Ruqa'at-i ʿĀlamgīrī (=Letters of Awrangzīb) - The Ruka’at-i-Alamgiri (Letters of Aurungzebe)

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LETTER CVI1.

Sincere servant, this night Abūl Vafá2 said, “The materials (i.e., carpet and other necessary things) of the worshipping place (of the palace) are worn out and out of use”. Other departments are well furnished; and the furniture of this prayer house is worn out. It is far from Mohemadanship (i.e., it should not be allowed according to the Mohemadan religion). You should soon order the steward to bring to the knowledge of the superintendent of the prayer house what things are necessary for it. (Verse) “Alas! alas! we came to know about this very late”.

LETTER CVII.1

The dervish, who was brought before me last night, is illiterate. He seems to be an orthodox devotee. It is possible that he is practising hypocrisy. Many of his words and actions, one of which was the refutation of (the doctrine of) charity, were contrary to religion. The king of the time is the trustee of the royal treasury. What he gives to others (in charity, from the treasury) is legal. It is also lawful on his part, if he gives away in charity the revenue obtained from villages which have been selected by him for his private expenses after the decision of the religious men and the consultation of the nobles of the kingdom. Especially when some portion is given in charity, from this income, to the helpless dervishes, how can it be said to be unlawful? You should ask him the reason his speaking against charity. If he gives a reasonable answer, you should say to him ‘This sinner (i.e., Aurungzebe) has also a reason for practising charity’. Otherwise (i.e., if he does not give a sound reason), you should punish him like heretics, who fabricate something and attribute it to religion. Sūltán Mahmūd2—may God forgive his crimes—did not allow half-hearted religious men and heretics to enter his court, nay not even his kingdom, so that other people might not be misled by seeing such persons in the form of the (above-mentioned) dervish, and they themselves might have no power to mislead others. O God! guide us to the right path; and may peace be upon those who resign themselves to Thee and submit to Thee.

1704. LETTER CVIII.

Sincere and devoted servant, (my eldest son) has complained against Fateh Alláh Khán1. At the time of the departure of the above-mentioned Khán (to Cábūl) I knew that the company of this presumptuous Khán would not suit the prince (i.e., Mūazzam). But what can I do? I was forced by my son to send the Khán to him. He insisted upon my satisfying his wish (to send the Khán to him). Fateh Alláh Khán should be deprived of his personal title of ‘Pán-Sadi’ and of three hundred of his followers; and a notification of this deprivation together with the deprivation of his title of ‘Bahádūr’2 should be sent to the second record keeper. According to my order, you should write to that most talkative person (i.e., the Khán): “Does faithfulness mean injuring the feelings of the prince and displeasing the heir-apparent by boasting that he is under your obligation by your service? This is the way of mean persons and not of those who sacrifice their lives for the sake of honour. You should please me by your service to the prince; and (thus) through his request you will get an additional title”. Now it is proper if he repents of his former deeds. You should communicate to him this order and request the prince to shew him favour.

This fortress3, if God wishes, will be shortly taken. But (now) it is necessary to think about the devilish Santá.4 You should write importunately to Khán Firūz Jang to punish that man, worthy of being kicked (i.e., Santá), and to stop his hand of boldness before his attack. (Verse) “A foresighted man is auspicious”.5

LETTER CIX.

Mūna’am Khán1 did not perform this work well. He did not discharge his duty as he ought to have done. He is inexperienced and talks nonsense. He should be instructed (in working and talking) and should be punished by degrading him his post. But I myself (i.e., Aurungzebe) want to be instructed. (Verse) “I have become old, confused, and misled.”

Abū Násir Khán2 has revolted in Láhore3 and has harassed the people there. Either his head of safety might be itching (i.e., he might be endangering his life) or he might have found the kingdom without the king. You should write to the paymaster and inquire of him about his post and title; and in the evening or to-morrow you should inform me of this so that he may be brought to his senses by degrading him his post. (Couplet) “When asses go astray, they should be beaten with sticks in the hand (in order to bring them to the right path)”.

Zabar Dast Khán4 is a soldier and better than his father in state affairs. Having exercised his own authority in the capital of Láhore, he punished most of the rebels of the city and of its surroundings, and destroyed their houses. According to (my) order, you should write him a letter of congratulation and commendation, and get prepared a robe of honour for (giving) him. (Verse) “The pleasing good news makes work done soon”.

LETTER CX.

Sincere and devoted servant, you should take the foolish Kám Bakhsha1 to the house of Muhammad A’azam Sháh1, and reconcile each to the other with an apology. (Verse) “The world is not a property worth a quarrel (i.e., one should not quarrel with another for the possession of the world, because he has to go to the next world empty handed, without having any thing of the world with him)”.2

1689. LETTER CXI.

You should write Mūkarab Khán1, who has been appointed to take Barnálá2, according to (my) order, to arrest the ‘Zamindár’3 of that place. You should write him earnestly to go immediately to attack the Landlord at the time when the proud Landlord has gone alone from Ráhbari4 to the fortress of Khalneh5 in order to quarrel with the tribe of Bargi. Most probably the Khán will be able to arrest the ‘Zamindár6’ and will take revenge upon the misleader and oppressor of the Mohemadans (i.e., the Landlord). May God forgive us. What can the Khán do? God does what he does; and it is God Who punishes men for their deeds.

LETTER CXII.

That devoted servant, to-morrow you should go to (my special) garden and enjoy the pleasure of the ‘gūl-dasteh’.1 The guards of the garden, consisting of the followers and other persons who will accompany you today (for shewing you the garden), will try their best to please and satisfy you to the utmost. (Couplet) “When you become his (i.e., when you be a faithful servant of your master), all the property (of your master) becomes yours (i.e., belongs to you, is at your disposal). When you turn away from him (i.e., when you prove faithless to your master), all the property (of your master) turns away from you (i.e., does not belong to you and you are deprived of its use)”.2

LETTER CXIII.

Devoted servant of the court, prince A’azam has arrived (here). Muhammad Kám Bakhsha should go to receive him. You should write to the nobles (to receive him) whose names had been verbally mentioned to you.

1695. LETTER CXIV.

Devoted servant of the court, Mūkhalis Khán1 is ill. You should go to the Khán and pay him a visit and inquire after his health on my behalf. Such persons (like Mūkhalis Khán) are worthy of being remembered. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) liked much his manner of addressing him. It is right that he possesses the necessary qualities of honesty and faithfulness. May God cure him. To-day his son is not come. Where is he and what is he doing? He should not be allowed to act according to his own way. You should take care after him. He has learnt by heart some chapters of the Koran. It should not be that he should forget them.

I have sent to (my) devoted servant (i.e., you) the original account of the undertaking of Kásim Khán2, with regard to the conquest of the fortress of Chanchi3, sent to me by Muhammad Kám Bakhsha4. You should inquire whether this account of Kásim Khán’s undertaking is correct or is meant to be the cause of the breaking of your heart. How many things are there which the people of the world, for selfishness, will not do; and how many rifts are there which they will not make right for fear lest they do not have their own work done? (I.e., the people of the world, owing to their selfish desires, say anything they like; and for serving their own purpose, do anything they like). What is better than this, i.e., Kásim Khán’s capturing the shameless Rámá5 and taking his fortress (Chanchi)?

Sirdár Khán is also an old servant. He is not bad. He should be made permanent in his post.

LETTER CXV.

Devoted servant of the court, to-morrow the arrival of the prince Sháh Álam Bahádūr1 has been fixed. The chief of the kingdom and other people, with an army, should go to receive him and they should please me with great ceremony. (Couplet) “Happy is the time; because a friend (i.e., Aurungzebe) enjoys the company of the other friend (i.e., Sháh Álam Bahádūr)”.2

1698. LETTER CXVI.

Sincere and devoted servant, there is no need for the secretary to write the letter ‘ain’,1 on his application. This ‘ain’ of disease2 should not be used in a petition. The letter ‘mim’ representing ‘mūatebar’ (i.e., confidential) used by Ináyat Alláh Khàn3 will be sufficient (on the application). According to my opinion, the words ‘according to my order’ are also superfluous in royal mandates.

It is well known that the first origin of tyranny in the world was small; (but) as each man came into the world one after another, he added to it, so that (in the end) it reached such an extremity. You should inform Abráhim Khán4,

who does not decide the cases of the ‘Cázis’ and of other people of Cáshmere, that he has been degraded from his post. (Verse) “A stone is (a sort of) retaliation on an aperture in a fortified wall (i.e., when a stone is thrown from outside at an aperture, there is no wrong in a stone being thrown outside from within the aperture, i.e., tit for tat)”.

God be praised that Chanchi has been taken and that the accursed Rámá has fled away5. It was not very difficult to capture him; but on account of the negligence of (my) old officers (like Zūl Fikár Khán) he has fled away. For a time the shop (or market) of my officers, fit for dulness, became active (i.e., my officers who were generally dull became active for a time with a view to catch hold of Rámá). These officers should be told to eat the world before they are eaten up by the world (i.e., to enjoy the world before they die—said ironically).

1698. LETTER CXVII.

Devoted servant of the court, why does Iaar Ali Beg consider it right to live in such miserable and straightened circumstances? He has not come across the prohibition of such a way of living (in the Koran), and he himself has got the post of ‘vakilship’. Why does he not act according to (the Koranic verse) ‘Eat and drink’?1 Why does he bring me and himself under the taunt of the people? Man must be agreeable to every tribe. But what can he do? because this does not suit his nature (i.e., he is not agreeable to every tribe). (Verse) “Fortune is not acquired by the strength of one’s arm till it is given to one by the Generous God”.

His Majesty (i.e., Sháh Jehán) was very fond of giving freshness to the garden Hayát Bakhsha (lit. life-giving) and other places situated in the palace of the capital, by adorning them with trees, and by rearing up fruit-trees, and by cleaning ponds and reservoirs, and by looking after plants and trees. This traveller (in this world—i.e., Aurungzebe himself) used to enjoy them till his stay in the capital (i.e., Sháh Jehán Ábád) ended. It is better if Muhammad Iaar Khán2 goes to the gardens daily and tries his best to keep them clean and fresh. Henceforth it is necessary that you should go to the gardens once a day and engage yourself, with great care, in repairing the buildings of the fort and of the gardens. You should write to me about the condition of all the gardens and buildings of the forts of Mūbárak, Sáhib-ábád, Aazá-ábád, Nūr-bári, and Saharand-bári which belong to (my) dear and dignified sister, and of other places, with the details of plants and trees, from the time when this traveller (i.e., Aurungzebe himself) went out of the capital till now, along with the condition of houses, (and in such a manner) as if I saw them with my own eyes (i.e., so vividly); nay, you should send me a map thereof. You should write to me about the conditions of the vine yards, of other gardens below the fortress, and of the garden of Mūhasin Khán which is much praised, and about those things about which you may have heard from reliable sources, so that I may come to know the most correct facts and spend money in repairing those ruined places. Alas! I have not repaired my broken heart (i.e., I have not repented of my sins); and wasted my life, like children, in play and game (i.e., in pleasure). (Verse) “I spent my life in play and game; alas! alas! alas!” (Couplet) “Alas! life has passed away; and I have no consciousness about myself. Alas! I have no hope of salvation. I said (to myself) that when I was awake it was daytime; (but) alas! the day has passed away and there is no consciousness (i.e., the whole day has passed away, but I have not repented of my sins)”3.

It is irreligious to imprison the plaintiff. Both the plaintiff and the defendant must be made free from the power of this suit. You should refer this case to the chief judge4 so that he may decide it according to the brilliant Mohemadan law and there may be no oppression practised on and partiality shewn to either of them. God be praised, that our ‘Cádi’ is honest, good, and pious; he does not look on this and that man (i.e., he is impartial); and in deciding cases he considers the true facts. Let them (i.e., the plaintiff and the defendant) be pleased with the decision of the chief judge.

Shūjá’at Khán5, the governor of the province of Ahmedábád, has been exalted with an additional title of ‘Hazári’ and with a thousand horsemen. You should communicate this to him. (Verse) “These favours (shewn to the Khán), which you have seen, form only a part of all my favours. The important work (done by him) demands favours from me”. If he displays loyalty and self-sacrifice in (performing) the royal affairs and tries his best to punish the rebels and to win over the hearts of the landlords, he will be favoured more and raised to a higher position than this. (Verse) “The ladder of this world is egotism; at length we have to fall down from this ladder (i.e., man is sure to fall down on account of his egotism). He who goes higher is more foolish; his bones will be broken to pieces (i.e., pride goeth before destruction)”.

1703. LETTER CXVIII.

Shūjá’at Khán1 is dead. ‘We have come from God and to Him we shall return’2. He was an experienced man and preserved good order in Gūjarát. A governor must be appointed for this province. You should select three persons yourself (for this) and then write to me. Prince A’azam also desires (to be the governor of Ahmedábád)3. This post should be given to the prince if he does not attach importance to the royalty and executes his work better than others. We expect grace from God and guidance from Him. In this case (of the governorship of Ahmedábád) there is none more fit for it than Khair Andish Khán. But they say he is almost blind, and consequently useless. Either he or another should be appointed. Ateek Alláh Khán4 is not (so) bad. You have stated well the cases of Abráhim Khán5 and of the Káshmeris of Hafz Alláh Khán; but you have not written in your letter about the consequences (of their governorships). (Couplet) “Pity on his (i.e., Asad Khán’s) knowledge and manners; his truth-seeing eyes have become blind (for not representing the cases of Abráhim Khán and of Hafz Alláh Khán in a proper way to Aurungzebe)”. What do you mean by not caring for investigating the truth regarding (one’s) honesty? Therefore it is said that one who administers justice and is entrusted with the investigation of truth must possess uprightness so that he may not decide the case either from a confession or from a denial, and may not be negligent in any way in administering justice, and may not be partial to the powerful party. Such honest and impartial men were rare in former times also. Where are those persons (i.e., none) in the present time when faith is weak and the devil is strong?6

LETTER CXIX.

Abráhim Khán1 makes great delay in executing orders; (therefore) a thousand horse should be deducted from the number of his followers. You should threaten his agent also. My mildness confounds the state affairs (i.e., makes my officers and servants disobedient). It is true that (verse) ‘Mastership and service do not go together’.

LETTER CXX.

Rūh Alláh Khán1 has requested me to issue orders in the names of the ‘diván’2 of the Deccan3 and of the commanders of the garrisons thereof, so that by managing the affairs of the districts of that province he may take into his possession the fiscal properties, ‘jághirs’, and other effects which have been recently confiscated from the evil-minded Masud Khán, and then he may write to me. Those articles which will be fixed, will be assigned to that officer and treasurer (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán). You should give him a document for the ‘jághir’ assigned to him. And you should send him, at the time of necessity, the artillery and necessary things required by him for the entrenchment. You should write to him about these things. A collector should be appointed so that our ‘beel-dárán’4 may send the treasury to him. The letter of the Prince Bahádūr5, which has been addressed to the above-named Khán, should be handed over to (his) agent; or it should be enclosed with your own letter and (then) be sent to him; but it is better that you write him another letter. This man (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán) is not an officer who has always treated me in one and the same way. All his flattery was for the object of gaining his own ends. It is possible that internally he is not sincere. You should think about him and then write to me. (Verse) “How can you make yourself a different person by applying paints (and cosmetics to your body)? Though the garment fits the body, it does not form a part of it (i.e., good wine needs no bush)”.

LETTER CXXI.

Evidently Zūl Fikár Khán1 has appointed persons to carry the artillery; (but) it makes Rūh Alláh Khán hesitate in the midst of affairs, though it is also a state affair. But you should write to the above Khán (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán) that he should use the guns for taking the fortress and should not place any confidence in those persons (appointed by Zūl Fikár Khán) till the conquest of the fortress (is completed). I saw the plan, sent by him (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán), of the intrenchment of the fortress. The side for the entrenchment is good; and in many ways, it is better than other sides. But from the absence of a ditch (in the plan) it appears that outwardly the ground must be strong. It will be difficult to undermine (this stony ground). Two or three bastions and ramparts must be raised, so that the heavy blows of the firing of the guns will shake the firmness of the besieged and of the walls of the fortress. This difficulty must soon be solved. I also issued an order in this matter. I write what is required for this with my own hand and with a great urgency. (Couplet) “With various and different hopes we expect great success and victory”. May God forgive.

LETTER CXXII.

From the letters sent by the reporters of the army of (my) grandson, I came to know that the army of Alláh Khán, notwithstanding the approach of the enemy, were engaged in drinking, and he himself did not go to the enemy personally but sent others to punish them; and having gone to the house of Navázesh Khán1 passed his time, from evening till morn, in drinking and in enjoying the dance. He did not restrain himself from drinking wine notwithstanding the prohibition (enjoined in the Koran). He still persists in (disobeying) this prohibition (of taking wine). Therefore the reporters for selfish desires attribute many things (i.e., bring charges) to the servants patronised by me. That devoted servant (i.e., you) should write to the secretary to inquire fully after all the posts (of the Khán) and then to write to me.

LETTER CXXIII.

You should write to Fateh Alláh Khán1 that his best services have been represented to me in details and they have been appreciated by me; but he should not boast of serving me2; and he should not displease me by annoying the generals.

LETTER CXXIV.

I read the letter, sent by Mustmand Khán and written by himself with his own seal, containing (the account of) the spoliation of his ‘jághir’ on account of the locality1 of the robbers. I have been requested by the Khán to get his buildings repaired and the wicked robbers punished. According to (my) order you should write to Khán Firūz Jang, “As the enemies are many, you should send there (i.e., to Mustmand Khán’s ‘jaghir’) your own son with a large army”.

1693. LETTER CXXV.

Saiyad Sa’ad Alláh1 often writes me letters and requests of me the following things: “The reporter2 of the Harbour of Sūrat3 should not be transferred; the son of the deceased Hakim Asharaf should be given some service in the hospital and should be encouraged by increasing his salary”. You should write to the Saiyad, “Henceforth you should not interfere in the affairs of the (government) servants, who are really oppressors, according to the decision of the auspicious verse of the Koran, ‘Don’t associate with those who oppress lest the fire of hell might catch you’ (and so on upto the end of the verse). Though these officials are not tyrants to others, they are oppressors in their own nature”. In every letter he expresses his desire, with a prayer, to die in God4. ‘Death is also life’ is true. This humble servant of the court of God (i.e., Aurungzebe himself) always recites in his daily prayer this auspicious verse of the Koran, ‘O God! Creator of heaven and earth! Thou art my master in this life as well as in the next; let me die a Moslem (or a true believer in Thee) and enable me to join the virtuous and the pious’. I think carefully over the meaning of ‘The man who dies this death (i.e., death in God) will meet, before meeting God, the prophets and the saints.’5 Though the learned men of my court have given nice interpretations (of these Koranic and traditional verses and sentences), I have not been perfectly satisfied with them. That learned man6 should write to me about these phrases of the Koran and the tradition after an inquiry. May peace be upon you.

1697. LETTER CXXVI1.

You must have known that an arrow was darted towards Yákūt (Khán) and that it was found out that it was that unfortunate foster brother (i. e., Hadū) of Kám Bakhsha2 who had darted the arrow. I punished the man who had darted the arrow and separated him from the foolish prince. I ordered what was to be done with that wicked person (i.e., Hadū) who was the worst companion3 of the prince. He who has Satan as his companion has truly selected a bad companion. (Verse) “The company of the wicked is dangerous like fire. When the fire is hot it burns the body; but when it is extinguished it makes the coat black (similarly an evil companion first annoys his friend and then blackens his character)”.4 By the bad omen of Hadū’s company the prince has been misled. Some ‘chilás’5 should be appointed to keep a watch over him round his tent. And you should inform me about him.

LETTER CXXVII.

Khán Jehán Bahádūr1, notwithstanding his previous activity, displayed inactivity in this affair like old officers. When I reprehended about this his negligence he requested me to forgive him. But he has not improved. All this ruin (of our affairs) is to be attributed to his insincerity. How should it not be that there is no act worse than insincerity (i.e., insincerity is the worst act)? Truly, ‘The hypocrites are in the lowest pit of hell’2. You should write him something for his forgiveness and should suggest to him this (Koranic) verse so that his eyes may be opened and he be warned against insincerity. Though it is impossible that the inward enemy (i.e., passion) should be strong, your greatest enemy is passion between your two sides (i.e., in your heart). Why do you allow this passion to really overcome you? O God! release us from the fetters of passion and let us not die in its bondage. (Couplet) “Man received favour from God which was His first favour.3 Whatever is shewn by God seeks after the misguided (i.e., God shews mercy and favour to the misguided). Blessing and its acceptance are from Thee; security and fear are (also) from Thee”.

1694. LETTER CXXVIII.

Amir-ūl-Umará1 is dead. He was one of the old servants. ‘We have come from God and to Him we shall return’2. He also possessed property. You should write to the finance minister of his province to confiscate his property with great caution and to take into possession as royal property every kind of thing obtainable from his servants with force and strictness3. You should make the secretary of the deceased (i.e., Mūrlidhar) understand that he will be favoured for his good service. You should inform me of the condition of the sons of the deceased.4 I have also spoken to another person about this matter; but with the thought of looking after his relatives I have appointed, a second time, that devoted servant (i.e., you) to this affair. Certainly you will display your worthy quality with truth and sincerity. Amán Alláh Khán5 is not unsuitable for this work (i.e., for governing the province of the deceased). (Therefore) he should be appointed to (this post). You should inform me about his titles so that they may be increased. I intend shewing him another favour shortly.

LETTER CXXIX.

This office has been fixed on Usaf Khán1. The person selected by you (for this office) is also good; but he is a soldier. His business is not known. You should inform me of what you know about him. I am in need of an honest person for the ministership of Būrhánpūr2. ‘The most important work should be taken first’3.

LETTER CXX.

What is Mūkaram Khán1 doing? Notwithstanding his desire of (going to) a pilgrimage to the two sacred cities2, why is he delaying? What is better than this (i.e., pilgrimage)?3 (Couplet) “Pilgrimage to the Lord of the House (i.e., the temple of Mecca) is good; but pilgrimage is to visit the temple of Mecca (i.e., pilgrims visiting Mecca search after the temple; but really they should search after God)”.

LETTER CXXXI.

The presents sent by (my) grandson Bahádūr1 should be accepted (by you). But before doing this you should tell his agent not to send presents without (previous) information. May peace be upon you.

LETTER CXXXII.

Mūrshid Ali Khán is a revenue collector;1 and he is also not devoid of honesty. If this work is offered to him, possibly he will perform it better than others. You should ask him (about this work) on your own behalf. That old servant (i.e., you) must have heard the case of Fazl Ali Khán2. An army should be sent to punish the turbulent ‘Kazal-báshán’.3 What is Khán Bahádūr Hamid4 doing? This sinner (i.e., Aurungzebe) wishes that no crime, especially oppression5, should be perpetrated; the result will be that there will be order and peace in the kingdom. Kingship is not maintained without discipline. Sometimes orders appropriate to the occasion are issued through the force of passion and without volition. You should ask the opinion of the learned about this. May God be praised that your intention is good. You will not be punished by God. Truly, ‘Man’s action will depend upon his intention’.6 This tradition is correct, convincing and authoritative.

1692. LETTER CXXXIII.

Khájeh Abdūr Rahim1 died. He was religious and pious and was very brave. One day he was standing in my presence with a country-made dagger hanging from his waist. I liked the dagger and said, “Its make is very fine”. He replied, “Its name is better than its make.” I asked, “What’s that”? He replied, “Ráfiz-i-Kūsh”2. I observed, “I also want to get three or four daggers prepared of the same make and name for the state”. He took out the dagger from his waist, presented it to me, and said, “Till they are prepared, this humble present will be exalted in the state”. Then he took leave and departed. You should write to me about the condition of his sons3 or tell Ináyat Alláh Khàn to write to me so that each may be favoured according to his merit.

1697. LETTER CXXXIV.

Khán Jehán Bahádūr1 died. ‘We have come from God and to Him we shall return.’ God is holy. How very negligent is man? How long will he be overpowered by passion?2 At this time the Khán was desiring (to get) the governorship of the Deccan. How intensely was he anxious about it? Yes, the work of passion is worse than this. (Verses) “To destroy passion is not the business of wisdom (i.e., wisdom is overpowered by passion). The internal lion (i.e., passion) is not a plaything for the hare (i.e., wisdom). Passion devoured the whole world and swallowed it. Its belly was crying, ‘Is there any more (infidel)’?3 This passion is hell and hell is a dragon, before which (the wide expanse of) the ocean is nothing. Passion swallows up the seven seas and yet this world-burning passion cannot quench its thirst. (Men useless like) stones (i.e., sinners) and stony-hearted infidels enter hell with shame and disgrace. Yet hell is not satisfied with so much food (i.e., sinners and infidels) till this voice comes from God in response to its desire (of devouring more victims), ‘Are you satisfied’? Hell replies, ‘Am I satisfied? No, I am not yet. Look at my fire, heat, and sensation (i.e., I am still burning with the desire of having more victims)’. God stretches forth His leg to hell from ‘Lá Makán’.4 At this time hell is satisfied with ‘kūn-fi-kán’.5

As this our passion forms a part of hell, (and) parts always possess the effect of the whole (consequently passion has the effect of hell). None but God can imagine the insatiable appetite of hell. I pray for strength to the Ocean-splitting (i.e., Powerful and Great) God in order to remove (or dig out) the Mount Caucasus with a needle”.6 May the High God favour us with (His) grace and relieve us from this dark day (i.e., passion). I conjure Him by the name of Mahomet the Prophet and of his family. May the blessings and peace of God be upon Mahomet.

1706. LETTER CXXXV.

I read the letter sent by Nasrat Jang1 to you. In this letter he has recommended Dáūd Khán2 and mentioned his own services. Something should be written in reply. (But) we should wait for the conquest of the fortress (i.e., Vákingarh). After the conquest some of his requests should be granted; but before that, the granting of his requests is impossible. Henceforth for capturing the fortress you should order Tarbiat Khán3 to send all the necessary things. And you should also write to the garrison of the fortress of that side to send the artillery consisting of ‘jazáyars’,4 ‘rám-jangis’4, bullets, and gunpowder to the army of Nasrat Jang. Authority lies in the hands of the Powerful and Unique God; He does what He wills.

1704. LETTER CXXXVI.

It was clear from the letter of Sipáhdár Khán1 that he had punished Mahábat Khán.2 Thanks to the Almighty for this. He should be given, in addition, a personal title of ‘Hazári’ and a thousand followers. A robe of honour, a sword, a horse and an elephant should be sent to him. It should also be arranged to bestow additional titles on his followers. He should be gladdened with this good news. His agent should also be favoured if it is necessary. God is the best master and best agent for us.

LETTER CXXXVII.

I have selected five elephants for (my) grandson Bahádūr. You should choose two elephants out of these five and send them to his agent who should also be presented with a horse, a special robe of honour, and a dagger decorated with a tassel. You should inquire about these things from Javáhir Khán.

1694. LETTER CXXXVIII.

The reporters and Zabar Dast Khán1 have written something regarding Saiyad Mūbárak.2 Are these reports about the Saiyad right or not? The Khán considers himself as an honest man. You should ask Ináyat Alláh Khán (about the facts of these reports). Sáleh Khán3 has managed well the governorship of Akbarábád. You should write to Gopál Singh for helping the Khán (in the government of the province of Akbarábád). You should write the above Khán (i.e., Sáleh Khán) a letter of condolence. (Verse) “How long will the palm tree conceal the defect of its poverty”?4

LETTER CXXXIX.

The accident met by the deceased Ihtamám Khán1 is through the negligence of (his) followers. We should not give countenance to them; nay we should break their backs with the stick of inattention (i.e., we should shew indifference to them). Whence shall we get an honest and intelligent man like the late Khán? He had fattened the (royal) horses so much and kept such fine order in the stable that I cannot describe it. O God! forgive him (i.e., the Khán) and have mercy upon him; because You are the most merciful. You should write strongly to Saif Khán2 to punish the rebels. He should be given his pay in advance so that he will not delay (in punishing the rebels). The work is difficult.

LETTER CXL.

The eldest son of sovereignty (i.e., Mūazzam) has written (requesting me) to confer additional titles on (his) fourth son. Evidently the cavaliers of Rafi-ūl-Kadr1 are more numerous (than necessary). The number should be reduced in consonance with his post. It is not advisable to give more personal titles to the younger son than to the eldest. In order to please my son I shall have to shew favour in another way.

Razavi Khán and the Hindu are not on good terms. These are two enemies; they are quarrelling for their law.2 You should write a threatening letter to the Hindu.

LETTER CXLI.

Rūh Alláh Khán1 discharged his debts with difficulty. This extravagant and rich Khán desires to squander away lavishly the money equivalent to the fine imposed upon him (i.e., not to pay the fine). He garbles the money accounts. When landlords are unable to pay money to the royal treasury, the debt is discharged from their estates by revenue collectors. You should appoint an agent to get from the Khán immediately the fine imposed upon him by the state. Not a single ‘asharafi’2 should be left to the Khán but all the whole amount of fine should be recovered from him. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán),—may his tomb be sanctified, —was very particular in recovering fines. Immediately he appointed mischievous and strict ‘chilás’3 and thus received fines. I remember that one day His Majesty made Ja’afar Khán,4 who was at the time a vizier, sit in the ‘Ghosal Kháneh’, and received from him the fine imposed upon him. The above Khán was offended with the superintendent of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh, who had in his charge the amount of his fine, and was prepared to do him harm and injury. H. M. told the unkindly brother (i.e., Dárá) to reconcile both of them after the dismissal of the court and to make the above-mentioned Khán give the superintendent a ‘dūsháleh’.5

LETTER CXLII.

You should often bring the poor assistant of the prime minister into my presence. Meanwhile if he is selfish, you should prohibit him from this so that he may not do so again.

LETTER CXLIII.

To-day Tarbiat Khán1 requested me to present two or three turbans adorned with jewels to two or three ‘Mang-báshis’2 who had rendered good services during this expedition. You should say to the above Khán, “Though you have passed your life in government service and have been favoured (for this) by the emperor, you do not know that these ‘Mang-báshis’ do not deserve to be favoured in such a way”. For pleasing him and encouraging him for the service he rendered to the state, a turban adorned with a gold medal will be sent to him. Javáhir Khán will send it to him. Help and grace we receive from God. But in future the Khán will not make such a request regarding the ‘Mang-báshis’. If any one will execute an important royal work and will render the state a service with great caution, he will be rewarded and pleased with a robe of honour and money in cash, and with a horse in case he has lost his own horse.

LETTER CXLIV.

Tarbiat Khán1 is yet in need of money. He has got money (from the royal treasury) for (distributing it) among the soldiers of the fortresses. From outside I came to hear that he has kept this money for his own private purpose. What can the wicked reporters do? The Khán has been appointed over them. These reporters upset important royal arrangements by selfishness; and being ashamed (of their conduct), they pretend ignorance in communicating the news. What is the cause of the fortification of the fortresses by the great rebels and of the watch of Esavi Khán over these fortresses? Had we been informed from the beginning these things would not have happened. The ‘jághir’ should be taken away from Tarbiat Khán and given to Būrhán Alláh Khán who complains of having no ‘jághir’. Evidently Būrhán Alláh Khán is in army. You should write and threaten the above Khán (i.e., Tarbiat Khán), “How has this case resulted in this manner? Why did you pay no attention to the results of the affair as far as your eye could reach? At the time when money was not distributed among the soldiers, when there was no provision in the fortress, and when the soldiers were weakened by want of food and money, where were you? It is enough if the soldiers receive their pay and are faithful in doing their work. We know that the soldiers can do nothing without money and food. Are these the ways of true and faithful Mohemadans to ruin the state affairs, which are truly divine, for the sake of selfishness, and to disregard, for the sake of this perishable life, the right of soldiers (of getting money), which strengthens the infidels to injure them? Immediately you should get the receipts of pay from all soldiers and send them (to me). Otherwise you will certainly be punished like those who are dishonest and help the infidels. Because, truly, God will not allow the tricks of the treacherous to prosper”.

LETTER CXLV.

The trustee, newly appointed by Ináyat Alláh Khán1 and confirmed by me, ran away. What has he done? (Verse) “Everything which enters the salt mine becomes salt.” The Khán had no power of resistance. What can he do? He is helpless. If such was the case, why did he not come to me? Though he was not given money by my servants, he was not prohibited by them from coming to me. You should also yourself write strongly to him.

LETTER CXLVI.

Evidently Mahábat Khán of Haiderábád1 died at Láhore. He has no other heir except his grandson whose father is dead. You should write to the administrator of the district thereof to confiscate the Khán’s property with caution and honesty. Because the royal treasury belongs to the public.2 The king is the trustee (of people) and the officers are appointed by the king. None but the needy and the weak can claim a share of the property.

LETTER CXLVII.

To-day Marhamat Khán came into my presence, having put on a rich dress. The skirt of his robe was so long that his feet were not visible. I ordered Mūharam Khán to curtail two inches of the skirt of that foolish Khán. You should say to him, “The skirt must be of the same length that has been fixed by the court custom; otherwise you should not enter the ‘Ghosal Kháneh.’ A man should put on a simple and durable dress.1 Ornament and fashion are the peculiar characteristic of women. These things are proper for women.” By way of advice you should speak to him some words (of the same nature) appropriate to the occasion.

1660. LETTER CXVIII.

I do not chew a‘pán’.1 This betel shop is out of order. The department under the steward is also not in order. Is this the ability and sagacity of superintendents that they keep, at every time and at every place, the departments under their charge in a proper order2? Till the superintendents display their ability and nice and good nature and all lookers-on-glory know order, given to us by God, and display their order and discipline, envious persons will be degraded. Alas! alas! we claim for piety; but all this is boasting. Truly, I swear by God, this claim is great and unreasonable.

According to my order, the reply, sent by A’akel Khán3 to Mahábat Khán4 regarding the erection of the fortress of the capital (i.e., sháh Jehàn Ábad), is an excellent one. A servant must be of this type. Thanks to God for His grace.

LETTER CXLIX.

Devoted servant of (my) court, Vuzarát Khán Abdūr Rahmin1 is dead. You should suggest me the names of some persons for the governorship of Málwá. These persons must be experienced. Raghūnáth Sa’ad Alláh Khán2, at the time of his governorship, used to say, “The government affair should be given to such a person as possesses the quality of experience and a mind of entering carefully into the affair, and not to one who is affected with selfishness”.

LETTER CL.

That devoted servant (and) pivot of state affairs, according to (my) order, as powerful as destiny, you should write to Prince A’azam, “From the letter of Neek Nàm Khán1 it was known that you had dismissed the three sons of your own old secretary. You seem to be wise and sagacious. Do as you like. Now you do not like Fazáil Khán Mir Hádi2. I appointed Ináyat Alláh Khán to report (to me) your desires. You must be knowing that Kūkaltásh Khán3 during his governorship of the Deccan, and Rūh Alláh Khán4 during his governorship of Haiderábád5 (Deccan), had become sources of abominable actions. For the sake of policy I took them to task for a time; but in the end I retained them in their posts by remembering their past services”.

I have heard His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) saying, “One day the Emperor Akbar, whose abode is in heaven, observed, ‘Though Todarmal6 possesses a sharp intellect for the ins and outs of political and financial affairs, I do not like his pride’. Abūl Fazl7 quarrelled with Todarmal and began to indirectly complain against him. The Emperor Akbar said to him, ‘Elevated persons should not be degraded; therefore the officials should per force be retained in their services’”. (Verse) “Greatness and generosity belong to that person who sees the crimes (of his servants) and at the same time maintains his servants by keeping them in his service”.

LETTER CLI.

Khán Firūz Jang left his work unfinished. He did not go to receive my grandson who had come from Būrhánpūr, but went away to the Berárs1. Why does not the Khán write a letter to me about him? Was the Khán informed to go to the Berárs through a letter from the agent or through divine news? Neither an order was issued nor was he told by me to go to the Berárs. Let him know from whom he received the post of generalship.

LETTER CLII.

Muhammad Bákar1, the superintendent of the divine court, died. People talk something about Shikár Khán. One day, when riding, I heard people speaking more ill of him than of Muhammad Bákar. I often said that Muhammad Bákar was notorious for a mischievous habit, while Shikár Khán, for pride. But it was no effect. It is right that men get rewards for their actions. The Khán knows better what happened to the deceased (i.e., Muhammad Bákar), and what will happen to himself. The evil passion does not allow man to do good acts and to store up provision for the next life. Otherwise people would know that it is bad to practise oppression, but it is worse to encourage it2. To render services to the avaricious is to kill the poor. To be thoroughly conscious of the responsibility of the judgment of the next life which is doubted is a difficult task. What if a man is certain of the judgment of the next life? The Khán must be given his ‘jághir’, but not a post in the state. (Verse) “Alas! alas! the indifference towards justice.”

Gūlám Mūhi-ūd-Din opened a shop in the army of A’azam. He claims himself to be a ‘dervish’. It is necessary to dismiss him. (Couplet) “Such people (like Gūlám) are not men but only figure-heads. They fill their bellies and are men of passion”. They are ignorant and abject persons, of a defective temper and utter false words. Where is faith, and where is (true) Islám?

1694. LETTER CLIII.

Prince A’azam, for his arrears due to the government, has requested that the district of Lūdhi should be assigned to him (so that he may be able to pay off his arrears from the revenue of the district). You should write to him or tell his agent, “There is no harm if his arrears remain unpaid. They will be considered to be paid off from the assets, cash money, the price of the jewels, &c. This is not the business of merchants”. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) used to keep in arrears more than one-fourth part of (the produce of) the ‘jághirs’ of the princes and the nobles. In my time all rules are without force.

Many times the pivot of the kingdom (i.e., Asad Khán) used to say on his own behalf, “I have never been appointed to manage the state affairs outside the capital. If I am sent abroad people will see my way of working1”. I had heard these words reported by the spies word for word. At this time I came to know from the reports of reporters that an accursed enemy had attacked Zūl Fikár Khán2 (at Gingi) and had not allowed provision to be in the Khán’s reach and that the Khán is in difficulty and requires help. A royal mandate was issued to you for going soon to the help of your son. When you made delay in joining him, I wrote the letter with my bright hand. Because you confessed your love for your son; but now when he is in difficulty, why do you hesitate to go there? To set forth a claim is one thing, and to fulfil the claim is another. (Verse) “Don’t boast more; because your pride is over3”.

LETTER CLIV.

Old devoted servant, notwithstanding that you have been favoured by me for a long time and have served me and that I have a great opinion of your knowledge about rules and about human virtues, you pocket the insults of the government officials and do not remember the (following) words of Sa’adi1: (couplet) “Both you and I are servants of the same master; both of us are servants in the court of the king (consequently one officer should not pocket another’s insult)”. It is very strange. Sa’ad Alláh Khán2 used to say, “The (Persian) letters ‘alif’ and ‘nūn’ in the word ‘divân’ (secretary or minister) resemble the pen and the inkstand (respectively) (i.e., the last letters ‘alif’ | and ‘nūn’ of the word ‘diván’ shew that the ‘diván’ has got a pen and an inkstand before him as the signs of his post)”. (But) the ‘diván’ who has not got angelic qualities is either a demon with pen and inkstand before him or a brute or a picture devoid of intelligence.3 Henceforth you should be careful. And with your confidence you should regard the servants of the royal court your equals; and you should not leave observance unobserved (i.e., you should possess the discriminative power).

LETTER CLV.

To-day (my) grandson Muhammad Azim1 requested (me) to annex the district of Lashakarpūr2 to the ‘jághir’ of Prince A’azam. You should ask him, “With what hope have you cherished this well-wishing in mind? Had this request been suggested to you by A’azam, there would have been no harm. Otherwise you should not make such requests; because they do not augment sincerity of heart but increase pride and self-conceit.” The Almighty God is an agent for us; and I call upon Him. He should have mercy upon us and He may make us enter His shadow.

1699. LETTER CLVI.

You must have heard the news of the death of Mūkhalis Khán1. I was pleased with his noble and virtuous qualities and his versatile genius. May God be pleased with him. This world where death is rampant has many calamities and its toys are perishable. Where are the wise heart and the seeing eyes? (i.e., wise men are to die in this world). A person indirectly complained before me, “This man (i.e., Mūkhalis Khán) does not consider any other man better than himself.” I replied, “He does not find any other man better than himself”.

Letters Addressed to
Gházi-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr Firūz Jang1.

LETTER CLVII2.

(My) sincere Khán Firūz Jang, I desired to come myself to see this loyal friend (i.e., Firūz Jang who was ill at the time); but with what face and how can I see you? Consequently I have sent Sa’adat Khán3 on my own behalf to see my eye (i.e., my dear Khán) and to represent to you what is concealed in my heart. Grapes are the only new fruits obtainable here. But the Greek physicians consider them injurious for the health of the noble, sincere, and learned Khán. Therefore I myself do not take grapes. If the Holy God wishes we will eat grapes together after the immediate recovery of your health. (Verse) “O God! how pleasant is this my desire (of getting recovery)! May Thou fulfil this desire”.

1702. LETTER CLVIII.

Sincere Khán Firūz Jang, the separation of your army cannot be helped. Send your son1 into my august presence to be favoured with gifts and allowances. Then he will return to my loyal friend (i.e., you). (Verse) “Beware! when you do not know the divine secrets, do not be disappointed. Plays and tricks (of fortune) are concealed behind the curtain. Do not be grieved.” (I.e., a person like the Khán should not be disappointed at his misfortune; because after a time good luck will succeed misfortune). (Verse) “What burnt the heart with anxiety was the fear of separation. Any how we must put up with this separation on account of the faithlessness of the sky”. (Similarly the Khán should put up with the separation of his army for which he was in great anxiety).

LETTER CLIX.

Sincere Khán Firūz Jang, may God be praised. There is no difference of heart between us (i.e., we love one another even from a great distance). (Couplet) “If you are in Yaman1 and at the same time with me (i.e., with my heart), you are near me. But if you are near me and at the same time without me (i.e., without my heart), you are in Yaman.” (I.e., if you are at a distant place like Yaman from me and yet if you love me at that place, you seem to be near me; but if you are near me and yet do not love me, you seem to be far away from me at Yaman). (Similarly though Aurungzebe was far away from the Khán, on account of his love for him he imagined himself to be near him). You must have been probably informed of the affairs of the whole day so that the physical union might be kept up. I have not seen Ináyat Alláh Khán. His place is vacant. (Verse) “The rose is rose wherever it grows”.

Letters addressed to
Zūl Fikár Khán Bahádūr Nasrat Jang1.

LETTER CLX.

Sincere Nasrat Jang, first this country (i.e., the Deccan) was governed by the Delhi kings. The powerful Bahámani2 kings usurped it from the possession of the Afghán kings of Delhi. Having found them addicted to sensual pleasures and engaged in low worldly affairs, we (i.e., the Mogul emperors) took advantage of it and acquired the throne and the canopy for us (i.e., we founded our Delhi Empire). They received the reward of their actions from the revengeful leaders,3 i.e., the Bahámani kings treated their masters (the Afghán kings of Delhi) badly and unfaithfully; they themselves, in return, were treated so by their servants. Shivá(ji)4 and others also treated them badly. (Couplet) “Take advantage when the kingdom is in your hands; because the kingdom passes from one hand to another (i.e., take possession of the Deccan; because it has passed from one ruler to another)”.

LETTER CLXI.

Why Should a fertile land be given to an ungrateful ‘káfir-i-harabi’?1 Why should we be negligent in carrying out works which it is impossible to accomplish without any evident objection? Have we not read about the reward of the crusade (against the infidels) in the ‘Sahihain’2? Have we not got power of conquering kingdoms and of imprisoning rebels?

LETTER CLXII.

Khán Nasrat Jang, Ráo Dūlip1 sent his other subordinates except Mūltifat Khán2 to prince A’azam in order to request him that as the work was heavy, there would be no harm if it was reduced. All right. Many of the subordinates of the Ráo are in common cause with the shameless Rámá3. They do not understand they they make themselves the butts for the arrow of destruction in the next life. (Couplet) “Wheat grows from wheat; and barley, from barley (i.e., as you sow so shall you reap). Don’t be unmindful of the reward of (your) action”. (Verse) “Oh! Morning breeze, kindly tell this beautiful deer that it has caused us to wander on mountains and in jungles”. May the end be safety.

1702. LETTER CLXIII.

My sincere Nasrat Jang, (our) whole energy was devoted to the conquest of the Deccan which was the most important work. Thank God that we have accomplished the work (of conquering the Deccan)1. But the expenses incurred in this meritorious journey (of the Deccan) are defrayed from the treasury of the Northern India. We are still in debt. I have heard that in the Karnátic2 large and old treasures are hidden and buried under the ground. The ‘Zamindár’3 of Bijápūr of an unknown origin has usurped the kingdom of the Karnátic by force. The grandson of Shiváji is the father of the hellish Shiváji (i.e., the grandson is worse than even the grandfather). Evidently his kingdom (i.e., the Karnátic) is not strong. Its revenue is said to have been estimated by the late Masūd Khán at seventy or eighty lacs of ‘hūns’4. Why don’t you take possession of this kingdom (of the Karnátic)? You should inquire from your own deputy, who must be Dáūd Khán5, about the condition of this kingdom and about the plan of taking it. Why are you careless and negligent about this6?

LETTER CLXIV.

My Khán Nasrat Jang, government servants do not pay any attention to honest people; because from beginning to end these honest men have no regard and respect for the government officials. The oppressors are not afraid of giving (money) to and taking (it) from honest men (i.e., the oppressive government servants bribe and fleece the honest); i.e., it will require no miserliness to give water to others from the ocean. Their wicked actions are contrary to my order. I do not know what punishment will be inflicted upon me on the day of judgment and what hardships will befall the subjects1. (Verse) “The thought of Saturday embitters the Friday of the boys2. The pleasure of to-day without the anxiety of to-morrow is enjoyable (i.e., sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof)”. Any how the men of power should always fear honest men and should every moment say, ‘O God! save me and protect me (from sins)’.

Letters addressed to
Mirzá Sadr-ūd-Din Muhammad Khán Safavi1,

Second Paymaster.
LETTER CLXV.

Mirzá Paymaster, Ikhalás Keesh-i-Punjábi2 has been raised to the post of ‘Dū-Sad-o-Punjáhi3’. You should make an entry of this into the record of titles.

LETTER CLXVI.

Mirzá Paymaster, Muhammad Ebráhim, the bashful courtier, has been raised to a high honour, i.e., to the post of ‘Seh-Hazári’, two hundred and five hundred followers, a title of ‘Mirzá Kháni’, and a present of two thousand rupees, at the request of the Begum1. According to (my) order, you should write him a letter communicating these favours. He who acts virtuously and piously is rewarded by God.

Letter addressed to
A’akel Khán1,

Fort-keeper and Governor
of the Capital of Sháh Jehán Abád2.

1662. LETTER CLXVII.

I read the petition of that old servant (i.e., the Khán). You have expressed the desire of retiring from the service and of tendering resignation of your post. When I have protected you under my service, which is the object of divine glory and favour, do you think that you will get a better post anywhere else than here? In case of you insist, your petition will be certainly accepted and your request (for resignation) will be complied with; and a sum of one thousand rupees per month, amounting to twelve thousand per year, will be assigned to you.

Letter addressed to
Hamid-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr1.

LETTER CLXVIII.

Hamid should know that a few days ago prince A’azam uttered these words before me: “There are my three bitter enemies—Hamid-ūd-Din Khán, Amir Khán2, and Mūna’am Khàn3”. I replied, “Amir Khán is a good-natured man; he is the enemy of none. It is proper that Hamid is also not an enemy. The nature of Mūna’ am Khán is unknown to this oppressive and ignorant man (i.e., Aurungzebe himself)”. Did you ever consider why you are indifferent to your own condition and to death which is nearer to man than the strip of his shoe and the pulse of his neck (i.e., death comes unexpectedly)? Woe! woe! Alas! alas! (Couplet) “Sometimes I am left behind my hand, heart, and foot (i.e., sometimes I become helpless). O life! you are passing away soon; I fear that I will be left behind you (i.e., I will die soon)”. If you think it right I will recommend you to prince A’azam. If you quarrel with each other I will reconcile you both; so that you may not be dishonest in serving this mortal creature (i.e., Aurungzebe). Whatever you think write it to me or inform me of it.

Letters addressed to
Ináyat Allàh Khán1.

LETTER CLXIX2.

Yesterday when Abūl Vafá3 was present a simple dervish came there and asked for something for his family. I said, “What has the dervish to do with (worldly) desires? He should be free from the desires of this world and should have nothing with him (i.e., be poor in worldly things)”. People cry, ‘A dervish, a dervish4’; but they do not know who is a dervish and what is his business. (Verse) “The world is a mirror of imagination and the people thereof are the worshippers of this mirror. People imitate passions and say, ‘It is for God’.” O God! awaken us from the sleep of negligence. Amen! amen! amen!

1699. LETTER CLXX.

Hidáyat Keesh1 and Ikhalás Andeesh boast much of their being converted into Islam. (But) their boasting is unnecessary. The former boasts in my presence while the latter displays a bad disposition before prince A’azam. You should make them understand (not to behave in this way). (Verse) “O Nakhashaby2! get up and put up with time; otherwise you will be a butt for the world (i.e., you will be ruined in the world). The wise men of the world say, ‘Wisdom consists in putting up with time’”. May God make you listen with your ears and see with your eyes. May peace be upon men of discretion and of virtue. You may have heard the details of the conduct of these two ungrateful wretches towards the prince. What can be done? There is no remedy for one’s affairs. I gave orders according to the requests of these ungrateful wretches. (But now) I issued an order to imprison them. It was not known that these irreligious persons would become so very impudent as to represent untruth to the prince and to attribute untrue things to this auspicious person (i.e., Aurungzebe himself). Very well. A friend and friendship must be constant. If the High God wishes I will look to their cases.

According to (my) order you should write a letter to prince A’azam and send it soon to him with Iaar Ali Beg:3 “In order to shew partiality to the most stupid Afazal, you have not dismissed the tyrant, Hasan Beg of Chakleh Kūrá. The inhabitants of this place lament constantly, strike their heads against the ground (i.e., bewail) and say, (verse) ‘If you will not give us justice, there is the day of judgment for our justice’. The last remedy is of branding, i.e., this Chakleh will be deprived of your ‘jághir’ and you will have no recompense for that4. The earth is firm and the sky is far away. The trustworthy agent (or the trustee) said to the secretary (or the minister) before the landlord and the subjects, ‘It is easy to be a secretary but it is difficult to be a trustee’. In some of the districts your army get money by oppressing the people. You should select God-fearing and virtuous men, look carefully into their character, and appoint them (in the places at present filled by the tyrants), so that both you and I will be free from responsibility on the day of judgment. Officers should not be the relatives and brothers of a minister and reporters should not be the sons of a ‘faujdár’ and of a trustee”.

LETTER CLXXI.

You should say to Hidáyat Alláh1, Zarrin Raquam2, to write in good hand the (following) quatrain in the letter to be sent to prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsha3. (Quatrain) “With my own two hands have I set fire to my own harvest. Why should I complain of my enemy? No one is my enemy. I myself am my own enemy. Woe to myself, to my hand, and to my skirt!”

LETTER CLXXII.

MirJalál-ūd-Din1, who has resigned the service of prince A’azam, is evidently the nephew of Himmat Khán who was my paymaster. The Mir is a born Saiyad of a noble parentage and of a good disposition. You should enquire into the cause of his resignation.

LETTER CLXXIII.

The letter of Mū’atemad Khán1 is not a revelation that it should be acted according to per force and that order should be disturbed. Any how, when he is tired of himself and has resigned, you should write him to come to Akbarábád and to take charge of the ‘diváni’ thereof.

1694. LETTER CLXXIV.

Asad Khán and his son have written to me, “The prince (i.e., Kám Bakhsha) is ready to fight against us with the support of the infidel Rámá and desires to enter the fortress (i.e., Jinji)1. But on account of the caution of the royal army, the accursed Rámá could not come out of the fortress and receive the prince in. This is the reason of the delay in taking the fortress.” According to (my) order you should write them to keep a watch over the prince and to take the fortress. You should write a strong letter and entrust it to Iaar Ali Beg2 who will send it to them by rapid stages. It should not be that the prince joins the enemy (i.e., Rámá) and foils our efforts like the late prince3. (Verse) “In a country where boys are rulers, the claims of a hundred years’ services become as playthings to them (i.e., when boys become rulers, they do not pay any regard to long services and thus upset the plans of the king)”.

Having heard about the great wealth of India Sharif-i-Mecca4, for taking an advantage for himself, sends me every year an envoy (for receiving money from me). This sum of money which I sent (with the envoy to the Sharif) is for the needy. We should take care whether the money is distributed among the poor or is wasted by the Sharif. On your own behalf you should write to the great and rich merchants of the auspicious harbour of Sūrat5 that this sum of money will be sent through them to the needy of the two holy and auspicious cities (i.e., Mecca and Medina) if they guarantee its safety. Any how religious charity practised by government should not be known to the public. My object is to please the holy souls of the prophets, the Glorious and Sublime God and His companion (i.e., Mahomet). May the good will and peace of God be upon him (i.e., Mahomet) and upon his family. If this is also impossible, why should it (i.e., money) not be distributed among the poor of this country (i.e., India)? Because the manifestation of the Holy God is reflected in every place (i.e., God is omnipresent). We are nearer to God than even to the pulse of our neck.6

Letters addressed to
Asad Khán1.

LETTER CLXXV.

You should write, nay address in a respectable way as in a petition, to the heir-apparent, Muhammad Mūazzam Sháh Bahádūr, that the post of the faujdárship of Jalálábád2 had been managed well by Sheikh Karim Ulláh. His father was a soldier and also a civil servant. I am not fully informed of his condition. You should write what his post is.

I have heard from outside that the agent of the ‘Sūbidár’ who is a landlord in the province of Káshmere3 comes for a long time into the ‘diváni’ court about the case of the revenue of a ‘jághir’ which the ‘Sūbidár’ wants to receive from a Káshmiri officer. The judge of the court, through partiality to the irreligious Káshmiri officer, does not compel him to give the rightful revenue to the ‘Subidár’. In this case it is allowable if the ignorant bring an excuse for their ignorance and foolishness. May God forgive them. Yet why should the wise bring forth an excuse? Often have I said with a loud voice and again I say, “In giving the rightful man his due and in crushing the oppression of the tyrants, I do not shew partiality even to any of my sons; then how can I be partial to others4?”

The Amir should be satisfied with putting on the gold turban presented to him only on the auspicious Sunday5. He should not make another turban.

LETTER CLXXVI.

You should write to my dear son Bahádūr, “This world passed away, and the next one came near (i.e., the world will be destroyed and the day of judgment is near). The things which will be left behind us (after our death) as a memory and which will be useful to us (in the next world) are good and charitable deeds1. You should know that you have to depart from this world and therefore do charitable deeds (by taking advantage of your present life). That man is wise who takes advantage of the present time which is between the past and the future, practises as soon as he can good and virtuous acts, and considers the present and the future as the past (i.e., takes advantage of the present time and does not lose any opportunity). (Verse) ‘O Sa’adi2! you give daily advice to every one, but you yourself do not act upto it (i.e., nor is it Homer nods, but we that dream).’”

LETTER CLXXVII1.

I sent my sincere and devoted servant (i.e., Asad Khan) to the house2 of prince Bahádūr. By giving a warning to the father (i.e., Asad Khán) and the son (i.e., Zūl Fikár Khán), I augmented the houour of the prince. Evidently he became proud and self-conceited and lost his (royal) dignity. May God forgive him. It is proper on his part that he should tender a personal apology, go to the house of Nasrat Jang3, beg the Khán’s pardon4, and consider himself a subordinate of his father. The taste of ‘káneh kuchcha5 should not be forgotten. (Verses) “Do you know what is manliness? Do you know who is a brave man? A brave man is he who puts up with his enemies and associates with his friends”.

LETTER CLXXVIII.

You should make a petition to prince A’azam. The prince has interceded for the fault of A’atibár Khán1. Saiyad Sa’ad Alláh Dervish2 has written to the prince to practise great patience. You should write to the prince the two (following) fine and charming hemistichs sung by Abdūl Kádir Bedil3 which are applicable to this case: (verse) “Fear the sighs of the oppressed; because at the time of their prayer acceptance comes to receive them from the court of God (i.e., the sighs of the oppressed are heard and responded to by God)”.

Letters addressed to
Abdūl Kásim Khán.

The Khán was distinguished with the title of Mūltifat Khán. (Cf. Let. CLXII). After the death of Amir Khán, he received the title of Amir Khán. He was the head of the body guards of His Majesty (i.e., Aurungzebe). He knew the most holy nature of Aurungzebe and made fine remarks appropriate to the time and occasion before the emperor.

LETTER CLXXIX.

You should write to Muhammad A’azam Sháh, “I (i.e., Aurungzebe) am pleased with your honesty and intelligence. How long will the poor Záhedeh Bánū remain in misery and affliction? She has a claim on you and me. To deprive her of this right becomes the cause of displeasure to God. Don’t you know to what an extent the overflowing bounty of the forgiving Creator forgives the crimes of many sinners and of men of bad actions? For God’s sake and my sake remove from the bosom the old (feeling of) revenge and the remembrance of the former quarrel. You should shew favour to this old lady who has no other relative except you. Her grandsons (esp. Badhū) saw an evil day as a punishment of their actions. We have to leave the world; consequently we must put up with every man. (Verse) ‘Tell who is the man in the world who has not committed sins (i.e., every man in the world commits sins)’. I remember the rare words uttered by Miyán Abdūl Latif1—may his holy tomb be sanctified—, ‘To give countenance to an ungodly person and to deprive a rightful man of his right are the worst crimes’. The Creator of real effects (i.e., God) produced an effect upon the tongue of this sinner, full of sins (i.e., Aurungzebe). What more can be written than this2?”

LETTER CLXXX.

According to (my) order, whenever Sar Faráz Khán Abdūl Latif Khán1 comes to salute ‘the best of the kingdom’ and ‘pivot of state affairs’2, having raised his hand after the salutation he should follow the Khán, when he rides on a horse. If the Khán rides in a ‘pálkee’3, Sar Faráz is free from other ceremonials after saluting the Khán. If the Khán rides on an elephant, he should go after him. If the Khán speaks, he should reply; otherwise, not. Rákánhū and other ‘Panj Hazáris’ should dismount and salute the Khán. Asad Khán should give a betel to Rákánhū and say good bye to other ‘Panj Hazáris’.

The copy of a mandate issued by
Prince A‘azam to Afazal Khán.
LETTER CLXXXI.1

Saiyad Kamàl Khán2 died. You should write to the agent (asking him) to inform the emperor of this. The condition of the followers of the (late) officer is clear to His Majesty (i.e., Aurungzebe). Ináyat Alláh Khán3 is acquainted with the good services of every officer. His Enlightened Majesty will appoint him whom he considers fit to this post. There is no Cáshmiri in this province whom I can appoint and with whom Ináyat Alláh Khán is pleased. The balance due to this Afghan (i.e., the late Saiyad) will remain of course on paper and will not be received. The province will produce a less revenue and the people will be ruined. I have heard the awe of Ináyat Alláh Khán to such an extent that I won’t accept even a lac of rupees in place of one rupee. Change! change! change! (i.e., there is a constant change in everything). The (government) affairs require the conditions of the fear of God and the fear of being punished by the king. A minister should not entrust such affairs to his relatives and friends. Mir Tazá must be in Launi4. I have not appointed those, as government servants, who have faith in the Mir’s action, and who possess ‘jághirs’ for oppressing the people and exacting money from them.

INDEX.

A’akel Khan, Let. xxviii, cxlviii.

A’atibar Khan, clxxviii.

A’atimad Khan, xxv.

Aaza-abad, cxvii.

A’azam Tara, xliii.

A’azam Shah Bahadur, Sultan Mahammad, Introd., viii to lxxii, lxxiii, xcvi, cx, cxiii, cxviii, cl, clii, cliii, clv, clxii, clxviii, clxx, clxxii, clxxviii, clxxix, clxxxi.

Abdul Kasim Khan, clxxix, clxxx.

Abdullah Khan, xcvii.

Abdul Latif (Miyan), xxii, xcii, clxxix.

Abdul Majeed Khan, xxxviii.

Abdul Nabi, xxxiv.

Abrahim Khan, cxvi, cxviii, cxix.

Abshar-i-Tavfeek, xii.

Abul Fazl, cl.

Abul Vafa, cvi, clxix.

Abu Nasir Khan, iv, cix.

Abu Sa’aeed Marz, lv.

Accountants (real), xiv.

Adab-i-Alamgiri, Preface.

Afazal (most stupid), xiv, clxx.

Ahadis, xciv.

Ahmedabad, xxiii, xliv, cxvii.

Ain, cxvi.

Akbar (the emperor), xxxvi, lxxxiii, cl.

Akbar (the prince), xcv, clxxiv.

Akbarabad, xi, lxxxv, xci, cxxxviii, clxxiii.

Alamgir, Preface.

Alif, cliv.

Ali Mardan Khan, xlviii, liv, lv.

Ali Vardi Khan, xix.

Allah Khan, cxxii.

Allah Yar Khan, xlii.

Aman Allah, xix.

Aman Allah Beg, xxiii, xxxvi, xxxvii, lxv.

Aman Allah Khan, cxxviii.

Amanat Khan, xlii.

Ambition, xcv.

Ameer Khan, xcviii.

Ameer Khan, xcix, clxviii.

Ameer Khan, clxxix.

Ameer Khan, Abdul Karim, Preface.

Ameer-ul-Umara, Introd, xci, cxxviii.

Amir, clxxv.

Amjad Khan, xcvi.

Artillery, xi.

Asad Burj, xii.

Asad Khan, Introd., xcii to clvi, clxxiv, clxxv to clxxviii, clxxx.

Asad-ud-Din, xxxix.

Asharafi, cxli.

Asla, xxx.

Ateek Allah Khan, xciv, cxviii, clxvii.

Aurungzebe, Preface, Introd.; his activity to state affairs, xxviii; his advice to his sons and grandsons, Preface, lxxxviii, clxxvii; his anxiety for the interests of the sons of his deceased officers, xxxviii, xxxiii, cxxviii; A. as an epicurean, x., cxvii; his asceticism, lxxi; his bigotry and fanaticism, Preface, ii, xviii, clxi; his bravery and generalship, v; his character, liv; his charity, lxxviii, cvii, clxxiv, clxxvi; his confiscation of the property of the deceased nobles, xcix, cxxviii, cxlvi; his death, lxxii, lxxiii; his determination, liv; his distrust, xxviii, xxxvi, xlvii; his fondness for delicacies, x; his foresight, liv; his humility, lxxxiii; his justice, Preface, Introd., xiv, clxx, lxviii, clii, xxiii, lxviii, cxxxii, lxxxviii, xcii, xciv, cxxxii, clii, clxiv, clxxv; his kindness, Preface; his Koranic knowledge, Preface; his letters, Preface; his love for his sons, xxix, xli; his love for his subjects, vii, xx; his love for honest men, xv, xxxvi; his love of money, lx; his narrow mindedness, xxxi; his partiality for the Mohemadans, xxxiii; his patience, v; his private life, Preface; his religious devotion, Preface, xxiii, lxxxviii, cvi, clxxiv; his repentance of his crimes, vii, xxxvii, xliv, cxvii; his scholarship, Preface; his self-eulogy, v; his simplicity in dress, cxlvii; his well wishing of his subjects, Preface.

Aya Mal, Raja, Preface.

Azim-ud-Din Bahadur, Mahammad, Introd., lxxii, lxxiii, lxxxvii to xc, clv.

Badakhshan, i.

Bahadur, civ, cviii.

Bahadur, clxxvi, clxxvii.

Bahadur Beg Shervani, xxxvi.

Bahadurpur, xx.

Bahamani kings, clx.

Bahlol Shervani, xxxvii.

Bakhashi, clxvi.

Bak Khan, lxv.

Balance sheet, liii.

Bali, xix.

Balkh, i, xxxvi.

Bani Shah Darag, xliii.

Bans, lxxxiv.

Bareetee Shah, lxxvii.

Bargi, cxi.

Barnala, xliii, cxi.

Basan Singh Kachava, (Raja), xi.

Bedil, xcviii, clxxviii.

Beel- daran, cxx.

Begum, lxxii, lxxiii, clxvi.

Bengal, xxxvi, lviii.

Beparian, xx, xciv.

Berars, cli.

Bidar Bakhta Bahadur, Mahammad, Introd. xi, lxiii, lxxii, lxxiii, lxxvi to lxxxvi, cxx, cxxxi, cxxxvii.

Bijapur, lxxii.

Bijapur, clxiii.

Birth (Aurungzebe’s), xxxi.

Biryani, x.

Branding, lxx.

Brave grandson, Introd.

Burhan Allah Khan, cxliv.

Burhanpur, cxxix, cli.

Cabul, lviii, xcv, civ.

Cadi, cxvii.

Capital cxvii.

Cashmere, cv, cxvi, clxxv.

Caucasus, cxxxiv.

Centre of Affairs, Introd.

Chakleh Kura, xiv, xxii, clxx.

Chamarkundeh, xl.

Chanchi, cxiv, cxvi.

Changer of Hearts, lxii.

Chauki, lv.

Chawa-chandan, xlii.

Chehar-Hazari, ci.

Chhavani, cxxiv.

Chilas, cxxvi, cxli.

Chinese, xxi.

Cujwa, xci.

Chin Kilich Khan, xcvi.

Dagh-tasihah, lxx.

Dah-Hazari, lxxiv.

Daireh, clxxvii.

Dak chauki, xcvi.

Dali, ix.

Dami, xcix.

Dara Shekuh, Introd., v, xlvii, liii, liv, xcv, cxli.

Darshanians, xii.

Dastur-al-Amal Aghahi, Preface.

Daud Khan, cxxxv, clxiii.

Day of Judgment, xiv, xxiii, xxxv, xxxvii, xl, xcii, clii, clxiv, clxx.

Dear grandson, Introd.

Death in God, cxxv.

Deccan, lviii, lxxxv, cxx, cxxxiv, cl, clx, clxiii.

Deccan War, Preface.

Dervish, clxix, cvii.

Dhun, xliii.

Dianat Khan, Abdul Kadir, lxiii.

Dilaver Khan, xxxix.

Dinar, liii.

Dirams, xciv, xcix.

Dishonesty, lxix.

Divan, cliv, cxx.

Divani, clxxiii.

Divan-i-Aam, xii.

Divan-i-Khas, xii.

Doharah, Lxxvi.

Duhad, xxxi, lviii.

Du-Sad-o-Panjahi, clxv.

Dushaleh, cxli.

Eftikhar Khan, lxii, lxix.

Eldest son of sovereignty, Introd.

Era (Hindu), ii.

Esavi Khan, cxliv.

Fateh Allah Khan, v, civ, cviii, cxxii.

Fateh Jang Khan, xix, xxiv.

Fatehpur, lxxvi.

Faujdarship, xix, xxxvi.

Fazayal Khan, lxii, cl.

Fazil Khan, lvi, lxii.

Fazl Ali Khan, cxxxii.

Fida Khan, lxxxi.

Firuz Jang, Khan, Introd., lxxix, lxxxiv, cviii, cxxiv, cli, clvii, clviii, clix.

Gabriel, lix.

Gaj-nals, lxxxiv.

Garden, cxii, cxvii.

Ghari, xii.

Ghaut, xliii.

Ghosal Khaneh, xlviii, liii, lxx, cxli.

Gisu Daraz (Shah Bandeh Navaz), lxxi.

God-nals, lxxxiv.

Gopal Singh, cxxxviii.

Grandson of high dignity, Introd.

Gujarat, xix, xxxi, lviii, lxiv, lxxiii, cxviii.

Gulam Muhi-ud-Din, clii.

Gul-dasteh, cxii.

Gulshan-rawan, xlii.

Gurz-bardars, lxxi.

Hadu, cxxvi.

Hafizeh Mariam, lvi.

Hafz Allah Khan, cxviii.

Haiderabad, cxlvi, cl.

Hajipur, xxxvii.

Hakim Asharaf, cxxv.

Hamid-ud-Din, Khan Bahadur, Introd., cxxvi, cxxxii, clxviii.

Happy son, Introd.

Hasan Ali Khan, xix, xxxiv.

Hasan Beg (of Chakleh Kura), xiv, clxx.

Hayat Bakhsha, cxvii.

Hazari, cxvii, cxxxvi.

Head groom, viii.

Hidayat Allah, clxxi.

Hidayat Keesh, clxx.

Hidayat Keesh-i-Punjabi, lxxi.

Hindus, ii.

Hirat, i, xcv.

Hiyat-un-Nisa, lxxiii.

Honest men, clxiv.

Honesty, xv, xxxiv, xxxvi, xlvi, xxxix.

Horses, viii, xlii, lxi.

Huns, clxiii.

Hunting, xii, xxviii.

Husain Ali Khan, cii.

Iaar Ali Beg, cxvii, clxx, clxxiv.

Ihtamam Khan, cxxxix.

Ikhalas Andeesh, clxx.

Ikhalas Keesh-i-Punjabi, clxv.

Inayat Allah Khan, Preface, Introd, lvi, lxxi, cv, cxvi, cxxxviii, cxlv, cl, clix, clxix to clxxiv, clxxxi.

India, lxxviii, lxxxiii.

Industry, lxiv.

Islamabad, xi.

Islam Khan, x.

Islam Khan, cv.

Ja, afar Khan, cxli.

Jaghirs, xii, xiv, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxix, lxviii, lxx, lxxxix, cii, ciii, cxx, cxxiv, cxliv, clii, cliii, clv.

Jalalabad, clxxv.

Jalal-ud-Din Rumi, cxii.

Jaldu, xcvii.

Jasvant Khatri, lxx.

Jasvant Singh, xci.

Jats, xi.

Javahir Khan, cxxxvii, cxliii.

Javahir Khaneh, xcvi, ci.

Jazayars, lxxxiv, cxxxv.

Jehan Ara Begum, lxxvi.

Jehangir, l.

Jharukha-i-Darshan, xii.

Jinji, cviii, clxxiv.

Kabil Khan, lvi.

Kabuli, x.

Kachakra, xxi.

Kadirabad, xl.

Kafir-i-Harabi, clxi.

Kafur, l.

Kaharkun, xxii.

Kalimat-i-Taibipat, Preface, Introd.

Kam Bakhsha, lxxii, lxxiii, cx, cxiii, cxiv, cxxvi, clxxi, clxxiv.

Kamr-ud-Din Khan, ci.

Kamyab Khan, xlix.

Kandahar, i, iv, xcv.

Kaneh kuchcha, clxxvii.

Karnatic, clxiii.

Karori, lxx.

Kasim Khan, cxiv.

Kassas, xlix.

Katmeer, xcix.

Kazal-bashan, cxxxii.

Kazi Abdulla, xxxviii.

Kazi rikab, xxxviii.

Kaziship, xxxviii.

Khair Andish Khan, cxviii.

Khajeh Abdur Rahim, cxxxiii.

Khalif, xciv.

Khalneh, cxi.

Khamani, lxii.

Khan Alam, lxxxi.

Khan Jehan, xxviii, xcii, cxxvii, cxxxiv, cl.

Khichadi, x.

Khorasan, i.

Khujasteh-buniad, xx.

Khush-kharam, viii, xlii.

Kilich Khan (I), xlviii, lv.

Kilich Khan (Chin) (11), xcvi, clviii.

Kolis, xxxvii.

Koran, xii, lxxxvii, xcix, cv, cxxv.

Kukaltash Khan, cl.

Kulli Khan, xcvi.

Kun-fi-kan, cxxxiv.

Kutbudin, xxxvi.

Lahore, iv, xcix, cix, cxlvi.

Lakhi Jungle, lxxiv.

La Makan, cxxxiv.

Lashakarpur, clv.

Lauli, li.

Launi, clxxxi.

Lawsonia inermis, lxxxiii.

Lord of the Believers, xciv.

Ludhi, cliii.

Ma’az-ud-Din Bahadur, Mahammad, Introd., lxxiv, lxxv, xcv, cii.

Macebearers, lxxi.

Madar-ul-Maham, xcii.

Mahabat Khan, cxxxvi, cxlvi.

Mahabat Khan, cxlviii.

Mahal, xc.

Mahammad Bahadur Sultan, Introd., xci, clxxiv.

Mahi-i- Marateb, xvi.

Mahamudi, xxvi, liii.

Mahomet, Introd., lix, cxxxiv, clxxiv.

Mairganj, xxxvii.

Majusis (Majis), ii.

Mala, xviii.

Malva, xi, xviii, xxxiv, lxxxi, lxxxv, cxlix.

Mandeswar, xxxiv.

Mang-bashis, cxllii.

Mangoes, ix, xxi, lvii, xcviii.

Mansabdars, xvi.

Marhamat Khan, cxlvii.

Masud Khan, cxx, clxiii.

Mathura, xi.

Meer atesh, Introd.

Mim, cxvi.

Mir Arab, the dervish, xliv.

Mir Badhu, xxiv, xlv.

Mir Jalal-ud-Din, lxvi, clxxii.

Mir Khan, xvii.

Mir Nayaz, lvi.

Mir Taza, clxxxi.

Mirza Bakhashi, Introd., clxv, clxvi, xcii.

Mirza Khani, clxvi.

Miyanpur, xxxvii.

Mohurs, xlviii.

Muatebar, cxvi.

Mu’atemad Khan, xxxii, clxxiii.

Muazzam, Sultan Mahammad, Introd., i-vii, cv, cviii, cxl, clxxv.

Muazzin, xii.

Mubarak, cxvii.

Muhammad Ali Khan, lxii.

Muhammad Ameen Khan, ci.

Muhammad Anwar, the merchant, xxx.

Muhammad Bakar, cxxv, clii.

Muhammad Beg, xxviii, xxxii, xxxvi.

Muhammad Ebrahim, clxvi.

Muhammad Iaar Khan, xcvi, cxvii.

Muhammad Khan, c.

Muhammad Muhasan, lvi.

Muhammad Muzaffar Bakhsha, xcvi.

Muharam Khan, cxlvii.

Mukarab Khan, cxi.

Mukaram Khan, c, cxxx.

Mukhalis Khan, c, cxiv, clvi.

Multan, xcv.

Multifat Khan, clxii, clxxix, clxxx.

Muna’am Khan, vii, xcv, cix, clxviii.

Malek Ghazi, lxxiv.

Murad Bakhsha, i, xxxvi, liv.

Murshid Ali Khan, cxxxii.

Murshid Kulli Khan, lxxxvii.

Mustafa Kulli Beg (A’azam’s private secretary), xv.

Mustmand Khan, cxxiv.

Muswi Khan, lxii.

Nabi Shah Darag, xliii.

Nakar Khaneh, xii, xxvii.

Nakeer, xcix.

Nakhashabi, clxx.

Nasir Khan, iv, cix.

Nasrat Jang, Zul Fikar Khan, Introd., xvi, lxxix, lxxxi, xcii, cxxxv, clx to clxiv, clxxvii.

Navah, xxiii, xxxvii.

Navalkand, lxxxii.

Naval-tara, xliii.

Navazesh Khan-i-Rumi, xxxiv, cxxii.

Neek Nam Khan, cl.

Nilufar, xlii.

Nowroz, ii.

Nun, cliv.

Nur-bari, cxvii.

Nurbadda, xi, lxv.

Pahar Amal, liii.

Pahar Singh, xviii.

Panj-Hazarians, xix, clxxx.

Palakee, clxxx.

Palvani, vi.

Pans, lv, cxlviii.

Pan-Sadi, iv, xviii, cviii.

Parnala, civ.

Passion, xciii, cxxvii, cxxxiv, clii.

Patelships, xxiii, xxxvii.

Persians, ii.

Philosopher’s stone, xxxiv.

Phœnix, xxxix.

Pilgrimage, cxxx.

Pillar of the Kingdom, Introd.

Pir Mankha, xxxi, lviii.

Prayer house, cvi.

Rabi-ul-Awal, xci.

Rafi-ul-Kadr, or, Rafi-ush-Shan, iii, cxl.

Rafiz-i-Kush, cxxxiii.

Ragunath Sa’ad Allah Khan, lvi, cxlix.

Rahbari, cxi.

Rah-dari, li.

Rakaim-i-Karaim, Preface.

Rakanhu, clxxx.

Rama, cxiv, cxvi, clxii, clxxiv.

Ram-jangis, lxxxiv, cxxxv.

Rao, xviii, lxx.

Rao Dulip, lxxxi, clxii, xcvii.

Rasna-vilas, ix.

Razavi Khan, cxl.

Rehklas, lxxxiv.

Reporters, xx, xxvii, lxxv, cxxii, cxliv.

Retaliation, xlix.

Revenue collector, cxxxii, cxli.

Riding, xiii, l.

Ruh Allah Khan, xcii, xcvii, civ, cxx, cxxi, cxli, cl.

Ruka’at-i-Alamgiri, Preface, Introd.

Rupee, xviii.

Rustam, xxiv.

Sa’ad Allah Khan, xv, xxvi, xlvi, xlviii, li, lii, liii, xxxiv, liv, cliv.

Sa’adat Khan, clvii.

Sa’adi, xlv, cliv, clxxvi.

Sa’aeed Khan Bahadur, Zafar Jang, lii.

Saba-rafta, xlii.

Sabuk-sair, lxi.

Sacrifice (that), Introd.

Sadi, c.

Sadik Khan Bakhashi, ci.

Sadr-ud-Din Mahammad Khan Safavi, (Mirza), Introd., xcii, clxv, clxvi.

Safdar Khan-i-Sani, xxxvii.

Saf Shekan Khan, xix.

Saf Shekan Khan, l.

Saharand-bari, cxvii.

Sahib-abad, cxvii.

Sahihain, clxi.

Saif Khan, cxxxix.

Saints, lxxi, xcii, xciii.

Saiyad, ii, xiii, lxvi, xciii,, clxxii.

Saiyad Kamal, xxxvi.

Saiyad Kamal Khan, clxxxi.

Saiyad Mubarek, cxxxviii.

Saiyad Muhammad Khan, lvi.

Saiyad Murad, xxxvi.

Saiyad Sa’ad Allah, cxxv, clxxviii.

Sakra, xvii.

Saleh Khan, cxxxviii.

Saliman, x.

Sambhaji, cxi.

Santa, lxv, cviii.

Sar Buland Khan, xxxiv.

Sar Faraz Khan, Abdul Latif Khan, clxxx.

Sar-kub, lxx.

Sattara, xliii.

Satan, cxxvi.

Seh-Hazari, civ, clxvi.

Senapati, xi.

Sesh-Hazari, xvi.

Shah Alam Bahadur, Introd., lxxii, lxxiii, lxxxix, xcv, civ, cxv.

Shah Husain Safavi, xcv.

ShahJehan, i, xii, xxvi, xxxiv, xxxvi, xli, xlvi, xlvii, xlviii, l, li, lii, liii, liv, lxx, lxxviii, xcv, ci, cxiv, cxvii, cxli, cl, cliii.

Shah Jehan Abad, clxvii.

Shamshir Gadha, lxxxii.

Shamshir Khan, lxvii, lxxxii.

Shankarpur, lxxxix.

Sharif-i-Mecca, clxxiv.

Shayasta Khan, Introd., xci, cxxviii.

Sheer Andaz Khan, xxxvi.

Sheikh Karim Allah, clxxv.

Sheikh-ul-Islam, xxxviii.

Shikar Khan, clii.

Shivaji, clx.

Shuja, liv, xci.

Shuja’at Khan, xix, xxviii, xxxvii, cxvii, cxviii, xxxiii.

Shutur-nals, lxxxiv.

Siavash Khan, Shah Mir, xxxix.

Sipahdar Khan, cxxxvi.

Sirat, Ixxxviii.

Sirdar Khan, cxiv.

Solomon’s ring, xcii.

Sorath, xix, xxxvi.

Spiritual Leader, xlv, liv.

Style of the Letters, Preface.

Sudha-ras, ix.

Sultan Mahmud, cvii.

Sunday, clxxv.

Superintendent of the Palace, xix.

Surat, cxxv, clxxiv.

Surat-i-Ikhalas, lxxviii.

Surat-i-Shafa’a, lxxviii.

Tal, xxviii.

Taluk Chand, xviii.

Tamerlane, lxxxiii.

Tarbiat Khan, Intod., cxxxv, cxliii, cxliv.

Tarkand, lxxxii.

Thanejat, xxiii.

Todarmal, cl.

Toddy, xc.

Tola dana, lxxviii.

Turkey, lxi.

Udepuri, lxxiii.

Umadat-ul-Mulk, xcii.

Umar, xciv.

Umaras, xvi.

Unfriendly brother, Introd.

Unka, xxxix.

Usaf Khan, cxxix.

Vakea navis, xx, xxvii.

Vakingarh, cxxxv.

Vazier Khan, Haji Muhammad, lvi.

Vikramajit, ii.

Vuzarat Khan, Abdur Rahmin, cxlix.

Wealth (of India), clxxiv.

Wine, cxxii.

Worst companion, (the), cxxvi.

Yak-Hazari, xlviii.

Yakut Khan, cxxvi.

Yaman, ci, clix.

Zabar Dast Khan, cix, cxxxviii.

Zahedeh Banu, xxiv, xlv, clxxix.

Zamindar, cxi.

Zarrin Raquam, clxxi.

Zul Fikar Khan, Nasrat Jang, Introd., cxxi, cliii, clx to clxiv, clxxvii.

THE END

Here we find Aurungzebe as a devout and religious Mohemadan. Cf. Let. CLXXIV and LXXXVIII.

↩
Meer Abul Vafa, grandson of Zeiá-ūd-Din Khán, was appointed superintendent of the worshipping place in 1703. He was a very clever and witty man. Once he decipherad the enigmatical writing in a letter of prince Muazzam to Aurungzebe which no one could explain. For this he was rewarded and honoured by the emperor.

↩
Cf. Let. XCII, CLXIX and LXXVIII.

↩
The greatest king of the Ghaznavi dynasty of Afghanistan, son of Sabūktgin, born in 967 and died in 1030. He invaded India twelve times; and during his last expedition destroyed the famous temple of Somnáth in Gujarat. He is known as ‘Būt-Shekan’ (iconoclast) and was a great patron of Persian literature. The great epic poet of Persia, Firdūsi, who wrote the immortal ‘Sháh Námeh,’ flourished in his time. The great Persian historian, Al Birūni, was also his contemporary. Mahmud ruled for 33 years (997-1030). He was a fanatical ruler like Aurungzebe.

↩
Cf. Let. CIV and V.

↩
Cf. Let. CIV.

↩
I.e. Jinji. This last portion forms quite a separate letter; because Santaji died in 1698.

↩
Cf. Let. XVIII and LXV.

↩
Cf. Let. LIV.

↩
Cf. Let. VII.

↩
Cf. Let. IV.

↩
“In ancient astronomical tables it is recorded as Loháwar………… as it was on several occasions the seat of government, many splendid buildings have been erected and delightful gardens have lent it additional beauty. It is the resort of people of all countries whose manufactures present an astonishing display and it is beyond measure remarkable in populousness and extent.

“Whether Lahore be the ancient Bucephala, I do not pretend to determine.” Ain-i-Akbari.

Cf. Let. XCIX.

↩
He was sent along with Raja Jai Singh and Dilir Khan to the Deccan to punish Shivaji (1664). Before 1699 he was appointed governor of Udeh, and before 1704, governor of the Punjab. Cf. Let. CXXXVIII.

↩
Two sons of Aurungzebe who quarrelled with each other. Cf. Let. LXXIII and VIII.

↩
Two sons of Aurungzebe who quarrelled with each other. Cf. Let. LXXIII and VIII.

↩
Here Aurungzebe seems to forget his own quarrel with his father and brothers for the sake of the throne.

↩
Otherwise called Sheikh Nizám Haiderábádi, who deserted his master Abūl Hasan at the siege of Golconda and entered Aurungzebe’s service. 1687. In 1688 he laid siege to the fort of Barnala and in 1689 captured Sambhaji and his son Sahu. For this service he was rewarded with the title of Khan Zemán Fateh Jang. He had a son called Ikhalás Khan. Elphinstone and Duff call him ‘Tokarrab Khan, the Mogul officer at Colápūr.’

↩
Cf. Let. XLIII.

↩
Lit. Landlord (Pers.), its Indian equivalent being ‘Desai.’ Here the word is used for the licentious Sambhaji, a son of Shivaji. Sambhaji ruled for nine years from 1680 to 1689. In 1689 Aurungzebe put him to a cruel death. He was an unworthy son and successor to his father.

↩
Ráhiri or Rairee, a fort in the Konkan, where Akbar, Aurungzebe’s son, lived for a time, as a guest of Sambhaji. Cf. Let. XCV. It was built by Shivaji in 1662. Afterwards he changed it into Ráigarh and made it his capital.

↩
A fort of Sambhaji about 60 miles N. W. of Kolapur, now called Vishálgadh, taken by Aurungzebe in 1703. It was taken by Shivaji in 1659 and was changed by him into Vishalgadh.

↩
The Khan succeeded in capturing Sambhaji, Kalisá, his favourite, and Sáhū, his son, near Khalneh when they were bathing in a river.

↩
A beautiful structure, in the middle of the garden, in the form of a bouquet (Pers.).

↩
Here the line is repeated twice. In the first hemistich the Persian word ‘gashtan’ means ‘to become,’ while in the second it means ‘to turn away from.’ These beautiful lines were composed by Jalál-ūd-Din Rūmi, the great Sufi poet of Persia.

↩
At first he served Shah Jehan. During Aurungzebe’s time he was appointed governor of the Deccan. Then he was made joint administrator of Bengal. Cf. Let. CLVI.

↩
Muhammad Kasim Khan-i-Kirmáni, a very brave general of Aurungzebe. He was successively made ‘faujdár’ of Haiderabad and of Bijapur Karnatic. He was sent to punish Santaji who was plundering the province of Aduni in the Karnatic; but was defeated at Danderi and his men were deprived of their arms and clothes. After this, he committed suicide in order to escape from disgrace. 1695. In 1678 he was Mutsaddi of Surat.

There was another man bearing the same name, called Muhammad Kásim Khán, who was governor of Murádábád and who was killed in a fight with Shuja. 1659. It was through his treachery and baseness that the battle at Dharmatpur (1657) was lost to Jasvant Singh.

↩
Gingi or Jinji, a celebrated strong fortress in the Karnátic, eighty miles S. W. of Madras. It was taken by Shiváji in 1677 from the Bijapur government. It was besieged by Zūl Fikár Khán (1691) who was afterwards joined by Asad Khán and Kám Bakhsha (1694). Santáji Gorepary defended the fortress bravely. Kám Bakhsha was on the point of joining the enemy when he was imprisoned by Asad Khán and Zul Fikár Khán. Cf. Let. CLXXIV. Zul Fikàr Khán was recalled and Asad Khán and Kám Bakhsha were left there. 1694. Meanwhile Kám Bakhsha had been released at Aurungzebe’s order. Asad Khán and Kám Bakhsha failed to take the fortress. Therefore they were recalled and Zul Fikar Khan was again sent there in 1696 who at last took the fortress in 1698. Cf. Let. CXVI. After this it was named Nasratgadha.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXIII.

↩
Rájá Rám, second son of Shiváji by Soyera Bái, who came to the throne in 1680 after Shivaji’s death; but was deposed and confined by Sambhaji, his half-brother. After Sambhaji’s death he became king (1689) and established his court at Jinji in which he fortified himself against the Moguls and waged war against Aurungzebe. Before Jinji fell to Zul Fikar Khan (1698) he escaped from the fortress through the connivance of the Khan. Cf. Let. CXVI. Then he was pursued by the Moguls to Singarh where he died of exhaustion in 1700, one month before the fall of Sattara. The celebrated Tárá Bái was his eldest wife. The ruin of Santaji Gorepuray was a stain on his character. He was of a mild disposition. He had two sons: Shivaji and Sambhaji. Shivaji, Tara Bai’s son, came to the throne after the death of his father. 1700.

↩
I.e. Muazzam. Cf. Let. I.

↩
Cf. Let. X.

↩
A letter of the Persian alphabet, beginning the word ‘arizeh,’ a petition.

↩
Or, ‘this essence of disease’; a pun upon the word ‘ain’.

↩
Cf. Let. LVI, LXXI and CLXIX.

↩
Son of Amir-ūl-Umará Ali Mardán Khan. He was gradually raised to the governorship of Cashmere, Lahore, Bengal, Gujarat and Cabul. He was honoured with the rank of 5000 in 1659 and died in the reign of Bahadur Shah. Cf. Let. CXIX and CXVIII.

There was another man of the same name who was a general in the army of Abul Hasan, last king of Golconda. During the siege of Golconda he deserted his master and went over to the side of Aurungzebe (1686) who made him governor of Lahore in 1688.

↩
Cf. Let. CXIV.

↩
Here Aurungzebe seems to be a great epicurean. Cf. Let. X.

↩
Cf. Let. XCVI.

↩
Cf. Let. VII and LXXII.

↩
“Although the supreme authority and the redress of grievances rests with sovereign monarchs, yet the capacity of a single person is inadequate to the superintendence of the entire administration. It is therefore necessary that he should appoint one of his discreet and unbiassed servants as his judiciary delegate ……………… If capacity and vigour are not to be found united, he should appoint two persons, one to investigate whom they call a Cázi, the other Mir Adil to carry out his finding”. Bernier.

↩
Shuja’at Khan, Kártalab, a nobleman in Aurungzebe’s service. First he was a ‘Mansabdár’ of 4000 in Shah Jehan’s time. Aurungzebe appointed him governor of Ahmedabad. 1684. In 1689 he quelled a mutiny at Ahmedabad. For this his firmness Aurungzebe honoured him with the title of Shuja’ at Khan. He was, before this, governor of Ajmere and Jodhpur. After his death in 1703 Prince A’azam was made governor of Ahmedabad. The Khan was one of the ablest of Gujarat viceroys and was very honest. He ‘had so long and ably filled the office of viceroy in a most critical time.’ He was a man of great merit and high character and very fortunate throughout his life. Aurungzebe had great trust in him and throughout his services he was never found guilty by him. From a lower position he raised himself to a very high rank. He beautified Ahmedabad by building the college and mosque still known by his name near the Lál Gate. He was the husband of Fakhr-ūn-Nisá Begum. Cf. Let. XXXIII.

There were many nobles in Aurungzebe’s court bearing the title of Shuja’at Khan.

↩
Cf. the last portion of the above letter.

↩
A verse in the Koran uttered by Mohemadans at the time of hearing of some one’s death.

↩
Cf. Let. VIII.

↩
Cf. Let. XCIV.

↩
Cf. Let. CXVI.

↩
Here Aurungzebe deprecates his own times.

↩
Cf. Let. CXVI.

↩
Son of Khalil Alláh Khan. He was appointed ‘faujdár’ of Dahámūni in 1673. In 1680 he was made head groom; and in the same year he was made ‘Meer Atesh’. After the death of Sar Būland Khan he was made ‘Meer Bakhshi’. (1680). In 1681 he was made second Bakhshi; and in 1687, first Bakhshi. He was present at the siege of Danderi and was sent against Barnala and Sattara. In 1691 he took Ráichore. He played an active part in the siege of Golconda which city fell into the hands of Aurungzebe chiefly through the treachery of the Khan. He was the first to enter the fortress by means of ladders at night. The date of his death (1692) may be found from the following Persian verse:

“Fateh-i-killeh-i-Golcondeh mūbárak bád,
Ruh dar tan-i-mulk namand”.

I.e., may the (day of the) conquest of the fortress of Golconda be auspicious; the soul fled away from the body of the kingdom.

He was a very favourite officer of Aurungzebe whom he served till the time of the Deccan War. He was the son-in-law of Sháyista Khan and was very cunning and a great flatterer; but at the same time intelligent and sagacious. After his death his son Mir Hasan, entitled Khánzád Khan (1687), who was grand-steward of the emperor’s household (1696) and keeper of the privy purse, was also honoured with the title of Ruh Allah Khan (the Second) 1696, and died about 1705. In 1695 he was made ‘Meer Atesh;’ in 1696, he was appointed governor of Zafarábád; and in 1699 he was made second Bakhshi. After his death his son was also given the title of Ruh Allah Khan (the Third). Cf. Let. XCII, XCVII, CIV, CXLI and CL.

↩
‘This term was especially applied to the head financial minister whether of the state or of a province, being charged in the latter with the collection of the revenue, its remittance to the imperial treasury and invested with extensive judicial powers in all civil and financial causes’.

↩
Deccan literally means ‘the South,’ being a corrupted form of Sanskrit ‘Dakhashin’. It is so called because it is situated in the South of India. It is to be distinguished from Hindostan or Northern India which is separated from it by the rivers Narbudda and Tapti.

↩
Persons appointed to collect money and to carry it to the royal treasury. Lit. Pers. ‘beel,’ a shovel; and ‘dárán,’ keepers; hence, diggers; pioneers in an army.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXVI.

↩
Cf. Let. CLX.

↩
Navazesh Khan-i-Rūmi, son of Islám Khan-i-Rūmi, his original name being Mūkhtár Beg. He was honoured with the title of Navázesh Khán in 1681. In 1687 he was appointed ‘faujdár’ and fort-keeper of Mandeswar. In 1705 he was made governor of Cashmere. Cf. Let. XXXIV.

↩
Cf. Let. V.

↩
Cf. Let. XLV.

↩
The word for it in the text is ‘chhávani’, an Indian word, meaning also a ‘camp’.

↩
Saiyad Sa’ad Allah Derwish, a Mohemadan saint of Aurungzebe’s time, maternal grandson of Sheikh Pir Muhammad Saluni. For thirty-five years he acquired knowledge of every kind from his grandfather. Then he went on pilgrimage to Mecca where he lived for twelve years prosecuting his religious studies. Once the ‘Sharif’ of Mecca disagreed from him on some point; in consequence the Saiyad left Mecca for Surat where he passed his remaining days as a hermit. He was maintained and honoured by Aurungzebe. He was very kind to men of every creed. He was learned and had great influence over Aurungzebe. The emperor used to correspond with him and had great faith in him. Once he wrote to Aurungzebe by way of recommendation not to transfer the reporter of Sūrat (Bakar Khan) and the doctor of the hospital of Sūrat. 1693. Though Aurungzebe complied with his request he wrote the saint not to further interfere in worldly matters. From that day Aurungzebe discontinued his correspondence with the saint. This event is mentioned twice in his history by Kháfi Khan who gives the purport of the letter addressed to the Saiyad.

↩
I.e. Muhammad Bakar.

↩
A city in Gujarat, standing on the Tapti, once one of the richest cities in India, plundered twice by Shivaji. Formerly it was a great seaport; but has now been superceded by Bombay. In the archives of the Mogul Empire it was called ‘the Port’ or ‘the Harbour’. Shivaji used to call it ‘the key of his treasury’.

↩
I.e. to die in devotion to God and then to be united with Him—a Sufistic technical term.

↩
From a tradition.

↩
I.e. Asad Khan who was a very learned man.

↩
This fact is mentioned by Kháfi Khan in his history. Yakut Khan, entitled Mūharam Khan, who was in the service of prince Kam Bakhsha as his chamberlain and whom the prince did not like as being of an evil temper, was wounded by an arrow by a companion of the prince when he was leaving the royal court after the prince. For this five of the companions of the prince were imprisoned. One of them, named Hadu, foster brother of the prince, was convicted and ordered to be separated from the prince. But the prince did not like separation from his foster brother and surrendering him to the ‘kotwál’. Hamid-ūd-Din Khan Bahádūr (cf. Let. CLXVIII) was ordered to separate Hadu from the prince. The Khan (Hamid) was wounded by the prince, but at length was successful in imprisoning his foster brother. 1697.

↩
Muhammad Kam Bakhsha. Cf. Let. LXXIII.

↩
The words ‘the wost companion’—‘bais-al-kareen’—occur in the Koran and mean Satan. This phrase, either accidentally or intentionally, occurs also in ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri’.

↩
From a strange coincidence Kháfi Khan uses the same verse in connection with this event and says the prince was spoiled by bad company. This event is also referred to by the author of ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri’.

↩
Persons appointed to keep watch over those with whom the king was angry; an Indian word.

“His Majesty (i.e., Akbar), from religious motives, dislikes the name ‘bandeh’ or slave. He therefore calls this class of men ‘chilás’, which Hindi term signifies a faithful disciple (cf. Ar. ‘mūrid’). The pay of chilas varies from one rupee to one pence per diem. H.M. has divided them into several sections, and has handed them over to active and experienced people, who give them instruction in several things. Thus they acquire knowledge, elevate their position, and learn to perform their duties with propriety”.

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
Cf. Let. XXVIII.

↩
A Koranic verse.

↩
Of being endowed with the soul before his existence.

↩
I.e. Sháyasta Khan. Cf. Let. XCI. Aurungzebe was greatly obliged to him for the possession of the throne. After the Khán’s death Asad Khán was honoured with the title of Amir-ūl-Umará. Cf. Introduction.

↩
Cf. Let. CXVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. XCIX and CXLVI.

↩
Cf. Let. XXXVIII.

The Khán’s eldest son, Abūl Fateh Khan, was killed at Pooná during Shiváji’s attack on that city. 1663.

Another elder son, Umeed Khan, who was governor of Bihár, died soon after his father. 1695.

His three sons, Aitekád Khán, Abul Ma’ali, and Khodá Bandeh Khán, survived him.

↩
There were many men bearing this name. One of them was present at the sieges of Torná, Rájgarh, Purandhar, Singarh, Parnállá and Vishálgarh. 1701-1704. Another man, called Hàfiz Aman Allah Khan of Benares, was an author and ‘cádi’ of Lucknow and died in 1721. There was a third man of the same name who was ‘faujdár’ of Gwalior and was killed at the siege of Bijapur. 1686.

↩
Before 1705 he was fort-keeper of Kamrnagar. In 1705 he took part in the siege of Vákingadh. In 1706 he was appointed ‘faujdár’ of lmtiyázgadh.

↩
A city in Central India. It was founded and named after Būrhán-ūd-Din, a celebrated Mohemadan saint of the Deccan, in the fourteenth century. It became the Mohemadan capital of Khándesh. It stands on the Bhemá. It formed the head quarters of Aurungzebe during the Deccan War.

↩
An Arabic proverb.

↩
Cf. Let. C.

↩
I.e., Mecca and Medina, in Arabia.

↩
The author of ‘Mir-At-i-Alam’ says: “Although on account of several obstacles, he (i.e., Aurungzebe) is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which he takes to promote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be considered equivalent to the pilgrimage.”

↩
Cf. Let. XI and LXXVI.

↩
“The collector of the revenue should be a friend of the agriculturist. Zeal and truthfulness should be his rule of conduct. He should consider himself the representative of the lord paramount and establish himself where one may have easy access to him without the intervention of a mediator. He should not cease from punishing highway robbers, murderers, and evil-doers. He should assist the needy husbandman with advances of money and recover them gradually. He should strive to bring waste lands into cultivation and take heed that what is in cultivation fall not waste. He should stimulate the increase of valuable produce and remit somewhat of the assessment with a view to its augmentation. He shall not make the occasions of journeying, feasting or mourning an opportunity for exactions, and refrain from accepting presents.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
In 1699 he was appointed minister of Multán.

↩
The flower of the Persian army, raised by Sháh Abbás. Turkish ‘kazal,’ red and ‘básh,’ the head or a cap, so called because they used to put on red caps, ‘An’ is a Persian plural termination.

↩
Cf. Let. CLXVIII.

↩
Here Aurungzebe strongly condemns oppression for the advocacy of justice, Cf. Let. XIV and LXXXVIII.

↩
From a tradition.

↩
Son of Abdūl Kásim. He was a native of Farghána, in Afghanistan, came to India in the reign of Shah Jehan, and served under Aurungzebe for several years. He died in 1692.

↩
Lit. ‘the Killer of the Shiáhs.’ ‘Ráfiz’ means in Arabic ‘a deserter.’ The Shiáhs are the Persian Mohemadans who follow Ali, the son-in-law of Mahomet, Aurungzebe was a Sunni.

↩
Cf. Let. CXXVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. XXVIII and CXXVII.

↩
Cf. Let. XCIII.

↩
A passage from the Koran—words supposed to be uttered by hell which is here personified, on the day of resurrection. As hell is never satisfied with its victims (i.e., sinners and infidels) and cries for more, similarly passion is never satisfied with its victims (i.e., the weak-willed) and cries for more. Here passion is compared to hell.

↩
Lit. ‘World of non-space,’ the highest mansion of God which even the angels cannot reach. This word occurs in the Koran in reference to Mahomet’s nightly journey to heaven.

↩
I.e., the whole world; lit. ‘be, and it was.’ These words occur in the Koran in reference to the world’s creation. It is said God created the whole world by uttering the word ‘kūn,’ ‘be.’ Cf. the very first chapter of the Genesis in the Old Testament of the Bible.

This is a question of Mohemadan theology. It is said in the Koran that when hell will cry for more and more victims on the day of resurrection, God will put His foot on the border of hell. Then hell will be satiated and will not require more victims thenceforth.

↩
A Sufistic belief. A somewhat similar idea is expressed in the New Testament of the Bible by Matthew where Christ says if we have faith as slight as a mustard seed we can remove a mountain from its place.

↩
Cf. Let. XVI.

↩
A general of Aurungzebe. There were many generals bearing this name. One of them was called Daud Khan Kūreshi who was appointed governor of Allahabad by Aurungzebe in 1670.

There was another more celebrated general, bearing the same name, called Daud Khan Panni, mentioned here. This Panni was a Pathan general of Aurungzebe, renowned throughout India for his extraordinary courage, and his memory still survives in Deccan tales and proverbs. He served for many years under Aurungzebe. He was present at the siege of Vákingarh, 1706. In place of Zūl Fikár Khán he was made viceroy of the Deccan by Bahadur Shah. 1708. He was slain in the battle against Saiyad Hūsain Ali in the time of Farukh Siar. 1715. Cf. Let. CLXVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. CXLIII.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXXIV.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXXIV.

↩
Second son of Khan Jehán Bahadur, the foster brother of Aurungzebe. (Cf. Let. XXVIII). In 1687 he was appointed governor of Láhore. He was raised to the rank of 3000 in 1691. In 1695 he was made governor of Allahabad. In 1704 he punished Mahabat Khan.

↩
Cf. Let. CXLVI.

↩
Cf. Let. CIX.

↩
He was fort-keeper of Daulatábád before 1683. In 1687 he was honoured with the title of Mūrtizá Khan.

↩
Son of A’azam Khan Kūkeh, was made superintendent of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh’ in 1680. In 1683 he was made Meer Bakhashi of the ‘Ahadis’; and in 1685, ‘faujdár’ and minister of Bareli. After the death of Sháyasta Khan he was honoured with the title of Fidà Khan and appointed governor of Akbarabad. 1694. In 1695 he was made governor of Bihar after the death of Umeed Khan, son of Shayasta Khan.

↩
A reference to the bareness of the branches of the palm tree which have no leaves on them.

↩
At first he was a ‘kotwál’ in 1682. In 1688 he was given the title of Sirdár Khan. In 1697 he was made head groom.

↩
He was governor of Cashmere before 1664. In 1665 he was ordered to invade Tibet which he made tributary to Delhi. In 1679 he was appointed governor of Bihar. He died in 1709. He was employed as tutor to Prince Kám Bakhsha to train him up in the art of archery. He was a son of Tarbiat Khan.

↩
Cf. Let. III.

↩
It is in reference to a story in the Koran where two persons are represented as disputing with each other about the existence of God.

↩
Cf. Let. CXX.

↩
A gold coin, so called from Asharaf who first coined it. In Aurungzebe’s time one ‘asharafi’ was worth seventeen rupees.

↩
Cf. Let. CXXVI.

↩
Entitled Umdat-ūl-Mūlk, son of Sadik Khan Mir Bakhashi. He held the rank of 5000 under Shah Jehan and served him as a minister for sometime. Aurungzebe appointed him prime minister about 1662. Before 1660 he was governor of Malwa. He died at Delhi in 1670. After his death the office of prime minister was conferred upon Asad Khan with the title of Asad-ūd-Daulá. Cf. Let. CI.

↩
A double sided turban, an Indian word.

↩
A nobleman of 4000 who served under Aurungzebe as commander of artillery. In 1659 he was made governor of Ajmere. He was sent against Prithivi Singh, Zamindár of Srinagar, who had given refuge to Suleman Shekūh, Dara’s son. 1660. In the same year he was made governor of Multan. In 1663 he was sent as ambassador to Shàh Abbás of Persia. He took part in the sieges of Barnáleh, Bijapur, and Sattara. In 1700 he was appointed to lay siege to Basantgadh. In 1705 he was appointed Meer-e-Atesh. After Aurungzebe’s death he took up the cause of A’azam and was killed at the battle near Agra between A’azam and Muazzam. 1707. Cf. Let. CXLIV and CXXXV.

↩
Chiefs having ten or hundred men under their command. Turkish ‘mang,’ ten or hundred, and ‘bashi,’ a head or a chief.

↩
Cf. The above letter.

↩
Cf. Let. CLXIX.

↩
His original name was Muhammad Ebráhim Khalil Alláh. At first he was in the service of Abūl Hasan, king of Golcondá and Haiderabad, as his general. During the siege of Haiderábád by Aurungzebe (1685) he deserted his master and went over to Aurungzebe. Afterwards he was honoured by the emperor with the title of Mahábat Khán in 1686. In the same year he was made governor of Berár. Afterwards he was appointed governor of Láhore, Cf. Let. CXXXVI.

↩
Cf. Let. XCIX and CXXVIII.

↩
Here we find Aurungzebe preaching simplicity in dress though he himself was very fond of pomp and grandeur.

↩
A betel, an Indian word. The Hindus and the Mohemadans are generally very fond of chewing betels with nuts and other stimulant substances. Generally a Hindu offers a betel to one who goes to his place to see him. The betel is of various kinds.

“The betel leaf is probably speaking a vegetable, but connoisseurs call it an excellent fruit. Amir Khūsro of Delhi in one of his verses says, ‘It is an excellent fruit like the flower of a garden, the finest fruit of Hindostán.’ The eating of the leaf renders the breath agreeable, and repasts odorous. It strengthens the gums, and makes the hungry satisfied, and the satisfied hungry.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

Betel is taken after meals, it is offered when you meet and when you separate. “The betel is the leaf which, after it has undergone a certain preparation, is given as a mark of royal favour, and which, when masticated, sweetens the breath and renders the lips ruddy.” Bernier.

↩
Sarcastic. Aurungzebe liked order and discipline.

↩
Cf. Let. CLXVII.

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The second son of the celebrated Mahábat Khán of the reign of Jehángir after whose death in 1634 he received this title. His original name was Lohrásp. He was twice made governor of Cábul and had the command of the army in the Deccan. He died in 1674 on his way from Cábul to the royal presence.

There was another man of the same name who was imprisoned by Jehándár Sháh.

↩
Second son of Amánat Khan Mirak. Aurungzebe appointed him governor of Bijapur and Malwa. He was an excellent poet and left a ‘Diván’ (collection of poems) composed in a most beautiful style. His poetical name was Bikrami.

Aurungzebe appears to recoive the news of the death of his oldest and most intimate friends with a cold heart.

↩
Cf. Let. LVI.

↩
Son of Himmat Khan, grandson of Islám Khan, was appointed ‘Bakhashi’ and reporter in the army of Prince Bidár Bakhta in 1699. He took part in the Deccan War. In 1684 he was fort-keeper of Molheir.

↩
Cf. Let. LXII. He was a ‘Meer Mūnshi’ (chief writer).

↩
Cf. Let. XXVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. CXX.

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A city in the Deccan. Its former name was Bhágnagar. It was founded by Muhammad Kūlly Kūtūb Sháh of Golconda and named after Bhágmatty, his beautiful Hindu wife. 1589. After his death his son Haider changed it into Haiderabad. It was the new capital of the Golconda kings after Golconda, the old capital. At present it is the capital of the present Nizam. It is to be distinguished from the Haiderabad of Sind.

↩
Known as Rajah Todarmal, the great finance minister of Akbar, born at Laharpur in Audh. It was he who surveyed all the lands and introduced a new revenue system into the Mogul Empire. He was a Hindu of the tribe of Khatri of Lahore. In the 27th year of Akbar’s reign he was appointed ‘divan’ (minister) of the empire. Akbar appointed him governor of Bengal in 1580. He was a commander of four thousand. He died at Lahore in 1589.

Abul Fazl had no personal liking for Todarmal, but he admired his strict integrity and abilities; he charged him with vindictiveness of temper and bigotry. ‘Though often accused of headstrongness and bigotry by contemporaneous historians, Todarmal’s fame, as general and financier, has outlived the deeds of most of Akbar’s grandees together with Abul Fazl and Mán Singh, he is best known to the people of India at the present day.’

↩
The eldest son of Sheikh Mubárak, born in 1551 at Agra. He was a great minister and intimate friend of Akbar. He was the brother of Faizi, the celebrated poet and translator of Akbar’s time. He was the author of ‘Ain-i-Akbari’ (Rules and Regulations of Akbar—1596—which has been often quoted here in these Letters) and ‘Akbar Námeh’. He was killed, at Jehangir’s instigation, near Udchá by Nar Singh Deo while returning from the Deccan to Delhi. 1602. The date of his death (1602) may be found from the following Persian verses: “Teegh-i-aajaz-i-nabi Alláh sar-i-bagi burid” (i.e., the wonderful sword of God’s prophet cut off the head of the rebel)—invented by Khan-i-A’azam |Mirzá Kokah who with other orthodox Mohemadans considered him an infidel for his religious toleration; “Bandeh Abul Fazl” (i.e., the slave Abul Fazl).

Sheikh Abul Fazl-i-Allámi translated the ‘Kalilah Damnah’ under the title of ‘Ayár Dánish’ from Arabic into Persian. “As a writer Abul Fazl stands unrivalled.” His poetical name was Allámi (the Learned). He wrote letters known as ‘Maktubat-i-Allami’ which are the models of public correspondence. His style cannot be imitated; but Abūl Hamid Láhori, author of the ‘Bádsháh Námeh,’ who was patronised by Sa’ad Allah Khan Allami (cf. Let. XV), imitated his style. Abul Fazl was a well read man. He was tolerant on religious views. Akbar was greatly influenced by and indebted to him for his religious toleration. Abul Fazl’s influence on his age was immense. He was a commander of two thousand and five hundred.

↩
A small province in Central India; Hindustani corruption of Sanskrit Várad. Hindustani has a tendency to change ‘v’ into ‘b’ and ‘d’ into ‘r’ of Sanskrit or Hindi names of persons and places and things or any words; e.g., ‘Vikram’ into ‘Bikram,’ ‘Vasai’ into ‘Basai’ (Bassin, a town near Bombay), ‘vad’ into ‘bar’ (an Indian tree), ‘vadá’ into ‘bará’ (large or old), and so on.

↩
He was a reporter of Sūrat. Aurungzebe wanted to transfer him; but at the request of Saiyad Sa’ad Alláh Derwish of Surat he was retained in his own place. 1693. Cf. Let. CXXV.

↩
These letters often repeat that Aurungzebe was a great supporter of justice and great opponent of tyranny and oppression. Cf. Let. XIV.

↩
This latter portion of the letter is quoted by the author of ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri,’ in which the author quotes the whole letter, esp., the last part, word for word.

↩
Asad Khan’s son.

↩
This verse also is quoted by the author of ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri.’

↩
Cf. Let. XLV.

↩
Cf. Let. XXVI and XXXIV.

↩
These are the words of Aurungzebe. He says if a ‘diván’ is not good and honest, he is either a demon or a brute or a lifeless picture. According to him the word ‘divan’ is made up of two words—‘div’ (a demon) and ‘án’ (symbolical for the pen and the inkstand). Thus the ‘divan’, if not good and honest, has got two qualities—the quality of a demon and of a writer. While according to Sa’ad Allah Khan, the ‘divan’ has got only one quality, namely, that of a writer. Here is an indirect remark against Asad Khan.

↩
Cf. Let LXXXVII.

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A town and district in Bengal. There is another town and district bearing the same name in Oude near Lucknow. In the ‘Ain-i-Akbari’ this Oude Lashakarpur is given only as Lashakar.

↩
Son of Saf Shikan Khan and grandson of Kawám-ūd-Din Khan. After the death of his father he was made superintendent of the artillery. In 1693 he was made ‘Tan Bakhashi’ (personal paymaster). He died in 1699. After his death Ruh Allah Khan the Second became ‘Bakhashi’. Cf. Let. CXIV. Mukhalis Khan was well versed in the art of prose and poetry. His poetry is full of advice. He is known for his ‘Ghazals,’ one of which is quoted in ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri’.

↩
Son of Kilich Khan Sadr-ūs-Sadūr (cf. Let. XLVIII) and father of the famous Nizám-ul-Mulk Asaf Jáh, the founder of the present Nizam royal family of the Deccan. His original name was Shaháb-ūd-Din. He came from Samarcand to Delhi in 1668. He was honoured by Aurungzebe with the title of ‘Ghazi-ud-Din’ (the Champion of the Faith) for his military exploits against the Ránee of Udepur. 1684. For his services in the Konkan and for capturing the fort of Ráhiri he was given the title of ‘Firuz Jang’ (Victorious in Battle). He took part in the siege of Golconda and of Bijapur. After the conquest of Bijapur he was given the title of ‘Farzand-i-Arjamund’ (Dear Son). In 1688 he was made governor of the Deccan. He took part in the Deccan War. He was sent against Santáji Gorpary, whose head he presented to the emperor. He suffered severely from the effects of the climate, and eventually lost the use of both his eyes. 1698. In 1705 he defeated Temeah Sindhia into Malwa, and for this service he received the title of ‘Sipáh Sálár’ (Commander of the Army) and was appointed governor of Berar. In 1710 he was appointed governor of Ahmedabad by Bahadur Shah; and died in 1711 at Ahmedabad. ‘He died as he had lived respected and esteemed by all who knew his conciliating disposition.’ Khafi Khan says about him ‘a man born to victory, and a disciplinarian who always prevailed over his enemy.’

↩
Perhaps this letter might refer to an accident that occurred to the eye of the Khan in 1698. Cf. note I, supra.

↩
Alias Muhammad Murád Khánezád Khan, a reporter of the Deccan and ‘diván’ of the army of Khan Jehan Bahadur in the Deccan. He was Aurungzebe’s agent at the court of Abul Hasan of Golconda. Aurungzebe was offended with him for his dishonesty and deprived him of his title after the conquest of Golconda. 1688. But afterwards he was pardoned. He died in 1698. He was the son of Murshid Kulli Khan.

↩
Chin Kilich Khan, alias Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah. Cf. Let. XCVI.

↩
Cf. Let. CI.

↩
Son of Asad Khan, son-in-law of Sháyasta Khan and of Abul Hasan of Golconda, the best of all Aurungzebe’s generals, born in 1657, his original name being Muhammad Ismáil. In 1678 he was honoured with the title of Aitekád Khan and married the daughter of Shayasta Khan. In 1690 the title of Zul Fikar Khan Bahadur was conferred on him by Aurungzebe for capturing Raigarh and imprisoning Yasoo Bai, Sambhaji’s widow, and her son Shivaji, afterwards known by the name of Sháhū. In 1691 he was sent against Gingi; but failed to take it chiefly through the resistance of Santaji Gorpary; and was recalled by the emperor in 1694. He was sent there again for a second time in 1697 and was successful in taking the fortress. 1698. He took Vákingadh by storm. In 1703 he was made Mir Bakhashi. After Aurungzebe’s death (1707) he took the side of A’azam and helped him against his brother Muazzam. But he was pardoned and favoured by Muazzam when he became emperor after defeating and slaying A’azam at Agra. He was made viceroy of the Deccan by the new emperor Bahadur Shah and was honoured by him with the title of Amir-ūl-Umara. 1708. He was also given the title of Samsám-ūd-Dauláh. In Jehandar Shah’s time he was made minister. After Jehandar Shah’s murder he was treacherously put to death by Farukh Shiar. 1713. Cf. Let. XVI. Zul Fikar Khan was a king maker. Irádat Khan calls him “Seater, nay creator of emperors.” Grant Duff calls him ‘a corrupt ambitious man’; but ‘an active commander.’

↩
The Bahamani kingdom was founded in the Deccan by Aláūdin Husain Bahámani Gangu in the reign of Muhammad Taglakh in 1347. It was named so by Alaudin in gratitude to the Brahman master whom he had served before he became king. After a century and a half, i.e., in 1526, this kingdom was split up into five different independent states, Ahamadnagar, Bedar, Berar, Golconda, and Bijapur, which were afterwards conquered by the Moguls one after another.

↩
This refers to the internecine war amongst the different Bahamani kings of the Deccan and the cause of their own ruin at the hands of the Moguls.

↩
The great founder of the Mahratta Empire, second son of Sháhji by Jiji Bai, born in 1627 and died in 1680. He was descended from the Ránás of Chitor and belonged to the Bhonsle family. At first he entered the service of the Bijapur kingdom. He began life as a plunderer like Haider of Mysore. The most important of Shivaji’s life was the expedition into the Karnátic. He successfully resisted the Moguls by his guerilla tactics and baffled them. The murder of Afzul Khan, the Bijapur general, is a stain on his character. The reference in the book is to his constant wars with Bijapur and Golconda and his wresting many of the fortresses from the hands of the Bijapur king. He was well versed in the art of taking fortresses. Khafi Khan calls him ‘a sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud.’ Again he calls him ‘the most notorious of all the rebels.’ The Khan often calls Shivaji by bad names and epithets, such as, ‘of an evil origin,’ ‘a vagabond,’ and so on. But he says that Shivaji protected women and children and had a great respect for the Koran. Bernier calls him ‘the Holy Shivaji’ because he respected the habitation of the Reverend Father Ambrose during his pillage of Surat. Aurungzebe called him ‘a great captain’ and ‘a mountain rat.’

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An infidel who is deserved by the Mohemadans to be fought with and ruined. (Opposite) ‘kàfir-i-zūmmeh’, an infidel who pays a tax to the Mohemadans for living under their protection. ‘Káfir’ lit, means ‘ignorant.’

↩
Two books out of six about the Mohemadan traditions. They are authoritative and written by Muslem and Bokhári in the second century of the Mohemadan era. The word lit. means ‘two true’ (books). It is a general belief among the Mohemadans that those who fight against infidels and are killed in battle are rewarded with ‘huris’ (fairies) in paradise.

Here is a further instance of Aurangzebe’s fanaticism. Cf. Let. CXIV.

Aurungzebe waged his wars in the Deccan for religion’s sake. He persecuted the Hindus for religion and not through cruelty. With the exception of the executions of Dárá and of Sambháji he was generally kind.

↩
Alias Dalpat Ráo Bundelá, son of Subhkaran Bundelá who was a great Hindu chief and general of Aurungzebe. Rao Dulip was a Hindu chief who served under Aurungzebe as general like his father. He was present at the siege of Gingi (1694-1698) and helped Nasrat Jang. He was also present at the siege of Vákingadh. 1706. He took part in the Deccan War. He was killed by a cannon shot in the battle between A’azam and Muazzam. 1707. Cf. Let. XCVII.

↩
Multifat Khán Khawafi. He took an active part in the siege of Golcondá where for the display of great bravery he was honoured with the title of Multifat Khán. 1688. He found out the date of the conquest of Golcondá which is as follows: ‘Fateh-i-killeh-i-Golcondá mubárak bád’ (may the conquest of Golconda be auspicious). Afterwards he was given the title of Amir Khan. His original name was Mir Abdul Karim, Cf. Let. CLXXIX.

↩
Cf. Let. CXIV.

↩
It was Aurungzebe’s early and favourite scheme of annexing the whole Deccan to the empire.

Really speaking this conquest of the Deccan was only partial and temporary, because though Sambhaji, Shivji’s son, was captured and put to a horrible death, and Shahu, Shivaji’s grandson, was imprisoned by the Moguls at Delhi, the Mahrattas were not subdued. They continued to harass the Mogul army and made them exhaust their strength and vigour. Poor Aurungzebe, who had come to the Deccan with a great army to subdue the Mahrattas, never returned to his capital but died at Ahmadnagar without accomplishing his work. No doubt he conquered the Bahamani kingdoms of Golconda and Bijapur. But he committed a great political blunder in conquering these two Mohemadan kingdoms which would have been a great check to the rising Maharatta power.

↩
A province in the Madras Presidency. First most of it belonged to the Bijapur Government. Sháhji, Shivaji’s father, had his ‘jághirs’ there. Shivaji had occupied most of the Karnatic. Before Shivaji it was divided between Bijapur and Golconda governments and was called Bijapur Karnatic and Haiderabad Karnatic. Tanjor was its capital. The Moguls first entered the Karnatic in 1688 under Muhammad Saddick. After the fall of Bijapur and Golconda most of the Karnatic was taken by Aurungzebe.

↩
“Zamindar, derived from ‘zamin’, the word signifying lands, is the proprietor of a tract of land given in inheritance by the king or the nabob, and who stipulates the revenue which he is to pay for the peaceable possession of it. Such Zamindars are not now to be frequently met with; but the title everywhere: it is transferred to all the little superintendents or officers under the faujdár”.

The Zamindar was the same as the Pollygar of the Coromandal Coast.

↩
A gold coin current in the Deccan at that time.

↩
Daud Khán Panni; in 1702 was appointed deputy to Nasrat Jang and ‘faujdár’ of Karnatic Bijapur. In 1704 he was appointed deputy to Kám Bakhsha who was governor of Hiderabad. In 1706 he took part in the siege of Vákingadha. Cf. Let. CXXXV.

“The second in command to Zul Fikar Khan in this army was (1691) Daud Khan Panni, a Deccan officer of some repute, but notoriously addicted to drinking”.

↩
This letter reveals Aurungzebe’s pecuniary embarrassments during the latter part of his Deccan War.

↩
Cf. Let. XXXV and XL.

↩
In Persia the school boys get their holiday on Friday instead of on Sunday as here. On this day they think about the following Saturday on which they are to go to school again. Consequently they cannot enjoy their Friday happily on account of their anxiety about the succeeding Saturday.

↩
He was honoured with the title of ‘Khán’ and appointed ‘faujdár’ of Rámkar in 1683. In 1701 he was appointed governor of Khándesh. In 1702 he was honoured with the title of ‘Mirzá.’ After the death of Ruh Allah Khan II he was appointed second paymaster (bakhashi). 1704. Cf. Let. XCII.

“He (Diván) therefore comprehends in his person the offices of prime minister, lord chancellor, and secretary of state, without presuming to advise, judge, or issue orders, but according to the will of his master, or to the influence, which he has over it. Under the ‘Divan’ is an officer called the ‘Bakhashi,’ who is the paymaster of the troops, and the disburser of all the public expenses of the government. This must be a post of great advantage. The ‘Bakhashi’ has under him an ‘Amaldár,’ who is the overseer and manager of all the occcasions of expense.”

↩
A Hindu of the tribe of Khatri of Lahore. He served under Aurungzebe who conferred on him the title of Ikhalas Khan. He was well versed in Persian. In the time of Farukh Shiar he was raised to the rank of 7000. He wrote the history of that emperor (Farukh Shiar) and called it ‘Bádsháh Námeh.’

↩
A commander having two hundred and fifty soldiers under him.

↩
Zaib-un-Nisá, the favourite daughter of Aurungzebe. Cf. Let. LXXII and LXXIII.

↩
A’akel Khan-i-Khafi, author of ‘Vákeát-i-Alamgiri’. In 1659 he was governor of Shah Jehan Abad. In 1662 he resigned his governorship. The author of ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri’ says that thereafter he was granted Rs. 1000 per year and not per month. In 1663 he was made superintendent of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh’. Afterwards he was sent to Lahore. In 1679 he joined the service of Prince Muazzam. In 1680 he was made second ‘bakhashi.’ He died in 1696. He was a good-natured man. Cf. Let. CXLVIII.

↩
The new city erected by Shah Jehan near the old Delhi where he removed his court from Agra on account of excessive heat. Thus it was the new capital of Shah Jehan and Aurungzebe.

↩
He took part in the various sieges of Sattara (1699), Parnaleh (1700), Khelna (1703), and Torna (1704). Once Aurungzebe ordered him to separate Hadū, an evil companion of Kám Bakhsha, from the prince. The Khan was wounded by the prince, but in the end he succeeded in imprisoning Hadu and thus separating him from the prince. 1697. Cf. Let. CXXVI. Aurungzebe entrusted him with his last will for dividing his kingdom amongst his sons. 1707. In this will Aurungzebe said, “Let Hamid-ud-Din Khan, who is faithful and trusty, convey my corpse to the place of Sháh Zen-ūd-Din and erect a tomb over it in the same manner as is done for dervises”. Cf. Let. CXXXII.

↩
Cf. Let. XVII.

↩
Cf. Let. VII.

↩
Son of Háfizeh Mariam, tutoress to princess Zaib-ūn-Nisá Begum, Aurungzebe’s daughter. By his mother’s influence he was raised by degrees to the rank of 2500. Cf. Let. LVI. He was made ‘faujdár’ of Bareily and then collector of Ajmere. Afterwards he was made finance minister. In 1701 he was appointed minister to prince Bidár Bakhta. In 1702 he was made Aurungzebe’s private secretary. Khafi Khan calls him ‘the best of ministers’. The author of ‘Ma’asiri Alamgiri’ was his secretary. He calls his master ‘dastūr’ (minister) and ‘special disciple of Aurungzebe’. Inayat Allah Khan was the author of ‘Ahakám-i-Alamgiri’, and compiler of the ‘Kalimát-i-Taiyabát’, Aurungzebe’s Letters (‘Rūka’át-i-Alamgiri,) which are translated here. Cf. Introd. He died in 1726. Cf. Let. CXVI, LXXI and CLXXXI.

↩
Cf. Let. XCII and CVII.

↩
Cf. Let. CVI.

↩
Bernier gives a very fine and interesting description of the ‘Fakirs’, especially the Hindu ones, called the ‘Jogis.’ He describes their various frantic practices.

↩
Sheikh Hidayat Keesh, a reporter. Every political and financial matter of India was reported to him. He found out the verse of the conquest of Bijapur: “Sadd-i-Sikandar geraft” (the wall of Alexander was conquered). 1686. After the conquest of Vákingadh he was entitled Hádi Khan. 1706. His Hindu name was Bholánáth and he was the son of Chhatarmal. He was converted to Islam in 1698.

↩
The nom-de-plume of a Persian poet.

↩
Cf. Let. CXVII.

↩
Cf. Let. XIV.

↩
Bakhashi of a disciple of Shūjá’at Khan of Ahmedabad.

↩
Lit. ‘a man of golden handwriting.’ It was the title of Hidayat Allah.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXIII.

↩
Cf. Let. LXVI.

↩
Cf. Let. XXXII.

↩
Cf. Let. CXIV.

↩
Cf. Let. CLXX.

↩
Muhammad Sultan Bahadur. Cf. Let. XCI. Or possibly Aurungzebe was thinking of his other rebel son Akbar, who was at that time living in Persia, and whom he thought to be dead at the time. Cf. Let. XCV.

↩
A chief of the town of Mecca—the birthplace of the prophet Mahomet—appointed to watch over the pilgrims for their safety. During the palmy days of the Mogul Empire India was very rich; but now it is a poor country.

↩
A well-known city and port in Gujarat from which Mohemadan pilgrims embarked for Mecca (as they now do from Bombay), during the time of the Moguls. Cf. Let. CXXV. There are many interpretations about the origin of the name Surat. Some say that it has been named after a rich lady, called ‘Suraj’ or ‘Sūrtá.’ It was known as ‘the Gate of the Pilgrimage’ or ‘Báb-ul-Meccá.’

↩
The latter portion of the letter shews that Aurungzebe was a very religious man. Cf. Let. CVI and CXXX.

↩
Cf. Let. XCII.

↩
A town in the North of India; to be distinguished from another town of the same name, in Afghanistan.

↩
‘The Terrestrial Paradise of the Indies.’

“The histories of the ancient kings of Kashmere maintain that the whole of this country was in former times one vast lake, and that an outlet for the waters was opened by a certain ‘pir,’ or aged saint, named Kacheb, who miraculously cut the mountain of Barehmooleh……Kashmere, however, is no longer a lake, but a beautiful country, diversified with a great many hillocks…….The whole kingdom wears the appearance of a fertile and highly cultivated garden……The people of Kashmere are proverbial for their clear complexions and fine forms……The women especially are very handsome……But it left no doubt on my mind that there are as handsome faces in Kashmere as in any part of Europe.”

Bernier.

Bernier was greatly charmed with this country which he called ‘the mistress of the kingdoms of the earth.’ The rose and its essential oil or ‘attar’ of Kashmere are well known in the East. Kashmere is known for its shawls. It is celebrated for ‘its romantic beauties, for the fertility of the soil and for the temperature of its atmosphere.’ Kashmere was conquered by Akbar and was made by Jehangir his residence during the summer months. At present Kashmere is under a native ruler.

↩
Throughout these letters we have often seen that Aurungzebe was very particular in rendering due justice to his subjects and in removing tyrants from their places. Cf. Let. CXXXII.

↩
Here Aurungzebe seems to have followed Akbar’s religious system of observing Sunday as a holiday which system he borrowed from the Christians.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXVIII.

↩
A great Persian poet, author of the ‘Gul-i-Stán’ and the ‘Bu-Stán.’ Cf. Let. XLV. Here Aurungzebe appears to be a great moralist as in many other letters.

↩
This letter is in continuation of the previous one. It is not quite clear, the ideas being rather confused.

↩
The word in the text for ‘house’ is ‘daireh’ or ‘daherun,’ an Indian word, which also means a ‘tent’ or an ‘idol temple.’

↩
I.e., Zul Fikár Khan, Asad Khan’s son. Cf. Let. CLX.

↩
It is strange why the prince should tender an apology to an officer. Perhaps he had done the officer some wrong for which Aurungzebe asked him to beg his pardon.

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A kind of raw or unripe food. Hindustani ‘khàneh’ or ‘káneh,’ food and ‘kuchchá,’ unripe (oppo. of ‘puccá’). It also means a kind of a vegetable in the Cashmiri dialect.

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He was fort-keeper of Akbarabad in 1665.

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Cf. Let. CXXV.

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Cf. Let. XCVIII.

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Cf. Let. XXII.

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Cf. Let. XXIV.

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He took part in the Deccan War. In 1681 he was made head groom. He was called Dakhani.

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I.e., Asad Khan. Cf. Let. XCII.

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Palanquin or letter, an Indian word. The English word ‘palanquin’ or ‘palankeen’ comes from this Indian word ‘pálakee’ which is further derived from the Hindustani word ‘palang,’ a bed, or Sanskrit ‘paryanka,’ a bed.

“They (kūhárs or palakee bearers) form a class of foot servants peculiar to India. They carry heavy loads on their shoulders and travel through mountains and valleys. With their ‘palakees,’ ‘singhásans,’ ‘chaudols,’ and ‘dolis,’ they walk so evenly, that the man inside is not inconvenienced by any jolting. There are many in this country; but the best came from the Deccan and Bengal. At court, several thousands of them are kept. The pay of a head bearer varies from 192 to 384 d.. Common bearers get from 120 to 160 d..”

Ain-i-Akbari.

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This last letter was not written by Aurungzebe; but was written or rather issued by prince A’azam to Afazal Khán.

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Son of Dilir Khán. He was honoured with the title of Khán in 1677. His original name was Kamál-ud-Din. He was wounded at the siege of Bijápur. 1686.

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Cf. Let. CLXIX and CXVI.

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A town and distrìct near Delhi, situated in the Doáb, between the Jamná and the Halin.↩