. Those who had passed over first continued till evening prayers in pursuit of Sheikh Bayezīd, who threw himself into a jungle, and escaped. Chīn Taimūr Sultan having halted at night by a pool, mounted again about March 29. midnight, and renewed his pursuit of the enemy. After marching forty kos, he came to a place where their families and baggage^a had been, but they were already in full flight. The light force now divided itself into different bodies; Bāki Shaghāwel with one division, following close upon the enemy, overtook their baggage and families, and brought in a few of the Afghans as prisoners.

I halted some days in this station, for the purpose of settling the affairs of Oudh and the neighbouring country, and for making the necessary arrangements. Seven or eight kos above Oudh, on the banks of the river Saru, is the well-known tract called the Hunting-ground.^b I sent Mīr Muhammed Jālehbān to examine the fords of the rivers April 2. Gogra and Saru, which he did. On Thursday, the 12th, I mounted, to set off on a hunting party.

[The remaining transactions of this year are not to be found in any of the copies which I have met with: nor do the historians of Hindustān throw any light on them.— EDITOR.¹]

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 935²

ON Friday, the 3rd of Muharrem, Askeri,³ whom, before marching against Chanderi, I had sent for to advise with on the affairs of Multān,⁴ having arrived, I received him in my private apartments.

Next morning Khwānd-Amīr,¹ the historian, Moulāna Shahāb the Enigmatist, and Mīr Ibrahīm, the performer on the kānūn,² who were intimate friends of^a Yunis Ali, and had come from Heri a long time before, from a desire to be introduced to me, came, and were introduced.

About afternoon prayers, on Sunday, the 5th of the month, intending to visit Gwāliār, which in books they write Gāliār, I passed the Jumna, and entered the fort of Agra; and, after having taken leave of Fakher-Jehān Begum and Khadījeh-Sultan Begum, who were both to set out for Kābul in the course of two or three^b days, I pursued my journey. Muhammed Zemān Mirza, having asked leave, stayed behind in Agra. I travelled four or five kos the same evening, and then I halted, and slept on the banks of the Sept. 21 large tank. We said our prayers next morning earlier than the stated time, and set out; and, having passed the noon of the day on the banks of the river Gambīr,³ we left that place after noon-day prayers, and at Talkān I drank a medicine which Mulla Rafaa had made for sustaining the spirits, and which I had carried along with me.^c It was very Reaches
Dhūlpūr. nauseous and unpalatable. Afternoon prayers were passed, when I alighted at a garden and palace^a which I had directed to be laid out, within a kos of Dhūlpūr, to the west. This place, on which I had given orders for building a palace, and laying out a garden, lies on the extremity Works
carrying
on. of the brow^b of a hill. The steep where the hill terminates, is composed of a solid red stone, fit for hewing. I directed the hill to be cut down as low as the ground, and if a block of solid stone was found of sufficient size to admit of being cut into a house, that it should accordingly be excavated, and hewn into a house; if the stone had not sufficient depth for that purpose, that then they should hew down the rock into a level flat form, and excavate it into a tank. The stone of the hill was found not to be high enough, to admit of a house being excavated, out of a single block. I therefore directed Ustād Shah Muhammed, my stone-cutter, to make an octagonal covered tank on the top of the solid rock, which had been hewn into a platform.^c The stone-cutters were ordered to work incessantly. To the north of the place in which I desired this tank to be hollowed out of the solid rock, there are a number of mango, jāman, and of other kinds of trees. In the middle of these trees I had ordered a well to be dug, ten gaz by ten, and it was nearly completed. The water of this well flows into the tank that has been mentioned. On the west^d of this well, Sultan Sikander had raised a mound, on which he had built houses. Above the mound, the waters of the rainy season are collected, and a large tank has been formed.¹ The tank is surrounded by a hill.^e To the east of the tank^f I directed that they should hew, out of the solid rock, a platform and seats for resting. I directed a mosque to be built to the west of it.

I stayed all Tuesday and Wednesday to examine and give directions concerning these works. On Thursday I again Sept. 24.
Crosses the
Chambal. set out, and crossed the river Chambal; I spent the time of noon-day prayers on the banks of the river, and, between noon-day and afternoon prayers, again mounted and left the banks of the Chambal; and having passed the river Kawāri between evening and bed-time prayers, I halted. The river was much swelled by the rain; we made them swim our horses across, and we ourselves passed in a wherry. Sept. 25. Next morning, being Friday, the 10th of Muharrem, the Īd-e-Aashūreh,¹ I set out again, and passed the noon at a village Reaches
Gwāliār,
and surveys
the place.
Sept. 26. on the road. About bed-time prayers I alighted at a Chārbāgh, a kos from Gwāliār, to the north, which I had last year ordered to be laid out. Next morning, before^a noon-day prayers, I mounted, and rode out to visit the rising grounds² to the north of Gwāliār, and having seen them and the chapels and religious places,^b I entered Gwāliār by the Hātipūl gate,³ which is close by Rajah Mānsing’s palace, and proceeded to Raja Bikermajīt’s palace, where Rahīmdād had resided, and alighted there just as afternoon prayers were over. The same night, on account of the pain in my ear, and as it was moonshine,⁴ Sept. 27. I took some opium. Next morning, the sickness that followed the effects of the opium was very oppressive, and I vomited a good deal. In spite of my sickness, I went The palaces
of Mānsing
and Biker-
majīt. over all the palaces of Mānsing and Bikermajīt. They are singularly beautiful palaces, though built in different patches,^a and without regular plan. They are wholly of hewn stone. The palace of Mānsing¹ is more lofty and splendid than that of any of the other Rajas. One part of the wall of Mānsing’s palace fronts the east, and this portion of it is more highly adorned than the rest. It may be about forty or fifty gaz in height, and is entirely of hewn stone. Its front is overlaid with white stucco. The buildings are in many parts four stories in height. The two lower floors are very dark, but, after sitting awhile in them, you can see distinctly enough. I went through them, taking a light with me. In one division of this palace, there is a building with five domes, and round about them a number of smaller domes; the small domes are one on each side of the greater, according to the custom of Hindustān.^b The five large domes are covered with plates of copper gilt. The outside of the walls they have inlaid with green painted tiles. All around they have inlaid the walls with figures of plantain trees, made of painted tiles. In the tower of the eastern division is the Hātipūl.^c They call an elephant hāti, and a gate pūl. On the outside of this gate is the figure of an elephant, having two elephant-drivers on it. It is the perfect resemblance of an elephant, and hence the gate is called Hātipūl. The lowest story of the house,² which is^d four stories high, has a window that looks towards this figure of an elephant, which is close by it.^e On its upper story are the same sort of small domes^f that have been described. In the second story are the sitting apartments. You descend into these apartments,³ as well as to those last mentioned.^a Though they have had all the ingenuity of Hindustān bestowed on them, yet they are but uncomfortable^b places. The palace of Bikermajīt,¹ the son of Mānsing, is in the north side of the fort, in the middle of an open piece of ground. The palace of the son does not equal that of the father. There is one large dome, which, however, is very dark; though, after being a while in it, you can contrive to see a little. Below this large dome there is a small house, which receives no direct light from any quarter. On the top of the large dome, Rahīmdād erected a small awning,^c when he took up his residence in Bikermajīt’s palace. From Bikermajīt’s palace to that of his father is a secret passage, which is not at all visible from without; and even within the palace no entrance to it is seen; the light is admitted in several places. It is a very singular road. Rahīm-
dād’s
college and
garden. Having visited these palaces, I mounted my horse again, and went to the college founded by Rahīmdād. I also walked through the garden which he had formed, on the banks of the large tank, to the south of the fort, and arrived late at the Chārbāgh, where our people were encamped. There were many flowers in this garden, and particularly very fine red kanīrs² in great numbers. The kanīrs of this country resemble the peach flower. The kanīr of Gwāliār is red, and of a beautiful colour. I took some red kanīrs from Gwāliār, and planted them in the gardens at Agra. On the southern hill^d is a large tank,³ in which the water Idol
temple. that falls in the rainy season is collected. To the west of the tank is a lofty idol temple.⁴ Sultan Shamseddīn Altamsh built a grand mosque close upon it.¹ The idol temple is very high; indeed, it is the highest building in the fort. From the hill of Dhūlpūr, the fort of Gwāliār and this idol temple are distinctly seen. They say that all the stones of the temple were dug out of the great tank. In this little garden an excellent tālār (or grand open hall, supported on pillars) has been constructed. Low and inelegant porticos have been erected at the garden-gate, according to the Hindustāni fashion.

Next morning, about noon-day prayers, I mounted, for the purpose of seeing such places about Gwāliār as I had not previously visited, and went to the palace called Bādalger,² on the outside of Mānsing’s fort; after seeing which we entered by the Hātipūl gate, and went to visit a place Valley of
Adwa. named Adwa.³ This Adwa is a valley that lies west of the fort. Though it lies on the outside of the wall which is carried round the top of the hill, yet the mouth of the valley is closed up by two lofty ramparts, the one within the other. The height of these works is nearly thirty or forty gaz. The inner rampart is the longest and highest, and is connected at both its extremities with the walls of the fort. From the middle of this wall, but lower than it, another rampart has been begun, but is not a perfect defence. It was made as a covered way to a water-run.^a In the middle of it they have made a waīn,⁴ for the supply of water; a staircase of ten or fifteen steps conducts down to the water. The road passes, from the greater rampart, along the one that has the waīn within it. Above its gate is the name of Sultan Shamseddīn Altamsh, sculptured in A.D.1232-3. the stone.^a1 Its date is the year 630. Below the outer rampart, on the outside of the fort, is a large tank. It frequently dries up, and is not a perfect tank. The water is led off from it by conduits.^b In the middle of this Adwa are two other large tanks, which the people of the fort extol above all other waters. On three sides, the hill is a perpendicular rock.^c The colour of the stone is like that of Biāna, though not so red, being of a paler colour. They have hewn the solid rock of this Adwa,^d and sculptured out of it idols of larger and smaller size.² On the south part of it is a large idol, which may be about twenty gaz³ in height. These figures are perfectly naked, without even a rag to cover the parts of generation. Around the two large tanks which are within the Adwa, they have dug twenty or twenty-five wells,⁴ from which water is drawn for the purposes of irrigation, and they have planted numbers of trees and flowers, that are supplied from hence. Adwa is far from being a mean place; on the contrary, it is extemely pleasant. Its greatest fault consists in the idolfigures all about it. I directed these idols to be destroyed. On returning back from Adwa into the fort, I went to the Sultan-pūl, the gate of which had been shut up from the time of the pagans; and, about evening prayers, arrived in a garden which Rahīmdād had laid out, where I alighted and spent the night.

Next day, being Tuesday the 14th, messengers arrived from Bikermajīt, the second son of Rāna Sanka, who, with his mother Padmāwati, was in Rantambhor. Before setting out to visit Gwāliār, a person^a had come from a Hindu named Asūk, who was high in Bikermajīt’s confidence, with offers of submission and allegiance, expressing a hope that he would be allowed seventy laks¹ as an annuity. The bargain was concluded, and it was settled that, on delivering up the fort of Rantambhor, he should have pergannas assigned him equal to what he had asked. After making this arrangement, I sent back his messengers. When I went to survey Gwāliār, I made an appointment to meet his men in Gwāliār. They were several days later than the appointed time. Asūk, the Hindu, had himself been with Padmāwati,^b Bikermajīt’s mother, and had explained to the mother and son everything that had passed. They approved of Asūk’s proceedings, and agreed to make the proper submissions, and to rank themselves among my subjects. When Rāna Sanka defeated Sultan Mahmūd and made him prisoner,² the Sultan had on a splendid crown-cap³ and golden girdle, which fell into the hands of the pagan, who, when he set Sultan Mahmūd at liberty, retained them. They were now with Bikermajīt. His elder brother Rattansen, who had succeeded his father as Rāna, and who was now in possession of Chitūr, had sent to desire his younger brother to deliver them up to him, which he refused to do. By the persons who came from him to wait on me, he now sent^c me this crown and golden girdle, and asked Biāna in exchange for Rantambhor. I diverted them from their demand of Biāna, and Shamsābād was fixed on as the equivalent for Rantambhor. The same day I bestowed dresses of honour on his people, and dismissed them, after making an appointment for a meeting at Biāna in nine days.

I went from the garden to visit the idol temples of Gwāliār. Many of them are two and three stories high. The different stories are very low, in the ancient fashion. In the screen and lower parts of the building are the figures of idols sculptured out of the stone. There are a number of idol chapels around, like the cells of a college. In front is a large and lofty dome. Its apartments^a resemble those of a college. Above each apartment are very narrow domes cut out of the rock.^b In the lower apartments, they have hewn images out of the stone.¹ After viewing the edifices, I went out by the west gate of Gwāliār, and proceeding to the south of the fort, after examining the ground, reached the Chārbāgh which Rahīmdād had laid out before the Hātipūl gate, and there dismounted. Rahīmdād had prepared an entertainment for me at the Chārbāgh. He gave me an excellent dinner, and afterwards presented me with a large peshkesh, to the amount of four laks in money and goods. From this Chārbāgh, I arrived late at the Chārbāgh where I had my quarters.

On Wednesday the 15th, I set out to visit a waterfall, which lies about six kos to the south-east of Gwāliār. I had left my ground early in the morning, and reached the waterfall after noon-day prayers.^c The torrent, which is large enough to turn a mill, rushes right over a perpendicular rock of the height of a horse-tether.¹ Lower down than this waterfall is a large tank. Farther up than the cascade, the water comes rushing down over a solid rock. The stream runs on a bottom of solid rock; in various places tanks have been formed, which are supplied from hence.^a Along the banks of the stream, scattered about, there are fragments of solid rock proper for seats; the water, however, does not always flow. We sat down above the waterfall and took a maajūn; after which we ascended the rivulet to its source, and came back again; we then mounted a rising ground, where we remained some time, while the musicians played and the singers sang. Such as had never seen the ebony-tree, which the inhabitants of the country call tindū, had now an opportunity of seeing it. Leaving that spot, we descended the hill, and mounting our horses between the time of evening and bed-time prayers, about midnight reached a place where we slept. Nearly a watch of the day Oct. 1. was past² before I reached the Chārbāgh and had alighted.

On Friday the 17th, I visited Sukhjāneh the birthplace of Silāheddīn.³ Above the village, between the hill and valley,^b is the lime and sitāphal⁴ (or custard-apple) garden, which I walked through, and returned to the camp in the course of the first watch.

On Sunday the 19th, before dawn, I set out from the Chārbāgh, and having passed the Kawāri,⁵ and halted during the noontide, about noon-day prayers^c we again mounted, and having crossed the Chambal at sunset, Revisits
Dhūlpūr. reached the Fort of Dhūlpūr between evening and bed-time prayers; I visited, by the light of a lantern, the bath built by Abul Fateh, and then rode to the place in which I had directed a new Chārbāgh to be laid out, above the water Oct. 5. mound,^a where I halted. Next morning I visited the works Revisits his
improve-
ments. which I had given orders for carrying on. Even the levels of the edges of the covered tank, which I had directed to be hollowed out of the rock, had not been completely taken.^b I ordered a number of stone-cutters to be employed to cut down the tank to a certain depth, that, by filling it with water, they might be able to level its edges. When afternoon prayers were over, a small part of the tank had already been hollowed.^c I directed it to be filled with water, and, taking that as their level, to smooth the edges. On this occasion I directed a water-house¹ to be hewn out of the rock, and a small tank to be hewn within it, also out of the solid rock. This Monday I had a maajūn party. On Tuesday Oct. 6. I remained in the same place. On the eve of Wednesday I broke my fast, and ate a little. Having mounted to go to Oct. 7. Sīkri, about noon^d I alighted and lay down. I felt evident symptoms of having caught cold in my ear. That night it Oct. 8. was very painful, and I was unable to sleep.^e Early next morning I again set out, and having, in the course of one Visits Sīkri. watch, reached the garden which I had formed at Sīkri, I alighted. The walls of the garden, and the buildings in the well, not having been completed to my satisfaction, I menaced and punished the overseers of the work. Mounting between afternoon and evening prayers, I left Sīkri; and, after passing Madhākūr, alighted and took some rest: after Reaches
Agra.
Oct. 9. which, setting out again, I reached Agra after^f the first watch, and went to the fort, where I waited on Khadījeh Sultan Begum, who, when Fakher-Jehān Begum² went away, had stayed behind on account of various affairs and business; I then crossed the Jumna, and alighted at the garden of Hasht-Behisht.

On Saturday, the 3rd of the month of Safer, three of my paternal aunts, Begums of high rank, Gauhar-Shād Begum, Badī ul jamāl Begum, and Ak Begum,¹ and of the Begums of inferior rank, Khan-zādeh Begum, the daughter of Sultan Masaūd Mirza; another, who was the daughter of Sultan Bakht Begum, and another, by name Zeinab Sultan Begum, the grand-daughter of Bikeh² Chīcham, having passed Tūteh, on their way to my court, had halted on the extremity of the suburbs, close by the banks of the river. I went and waited on them between afternoon and evening prayers, and returned back in a boat.

On Monday, the 5th of Safer, I sent the first envoy of Bikermajīt, and the one whom he had sent last, accompanied by Hawesi,^a the son of Diureh, a Hindu of Behreh, who had long been in my service, to receive the surrender of Rantambhor, to accept his promise of allegiance, and to complete the treaty according to all their own forms and usages. This person was directed to go and make whatever observations he could, after which he was to return to me, with such information as he acquired.^b If the young prince stood to his terms, I agreed with him, that, by the blessing of God, I would make him Rāna in his father’s place, and establish him in Chitūr.

At this crisis, the treasures of Delhi and Agra that had been collected by Iskander and Ibrahīm being expended, and it being necessary to furnish equipments for the army, gunpowder for the service of the guns, and pay for Oct. 22. the artillery and matchlock-men, on Thursday, the 8th of Safer, I gave orders, that in all departments, every man having an office,^c should bring a hundred and thirty instead of a hundred,³ A. D. 1528. to the Diwān, to be applied to the procuring and fitting out the proper arms and supplies.

On Saturday the 10th, one Shah Kāsim, a runner of Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi, whom, on a former occasion, I had sent with letters, offering protection and security to the natives of Khorasān, was again dispatched with letters^a to the following effect: that, by the favour of God, I had completely triumphed over the rebels on the east and west of Hindustān, as well as over the pagans. That next spring, God willing, I would make an effort, and return in person to Kābul.^b I likewise sent a letter to Ahmed Afshār, and, on the margin, made a noting with my own hand, in which I sent for Ferīdūn Kabūzi.¹ That same day about noon-day prayers, I began to take quick-silver.²

On Wednesday, the 21st, a Hindustāni runner brought letters from Kāmrān and Khwājeh Dost Khāwend. Khwājeh Dost Khāwend had reached Kābul on the 10th of Zilhijeh, and had set out to meet Humāiūn.³ At that time, a man sent by Kāmrān reached the Khwājeh,^c desiring him to remain,^d that he might deliver to Kāmrān personally whatever orders he had brought; and to say, that after communicating such information as he possessed, he would be allowed to proceed on his journey. On the Sept. 2. 17th of Zilhijeh, Kāmrān arrived in Kābul, and, after Sept. 13. having conferred with him, the Khwājeh on the 28th took his leave, and proceeded for the fort of Zafer. These letters contained the pleasing intelligence, that prince Tahmāsp⁴ having marched to oppose the Uzbeks, had taken Rīnish⁵ the Uzbek in Damghān, and put him, with all his men, to the sword; that Obeidullah Khan,⁶ on hearing of the motions of the Kizilbāshes, had raised the siege of Heri, and retreated to Merv, from whence he had sent to invite the Sultans of Samarkand and the neighbouring countries to join him, and that the whole Sultans of Māweralnaher were, in consequence, repairing to that city to his assistance. The same runner brought the farther news, that Humāiūn had got a son, by the daughter of Yādgār Taghāi¹; and that Kāmrān had married in Kābul, having taken to wife the daughter of his maternal cousin,^a Sultan Ali Mirza.

The same day I bestowed on Syed Dakni Shirāzi, the water finder,² a dress of honour, made him a present, and appointed him to the charge of my jets d´eau and artificial water-works,^b at the same time giving him instructions to complete certain of them in his most perfect style.^c

On Friday the 23rd, I was seized with so violent an illness,^d that I was scarcely able to complete my Friday’s prayers in the mosque. About noon-day prayers, having gone into my library, I found myself so ill, that it was with difficulty^e that I could finish my prayers. Two days Nov. 8. after, on Sunday, I had a fever and shivering. On the Nov. 10. night of Tuesday, the 27th of Zafer, I turned over in my mind the plan of translating into verse the tract in honour of the parents of the reverend Khwājeh Obeid.³ Placing my confidence in the soul^f of the venerable Khwājeh,⁴ I indulged a hope, that perhaps his reverence might be induced to receive my poem favourably, and to remove my disease,^g as he had done^h with the writer of the kasīdeh, who, when he presented his kasīdeh, had his offering accepted with favour, and was delivered from his palsy.^a1 In pursuance of this vow, I began a poem in the six feet majnūn metre; the measure, zarb gāh, abter gāh, makhbūn mahzūf,² being the same in which the Sabhat³ of Moulavi Abdal-rahmān Jāmi is composed, and the same evening I wrote thirteen couplets. I tasked myself to compose a certain number of couplets, never less than ten daily. I only omitted writing for a single day. Last year, and, indeed, every time that I have been attacked by the disease, it has lasted a month, or forty days, or upwards. By the mercy of God, through the influence of the venerable Nov. 12. Khwājeh, on Thursday, the 29th, the violence of the distemper was abated, and I was again delivered from Nov. 21. the disease. On Saturday, the 8th of the first Rabi, I completed my poetical version of the tract. I had composed every day, on an average, fifty-two couplets.^b

On Wednesday, the 28th of Safer, I dispatched notice to my troops on every side, that in a short time, God willing, I would take the field with the army. That they were immediately to get their arms and accoutrements in readiness, and to meet me with all speed.

On Sunday, the 9th of the first Rabi, Beg Muhammed Tālikchi waited on me. Last year, in the end of Muharrem, he had been sent to carry a dress of honour and a horse to Humāiūn.

On Monday the 10th, Beg Kīneh, Weis Lāgheri,^c and Biān Sheikh, one of Humāiūn’s servants, arrived from that prince. Beg Kīneh had come for the purpose of announcing the happy news of the birth of Humāiūn’s son. They had given him the name of Al amān. Sheikh Abul Wajd discovered the date of his birth, in the words Shah Saādetmand (the fortunate king).¹ Biān Sheikh had set out long after Beg Kīneh. He had left Humāiūn below Oct. 23. Kishem,² at a place called Dūshambeh, on Friday the 9th Nov. 23. of Safer; and on Monday, the 10th of the first Rabi, he reached Agra, having made a very quick journey. The same Biān Sheikh, on another occasion, had gone from the fort of Zafer to Kandahār in eleven days. Biān Sheikh brought intelligence of the advance of the prince, and of the defeat of the Uzbeks. The particulars were these: Prince Tahmāsp³ had advanced out of Irāk with forty thousand men, disciplined after the Turkish fashion, with an artillery and body of musketeers, had marched on with great expedition, had arrived at Bostām and Damghān, had^a taken Rīnish the Uzbek, and put^b the whole of his people to death; after which he rapidly pursued his march. Kamber Ali Bī, the son of Kīpek Bī, was also routed by the Kizilbāshes, and, accompanied by a few of his men, had taken refuge with Obeid Khan, who, not seeing any prospect of being able, by his own strength, to keep his ground near Heri, dispatched persons in great A. D. 1528. haste to call the Khans and Sultans of Balkh, Hissār, Samarkand, and Tāshkend, to come to his assistance, while he himself retired to Merv. These princes collected their forces with great expedition. From Tāshkend, Sūnjek Khan, the second^c son of Bārak Sultan; from Samarkand and Miān-kāl,⁴ Kūchim Khan,⁵ Abūsaīd Sultan, and Pulād Sultan, accompanied by the sons of Jān Beg Khan^a1; from Hissār, the sons of Hamzeh Sultan and Mahdi Sultan; from Balkh, Kitīn Kara Sultan, all advanced without loss of time, and joined Obeid Khan in Merv, forming an army of a hundred and five thousand men. Their scouts brought them information, that Prince Tahmāsp, having understood that Obeid Khan was encamped with a few troops in the vicinity of Heri, had at first pushed on with forty thousand men to fall upon them; but that, on learning the particulars of the armament and assembling of their troops, he had entrenched himself in the Auleng Zādegan,² where he now lay. On receiving this information, the Uzbeks, despising their enemy, came to a resolution that the whole of their Khans and Sultans should encamp at Meshhed, except a few Sultans, with twenty thousand men, who should be pushed on close to the Kizilbāshes’ camp, and should not permit them to show their heads out of their trenches. That they should then direct their enchanters³ to use their enchantments^b; and that thus the enemy being shut up, and^c reduced to the greatest difficulties, must fall into their hands. In pursuance of this resolution they marched from Merv. The prince, on his part, leaving Meshhed, encountered them near Jām⁴ and Khirgird, when the Uzbeks were defeated. Many Sultans were taken prisoners and put to death. In one of the letters it was mentioned, that there was no certain intelligence of the escape of any Sultan except Kūchim Khan, as no person who had been in the army was yet arrived. The Sultans who were in Hissār abandoned the place and retired, leaving in it Chalmeh, whose original name was Ismāel, the son of Ibrahīm Jāni. I wrote letters to Humāiūn and Kāmrān, to be dispatched^a by the hands of the same Biān Sheikh, who has been mentioned.

On Friday the 14th, having got ready all the letters and dispatches, they were delivered to Biān Sheikh, who took leave.

On Saturday the 15th, I¹ set out from Agra.

Copy of the Letter sent to Humāiūn

To Humāiūn, whom I remember with much longing to see him again, health; on Saturday,² the first of the former Rabi, Biān Sheikh arrived in company with Beg Kīneh, and the letters which he brought made me acquainted with all the transactions in your quarter.^b Thanks be to God, who has given you a child; he has given to you a child, and to me a comfort and an object of love. May the Almighty always continue to grant to you and to me the enjoyment of such objects of our heart’s desire! Amen, O Lord of the Two Worlds! You have called him Al amān; may the Almighty prosper what you have done. You who are seated on a throne ought to know,^c that people in general pronounce it, some Al amān (the protected), some Ilāman (protected by men³). And besides, that there are few names which are preceded by Al (the). May the Great Creator grant, that both in his name and in his constitution, he may be happy and fortunate; and may He bestow on me and on thee many years and many kerns,¹ rendered happy by the fortune and fame of Al amān.^a Indeed, the Almighty, from his grace and bounty, hath accomplished our desires in a manner not to be paralleled in the revolution of time.

On Tuesday, the 11th of the month, having received some information that the men of Balkh had invited Kurbān, and introduced him into the city, I sent orders to my son Kāmrān and the Begs at Kābul to march and form a junction with you,² when you might proceed to Hissār, Samarkand, or Merv,³ as might be deemed most advisable; hoping, that through the mercy of God, you might be enabled to disperse the enemy, occupy their countries, and make your friends rejoice in the complete discomfiture of your foes. With God’s favour, this is the season for you to expose yourself to danger and hardship, and to exert your prowess in arms. Fail not to exert yourself strenuously to meet every situation as it occurs; for indolence and ease suit but ill with royalty.

(Persian verse)—

Ambition admits not of inaction; The world is his who exerts himself, In wisdom’s eye, every condition May find repose, but royalty alone.b

—If, through the divine favour, you subdue and secure Balkh and Hissār, your men must have the charge of Hissār, while Kāmrān’s remain in Balkh. If the grace of the Most High bestow Samarkand also upon us, you must take the reins of government in Samarkand; God willing, I shall make that country⁴ an imperial government.^c If Kāmrān thinks Balkh too small a government, let me know, and I will, by the divine grace, remove his objection, by adding something from the neighbouring territories. You know that you always receive six parts, and Kāmrān five; you must always attend to this rule, and unfailingly observe it. Remember too always to act handsomely by him.^a The great should exercise self-command^b; and I do hope that you will always maintain a good understanding with him. Your brother, on his side, is a correct^c and worthy young man, and he must be careful to maintain the proper respect and fidelity due to you.

I have some quarrels to settle with you.^d For two or three years past, none of your people has waited on me from you, and the messenger whom I sent to you did not come back to me for a twelvemonth. This, remember, is undeniable.^e

In many of your letters you complain of separation from your friends. It is wrong for a prince to indulge in such a complaint,^f for there is a saying:

There is no greater bondage than that in which a king is placed, and it ill becomes him to complain of inevitable separation.^g

In compliance with my wishes, you have indeed written me letters, but you certainly never read them over; for had you attempted to read them, you must have found it absolutely impossible, and would then undoubtedly have put them by.^h I contrived indeed to decipher and comprehend the meaning of your last letter, but with much difficulty. It is excessively confused and crabbed.^a Who ever saw a muamma (a riddle or a charade) in prose? Your spelling is not bad, yet not quite correct. You have written iltafāt with a toe (instead of a te), and kulang with a be (instead of a kāf). Your letter may indeed be read^b; but in consequence of the far-fetched words you have employed, the meaning is by no means very intelligible. You certainly do not excel in letter-writing, and fail chiefly because you have too great a desire to show your acquirements.^c For the future, you should write unaffectedly, with clearness, using plain words, which would cost less trouble both to the writer and reader.

You are now going to set out on an expedition¹ of great importance; you should therefore consult with the most prudent and experienced of the noblemen about you, and guide yourself by their advice.

If you are desirous of gaining my approbation, you must not waste your time in private parties, but rather indulge in liberal conversation and frank intercourse with all about you.^d Twice every day, you must call your brothers^e and Begs to your presence, not leaving their attendance to their own discretion; and after consulting with them about any business that occurs, you must finally act as may be decided to be most advisable.^f

I have formerly told you that you should live on the most confidential footing with Khwājeh Kalān^g; you may act in regard to him with the same unrestrained confidence that you have seen me do. By the mercy of God, the business of the country around you may by and by become less oppressive,^a and you may not require Kāmrān. In that case, your brother may leave some of his trusty men in Balkh, and himself repair to me.

During the time that I resided in Kābul, I transacted much momentous business, and gained many important victories; on which account, considering the place as lucky, I have chosen it for an imperial domain.^b Neither of you must in any respect aim at the possession of it.

You must attempt, by the utmost courtesy of manners, to gain the heart of Sultan Weis, and to have him about you, and to direct yourself by his judgement, as he is a prudent and experienced man.

You must pay every attention to the discipline and efficient state of the army.^c

Biān Sheikh is acquainted with everything, and will be able to give you what verbal information you may require.^d

I once more repeat my earnest wishes for your health.^e Nov. 26. Written on Thursday, the 13th of the first Rabi.¹

I likewise sent Kāmrān and Khwājeh Kalān letters to the same effect, written with my own hand.

On Wednesday the 19th, I convened the Mirzas, and Sultans, and Tūrki and Hindi Begs, and having consulted with them, finally settled that this year I should march somewhere or other at the head of my army^f; that before I set out, Askeri² should advance towards Pūrab (or the East Provinces); that, after the Amīrs and Sultans beyond the Ganges had brought their troops and joined Askeri, I might then march on any expedition that seemed to me to be best.^a Having written to communicate these plans, Dec. 5. on Saturday the 22nd, I dispatched Ghīaseddīn Korchi to Sultan Juneid Birlās, and the Amīrs of the Pūrab,^b requiring them to meet me in twenty-two^c days; I instructed him verbally to inform them, that I would send on to Askeri the artillery, guns, and matchlocks, and all kinds of warlike arms and ammunition, to be ready before the troops could take the field^d; and orders were given to all Amīrs and Sultans on the farther side of the Ganges to join Askeri, and march wherever, under the favour of God, it might seem expedient. That they should consult my partisans in that quarter, whether there were any affairs there that required my presence; that if there were, immediately on the return of the officer who had gone to summon the chiefs to the appointed meeting, I would, God willing, mount without delay, and join the army. But if the Bengalis were peaceable and quiet, and if there was no matter, in that quarter, of such importance as to demand my presence, that they should inform me by letter,^e as, in that case, I would halt, and turn my force in some other direction.^f That my adherents and friends must also consult with Askeri,^g and, with the divine blessing, decide on the general course expedient to be followed in that quarter.

On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabīa, I presented Askeri with a dagger enriched with precious stones, a belt, and a complete royal dress of honour; gave him the standard, the horsetail, the kettle-drum, and a stud of Tipchāk horses, ten elephants, a string of camels, a string of mules, and a royal equipage and camp-furniture, commanding him withal to take his seat at the head of a hall of state. I gave Mulla Dudu Atkeh a pair of buskins ornamented with rich buttons,^a and presented his other servants with thrice nine vests.¹

On Sunday, the last day of the month, I went to Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi’s house. The streets were spread with rich stuffs, and he brought and offered me a sāchāk, or formal present^b; the peshkesh, or tributary offering, which he presented, in money and effects, exceeded two laks.² After dining and receiving this peshkesh, we retired into another apartment, where we sat down and indulged in a maajūn. About the third watch I rose, crossed the river, and went to my private apartments.

On Thursday, the 4th of the latter Rabīa, I directed Chikmāk Beg, by a writing under the royal hand and seal,^c to measure the distance from Agra to Kābul; that at every nine kos he should raise a minār, or turret, twelve gaz in height, on the top of which he was to construct a pavilion³; that, every ten kos,⁴ he should erect a yam, or post-house, which they call a dāk-choki, for six horses; A. D. 1528. that he should fix a certain allowance as a provision for the post-house keepers, couriers, and grooms, and for feeding the horses; and orders were given, that wherever a post-house for horses was built near a khālseh or imperial demesne, they should be furnished from thence with the stated allowances; that if it was situated in a perganna, the nobleman in charge should attend to the supply. The Length of
the kos, &c. same day, Chikmāk Pādshāhi^d left Agra. The kos was fixed in conformity with the mīl, according to these verses:

(Tūrki)—

Four thousand paces are one mīl, Know that the men of Hindustan call it a kuroh (kos). This pace is a cubit and a half; Every cubit5 is six hand-breadths6; Each hand-breadth is six inches;e and, again, each inch Is the breadth of six barley-corns. Know all this.f

The measuring tanāb was to consist of forty gaz or paces, each measuring one and a half of the gaz or cubit that has been mentioned,¹ and so equal to nine hand-breadths; and a hundred of these tanābs were to go to one kos.

On Saturday the 6th, I had a feast in the garden.^a I sat in the northern part of it, in an octagonal pavilion that was recently erected, and covered with khas grass² for coolness. On my right, at the distance of five or six gaz, sat Būgha Sultan, Askeri, and the venerable Khwājeh’s family, Khwājeh Abdal Shahīd, Khwājeh Kalān, Khwājeh Husseini Khalīfeh, and other comers from Samarkand, the dependants of the Khwājeh, readers of the Korān, and Mullas. On my left, at an interval of five or six gaz,³ were seated Muhammed Zemān Mirza, Autenk^b Itmīsh Sultan, Syed Rafī, Syed Rūmi, Sheikh Abul Fateh, Sheikh Jamāli, Sheikh Shahābeddīn Arab, and Syed Dakni. The Kizilbāsh, Uzbek, and Hindu ambassadors were present at this feast. An awning was erected at the distance of seventy or eighty gaz³ to the right, in which the Kizilbāsh⁴ ambassadors were placed, and Yunis Ali was selected from the Amīrs to sit beside them. At the same distance on the left, in like manner, the Uzbek ambassadors were stationed, and Abdallah was selected from the Amīrs to sit beside them. Before the dinner was served, all the Khans, Sultans, grandees, and Amīrs offered congratulatory presents⁵ of red, and white, and black money,⁶ with cloth and other articles. I ordered woollen cloths^a to be spread out before me, into which they threw the gold and silver money; offerings of coloured cloth and of white cloth, as well as purses¹ of money, were piled up beside the gold and silver. Before dining, while the presents were coming in, there were fights of furious camels and elephants, in an island² in front. There were also some ram-fights, and afterwards matches of wrestlers. When the dinner was placed, Khwājeh Abdal Shahīd and Khwājeh Kalān were invested with muslin robes of very fine cotton,^b with suitable dresses of honour. Mulla Farrukh, Hāfiz, and those who were with them, received gowns of cloth. On the ambassador of Kūchim Khan,³ and the younger brother of Hassan Chalebi,⁴ were bestowed sirkamash robes of muslin, with rich buttons,^c and dresses of honour suited to their rank. To the ambassadors of Abusaīd Sultan, and Miherbān Khānum and her son Pūlād Sultan, and to the ambassadors of Shah Hassan, were given vests with buttons, and robes of rich cloth. A stone⁵ of gold was weighed with the silver weights, and a stone of silver with the gold weights, and given to Dosta Khwājeh and the two great ambassadors, who were the servants of Kūchim Khan, and to the younger brother of Hassan Khan Chalebi.^d The gold stone contains five hundred mishkāls, which is one sīr Kābul measure. The silver measure is two hundred and fifty mishkāls, which is half a Kābul sīr. Khwājeh Mīr Sultāni, his sons, and Hāfiz Tāshkendi, Mulla Farrukh and his followers,^a the servants of the Khwājeh, and the other ambassadors, had each of them presents of silver and gold.^b Yādgār Nāsir had a hanger and belt. Mīr Muhammed Jālehbān had deserved great rewards,^c for the skill with which he had constructed the bridge over the Ganges. He and the other^d musketeers, Pahlwān¹ Hāji Muhammed, and Pahlwān Bahlūl, and Wali Pārschi,² were presented each with a dagger.^e Syed Daūd Garmsīri had a present in silver and gold. The servants of my daughter Maasūmeh, and of my son Hindāl, received vests ornamented with buttons, and dresses of honour made of rich cloth. To the men who had come from Andejān, who, without a country, without a home, had roamed with me in my wanderings in Sūkh and Hushiār,³ and many lands, to all my veterans and tried men,^f I gave vests and rich dresses of honour, with gold and silver clothes,^g and other articles of value. To the servants of Kurbān and Sheikhi, and the natives of Kahmerd, presents were, in like manner, given. When the Jugglers
and
tumblers. dinner was placed, the Hindustāni jugglers were brought in and performed their tricks, and the tumblers and rope-dancers exhibited their feats. The Hindustāni sleight-of-hand men do several feats which I never saw performed by those of our countries. One of these is the following: They take seven rings, one of which they suspend over their forehead, and two on their thighs^h; the other four they place, two on two of their fingers, and the other two on two of their toes, and then whirl them all round with A. D 1528. a quick uninterrupted motion. Another is this: they place one of their hands on the ground, and then raise up their other hand and their two feet, which they spread out so as to represent the port of a peacock, all the while turning round, with a continued rapid motion, three rings placed on their hand and two feet. The tumblers of our country fix two wooden poles¹ to their feet, and walk on these wooden supports; the Hindustāni tumblers, clinging to a single wooden support, walk on it, and that without fastening it to their feet. In our countries, two tumblers lay hold of each other, and go on tumbling when thus linked together; whereas the Hindustāni tumblers lay hold of each other to the number of three and four, and go on tumbling intertwined in a circle. One of the most remarkable feats which they exhibit is when a tumbler, placing the lower part of a pole, of six or seven gaz in length, on his middle, holds it erect, while another tumbler mounts the pole, and plays his feats on the top of it. In other cases, a young^a tumbler climbs up, and stands on the head of an elder^b one; the lower one walks fast about from side to side playing his feats, with the younger one all the while standing erect and firm on his head, and also exhibiting his tricks. Many pateras, or dancing-girls, were also introduced, and danced. Towards evening prayers, a great quantity of gold, silver, and copper money was scattered; there was a precious hubbub and uproar.^c Between evening and bed-time prayers, I made five or six of the most distinguished of my guests^d sit down near me, and I continued with them till the end of the first watch. Next morning, in the forenoon,^e I went to the Hasht-Behisht in a boat.

On Monday, Askeri, who had begun his march, and left the town, took leave of me in my bath, and proceeded to the eastward.

On Tuesday I set out to visit the tanks, garden, and palace,^f Revisits
Dhūlpūr. which I had ordered to be made at Dhūlpūr. I mounted at my garden-house at one gari of the second watch,¹ and five garis of the first watch² of the night were past, when I reached the garden of Dhūlpūr.

On Thursday the 11th, the stone well, the cypresses,^a the twenty-six stones^b and stone columns, and the water-channels, which were all hewed on the hill from the solid rock, were finished. About the third watch³ of that same day, they began to draw water from the well. Presents were given to the stone-cutters, carpenters, and all the labourers, according to the usage of the artisans and labourers of Agra. By way of precaution, in order to remove any disagreeable taste that might be in the water, they were directed to turn the water-wheel of the well day and night incessantly for fifty^c days, and let the water run off.

On Friday, while there was still one gari of the first watch⁴ remaining, I set off from Dhūlpūr, and the sun was not set when I had alighted, and passed the river.^d

On Tuesday the 16th, a man who had been in the battle between the Kizilbāshes and Uzbeks, a servant of Dev Sultan, came and gave an account of the engagement. He informed me, that the battle between the Uzbeks and Turkomāns was fought on the Roz-i-Ashūr, in the neighbourhood 10th Mu-
harrem.
Sept. 26. of Jām and Khirgird, and lasted from the first twilight⁵ till noon-day prayers. The Uzbeks were three hundred thousand in number; the Turkomāns, according to their own account, amounted to only forty or fifty thousand, but, from their array, had the appearance of amounting to a hundred thousand; while the Uzbeks made their own army amount to only one hundred and five thousand. The Kizilbāshes engaged, after having placed their guns, artillery,⁶ and musketeers in order, and fortified their position, according to the tactics of Rūm⁷; they had two thousand artillery-men^e and six thousand matchlock-men. The Prince and Chūkeh^a Sultan were stationed behind the guns,^b with twenty thousand chosen men. The other Amīrs were placed beyond the guns, on the right and left wings. The Uzbeks, on the first charge, having broken and defeated the outposts and flankers,^c whom they drove in, and made a number of prisoners, advanced into the rear of the Kizilbāsh army, where they took the camels and plundered the baggage. The troops who had been stationed behind the artillery, now unloosing the chains of the guns, Defeat of
the Uzbeks. issued forth, when a desperate action ensued. The Uzbeks, who were commanded by Kūchim Khan,^d were thrice broken, and thrice returned to the charge; but at length, by the divine favour, were totally routed, and nine Sultans, including¹ Obeidullah Khan and Abūsaīd Sultan, left on the field,^e of which number Abūsaīd² Sultan was the only one taken alive, the other eight being slain. The head of Obeidullah Khan could not be found, but his body was discovered. Fifty thousand Uzbeks and twenty thousand Turkomāns fell in the action.

The same day, Ghīaseddīn Korchi, who had gone to Jaunpūr, and engaged to return by a stated day, came back, having been absent sixteen days.^f Sultan Juneid and the officers who were with him had levied an army, and advanced to Kharid;³ so that Ghīaseddīn, being obliged to follow him thither, had been unable to return back at the time appointed. Sultan Juneid had answered verbally, that, thanks to the goodness of God, affairs in that quarter exhibited no symptoms that appeared to call for the presence of the Emperor. ‘Let a Mirza^a come, and let orders be issued to the Sultans, Khans, and Amīrs of the neighbouring provinces, to attend the Mirza, and I have no doubt that everything will go on in a satisfactory manner, and successfully.^b’ Though I had received this answer from Sultan Juneid, yet as Mulla Muhammed Mazhab, who, after the holy war against Sanka the Pagan, had been sent on an embassy to Bengal, was daily expected back, I waited till I could hear his account also of the state of things.

On Friday the 19th, I had taken a maajūn, and was sitting with a few of my particular intimates in my private apartments, when Mulla Muhammed Mazhab arrived; and, on the evening of the same day, being Saturday eve, he came and waited upon me. I inquired minutely and in detail into all the affairs of that quarter, one after another; and learned that Bengal was in a state of perfect obedience and tranquillity.

On Saturday,^c I called the Tūrki nobles and those of Hind into my private apartments, and held a consultation with them. It was observed, that the Bengalis had sent an ambassador, and were submissive and quiet; that it was, therefore, quite unnecessary for me to proceed to Bengal; that if I did not go to Bengal, there was no other place in that direction which was rich enough to satisfy the troops; that, towards the west, there were several places, which were both near at hand, and rich in wealth:

At length, it was resolved that I should march to the west, as being the nearest. I delayed^d some days, in order to be perfectly at ease respecting the affairs to the eastward before I moved. I therefore once more dispatched Ghīaseddīn Korchi, directing him to return to me in twenty days, and wrote and sent by him firmāns to the Amīrs of Pūrab A. D. 1529 (or the East), desiring all the Sultans, Khans, and Amīrs on that side of^a the river Ganges, to join Askeri, and to march with him against the enemy. I gave him special directions that, after delivering the firmāns, he should collect all the news that he could relating to these parts, and return to me with speed by the appointed time.

News reached me at this same period, by dispatches from Muhammed Gokultāsh, that the Balūches¹ had again made an incursion, and committed great devastation in several places. In order to punish this insult, I directed Chīn Taimūr Sultan to proceed to assemble the Amīrs of Sirhind and Samāneh, and that neighbourhood,^b such as Ādil Sultan, Sultan Muhammed Duldāi, Khosrou Gokultāsh, Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, Dilāwer Khan, Ahmed Yūsef, Shah Mansūr Birlās, Muhammedi Gokultāsh,^c Abdal-azīz Mīr Akhūr (or master of horse), Syed Ali, Wali Kizilbāsh,^d Kirācheh Halāhil, Āshik Bekāwel, Sheikh Ali Kitteh, Kajūr^e Khan, and Hassan Ali Siwādi; and orders were issued that these noblemen should join Chīn Taimūr, with arms and provisions for six months’ service, and proceed against the Balūches; that they should all assemble on his summons, march under his orders, and act in every respect in perfect conformity to his commands.^f I appointed Abdal-Ghafūr as tewāchi² (or special messenger), to convey these firmāns. It was arranged that he should, in the first place, carry the firmāns for Chīn Taimūr Sultan, and afterwards proceed to deliver the firmāns to the other noblemen who have been mentioned, enjoining them all to repair, attended by their forces, to such place as should be pointed out by Chīn Taimūr Sultan for their assembling; that Abdal-Ghafūr should himself remain with the army, and report to me by letter if any of the officers betrayed indolence or want of zeal, in which case I would deprive the offender of his rank and station, and remove him from his government and perganna. Having written, and delivered these letters to Abdal-Ghafūr, I dispatched him, giving him at the same time additional verbal instructions.

On Sunday eve,¹ the 28th, at three watches and six garis, I passed the Jumna on my way to the Bāgh e Nīlūfar (or Lotus Garden), which is in Dhūlpūr; it was near the end of the third watch of Sunday² when we reached it. Situations and pieces of ground were pitched upon, in the neighbourhood of the garden, on which it was arranged that several of the Amīrs and courtiers were to build themselves palaces, Jan. 14. and lay out gardens. On Thursday, the 3rd of the first Jumāda, I pitched upon a place for a bath, on the south-east of the garden, and it was accordingly cleared for that purpose. I directed that, on the spot so cleared, they should build a bath on the best construction on an elevated platform,^a and, in one of its apartments, finish a reservoir ten by ten.³

The same day I received letters from Kazi Jīā and Ner-Sing Deoreh,^b which had been forwarded by Khalīfeh from Agra, and which contained intelligence that Mahmūd, the son of Resolves to
take the
field.
Jan. 15. Iskander, had taken Behār. The moment I received this information I resolved to join the army.^c Next morning, being Friday, I mounted at six garis⁴ from the Nīlūfar garden and reached Agra at evening prayers. I met by the way Muhammed Zemān Mirza, who was on his way for Dhūlpūr. Chīn Taimūr Sultan too arrived the same day in Agra.

Next morning, being Saturday, I called the Amīrs to a council, when it was resolved, that we should set out for Jan. 21. the Pūrab on Thursday the 10th. That same Saturday, letters and intelligence came from Kābul, by which I learned Humāiūn
sets out
against Sa-
markand. that Humāiūn had collected the army of those provinces, and, accompanied by Sultan Weis, had set out with forty or fifty thousand men on an expedition against Samarkand; that Shah Kuli, the younger brother of Sultan Weis, had Gains
Hissār and
Kabādiān. advanced and entered Hissār; that Tarsūn Muhammed Sultan had proceeded from Termez¹ and taken Kabādiān,² and had afterwards sent to ask support; that Humāiūn had sent Tūlik Gokultāsh and Mir Khurd, with a number of troops and a body of Moghuls, to the assistance of Tarsūn Muhammed Sultan, and himself followed after them.

On Thursday, the 10th of the first Jumāda, after three garis,³ I set out for the Pūrab, and passing the Jumna in a boat a little above Jalesir, came to the Bagh-e-Zarefshān.⁴ I gave orders that the horse-tail standards,⁵ the kettle-drums, the stud, and the whole army, should halt, opposite to the garden on the other side of the river, and that such as came to perform their kornish⁶ to the Emperor should cross in a boat.

On Saturday, Ismāil Mīta, who was the ambassador of Bengal, brought his peshkesh, and paid his respects according to the usage of Hindustān. For the purpose of making his obeisance, he took his stand a full arrow-shot off, and retired after he had offered his submissions.^a He was then arrayed in the usual dress of honour, which they call sir māwineh^b7 (or hair-twist), and introduced. In conformity with our custom, he next made his three genuflexions, and then advanced and delivered Nasret Shah’s⁸ letter; and, finally, retired, after presenting the offerings which he had brought.

On Monday, Khwājeh Abdal Hak having arrived, I crossed the river in a boat, went to his tent, and waited on him.¹

On Tuesday, Hassan Chalebi waited on me.

I had halted several days at the Chār-bāgh, for the purpose of collecting^a the army. On Thursday, the 17th, after three garis in the morning,² we commenced our march. I embarked in a boat, and went to the village Anwār, which is seven kos from Agra,³ and there landed.

On Sunday, I gave the Uzbek ambassadors their audience of leave. To Amīn Mirza, the envoy of Kūchim Khan, I gave a dagger and belt, with an elegant knife, a mīlek of brocade, and seventy thousand tangs⁴ as a present; to Mulla Taghāi, the servant of Abūsaīd Sultan, and to the servants of Meherbān Khānum, and of her son Pūlād Sultan, A. D. 1529. I gave vests richly ornamented with buttons, and dresses of honour of rich cloth, besides a present in money and goods,^b suited to the situation of each.

Next morning, Khwājeh Abda?? Hak took leave, to go and live in Agra; and Khwājeh Kalān, the grandson of Khwājeh Yahya, who had come with the envoys from the Khan and Sultans of the Uzbeks, had his audience of leave, previous to setting out on his return to Samarkand.

As a demonstration of joy on the birth of Humāiūn’s son, and on Kāmrān’s marriage, I sent Mirza Tabrīzi and Mirza Beg Taghāi to these princes, with each ten thousand marriage-presents.^c They also carried a robe and a girdle, both of which I had myself worn. By the hands of Mulla Behishti, I sent to Hindāl an enamelled dagger and belt; an inkstand, set with jewels; a stool, inlaid with mother of pearl; a short gown, from my own wardrobe, with clasps^d; and an alphabet of the Bāburi characters. I also sent some fragments, written in the Bāburi characters. To Humāiūn, I sent a copy both of the translations and original poems that I had written, since coming to Hindustān. I likewise sent to Hindāl and Khwājeh Kalān my translations and poems.¹ To Kāmrān, by the hands of Mirza Beg Taghāi, I sent such translations and original poems as I had composed after coming to Hind, and letters written in the Bāburi characters. Feb. 2. On Tuesday, after having delivered the letters which I had written to the persons who were going to Kābul, and given them leave, I had a conversation with Mulla Kāsim, Ustād Shah Muhammed the stone-cutter, Mīrek Mīr Ghiās, Mīr the stone-cutter, Shah Bāba Beldār,² and explained all my wishes regarding the buildings to be completed at Agra and Dhūlpūr; and having entrusted the work to their care I gave them leave. It was near the end of the first watch,³ Reaches
Abāpūr. when I mounted to leave Anwār, and noon-day prayers were over, when I halted within one kos of Chāndwār, at a village named Abāpūr.

On Thursday eve I dismissed Abdal Malūk Korchi, who was to accompany Hassan Chalebi as ambassador to the King (of Persia), and Chapūk, who went along with the Uzbek ambassadors, on a mission to the Khans and Sultans. Four garis⁴ of the night were still left, when we marched from Abāpūr. I passed Chāndwār about dawn, and embarked in a boat. About bed-time prayers I landed from the boat before Rāberi, and joined the camp, which Feb. 5. lay at Fatehpūr. At Fatehpūr we halted one day. On Feb. 6. Saturday, with the first gleam of light, I performed my ablutions, and having mounted, we said our morning prayers near Rāberi, in the Friday Mosque.^a Moulāna Mahmūd Fārābi was the Imām. At sunrise we embarked below the lofty eminence^b at Rāberi. For the purpose of getting my translations written in a peculiar mixed character I this day made a set of parallel lines suited to the tarkīb measure for eleven verses.^a1 This day, the words of the men of God produced some compunction in my heart. Having drawn the boats to the shore opposite to Jhāken,² one of^b the pergannas of Rāberi, I passed that night in the vessel.

The vessels having been ordered to proceed^c thence before day-light, I was in the boat, and had finished morning prayers, when Sultān Muhammed Bakhshi arrived, bringing with him one Shamseddīn Muhammed, a servant of Khwājeh Kalān, who had come with letters. From the letters, and by the information collected from the messenger himself, we learned everything that had passed at Kābul. Mahdi Khwājeh³ also joined us in the boat. About noon-day prayers, I landed at an eminence^d in a garden on the other side of the river, over against Etāwa, bathed in the Jumna, Arrives at
Etāwa. and said my noon-day prayers. Having passed over from the place where I had prayed I came to the Etāwa side,^e and, under the shade of the trees of the same garden, and sitting on the top of the eminence which overhangs the river, we set some men to wrestle before us for amusement. The dinner which Mahdi Khwājeh had ordered was served up here. About evening prayers we crossed the river, and reached the camp about bed-time prayers. I halted two or three days on this ground, both to collect our troops, and for the purpose of writing letters to be sent to Kābul^a by Shamseddīn Muhammed.

On Wednesday, the 30th of the first Jumāda, I marched from Etāwa, and after proceeding eight kos, halted at Mūri and Adūseh.¹ Several letters for Kābul, which I had not had Writes to
Humāiūn,
Hindāl, and
Kāmrān. time to write, I finished at this station. I wrote to Humāiūn, that if the incursions which had broken the tranquillity of the country were not yet completely checked, he should himself move to punish the robbers and freebooters, who had been guilty of the depredations, and take every means to prevent the peace of the country from being disturbed. I added, that I had made Kābul a Royal Government,² that therefore none of my children should presume to levy any money in it.^b I likewise sent^c instructions to Hindāl to repair to the Court. To Kāmrān I wrote, recommending him to cultivate politeness, and the duties suited to his rank as a prince^d; told him, that I had bestowed on him the country of Multān, and informed him that Kābul was to belong to the imperial domain. I likewise informed him that I had sent for my wife and family. As several circumstances relating to my affairs may be learnt from the letter which I wrote on this occasion to Khwājeh Kalān, I subjoin a copy of it, precisely as it was sent:

‘To Khwājeh Kalān, health.

‘Shamseddīn Muhammed reached me at Etāwa, and communicated his intelligence.^e My solicitude to visit my western dominions is boundless, and great beyond expression. The affairs of Hindustān have at length, however, been reduced into a certain degree of order; and I trust in Almighty God that the time is near at hand, when, through the grace of the Most High, everything will be completely settled in this country. As soon as matters are brought into that state, I shall, God willing, set out for your quarter, without losing a moment’s time. How is it possible that the delights of those lands should ever be erased from the heart? Above all, how is it possible for one like me, who have made a vow of abstinence from wine, and of purity of life, to forget the delicious melons and grapes of that pleasant region^a? They very recently brought me a single musk-melon. While cutting it up I felt myself affected with a strong feeling of loneliness, and a sense of my exile from my native country; and I could not help shedding tears while I was eating it.

‘You take notice of the unsettled state of Kābul; I have considered the matter very attentively, and with the best of my judgement; and have made up my mind that in a country in which there are seven or eight chiefs, nothing regular or settled is to be looked for. I have therefore sent for my sisters and the females of my family^b into Hindustān,¹ and having resolved on making Kābul, and all the neighbouring countries and districts, part of the imperial domain, I have written fully on the subjects to Humāiūn and Kāmrān. Let some man of judgement deliver to them the letters now sent. I have formerly written on the same subject to the Mirzas, as perhaps you may know. There is therefore now no obstacle nor impediment to the settling of the country^c; and if the defences of the castle are not strong, if the inhabitants of the kingdom are distressed, if there be no provisions in the granaries, or if the treasury be empty, the fault must, in future, be laid on the governor of the country.

‘There are several matters necessary to be attended to, a list of which I shall subjoin. Regarding some of them I had previously written you, so that you will be, in some degree, prepared for them.^a They are as follows^b: The castle must be put in a state of complete repair; the granaries must be stored, and provender laid up; the going and coming of ambassadors must be attended to^c; the Grand Mosque must be repaired, and the expense provided for out of the tax levied on gardens and orchards.^d Again, the caravanserais, and baths, and the large portico of brick, built by Ustād Hassan Ali in the citadel, and the unfinished palace,^e must be properly repaired and completed, after consulting with Ustād Sultan Muhammed. If Ustād Hassan Ali has already drawn a plan, let him complete it according to that plan. If he has not, you must consult together, and fix upon some beautiful design, taking care that the court be on a level with the floor of the Hall of Audience. Again, the buildings as you go to Little Kābul, near Bādash-Khāk,¹ must be attended to,^f and the water-mound of Ghazni must likewise be thoroughly repaired. As for the garden of Hanāwān,^g it has but a scanty supply of water; a stream, large enough to turn a mill, must be purchased,^h and led through the grounds. Again, to the south-west of Khwājeh (Basteh), I formerly led the river of Tūtūn-dareh² by the foot of a rising ground, where I formed a plantation of trees^a; and as the prospect from it was very fine,^b I called it Nazergāh (The Prospect). You must there also plant some beautiful trees, form regular orchards, and all around the orchards sow beautiful and sweet-smelling flowers and shrubs, according to some good plan.^c

‘Syed Kāsim has been appointed to accompany the artillery-men.^d

‘You must remember too, to pay particular attention to Ustād Muhammed Hassan, the armourer.^e

‘Immediately on receiving this letter, you will, without loss of time, attend my sisters, and the ladies of my family,^f as far as Nilāb; so that, whatever impediments there may be to their^g leaving Kābul, they must, at all events, set out from it within a week after this arrives; for as a detachment has left Hindustān, and is waiting for them, any delay will expose it to difficulties,^h and the country too will suffer.

‘In a letter which I wrote to Abdallah, I mentioned that I had much difficulty in reconciling myself to the desert of penitence; but that I had resolution enough to persevere,ⁱ

(Tūrki verse)—

I am distressed since I renounced wine; I am confounded and unfit for business,— Regret leads me to penitence, Penitence leads me to regret.j

‘I remember an anecdote of Banāi. He was one day sitting by Mīr Ali Sher, and had said something witty. Mīr Ali Sher, who had on a vest with rich buttons, said, “The witticism is excellent; I would give you my vest were it not for the buttons.’^a Banāi answered, “Why should the buttons hinder it? I fear the button-holes¹ are the impediment.” The truth of the anecdote must rest with him that told it me. Excuse me for deviating into these fooleries. For God’s sake, do not think amiss of me for them. I wrote last year the tetrastich which I have quoted; and, indeed, last year,^b my desire and longing for wine and social parties were beyond measure excessive; it even came to such a length, that I have found myself shedding tears from vexation and disappointment. In the present year, praise be to God, these troubles are over, and I ascribe them chiefly to the occupation afforded to my mind by^c a poetical translation,² on which I have employed myself. Let me advise you too, to adopt a life of abstinence. Social parties and wine are pleasant, in company with our^d jolly friends and old boon companions. But with whom can you enjoy the social cup? With whom can you indulge in the pleasures of wine? If you have only Sher Ahmed, and Haider Kuli, for the companions of your gay hours and jovial goblet, you can surely find no great difficulty in consenting to the sacrifice. Feb. 11. I conclude with every good wish.^e Written on Thursday, the 1st of the latter Jumāda.’³

I was much affected while writing these letters,^f which I delivered to Shamseddīn Muhammed, and having given him such further verbal instructions as seemed necessary, dispatched him on Friday eve.

On Friday we advanced eight kos, and halted at Jumandna. One of Kitīn Kara Sultan’s⁴ servants, who had been sent to Kamāl-ed-din Kanāk, another of the Sultan’s servants, then on an embassy at my court, had brought him letters, containing strong complaints of the conduct and proceedings of the Amīrs on the frontier, and remonstrating against the robberies and pillage that were committed. Kanāk ??ent me the man who had come to him.^a I gave Kanāk leave to return home, and issued orders to the Amīrs on the frontier, that they should use every exertion to punish all such robbers or pillagers, and should conduct themselves towards the neighbouring powers with perfect good faith and amity. These firmāns I delivered to the man who had come from Kitīn Kara Sultan, and sent him back from that very stage.

One Shah Kuli had been sent by Hassan Chalebi, to give A. D. 1529. me the particulars of the battle.¹ I now sent him with letters to the king, in which I apologized for detaining^b Hassan Chalebi. On Friday the 2nd, he took leave.

On Saturday too, we advanced eight kos, and halted at Gakūra^c and Hemāwali, pergannas of Kālpi.

On Sunday the 4th, we marched nine kos, and halted at Darehpūr,² a perganna of Kālpi. I here had my head shaved: for two months before I had never shaved my head. I bathed in the river Sanker.³

On Monday I marched fourteen kos, and halted at Chīrgurh, which is also a perganna of Kālpi.

Next morning, being Tuesday the 6th, a Hindustāni servant of Karācheh arrived, bringing firmāns from Māham,⁴ directed to Karācheh. He had also received perwānehs⁵ written in my style, and in the manner I wrote perwānehs with my own hand, directing the people of Behreh and Lahore to escort him in his road.^a This Jan. 18. firmān had been written at Kābul, on the 7th of the month of the first Jumāda.

On Wednesday we marched seven kos, and encamped in the perganna of Adampūr. That day I had mounted before dawn, and, setting out unaccompanied, a little after mid-day,^b reached the banks of the Jumna. I went down the river keeping close along its banks, and on arriving over against Adampūr, I caused an awning to be erected on Wrestling
match. an island near the camp, and took a maajūn. I there made Sādik wrestle with Kalāl. Kalāl came on a challenge.^c At Agra he had excused himself from wrestling, pleading that he was fatigued from having just come off a journey, and asking a delay of twenty days. Forty or fifty days had now passed since the expiry of the time required. To-day he wrestled, being now quite without excuse. Sādik wrestled admirably, and threw him with the greatest ease. I gave Sādik ten thousand tangas and a saddled horse, a complete dress, and a vest wrought with buttons, as a present. Although Kalāl had been thrown, yet that he might not be quite disconsolate, I ordered for him also a complete dress, with three thousand tangas, as a gratuity. I issued orders that the guns and cannon^d should be landed from the boats, and that in the meanwhile a road should be made, and the ground levelled to admit of their moving forward.¹ In this station we halted three or four days.

On Monday the 12th, we marched twelve kos, and halted at Korah.² This day I moved in a takht-i-ravān (or litter). After advancing twelve kos from Korah, we halted at Kurieh,¹ one of the pergannas of Karrah.² Advancing eight kos from Kurieh, we reached Fatehpūr Aswah; and after marching forward eight kos from Fatehpūr, we encamped at Serai Mīdā. As I was halting here, about bed-time prayers, Sultan Jalāleddīn³ waited on me to offer me his duty. He brought along with him his two young sons.

Next morning, being Saturday the 17th, we marched eight kos, and halted at Dakdaki, a perganna of Karrah, on the banks of the Ganges.

On Sunday, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and Kāsim Hussain Sultan, Bikhūb Sultan, and Tardīkeh, waited on me at this station; and, on Monday, at the same station Askeri also came and offered me his duty. All of them had come from the eastward of the Ganges. I ordered March 1. that Askeri should march down the opposite bank of the river, with the troops that had arrived on that side; and that, whenever my army halted, he should encamp opposite to it on the other bank.

While in this neighbourhood, intelligence reached us in rapid succession, that Sultan Mahmūd had gathered round him a hundred thousand Afghans; that he had detached Sheikh Bayezīd and Bīban, with a large army, towards Sarwār,⁴ while he himself and Fateh Khan Sirwāni occupied the banks of the Ganges, and were moving upon Chunār;¹ that Sher Khān Sūr,² on whom I had bestowed marks of favour, to whom I had given several pergannas, and whom I had left in a command in that quarter, had now joined these Afghans; that with some other Amīrs he had passed the river,^a and that Sultan Jalāleddīn’s people, being unable to defend Benāres,³ had abandoned it and retreated. They excused themselves by saying, that they had left a sufficient force in the castle of Benāres, and had advanced in order to meet the enemy on the banks of the Ganges.

Marching from Dakdaki, we advanced six kos, and encamped at Kusār within three or four kos of Karrah. I went and stayed on board of a vessel.^a We halted two or three days at this station on account of a grand entertainment, which Sultan Jalāleddīn gave me. On Friday I went to the palace of Sultan Jalāleddīn, within the Fort of Karrah, where he entertained me as his guest, he himself placing some of the dishes before me. After dinner I invested him and his sons with a yakta¹ of cloth of gold, March 5. a jāmeh,^b and a nīmcheh, and, at his desire, gave his eldest son the title of Sultan Mahmūd.

After leaving Karrah, I rode on about a kos, and halted on the banks of the river Ganges. Shahrek had met me with letters from Māham, at the first station after I reached the Ganges. I now sent him back with my answers. Khwājeh Kalān, Khwājeh Yahya’s grandson, had asked for a copy of the Memoirs which I had written. I had formerly ordered a copy to be made, and now sent it by Shahrek.

Next day we marched, and after advancing four kos, halted.² I embarked in a boat as usual,^c and, as the camp did not move far, we arrived early. Soon after I took a maajūn, still remaining on board.^d Khwājeh Abdal Shahīd was in Nūrbeg’s house; we sent for him; we also sent and brought Mulla Mahmūd from Mulla Ali Khan’s house. After sitting some time we passed over to the other side, and set some wrestlers to wrestle. We directed Dost Yāsīn Khair to try his skill with the other wrestlers, without engaging Sādik the great³ wrestler. These directions were contrary to usage, as the custom is to wrestle with the strongest first. He wrestled extremely well with eight different persons.

About afternoon prayers, Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi came in a boat from the other side of the river. He brought accounts of the ruin of the affairs of Mahmūd Khan, the son of Sultan Iskander,¹ whom the rebels had dignified with the title of Sultan Mahmūd. A scout who had gone out from our army had already, about noon-day prayers, brought us news of the breaking up of the rebels. Between noon and afternoon prayers a letter had arrived from Tājkhān Sārangkhāni, which corresponded with the information of the spy. Sultan Muhammed, on his arrival, now detailed the whole particulars. It appeared, that the rebels had come and laid siege to Chunār, and had even made a slight attack; but that, on getting the certain news of my approach, they were filled with consternation, broke up in confusion, and raised the siege; that the Afghans, who had passed over to Benāres, had also retired in great confusion; that two of their boats sank in the passage, and that several of their men were drowned in the river.

Next morning also, I^a embarked in a boat. When half-way down, I saw Aisān Taimūr Sultan, and Tukhteh Būgha Sultan, who had dismounted for the purpose of performing the kornish, and were still standing.^b I sent for the Sultans into the boat; Tukhteh Būgha Sultan performed some of his enchantments. A high wind having risen,^c it began to rain. The violence of the wind induced me to eat a maajūn. Although I had eaten a maajūn the day before, I ate one also this day on reaching the camp.

Next day we halted in our camp.

On Tuesday we marched. Over against Averd¹ there was a large verdant island. Having crossed in a boat, I rode round it on horseback,^a and, coming back in one^b Bābur’s
danger. watch, again embarked in the boat. While riding on the bank of the river, I came, without knowing it, on a steep precipice which had been hollowed out below by the current. The moment I reached the bank it gave way, and began to tumble in. I instantly threw myself by a leap on the part of it that was firm. My horse tumbled in.^c Had I remained on the horse, I must inevitably have fallen in along with it. The same day I swam across the river Ganges for amusement. I counted my strokes, and found that I crossed over with thirty-three strokes. I then took breath,^d and swam back to the other side. I had crossed by swimming every river that I had met with, the river Ganges alone excepted. On reaching the place where the Ganges and Jumna unite,^e I rowed over in the boat^f to the Piāg² side, and at one watch and four garis,³ we reached the camp.

On Wednesday at noon, the army began to cross the Jumna. We had four hundred and twenty boats.