Ruqa'at-i ʿĀlamgīrī (=Letters of Awrangzīb) - The Ruka’at-i-Alamgiri (Letters of Aurungzebe)

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Contents.

PAGE.
Title Page i
Preface iii‑v
Introduction 1‑2
Letters to Sultan Mahammad Mūazzam, Sháh Alam Bahádūr, the Crown Prince 3‑10
I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII
Letters to Prince Mahammad A’azam Sháh Bahádūr 11‑72
VIII, IX, X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI, XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, XXXI, XXXII, XXXIII, XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII, XXXIX, XL, XLI, XLII, XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLVI, XLVII, XLVIII, XLIX, L, LI, LII, LIII, LIV, LV, LVI, LVII, LVIII, LIX, LX, LXI, LXII, LXIII, LXIV, LXV, LXVI, LXVII, LXVIII, LXIX, LXX, LXXI, LXXII
Letter to Kám Bakhsha 73‑74
LXXIII
Letters to Prince Mahammad Ma’az-ūd-Din Bahádūr 75‑76
LXXIV, LXXV
Letters to Prince Mahammad Bidár Bakhta 77‑83
LXXVI, LXXVII, LXXVIII, LXXIX, LXXX, LXXXI, LXXXII, LXXXIII, LXXXIV, LXXXV, LXXXVI
Letters to Mahammad Azim-ūd-Din Bahádūr 84‑86
LXXXVII, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX, XC
Letter to Amir-ūl-Umará Sháyasta Khán, Governor of Akbarábád 87‑89
XCI
Letters to Umadat-ūl-Mūlk, Madár-ūl-Mahám, Asad Khán 90‑149
XCII, XCIII, XCIV, XCV, XCVI, XCVII, XCVIII, XCIX, C, CI, CII, CIII, CIV, CV, CVI, CVII, CVIII, CIX, CX, CXI, CXII, CXIII, CXIV, CXV, CXVI, CXVII, CXVIII, CXIX, CXX, CXXI, CXXII, CXXIII, CXXIV, CXXV, CXXVI, CXXVII, CXXVIII, CXXIX, CXXX, CXXXI, CXXXII, CXXXIII, CXXXIV, CXXXV, CXXXVI, CXXXVII, CXXXVIII, CXXXIX, CXL, CXLI, CXLII, CXLIII, CXLIV, CXLV, CXLVI, CXLVII, CXLVIII, CXLIX, CL, CLI, CLII, CLIII, CLIV, CLV, CLVI
Letters to Gházi-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr Firūz Jang 150‑152
CLVII, CLVIII, CLIX
Letters to Zūl Fikár Khán Bahádūr Nasrat Jang 153‑158
CLX, CLXI, CLXII, CLXIII, CLXIV
Letters to Mirzá Sadr-ūd-Din Mahammad Khán Safavi, Second Paymaster 159‑160
CLXV, CLXVI
Letter to A’akel Khán, Fort-keeper and Governor of the Capital of Sháh Jehán Abád 161
CLXVII
Letter to Hamid-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr 162
CLXVIII
Letters to Inayát Alláh Khán 163‑168
CLXIX, CLXX, CLXXI, CLXXII, CLXXIII, CLXXIV
Letters to Asad Khán 169‑172
CLXXV, CLXXVI, CLXXVII, CLXXVIII
Letters to Abdūl Kásim Khán 173‑174
CLXXIX, CLXXX
Letter to Afazal Khán 175
CLXXXI
Index 177‑184
Ruka’at=i=Alamgiri
or
Letters of Aurungzebe

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[WITH HISTORICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES]
Translated from the original Persian into English
BY
JAMSHID H. BILIMORIA, B.A.
(Registered under Act XXV of 1867.)
LUZAC & Co.,
46, GREAT RUSSELL STREET,
LONDON.
BOMBAY:
CHERAG PRINTING PRESS.
1908.

All Rights Reserved
BY THE TRANSLATOR,
JAMSHID H. BILIMORIA, B.A.

PREFACE.

There are three collections of Aurungzebe’s Letters. First, the “Rūka’át-i-Alamgiri,” or the “Kalimát-i-Taiyibát,” collected and published by Ináyat Alláh, one of his principal secretaries; second, the “Rakáim-i-Karáim,” by the son of another secretary Abdūl Karim Amir Khán; and third, the “Dastūr-al-Amal Agháhi,” collected from various sources thirty-eight years after the emperor’s death by a learned servant of Rájá Ayá Mal under the Raja’s order. There is still another collection bearing the name of the “Adáb-i-Alamgiri,” and comprising letters written by Aurungzebe to his father, his sons, and his officers.

These letters have no dates and have no order. I have tried my best to assign dates to most of them. But it is impossible to do so in the case of each and every one of them, as some of them have no historical connection. Most of the letters seem to have been written when Aurungzebe was engaged in his great Deccan War (1683-1707), especially during the latter period of the war.

These letters generally depict Aurungzebe’s private life. Occasionally they allude to minor historical events which happened in his or in his father’s time. They exhibit Aurungzebe as a just, kind, and lenient king and as a religious and devout Mohemadan. Again they display his orthodoxy and fanaticism which brought ruin to his house and empire after his death. In these letters we find Aurungzebe giving advice to his sons about the duties of a king,—how to govern the state by preserving order and peace in the kingdom and by protecting the person and property of the subjects. “No person can be more alive than Aurungzebe to the necessity of storing the minds of princes, destined to rule nations, with useful knowledge. As they surpass others in power and elevation, so ought they, he says, to be pre-eminent in wisdom and virtue1.”

These letters are full of many fine and instructive passages from well-known Persian poets and thus afford a proof of Aurungzebe’s Persian scholarship. “He (Aurungzebe) also discountenanced poets, who used to be honoured and pensioned, and abolished the office and salary of royal poet. It is even distinctly related that he prohibited the composition and recitation of poetry; but this extreme austerity must have been of very short duration, for his own notes and letters are filled with poetical quotations, and sometimes with extemporary verses made by himself2.” “He (Aurungzebe) is a very elegant writer in prose, and has acquired proficiency in versification, but he abstains from practising it3.” Many Koranic verses are found in these letters. This proves that he was well versed in the Koran which he had learnt by heart. These letters were not meant for a literary purpose. As the language is from a royal pen, the style of the letters is generally polite. But at the same time, it is sweet and simple and sometimes figurative. Again, a large meaning is conveyed by a short sentence. Sometimes the language is Indianised and many Indian words occur in the epistles. The style is generally admirable.

“His (Aurungzebe’s) prohibition of history was more permanent; he not only discontinued the regular annals of the empire, which had before been kept by a royal historiographer, but so effectually put a stop to all record of his transactions that from the eleventh year of his reign, the course of events can only be traced through the means of letters on business and of notes taken clandestinely by private individuals4” (i. e. Kháfi Khán and others).

Alamgir (the Conqueror of the World) was a title conferred on Aurungzebe (the Ornament of the Throne) by his father Shah Jehan in order to pacify him when he made head against him during his dangerous illness. 1657. When Aurungzebe ascended the throne he assumed this title and styled himself as Alamgir (the First). Aurungzebe is generally known by this name among his co-religionists. It is not necessary to give here a life of Aurungzebe as it can be read in any ordinary Indian history.

The following books have been consulted:

1. The History of India as told by Its Own Historians, Vol. VII, by Sir H. Elliot.

2. The History of India, by Elphinstone.

3. History of The Mahrattas, by Grant Duff.

4. Aurungzebe, Rulers of India Series, by Lane Pool.

5. Travels in the Mogul Empire, by Bernier.

6. Ain-i-Akbari, by Abūl Fazl.

7. Mūntakhab-ūl-Lubáb, by Muhammad Háshim Kháfi Khán.

8. Ma’asiri Alamgiri, by Muhammad Sáqui Mūsta’idd Khán,

J. H. BILIMORIA.

AGIARI STREET, BILIMORA.

Ruka’at=i=Alamgiri
OR
AURUNGZEBE’S LETTERS.
INTRODUCTION.1

In the name of God the Merciful, the Clement.

After praising2 the King (God) whose kingdom is immune from decline and fall and then praising the Refuge of the World (Mahomet, the prophet of the moslems), the ring of whose servitude adorns the ears of all world-conquering, throne-adorning and auspicious kings, it is not hidden from the bright minds of appreciative wise men and intelligent eloquent persons that in this work entitled “Rūka’át-i-Álamgiri” (Aurungzebe’s Letters) otherwise styled “Kalimát-i-Taiyibát” (the Excellent Words), comprising the blessed letters of the just king Abūl Mūzaffar Mūhūdin Mahammad Aurung Bahádūr, the emperor of India—may God sanctify his tomb—, the words “the eldest son of sovereignty” (the heir-apparent) and “the happy son” stand for the eldest prince sultan Mahammad Mūazzam, otherwise known as Sháh Álam Bahádūr,3 and in some letters the words “the happy son” are also applicable to sultan Mahammad A’azam Sháh Bahádūr. The words “the unfriendly brother” are applied to Dárá Shekūh, the eldest brother of His Majesty (Aurungzebe). The words “the dear grandson” and “the brave grandson” are (respectively) applicable to Mahammad Ma’az-ūd-Din Bahádūr, the eldest son of Sháh Álam Bahádūr and to Mahammad Bidár Bakhta Bahádūr, the eldest son of Sultan Mahammad A’azam Sháh Bahádūr. The words “the grandson of high dignity” refer to Mahammad Azim-ūd-Din Bahádūr, the second son of Sháh Álam Bahádūr. The words “the pillar of the kingdom”, “the centre of affairs” and “that sacrifice” are applied to Asad Khán, who after the death of Sháyasta Khán was made Ameer-ul-Umará4 (the Grandee of the Grandees) of the court. The words “Khán Firūz Jang” (Victorious Khán) refer to Gházi-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr Firūz Jang. The words “Nasrat Jang” (victorious in battle) mean Zūl Fikár Khán Bahádūr Nasrat Jang. The words “Mirzá Bakhashi” (the grandee, the paymaster) stand for Mirzá Sadr-ūd-Din Mahammad Khán Safavi. The words “meer átesh” (the master of ordnance) are applicable to Tarbiat Khán. By the word “Hamid” (the praiseworthy) is meant Hamid-ūd-Din Khán Bahádūr.

Letters addressed to Sultan Mahammad Muazzam,
Shah Alam Bahadur, the Crown Prince.1

LETTER I.

Eldest son of sovereignty, happy son, Mahammad Mūazzam, may God protect and save you. His Majesty, having his abode in paradise (Sháh Jehán, Aurungzebe’s father), had a great desire to conquer the provinces of Balkh, Badakhshán, Khorásán, and Hirát which were the ancient possessions of our ancestors.2 He often sent there the royal forces under the command of Mūrád Bakhsha.3

Most of the provinces were conquered; but owing to impatience, that unfortunate man (Mūrád) returned (to the capital) without having been recalled by His Majesty and thereby lost the favour of the people and the grandees of those provinces. The kingdoms conquered and possessed were lost; and money was wasted on them. It is for this reason that it is said that “A daughter is better than an unworthy son”. Attend to this (verse) that “If a father is unable to finish a work, the son must carry it out to completion”. This mortal creature (Aurungzebe) has a wish which is still unfulfilled. It was the desire of Sháh Jehán that I should send a grandson of His Majesty’s to those districts with a grand army and sufficient equipment. What more can I do? When you were here, I had insisted upon you to take Kandahár;4 but you have not conquered it. What of other cases, then.? Evidently you have not done the work entrusted to you by me. One who professes to know a thing must know it fully. This my perishable life is now like the sun (setting) on the top of a mountain. What does it concern me if I have these provinces or not? How will you shew your face to your rivals in this world and to the Holy, High, and Exalted God in the next world?

LETTER II.1

Happy son, Mahammad Mūazzam, may God protect and save you. I came to know from the representation of a disinterested person that this year you observed the Nowroz2 festival in the manner of the (present) Persians3. By God’s grace, keep your faith firm. From whom have you adopted this heretical innovation? Evidently you have been instructed by that Arab who lays claim to the title of Saiyad,4 (but) who is the cause of disgrace to some good persons (the Saiyads). Anyhow this is a festivity of the Majūsis.5 According to the belief of the infidel Hindus it is the coronation day of the accursed Vikramájit6 and the commencement of a Hindu era. Henceforward you should not observe it and repeat such folly. (Verse) “I have advised you often; but none of you (my sons) have searched after secrets”. I seek forgiveness from God, my Lord, for every sin that I have committed; and I turn to Him (in repentance).

LETTER III.

Eldest son of sovereignty, I came to read your letter (requesting me) to confer an additional honour upon your fourth son,1 for whom you seem to have the greatest affection. It is impossible to bestow such a favour upon a younger brother in supersession to an elder one. (Again) it is strange that considering you are indifferent towards your family, you could have such affection for your son. Anyhow (verse) “May you live long because this (i.e. the fact of your favouring and loving your younger son instead of loving your whole family) is sufficient.” In order to please you I will pay attention to this request of yours in another way.

LETTER IV.

Eldest son of sovereignty, I came to know that you disregard the soldiers and care more for the highly paid servants. It seems that you intend going to Kandahár.1 May the grace of God be with you. But I could not understand your request about returning to the capital of Láhore.2 I degraded Násir Khán3 to Pán-Sadi4 and I dismissed that Hindu councillor from (my) service. (Verse) “Other persons act wrongfully because we shew them so much favour.”

LETTER V.1

Eldest son of sovereignty, why have you displeased Fateh Alláh Khán2 notwithstanding his good nature? When I was a prince I used to treat the nobles in such a way that all were pleased and whether present or absent praised me much. Nay, notwithstanding the merit and dignity of the unfriendly brother3 some of them deserted him and entered my service.4 I closed my eyes upon some of them, who, at the instigation of the unfriendly brother, practised unworthy actions and used abusive words. For the sake of justice they admitted my patience and endurance. And the impression of my generalship and bravery5 was made upon the tablet of the noble heart of His Holy Majesty (Sháh Jehán). Difficult acts were performed by the strength of the arm of this weak ant6. You have broken the heart of Fateh Alláh Khán, a soldier, brave and useful in all affairs, who would have been useful to you in important matters (after me).7 (Verse) “What benefit is there if you give a thousand gems and jewels but at the same time break the inward gem (i.e. the heart) of a person?” Done is done and cannot be undone. It will be better if you win his heart; and it will be more advantageous to you for putting your affairs in order. (Couplet) “I advise you, listen to the advice, don’t evade it. Listen to the advice given by a kind counsellor”. The sooner the better. Peace be upon those who follow the right path.

1686. LETTER VI.

Happy son, Mahammad Mūazzam, may God protect and save you. I came to know from a letter of a dear friend that you attend the court with a saffron-like (yellow) turban on your head and ‘palváni’1 robe on your body. You have reached the age of forty-six. Bravo! With this (white) beard you put on a gaudy dress.

1704. LETTER VII1.

Eldest son of sovereignty, I have despatched Mūna’am Khán2 to you so that he may deliver my message soon to you. I am not conscious of myself. (I do not know) who I am and where I go and what will happen to this sinner, full of sins. Now I will say good bye to every one in this world and will entrust every one to the care of God. My famous and auspicious sons should not quarrel among themselves and allow a general massacre of the people who are the servants of God (after my death)3. May God, the changer of hearts, make His grace for the protection of the people who are His deposits (in this world) and His wonderful creatures, the light for the path of the kings (i.e. may God make the kings protect their subjects)4.

Letters addressed to
Prince Mahammad A’azam Shah Bahadur1.

LETTER VIII.

Exalted son, I am much pleased with riding the ambling horse2 which you sent to me this time. The horse reminds me of the sympathy felt for the old father by the fortunate son. Owing to great joy I have named him ‘Khūsh-Kharám’ (walking smartly). As you are perfectly skilled in finding out an appropriate name for everything, (I hope) you will give an appropriate name to each of my favourite horses and then write to me about it. A list of these horses along with the details of their colour and breed will be (shortly) supplied to you by the head groom.

LETTER IX.

Exalted son, I was much pleased with the ‘dáli’1 of mangoes2 sent by you to the old father. You have requested me to suggest names for the unknown mangoes. When you yourself are very clever, why do you give trouble to (your) old father? However I have named them ‘Sūdhá-ras’ and ‘Rasná-vilás’3.

LETTER X.

Exalted son, I remember the savour of your ‘khichadi’1 and ‘biryáni’2 during the winter. Truly, the ‘kabūli’3 cooked by Islám Khán does not surpass them (in point of relish and savour). I wanted to have from you (in my service) Salimán, who cooks ‘biryáni’; but you did not allow him to serve me as my cook. If you happen to find a pupil of his, skilful in the art of cookery, you will send him to me. However, happy is the day when you come, eat, and make others eat. (Couplet) “Happy is the day and happy is the time when a friend enjoys the company of (another) friend.”4 (Couplet) “The desire (for eating) has not entirely left me; (though) blackness has departed from (my) hair, it has not departed from (my) face” (i.e. though I have become old, I have not yet given up my former habit of indulging in the pleasures of the palate).5

1692. LETTER XI.

Exalted son, may God be praised that the grandson Bahádūr1 has become brave and day by day his fortune is being improved. you should not be careless in training your son Bahádūr2. If he can, in the province of Málwá3 he will get a victory over the Senápati4 and (then) punish the Játs5. I have issued an order that the great Rajput prince Rájá Basan Singh Kachavá6 should join him and that the fort-keeper of Akabarábád7 should provide him with artillery8 and other baggage necessary for war. You should go to the mouth of the Nurbaddá9, and then by the way to the right you should reach Islámábád, otherwise known as Mathūrá10 (in order to join your son).

LETTER XII1.

Blessed son, His Most Exalted Majesty2 used to say, “Hunting is the business of idle persons. It is very reprehensible for one to be absorbed in worldly affairs, and to disregard religious matters. Because this world is as a field in relation to the next world (i. e. as you sow so shall you reap)”. It is said of His Majesty (Shah Jehan) that he used to get up cheerfully at four o’clock3 in the morning; (then) he performed ablution at the ‘Ábshár-i-Taufeek’4 and engaged himself in reciting the daily portions of prayer. Before daybreak, after the cry of the ‘Mūazzin’,5 he said the morning prayer in the company of learned men. Then he went to the ‘Jharūkhá-i-Darshan’6 and favoured the ‘darshaniáns’7 with the blessed sight of his auspicious face. At about ten o’clock he went to the ‘Diván-i-Aam’8 (in order to hold a public audience). In this assembly all officers bowed down to and saluted the emperor. The ministers and the treasurers represented to His Majesty the arrangements made for the crown servants, the facts about their good services, and the loyalty of inspectors, police officers, supervisors and district officers; fulfilled the desires of every one and encouraged others. After the usual inspection of the imperial horses and elephants, at eleven o’clock, he illumined (i.e. went to) the ‘Diván-i-Khás.9 In this place the secretaries reported to him the facts about the newly appointed officers and received from him his final orders (regarding them). They (further) related to him important facts and events occuring in every province and considered orders, issued by him regarding every case, as final. These transactions were carried on till noon time. After this he directed his attention to take the special food which was emphatically prepared from lawful means. For strengthening the body, (having) strength for prayer, and giving justice (to his subjects), he took his dinner in proportion to the (need for) maintenance of life in the body. Then he inquired about the eating and drinking of those who were maintained by him and of those who were daily given food by him, most of whom were men of learning and excellence, seekers after knowledge, needy and poor persons, orphans, destitute and sick men; and he used to recognise most of them with an alchemy-like sight. (Then) he retired into his special sleeping room where he slept (nearly from eleven to one o’clock) for a time with an awakened mind. At two o’clock he came out from this room, performed ablution and engaged himself in reading the holy Koran. After saying the noon prayer, with sacred mutterings on his lips and a rosary in hands, he came to the ‘Asad Būrj’,10 and took his seat there. There the chief ministers presented themselves before him and engaged themselves in representing to and producing before him the financial and political questions and presented before him petitions to be signed. At four o’clock he returned to the ‘Diván-i-Aam’. At this time the registrar and the private secretary presented, before his august presence, those who were recently appointed (in the state service) and those who wanted estates. His Majesty inquired carefully into the personal and ancestral qualifications, the personal ability and the merit of each of them; and then issued orders for assigning posts and fixing sums of money as ‘Jághirs.’11 After sunset he retired from the ‘Diván-i-Aam’, offered evening prayers and (then) entered his special private chamber. There were present sweet-tounged historians, eloquent story-tellers, sweet-voiced musicians and numerous travellers. The females (were sitting) behind the curtain, (while) the males, in front of it. In accordance with the dictates of His Majesty’s noblest and highest nature, each of them related stories of ancient great personages and kings and spoke about the wonders and antiquities of different countries. In short, His Majesty passed, till midnight, the hours of day and night, in this manner; and (thus) did justice to life and sovereignty (i. e. spent his time thus). As (my) paternal love regarding (my) son is from the heart (i.e. true and sincere) and not from the pen (i.e. false), I was obliged to write and inform (my) dear son what was good and valuable. I have penned what I have been able to recall to mind this time. Excuse me.

LETTER XIII.

Exalted son, Mahammad A’azam, may God protect and save you. It seems you ride very fast. (You rode) so fast that Saiyad, your canopy bearer, fell down on the ground and (soon) gave up the ghost. When you were here before me, you were indifferent and absent-minded. You have seen my manner of riding. Why have you acted contrary to that? (Verse) “Ride slowly and gently, but don’t ride pompously and fast; because a thousand dead bodies are buried in the ground beneath your feet”.

LETTER XIV.1

Blessed son, Mahammad A’azam, may God protect and save you. In order to please the most stupid Afazal, you have not dismissed the tyrant, Hasan Beg of Chakleh Kūrá. The people there are lamenting and bewailing and are much distressed. They say (verse) “If you will not give us justice, there is the Day of Judgment (doomsday) for our justice (i. e. God will judge our cause)”. The real accountants2 record the tyranny of the officers in your and my accounts. Know well for compensating these actions (of tyranny from Hasan Beg) and enquire into the conditions of the inhabitants of that place, otherwise the ‘jághir’ will be taken away from you and you will have no recompense for the loss.

LETTER XV.1

Exalted son, I came to know that Mūstafá Kūlli Beg, your private secretary, performs your work carefully. This is sufficient. If you will write to me for giving an additional post to and conferring the title of a ‘Khán’ on him, I will favour him with them. An honest man is like unalloyed gold. (Couplet) “Human beings are found everywhere in this world, but their essence (i.e. honesty) is found very rarely (i.e. there are many men in this world, but honest men are very few)”. One day, the late Sa’ad Alláh Khán2 after being disengaged from prayer, raised up his hands, for a long time, asking for blessings (from God). One of the impudent courtiers asked (him), “What is your wish?” He replied, “(I pray) to be an honest man”. Truly, he gave a (very) good reply. Though the quality of honesty and sincerity, bestowed by the High God upon (every) human being, is natural (in him from his very birth), it requires (the help of) encouragement and reward from the master, so that the servant may live in a comfortable condition and in proportion to his condition he may be free from any anxiety with regard to his livelihood, and consequently worldly needs will not corrupt his faith. (Verse) “Because a happy and contented servant works more.”

LETTER XVI.

Exalted son, you have requested me to give a ‘Máhi-i-Maráteb’1 to Nasrat Jang2. Though it is not a rule to give it to an inferior to a ‘Sesh-Hazári’3, I give it to him as he has accomplished your two important affairs and also to please you. He will get one of the ‘Máhi-i-Marátebs’ which have been brought (here), and thank (us) for this great gift which is above dignity.

LETTER XVII.

Exalted son, Mir Khán,1 the superintendent of the provinces belonging to your army, refuses to govern the district of ‘Sakrá’ and wants another district in return for it. We have small sum of money and many have a demand for this (i.e. we have got a few provinces and there are many persons demanding them). The flesh and bones should be distributed equally. There is no possibility of getting a substitute for ‘Sakrá’. You should write to him to find out the difference between the two sums of money, produced by the district of ‘Sakrá’ and by the other district which he wants in return for ‘Sakrá’; and I will pay that difference to him in money.

1686. LETTER XVIII.

Happy son, Mahammad A’azam, may God protect and save you. I came to know from the events (that have happened) in the province of Málwá,1 that the blind-minded2 Pahár Singh, through his great pride and haughtiness, became the source of sedition and rebellion and raised the standard of rebellion against (us); (but) he was killed by Talūk Chand3, the assistant to (my) dear and fortunate son (i.e. A’azam)’s minister, and entered hell4. Thank God under any circumstance. (Couplet) “I sacrifice myself before Thee, O God, for Thy favour to me.” Truly, the accomplishment of this affair is through your generous encouragement (to servants); because you make the state servants do government affairs by encouraging and patronising them. For this I congratulate you and send you a necklace5 of pearls worth Rs. 50000.6 As this Hindu (i.e. Talūk Chand) has verified the proverb that ‘the sparrow (i.e. Talūk Chand being a Bania or Márwári) has bravely killed the hawk (i.e. Pahár Singh being a Rajput)’. I exalt him by giving him a personal (not hereditary) title of ‘Pán-Sadi7’, a hundred cavaliers, a (Hindu) title of ‘Ráo’,8 a robe of honour, a sword and a horse. You should also favour him, who has distinguished himself among his equals, by sending him a letter of encomium and praise and assigning him the independent governorship of a province, so that other servants may be induced to render good service in the expectation of a reward.

1704. LETTER XIX1.

Exalted son, may God protect you. To take away the ‘faujdárship’2 of Sorath3 from Fateh Jang Khán of the Báli4 tribe and to give it to the superintendent of the palace5 is like breaking a sound bottle with one’s own hand (i.e. will spoil the matter). In the province of Gujarát, the Báli tribe have great respect and pride for the military profession. To give the ‘foujdárship’ of that province to others save this tribe is far from wisdom. The ‘Panj-Hazáriáns’, like Hasan Ali Khán,6 son of Ali Vardi Khán,7 and Saf Shekan Khán8 and others, had been appointed to the ‘faujdárship’ of Sorath in order to manage it. It will be desirable if your superintendents follow the footsteps of the deceased Shūjá’ at Khán9. Otherwise as this is the province of Gujarat, may God forbid, there will be disorder and confusion10. It will take a long time to restore peace and order there. Other things depend upon your choice. (Couplet) “I wou’t tell you not to do this and to do that; listen to advice which will render your work easy”. May your end terminate in safety (i.e. All’s well that ends well).

LETTER XX.1

Exalted son, through the representations of the spies I have come to know that the royal road between Bahádūr pūr2 and Khūjasteh-būniád3 is not free from danger. Highwaymen rob the merchants4 and travellers of their goods. Wayfares cannot travel in security. When such robbery takes place near the quarters of your and my armies (at Ahmedábád and Būrhánpūr), woe to the condition of distant roads! It seems that the reporters5 do not furnish you with true accounts. Carelessness and indifference are contrary to the way of kingship and sovereignty. (Now) you should appoint new reporters and give them warning and punish the former ones. Prepare an army to extirpate these ruffians and to free the royal road from the machinations of these loafers. How long will you allow this shameful mismanagement to go on? (Couplet) “I don’t ask you either to suffer a loss or to gain an advantage. O You! who are losing an opportunity, whatever you want to do, do it soon (i.e. don’t lose the opportunity of doing a thing).” May you be happy.

LETTER XXI.

Dear and glorious son, a white water pot, of Chinese make and of good material, which is now very rare, and a ‘kachakrá’1 chair, were presented to me. I have sent these two things to (you), my dear son. You should thank me for these two rarities; and, in return for these, send me a basket full of mangoes,2 without minding what has already happened.

LETTER XXII.

Exalted son, I remember that one day I paid a visit to Miyán Abdūl Latif1—may his tomb be sanctified. During the conversation, I said, “If you permit me I will fix (the income of) some villages of the Kaharkūn2 district for (defraying) the expenses of the monastery”. He recited, with his holy tongue, these two hemestichs: “I am placed under an obligation when the king grants me villages; but I am not under an obligation when God gives me food”. I replied, “It is so; but I join the service of the mendicants and pious men, for the good and welfare of this world, for my own happiness, and for the fulfilment of (my) prayer for the increase of happiness and fortune, and not for putting them under any obligation”. The Miyán said, “Truly, the intention of the mind is good, if it is from the very bottom of the heart. Receive only half of the revenue which you now obtain from your subjects (peasants) and take less than even half from the hard-working and helpless peasants.3 Fix monthly allowances on the mendicants, who put faith in God, who do not beg, and live in deserts. Administer justice (carefully) to the oppressed in such a way that no one will be deprived of his right. Don’t allow the weak to be oppressed by the tyrants. (Then) you will see increase in your happiness”. Immediately these words of the Miyán reminded me of the complaints of the inhabitants of Chakleh Kūrá,4 and so involuntarily I wrote this letter to you. May you be happy.

1704. LETTER XXIII.1

Exalted son, the artillery and palace superintendent2 has been appointed (by you) the police officer of Naváh3 of Ahmedábád.4 He appoints his vulture-like (i.e. bribe-receiving) relatives and friends to ‘patelships’.5 The complainants against the power of the above-mentioned superintendent do not get admittance into your court. Robbers and vagabonds have become the companions of his son-in-law who afflict God’s people (our subjects). I wonder what answer we shall give on the day of judgment.6 The Holy and High God is just. If we appoint a tyrant (to a post), every act of oppression perpetrated by the oppressor appointed by us is just. It is we who allow oppression by giving power to tyrants and withholding justice from the oppressed. (Couplet) “Wheat grows from wheat, and barley, from barley; don’t be indifferent about the reward of (your) action (i.e. as you sow, so shall you reap).”

LETTER XXIV.

Exalted son, how long will the old lady like Záhedeh Bánū1 remain in a miserable plight? She has a claim on you and me. Her grandsons suffered punishment for their actions. Her rights should not be disregarded. You will remember how one day when the elephant of Fateh Jang Khán2 máde an attack upon you, Mir Badhū3 displayed bravery like Rustam4 He restrained the elephant from fury. (But) he did not accept a robe of honour granted by me (and said), “I have done my duty as a man born in this house; and why should I accept wages (i.e. the robe of honour) for this?” For the sake of God and for my sake, eradicate the old (feeling of) revenge from (your) heart. Favour this old lady who has no kind man except you to shew kindness (to her). (Couplet) “Increase your kindness to the old members of your family, because those favoured by you will never prove faithless.”

LETTER XXV.

Exalted son, the letter of A’atimád Khán1 is not a revelation that it should be acted upon per force. After the necessary inquiry an order will be issued.

LETTER XXVI.

Exalted son, one day Sa’ad Alláh Khán1 came late in His Majesty (Sháh Jehán)’s presence. H. M. asked the cause. He replied, “I was reading some passages from a book and copying them down in order to shew them to Your Majesty. (They are here, as follow). ‘The stability of the foundation of sovereignty depends upon justice. A kingdom and property increase through bravery and charity.2

You should keep company with the wise and the learned and avoid the company of fools. It is a sign of wisdom to act according to one’s conviction and to remain firm in the midst of hardships. You should not be deficient in worldly affairs (or duties) and should be pleased with your contrivance. One should thank God for the destiny of the permanency of his family. Shew mercy to the orphans. If you desire that you should never be in need, fulfil the desires of the needy. The execution of state affairs depends upon the advice and counsel of ministers. Conquest and victory depend upon the blessings of the mendicants. If you want to have sound health, pray (to God) for the remedying of the diseases of the sick. If you wish to have forgiveness for your crimes from God, first pardon the crimes of other criminals’.” His Majesty was was much pleased and kissed the forehead of the deceased Khán. At the end of the day (i.e. in evening) he presented the above-mentioned Khán some Mahmūdi3 bundles, embroidered in gold and of one colour. I thought that I should not enjoy the benefit of these maxims alone, consequently I wrote these things for my dear son. May the grace of God be with your actions in order to enable you to follow these instructions.

LETTER XXVII.

Happy son, Mahammad A’azam, may God protect and save you. It seems that the son of the superintendent of your palace gambles in the drummery.1 Alas! alas! notwithstanding your claim to sovereignty (after my death) you shew so much indifference and carelessness.2 Why do the reporters3 not supply you with information? They must be screening their friend (the son of the superintendent). Appoint new reporters and warn them against this.

LETTER XXVIII.1

Exalted son, it seems that you passed one month in shooting cranes near the river Tal.2 Though hunting3 is an occupation which gives pleasure and delicious food, yet it is more pleasant when indulged in after being disengaged from the execution of important affairs, to do which is your bounden duty; chiefly (after being disengaged from) performing the rights of sovereignty, which, according to religion and custom, should be done properly. The responsibilities of these (rights of sovereignty) are enjoined by reliable traditions, well-known histories and other works. They should be given priority to all other duties. If you are convinced of the execution of the affairs of one district, why don’t you engage yourself in the management of the affairs of Khán Jehán, A’akel Khán, Shūjá’at Khán, and Muhammad Beg?4 You (like) the pleasure of game while I enjoy myself in conquering fortresses and subduing rebels. Alas! what will be your position in this life and in the life after? (Couplet) “There are many who advise others, in this world; but there are very few who advise themselves.” Life passes away in vain and we can do nothing. What answer shall we give to God after death?5 (Verse) “O God! have mercy upon our condition.”

LETTER XXIX.

Exalted son, though the young son (A’azam) does not love the old father, the old father loves the young son. (Verse) “Come, and remove the mountain of grief (i.e., excessive grief) from our hearts.”

LETTER XXX.

Exalted son, Muhammad Anwar the merchant has no ability to manage the affairs of the sea-ports of Aslá. From this it appears that notwithstanding (your) perfect wisdom, sagacity, and deep consideration, you have appointed a thief to keep watch (which is absurd). You should not issue such a foolish order in future.

1704. LETTER XXXI.

Exalted son, the town of Dūhad,1 situated in a district of Gujarát, is the birthplace of this sinner, full of sins (i..e, Aurungzebe himself). You should learn to shew proper kindness to the inhabitants of this town.2 You should shew favour to Pir Mankhá,3 who has been the police officer of this town for a long time, and should keep him in his own post. For Pir Mankhá’s sake, you should not listen to the slander of the selfish, for whom it may be said that ‘in their heart there is a disease (of hypocrisy) which God increases.’4 (Verse) “A king must possess one general eye for shewing favour to the weak, and one special eye for shewing favour to some favourites (i.e., a king should shew his kindness and favour, generally to the weak and especially to his favourites).”

1704. LETTER XXXII.

Exalted son, Muhammad Beg,1 your servant, deserted and went over to the misled and miserable enemy. It is said about him that he has been descended from the tribe of Mū’atemad Khán,2 the minister of the Deccan. He (Muhammad Beg) was your minister and private secretary. Undoubtedly the new servants bore malice and spite against the old one (i.e., Muhammad Beg). You should recall this deserter and send him to me. The bad property should be attached to the beard of its master (i.e., Muhammad Beg should be surrendered to me). Otherwise you should write (to me) that after being informed of his condition, he may be called.

1704. LETTER XXXIII.

Exalted son, the bones of Shūjá’at Khán Muhammad Beg1 are not yet rotten (i.e., he died only a short while ago). The rights of Shūja’at Khán’s service should not be overlooked. He has two survivors, two sons-in-law and one adopted son.2 Why have you dismissed these heirs of Shūjá’at Khán for (their) slight offence, the truth or untruth of which is known to God (alone)? To dismiss a Mohemadan for the sake of a Hindu is an unreasonable act.3

LETTER XXXIV.

Exalted son, Mandeswar, the greatest district of the province of Málvá, has been granted to you as a ‘jághir.’1 In former times Sar Būland Khán,2 Hasan Ali Khán,3 and a great officer like Navázesh Khán-i-Rūmi, had been appointed police officers of this district. This light of my eyes (i.e., my dear son) should send there an intelligent, honest, and brave officer. One day it was said in the presence of His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) that the splendour of the house, the increase of property, and the prosperity of the ‘jághir’, districts, of Sa’ad Alláh Khán4 depended upon (the management of) Abdūl Nabi, his secretary, and that the Khán himself spent his time zealously in the (discharge of) state affairs. Once, His Majesty, by way of suggestion, told him, “I have heard that you possess the philosopher’s stone. (I hope) you will present it to me.” He replied, “I possess one (i.e., Abdūl Nabi) in the form of a man and which has the quality of producing gold.” His Majesty thanked God and spoke sweetly, “I praise you for this quality of yours (and) give away his services to you. An intelligent, honest, God-fearing, and well-behaving man is rare. (Couplet) ‘Human beings are found everywhere in this world, but their essence (i.e., honesty) is found rarely.’”5 The above-mentioned Khán bowed down to His Majesty.

LETTER XXXV.

Exalted son, I have come to know about the occupation and action of the manager of the district of your ‘jághir’ from the letter sent by the reporter. Why are you careless about the day of judgment?1 (Verse) “Alas! alas! justice from the hand of negligence.”

1704. LETTER XXXVI.

Exalted son, I knew you to be (a man) of great sense and of good disposition in everything. (Verse) “May God protect your handsome face from an evil eye.” It is strange that you have dismissed Muhammad Beg Khán1 and given the ‘faujdárship’2 of Sorath3 to Sheer Andáz Khán. The results of personal and able affairs of mankind are clear. (Verse) “The outward appearance of a man is a mirror for his heart (i.e., the character of a man can be judged from his outward appearance).” Here in Sorath Kūtbūdin,4 the noble ‘Panj-Hazári,’ had been appointed. I won’t take any objection if you appoint Saiyad Kamál5 and Saiyad Mūrád, who are honoured and respected, in this province, to some extent. Under any circumstance, the ‘faujdárship’ of the above province, together with districts connected with this province, are given to you in ‘jághir.’ You should appoint over them a faithful servant whom you consider worthy (of the post). If Amán Alláh Beg6 and Bahádūr Beg Sherváni can induce themselves to be away from you, apparently you will entrust them with the ‘faujdári’. Honesty and ability play the greatest part in the management of political and financial affairs. The unfit and selfish are many; while the worthy and true are very few. His Majesty, having his abode in heaven (i.e., Akbar, Aurungzebe’s great grandfather), had (many) faithful servants. He entrusted them with (the work of gaining) successive victories and (of performing) many affairs. And in the time of His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) there came forward many brave and faithful servants, well-behaving officers, and able secretaries. Notwithstanding so many faithful servants, His Majesty, with his holy personality, looked after the transaction of (state) affairs very carefully. I remember that when His Majesty sent Mūrád Bakhsha7 to Balkh in order to conquer the provinces of our ancestors, an army registrar was wanted. Twenty persons, employed or unemployed (in the state), applied for this post. Now I want a true and able man for the ministership of Bengál; but I find none.8 Alas! alas! for the rarity of useful men.

1704. LETTER XXXVII.

Exalted son, notwithstanding your good intention, why are you indifferent to the actions (i.e., tyranny) of oppressors and to the infliction of punishment on those misled people (tyrants)? Everyday in the districts of Hájipūr,1 Miyánpūr,2 and other police stations, strife and quarrel, oppression and tyranny, take place. The Kolis3 plunder (the town of) Mairganj,4 situated close to the (quarters of the royal) army. They bind the inhabitants of the town and the poor travellers and carry them away. You have appointed Amán Alláh Beg5, the superintendent of the artillery and of the palace, the police officer of Naváh6. He gave ‘patelships’7 to his dishonest and corrupt relatives. The oppressed cannot complain to you against his power. Alas! alas! Time passes away like a sword (i.e., swiftly); and the reproach of the people of the world and the fear of the Glorious and High God are removed from the heart. The ‘faujdárship’ should be given to one of the Gujarátis, either to Safdar Khán-i-Sáni8 or to the sons of Bahlol Sherváni9, who, in the time of Shūjá’at Khán, had acquired a good name and who communicate with the inhabitants of the town (of Naváh). I say plainly that on the day of judgment we shall have to give an account of our actions before God for shewing favour to and connivance at (the actions of corrupt officers).10 You should send to the province reliable and cautious reporters, and send me daily reports of the results of the orders (issued by you), and should engage yourself in repairing the time. (Verse) “When on the day of judgment there will be an inquiry about my crimes, the records of the crimes of all the people of the world will be torn to pieces (i.e., the crimes of all people are insignificant in comparison to mine and therefore they will be forgiven by God on the day of judgment, but I will not be forgiven).”11

1696. LETTER XXXVIII.

Exalted son, Kázi Abdūllá1 joined God’s mercy (i.e., died). He used to please me and (my) subjects during his tenure of ‘káziship’. I do not know about the condition of his sons. Abdūl Majeed Khán, his eldest son, was, for a time, your ‘kázi rikáb’.2 Write to me if he possesses the qualifications of learning, unselfishness, and goodness. There is no more important work than ‘káziship’, because the people of God (whose dignity is great) are imprisoned or sentenced to death by the decision of a ‘kázi’. Kázi Sheikh-ūl-Islám was helped, as it was necessary, by the divine grace in doing good, to inquire into and distinguish between right and wrong. A good man is very rare; and a rare thing is non-existent; (therefore, logically, a good man is non-existent; i.e., there is no good man in the world).

LETTER XXXIX.

Exalted son, I have heard (that) the superintendent, appointed by you before my final decision, is cautious. (But) here (in the court), Siávash Khán Sháh Mir is partial notwithstanding his high post and an adequate ‘jághir’. Honesty is an essential qualification in a servant. Write to me whether Asad-ūd-Din, the son of Diláver Khán, who is near you, possesses this quality (of honesty), in addition to intelligence; if so, I will summon him into my presence, and appoint him to the post. I, with a wounded heart, insensible, and needy, always seek for honest human beings. These honest people fall under the category of the phœnix1 (i.e., like the phœnix, they are known by their names only, but never seen in the world; i.e., honest people are not to be found in this world).2 A philosopher was asked “What’s the medicine for the disease of selfishness?” He replied, “Selfishness is an innate quality; which gives a polish to the deep and careful attention of the master, so that the servant may not remain needy in any way and his essence (i.e., honesty) may be bright and shining under any circumstance and its purity may not be destroyed by the rust of need.”

LETTER XL.

Exalted son, robbers are practising their profession often from Chamárkūndeh to Kádirábád.1 Very few travellers traverse the road in safety. Most probably there must be some cause for this. A word to the wise is sufficient. You receive news soon whether from a distance or from near. For the bad plight, why don’t you think of the day of judgment? Attention with regard to the end of our life must be paid just now. It is just to favour a good servant for his distinction (in service) and to punish a bad one for his bad action. As you sow, so shall you reap. I am anxiously waiting for your reply. A tyrant asked for blessings for himself from a holy man. He replied, “Regarding the oppressors themselves they have no effect of blessings but giving justice to the oppressed (i.e., the only way for tyrants to enjoy the effect of blessings is to cease oppressing the people).”

LETTER XLI.

Exalted and dear son, I was pleased with some passages in the diary of His Majesty (i.e., Sháh Jehán). For my love to you, I have written them involuntarily to my dear son, so that I myself do not enjoy their benefit alone. (The passages are as follow). ‘Some actions are the best: not to countenance a bad man; not to disappoint a man by the non-fulfilment of his desire; not to afflict a man of a good temperament; not to beg notwithstanding extreme need; to keep company with the pious; to search for the worthy and the able; to avoid the company of fools; to give the deserving, as much as you can, before they ask for it; to honour the learned; to spend one’s time in justice (or in work); not to pay attention to the doctrines of the sacrilegious; not to be unconscious of the condition of the faithful agents; to derive benefit from the company of the holy who are strangers in this world; to encourage those who do good for the affairs of this and the next world’.

In this age also there are many good men; but where are those who search for such good men and encourage them by their favour?1 Evidently, the succeeding generation will be worse. (Verse) “I am anxious about the condition of the times; because, may God forbid, there will be worse times than this”. You, who have an intention of (succeeding to) sovereignty (after me),2 should desire, search for, employ, and favour (such good men).

LETTER XLII.

Exalted son, I liked very much ‘Gūlshan-rawán’, the fat horse you have sent me for riding. He has a graceful gait, a mane, a fine form and all the equestrian qualities. You are much pleased with often riding on ‘Nilūfar’ and ‘Chawá-chandan’ (two horses). I send you a Turkey horse, called ‘Khūsh-kharám’ and ‘Sabá-raftá’ (another horse), presented to me by Amánat Khán1, and trained under the supervision of Alláh Yár Khán. But the miser head groom sheds tears (and says) “Why does Your Majesty give away (such) fine horses”? Notwithstanding, I will send them to you.

1700. LETTER XLIII.

Exalted son, you must have learnt, from the letter of the agent and the reports of the spies, the details of hardships in the invasion of the Ghauts.1 The Mohemadans and the army had to undergo worse conditions and unbearable toils. God be thanked that the calamities of this invasion came entirely to an end and were compensated for by victory and success. Though such hardships are said to be caused by the sins of mankind, yet the action of the governor has a great effect upon the good and evil of people. The action of the governor suggests misery or misfortune on this poor and useless person (i.e., Aurungzebe himself). The fortress of Sattárá2 is now called (by me) A’azam-tárá (and given to you). You should issue an order that the drum of victory will be beaten in your own name. You may remember the words uttered by you in your childhood, “Bábáji, dhūn, dhūn”.3 The fortress of Barnálá4 is now called (by me) Naval-tárá. Ask for the details of my expedition from your slave-girls.

1704. LETTER XLIV.1

Exalted son, you have seen the dervish, Mir Arab, in Ahmedábád. Of course, you should again go to him and present him compliments from me who am ashamed of departing for the next world and who desire the pleasures of this world. You should request him to pray for our happiness and for the safety of our religion. Tell him that I am approaching death and have been far from good actions. (Tell him further that) the life of this negligent person (i.e., Aurungzebe) has been passed in vain and the remaining portion of it will also be passed without any fruit; (and that) death approaches while salvation recedes. (Verse) “Whatever I have done, even a blind man cannot do; I have lost God in this world (i.e., I did not remember God in this world).”

LETTER XLV.

Exalted son, the misbehaviour and impudent conduct of Mir Badhū,1 (your) foster brother (towards you), have been fully laid bare to me by the reports of your expedition. The (following) couplet of ‘the Spiritual Leader’2 applies to his case. (Couplet) “The favours of God treat you mildly; but if you go beyond (the mild treatment) you are disgraced (or punished by Him)”.3 You thought it necessary to reproach and to disgrace him, because he boasts of the claims of his old mother.4 (But) he does not know the (following) words of Sa’adi.5 (Couplet) “Don’t put the king, whom you serve, under any obligation; know that it is you who are obliged by the king by his giving service to you.” Any how the Obliging King (i.e., God) has endowed men with wisdom and (other) good qualities. It is better if you follow my advice and forgive him this fault; because, (verse) ‘Criminals are worthy of favour.’

LETTER XLVI.

Exalted son, His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) asked Sa’ad Alláh Khán,1 “What are the means of satisfying the Creator and what are the good fruits of our life?” He replied, “Justice and charity with which God has endowed your most holy person.” A person said to the qualified Khán in a sarcastic tone, “Honest and faithful men are very rare in this world; possibly you know this.” He replied, “The world is not, in any way, devoid of honest people. A wise man must take good men into his service, look after their welfare, realise his desires through them, and not listen to the words of the selfish against them.” His Majesty observed, “Honest and respectable men and good officers are rare. He who is favoured by God with the highest position must inquire into the condition of honest and good people. He must not regard an able person worthless though he may be a stranger. He must avoid the company of foolish and worthless people though they may be equal to him in position. He must favour and patronise a good and friendly officer.”

LETTER XLVII.

Exalted son, one day His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) said privately to Dárá Shekūh,1 “You should not be ill-disposed to and suspicious of the royal grandees.2 You should treat all of them with favour and kindness and not listen to the words of the selfish and the liars against them. Because this advice will be one day useful to you.” As my heart warms towards you, I write to you what I ought not to write. To shew hypocrisy to worthy people is to spoil the business.

LETTER XLVIII.

Exalted son, one day His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) entered the ‘Ghosal Kháneh’1 in a sad mood. Sa’ad Alláh Khán2 and Ali Mardán Khán3 asked for the cause of distraction of his noble mind. His Majesty observed, “Some of the civil and financial officers have died. Other dignified persons are not found immediately to undertake such important affairs. My mind is not at peace for the thought lest order will be destroyed.” Kilich Khán4 said, “The well-being of the important affairs of the permanent sovereignty depends upon the auspices of your holy person. Your slave has, in a short time, trained five of his servants in such a way that they are fit for high posts in the kingdom, for services in provinces and for the management of affairs.” On hearing these words joy shone on the noble face of His Majesty who ordered Kilich Khán to bring the five servants into his presence in the evening in order to be inspected for appearance and character. (His Majesty further remarked), “How pleasant it is if affairs are transacted according to (one’s) desires!” Kilich Khán entered His Majesty’s presence (with his five servants) exactly at the appointed time. Having attained to the fortune of (being present into) His Majesty’s most holy service he spoke (to the emperor) about the good character and ability (of the five servants). Each of them was honoured with the favour and appreciation of the master of the world (i.e. Sháh Jehán), and was given a worthy and personal (not hereditary) post and assistants to serve under. His Majesty shewed special favours to the above-mentioned Khán also. He was given a personal title of ‘Yak-Hazári’,5 and, in addition, two hundred cavaliers. His Majesty observed, (verse) “May you (the Khán) be happy because you have made me happy.” Out of thankfulness for the acceptance of his request (by Sháh Jehán) and for the favours of the bountiful master (i.e. Sháh Jehán), the qualified Khán gave away in charity one thousand ‘Mohurs’6 to the deserving.

LETTER XLIX.

Exalted son, Kámyáb Khán, the clerk of the assistant of your secretary, has written me a letter. (Couplet) “He who draws the sword of oppression is killed by Providence with the same sword (i.e., he who practises oppression is oppressed in return).” What is done (by you) for order and discipline is done. It would have been better had you not made unallowable haste (in inflicting a capital punishment upon the oppressive officer—mentioned in the clerk’s letter). Nevertheless, though retaliation1 is a just law, the affliction of (one’s) heart is the cause of displeasure to God. For this reason it is said (verse), “There is pleasure in pardoning a person, but there is no pleasure in retaliating on him.”

LETTER L.

Exalted and blessed son, Muhammad A’azam, may God save and protect you. You have known the condition of my riding horses. The Emperor Jehángir (Aurungzebe’s grandfather) punished so severely his head groom that it proved absurd to give him the title of ‘Saf Shekan Khán’ (lit. the master of the breaker of the files of an army). (Verse) “It is quite contrary to the nature of a negro to call him a ‘káfūr’ (camphor).”1 His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) used to say, “A senseless man spoils the business. We are helpless in making suitable appointments in times of difficulties and hardships of journey and of arrangement in an emergency.” You should select one from your grooms and (then) write to me. (Verse) “We must put up with every class of people; what is to be done with them? they are also people.”

LETTER LI.

Exalted son, a reporter writes to his own brother from the district of Lauli (that) “The tolls on merchants and travellers bring forth every year from Rs. 15000 to 16000; but the district treasurer and the police officer do not send to the royal treasury more than Rs. 1000 or 2000.” Truly, this is not ‘ráh-dári’1 (collecting tolls) but ‘ráh-zani’ (robbing the king of his property). The (use of the) property of the people (by the king for his private expenses) is unlawful2. If these officers take five percent out of hundred and one percent out of forty (of the tolls) I will not grudge it. Suppose that the dishonest practice of the treasurer is disclosed, the first thing for enquiring into this is that an order should be issued in the names of the commissioner and the secretary. Then I know what to do about his dishonesty. The half of the produce of the land is allowable to the landlord and the remaining (half) is the property of the king.

In the reign of His Majesty (Sháh Jehán), a person, at the time of the passing of the royal procession, cried out in a loud voice, “This auspicious time is an aggregate of good actions. Just ruler and the greatest minister, (Your Majesty) is anxious to have honest secretaries. Your subjects are in a good and secure condition. It is a duty incumbent upon me to thank (God) for the divine favours upon (your) most holy personage.” On hearing these words, H. M. ordered the procession to halt for a time, called the special officers from a distance and raised up his hands for blessing the man; and then presented him a robe of honour. At that time Sa’ad Alláh Khán told H. M., “The necessaries of the life of a man are in proportion to his desires, and his desires are in proportion to his good nature.”

LETTER LII.

Exalted son, Sa’aeed Khán Bahádūr Zafer Jang1 brought a person into the presence of His Majesty (Sháh Jehán); and out of good grace praised him. Sa’ad Alláh Khán allowed nothing to pass from truth (i.e., gave justice to the man) and said, “May Sa’aeed Khán be happy who presents such a man (before Your Majesty) and speaks to Your Majesty about his good manners.” Words passed from the auspicious tongue of H. M. (to the effect that), “It is your (i.e. officers’) business to bring servants into my presence, while my work is to patronise them in order to give lustre to affairs. The officers should oblige me by finding out and then presenting before me erudite and well-versed secretaries, honest officers and many respectable soldiers whom I want.” The prime minister2 said, “The man of every class, who does every useful work in your holy reign, is, in the end, honoured with a worthy post and presented a costly robe of honour.” His Majesty ordered the prime minister to examine the ability of the man and then to give him a fine service. Sa’aeed Khán Bahádūr, out of thankfulness for the good favours of the appreciating potentate (i.e. Sháh Jehán), distributed Rs. 10000 among pious, virtuous and poor people.

LETTER LIII.

Exalted son, one day Pahár Amal, the secretary of the unfriendly brother,1 produced a balance sheet before His Majesty (Sháh Jehán), and said, “Ten lacs of rupees, for the payment of the balance of the days in which we (i.e. Dárá and Pahár Amal) had accounts with each other, are to be paid from the royal treasury. Your Majesty should order the payment.” His Majesty handed over the balance sheet to Sa’ad Alláh Khán and said, “With a view to looking into details, examine the sheet and then speak to me.” The above-mentioned Khán said immediately, “Such a large sum of money should not be paid from the royal treasury. Next time the cash account will be settled for the payment of each other.” After the dispersal of the court, Dárá the Pompous uttered angry words to the prime minister (i.e. Sa’ad Alláh Khán). When the note sent by the officer of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh’2 reached H. M., at once H. M. wrote a letter to the unfriendly brother and inserted the following couplet in it: (Couplet) “To quarrel with the good and the virtuous is to shew enmity to oneself; he who draws a dagger on a mirror draws it on himself.” (H.M. further wrote in the letter) “It is a special qualification of princes to distinguish between right and wrong. Pahár Amal wants to economise for you while Sa’ad Alláh Khán does to preserve my property. If the balance sheet was verified from your account book, it was your duty to inquire whether it was possible or impossible for Sa’ad Alláh Khán to pay the sum. Otherwise it is very bad to afflict (the hearts of) the royal servants, especially Sa’ad Alláh Khán. It is good to win the hearts of these men.3 Able and intelligent servants are the source of increase of property and of a good name to their masters.” In the evening His Majesty presented Sa’ad Alláh Khán some bundles of Mahmūdi4 cloth embroidered in one colour and three thousand ‘dinárs’5 in cash.

LETTER LIV.1

Exalted son, this verbal story has reached my ears from a reliable source. I write it to you in details so that you may also know it. One day His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) honoured Ali Mardán Khán2 and Sa’ad Alláh Khán3 with the distinction of special audience before H. M.’s presence; and said eloquently, “The order and management of the kingdom and property simply depend upon wisdom and justice. May God forbid, if an unworthy king attains to the dignity of sovereignty and appoints ministers and nobles having no sound judgment to posts (in the kingdom), absolute disorder will prevail in the management of the country. Then follow the ruin and poverty of the subjects, and the country yields a reduced revenue and (thus) is ruined. For pleasing God you should associate with the pious and the religious. After the five prayers you should pray for me that the splendour of the kingdom may not diminish and that no one may use abusive language. After my death the son who succeeds me4 will be helped with good graces. Many times I have been thinking that though the eldest son of sovereignty5 possesses dignity and pomp and grandeur and glory, he is an enemy of the good and a friend to the bad.6 (Verse) ‘He is good towards the vicious and unfriendly towards the virtuous.’ Shūjá7 possesses no quality except generosity. Mūrád Bakhsha8 has no virtue at all. He is engaged in eating and drinking and is constantly indulging in wine. But such and such a person, i.e. this humble mortal (i.e. Aurungzebe), seems to me to possess determination and foresight9. Most probably he will be king after me.” Sa’ad Alláh Khán recited the (following) hemistich of ‘the Spiritual Leader’10: “A foresighted man is auspicious.” His Majesty observed, (verse) “Who will be selected by God and towards whom will His inclination be?”

LETTER LV.

My dear son, it is said that on the day of ‘Chauki1,’ Ali Mardán Khán2, Abū Sa’aeed Marz, and Kilich Khán3 used to first offer the soldiers coffee; then at the time of breakfast, they used to serve them breakfast; at the time of dinner, dinner; and at the time of departure, perfumes and ‘páns4.’ They used to send various dishes to the family members of the soldiers and to say ‘Their wives and children do not taunt us for feeding the soldiers alone and for want of magnanimity (towards them) and are not grieved’.

In former times a person began to complain of the times before a great man. The great man said, “We should thank (God) for and praise the present time much; because man has no fear about his livelihood and no anxiety about his person and property (in Sháh Jehán’s time). There is no fear of relaxation in (one’s) religion and faith. In future, the intentions of mankind will be changed and severe oppression will take place. Justice and gratitude will totally disappear. Administrators and protectors of cities will be publicly engaged in plundering (people). The ruling king of the (future) time will not give justice to the oppressed. The nobles will try to support the tyrants for the (mutual) benefit of one another. The rights (of people) will be disregarded and be trampled under foot. Wives will display bravery while daughters will be honoured with ministerships. Men of merit, on account of discouragement and want of appreciation, will purposely abstain from helping in the improvement of affairs. Worthy officers, nothwithstanding their retirement from office, will not be safe (from oppression). The foolish and the inexperienced will manage the state affairs. The sons will afflict (their) fathers and the fathers will have no paternal love for (their) sons. Virtuous wives will weep for the debauchery and disaffection of (their) profligate husbands. There will not be timely rain. The governors, through their selfish ominous nature, will cause corn to be sold dearer. The countries will be ruined owing to the oppression of the rulers. Public women will live openly in the houses of nobles and great men. Men will like to be clad in the dress of women (i. e., will prove cowards).”

1690 or 1701. LETTER LVI.

Exalted son, Fázil Khán1, your spiritual leader, died. I am sorry (for his death). He was confidential (or learned), careful about his business, and of a good disposition. He kept finance officers under his charge carefully and cautiously. He illumined the house of this humble creature (i. e., Aurungzebe himself) with his stewardship. You should not also doubt the good nature of Vazier Khán Háji Muhammad2. Though Saiyad Muhammad Khán and Mir Nayáz are not bad, yet they are strict officers. When most of the officers under you are my servants, just now I want Kábil Khán and I require him from you. You should appoint Muhammad Mūhasan to the office held by Kábil Khán. In my court there is dearth of good men (i.e., are very few)3. Till his arrival here Ináyat Alláh Khán4 will act for him, though he has much work. Háfizeh Mariam5 claims a better right. Her son (i. e., Ináyat Alláh Khán) is known to me by his ability; but he is harsh towards his relatives. Directly and indirectly I often tell you by way of advice, “Ragūnáth Sa’ad Alláh Khán6 did not assign financial posts to his own brothers and used to say, ‘Those very brothers are (like) officers who bring ruin to the houses (of their masters). May God guide or kill them’.”

LETTER LVII.1

Exalted son, the delicious mangoes (sent by you) sweetened the palate of the old father. May the happiness and fortune of the young son ((i.e., A’azam) be augmented. (Verse) “Whatever proceeds from a friend is good.”

1704. LETTER LVIII.

Exalted son, life of the father, produce of the life of the father (i.e., dear son), the province of Gūjarát1 is not like Bengál, the Deccan and Cábūl (i.e., Gūjarát is in the middle of the empire and not on the borders, like Bengál, the Deccan and Cábūl) that owing to a great distance and a frontier of the kingdom, the appointment of commissioners (for Gūjarât) should be accepted volens nolens (by you) (i.e., the commissioners for Gūjarát must not be appointed by others but by ourselves, because it is situated in the middle of the empire). Henceforth you should act according to my system till the work is executed with promise and threat (to commissioners). The police officer of the district of Dohud2, who is old and sickly, did not come into your presence on account of (his) physical infirmities. He should not be dismissed (from his post) by you and should be left to follow his own way.

LETTER LIX.

Exalted son, a saint wrote a tradition and brought it to me (and said), “His Holiness the Prophet (i.e., Mahomet) —may the benediction and peace of God be upon him and upon his family—asked the great (angel), Gabriel, ‘Which service is the best?’ The angel replied, ‘The service of kings which brings benefit and pleasure to the needy.’ I also wish to enter the service of kings and to fulfil the desires of the Mohemadans.” I said, “There is no objection against this (your serving me)”.

LETTER LX.1

Exalted son, to refuse the presents brought by the nobles before you is a loss to the royal treasury. Though this time I forgive you for goodness’ sake, you should not do so in future.

LETTER LXI.

Exalted son, the Turkey horse1 you sent this time has a good appearance and nature. He is again better than the first one. I have named him ‘Sabūk-sair’ (lit. of a light walk, i.e., swift), because this name harmonises with the thing named (i.e., the horse).

LETTER LXII.

Exalted son, at your suggestion I made Mūswi Khán1 the chief paymaster. It is sufficient if the servant discharges his duty satisfactorily. His appearance is not bad. I don’t know his character. (Verse) “The wickedness of the soul (i.e., the character of a man) is not known for many years.” It is a general rule to inquire privately into the character of a man who is to be appointed to a post. Because in the beginning (of the service of servants) people are deceived by the performance of good service; but afterwards they find themselves to be served by selfish servants. Here after Eftikhár Khán2 and Muhammad Ali Khán3, Fázil Khán4 and Fazáyal Khán5 managed the ‘Khámáni’ post well, from whose foreheads good signs were seen (to proceed). Physical diseases can be cured by doctors; but mental diseases, like selfishness, can be remedied only by the Changer of Hearts (i.e., God).

LETTER LXIII.

Exalted son, may the Great God protect thee. I wanted to make Diánat Khán Abdūl Kádir the secretary to (my) grandson Bahádūr1; but his name does not agree with his nature (i.e., he is dishonest—Diánat Khán means ‘the honest Khán’). Honesty is not to be expected from him.

1704. LETTER LXIV.

Exalted son, you possess a sound judgment in executing (my) orders. Gūjarát is the ornament and jewel of India1. Here are found men belonging to every kind of industry, art and profession. The sample (of an article) sent to me recently from the royal factory in Gūjarát is rough and costly. You should, of course, make an inquiry into this matter.

LETTER LXV.

Exalted son, from the detailed reports sent to me from the Nurbadá1 (I came to know) that Amán Alláh Beg2, the superintendent of the artillery of (my) dear son ((i. e., A’azam), totally defeated the Satan-like, wicked and shameless Santá3 and brought safe the provisions of Bák Khán and his own followers. Indeed, his endeavours and exploits, together with those of his followers, are worthy of praise and laudation. You should show him proper favours and recommend him to me also.

LETTER LXVI.

Exalted son, Mir Jalál-ūd-Din1, who has resigned your service, is evidently the nephew of the late Himmat Khán2

who was my chief paymaster. He is a true Saiyad3, of noble birth, and of a good character. Why have you dismissed him?

LETTER LXVII.

Exalted son, why did the sons of Shamshir Khán1 resign? There must be some cause for their resignation. To dismiss old servants for a slight offence and to appoint new ones (in their places) is totally useless. I am like the sun approaching the vault (of the sky—i. e., I am nearing death)2. What do you think? Any how, if you come before my holy presence and become a king, I won’t mind it3.

LETTER LXVIII.

Exalted son, (couplet) “Your companion must be better than yourself, so that your wisdom and faith may increase.” For a long time I have heard that in your ‘Jághir’ districts oppression is practised openly. Justice does not remove the oppressors for the sake of the poor oppressed who have no access to the ruler. In the court of God the angels write down the acts of oppression in the account of the governor appointed (by you or by me)1. What does it mean to give so much power to the second paymaster and to put great confidence in him so that no one has power of speak against his action? Though it is right to increase the independent power of a man of business in any way, it is simply foolish to give an absolute authority to a servant and not to pay any attention to the important affairs executed by him. (Quatrain) “Do not associate with an evil person; be a stranger to him (i.e., be far from him). If you eat his grain, you will fall into his snare (like a bird). The arrow, on account of its straightness, saw the bow crooked; behold, how it left its hollow! (i.e., as the arrow does not like the crookedness of the bow and consequently leaves it, similarly a good person should not desire the company of a bad one and consequently should abandon his company)”. (Verse) “Fear the sighs of the oppressed; because at the time of their prayer, acceptance comes to receive it from the court of God (i. e., the prayer of the oppressed is heard and accepted by God)”.

LETTER LXIX.

Exalted son, Eftikhár Khán1, at the time of the service of (his) stewardship, owing to (his) good nature, experience, and careful attention, made me the (following) fine statement, “Dishonesty does not consist only in taking and dragging property, but in representing truth as untruth and untruth as truth.” I was much pleased (at these words); and I issued forth a strict order to all officers and royal servants (to the effect) that they should represent to me the facts about each person without any exaggeration and should not care for the dignities of relatives, acquaintances, and strangers.

LETTER LXX.

Exalted son, when His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) conferred the title of ‘Ráo’1 upon Jasvant Khatri2 and made him a private secretary, he told him, “You should be honest in relation to myself and those who want ‘jághirs’. When a list of the newly appointed persons and of additional titles or ‘jághirs’ is brought to me (for reference), you should bring before my presence four or five officers in the evening when I am looking at the maps of provinces and the designs of buildings in the courtyard of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh,’3 so that after examining the character and lineage of every one I will issue an order for ‘jághirs’.” In the same way he issued an order to the superintendent of the ‘dágh-tasihah’4 (to the effect) that he must receive any orders for branding (horses) with the seals of paymasters and then presenting them to His Majesty he must brand the horses; and that he must give an account of the expenses (of branding) to the secretary.

On account of the hardships of the difficult expedition I could not pay any attention to state affairs; consequently there was total disorder in the management of orders. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) often used to say, “‘Sar-kūb’5 officers, treasurers, police officers, prefects giving final orders, ‘karori’6 paymasters, and (other) officers should acquire honesty and keenness which are the best of all (qualities)”.

LETTER LXXI.1

Exalted son, from the reports sent to the royal court by reporters I came to know the details of the story of the impudence and misbehaviour of Hidáyat Keesh-i-Punjábi who, having drunk wine, walked on the enlightened tomb of Sháh Bandeh Naváz Gisū Daráz2 and (thus) displayed his low spirit. When that wicked man had gone to that (holy) place in a drunken state, you ought to have sent your servants with an order to bind him hand and foot and to bring him (before you); and then having placed him in front, you ought to have sent him to me along with macebearers3. Evidently partiality should not be allowed to the reporter; for this, I have sent (to you) strict macebearers in order to bind the accursed (Punjábi) and to bring him (before me).

When unworthy persons, appointed to service, do such acts, in such cases I do not shew partiality to any of my sons; so what can I do for Ináyat Alláh Khán4 and others?

1707. LETTER LXXII.1

(This letter was written in the enlightened writing in the state of death).

May peace be upon you and upon those who are near you. Old age arrived and weakness became strong (i.e., increased). Strength departed from the limbs. I came alone (in this world) and I go as a stranger (to the next world). I am unconscious about myself as to who I am and of what use I am. Time passed away without any devotion (to God). (Now) I have (only) to lament this passing away of time without any devotion. I was devoid of administrative (tact) and care for the welfare of the people. (My) dear life has been spent in vain. God is present in this world but I do not see Him. Life is not constant, and there is no sign visible of the past life; and there is no hope of a future life. Fever has left me (on account of being ashamed of me). Only the skin is left (i.e., there is no flesh upon my body, i.e., I am very weak). Though (my) son Kám Bakhsha2 is gone to Bijápūr,3 he is near me. And, you, my exalted son (i. e., A’azam), are still nearer (to me—being in Málwá). The most favourite (son) Sháh Álam4 is at a greater distance than all (sons—i. e., at Cábūl). (My) grandson Muhammad A’azim5 is gone, through the will of God, to the frontier of India (i. e., near Cábūl). The whole (royal) army (in the Deccan) is confused and confounded. The army is restless like me, who have selected loneliness from God (i. e., who will not be accepted by God in paradise), and who am in perturbation, and who am restless like mercury. (But) the army does not understand that there is a greater master (i. e., God). I did not bring anything with me (in this world, i.e., I came here naked); (but now) I carry (with me) the fruits of sins (in the next world). I do not know in what punishment I shall be involved (there). Though I have strong hope in the favours and mercy (of God), my actions do not allow me to think over (i.e., I am afraid on account of my actions). I am unconscious of myself. (Verse) “What is done is done. I have steered the boat (of my life) in the sea (of nonentity—i.e., now I am dying)”. Though (my) subjects will be protected by God, it is necessary for (my) sons to cast their look on outward circumstances that the people of God (i.e., subjects) and (especially) the Mohemadans may not be killed unjustly. Present my last good wishes to the grandson Bahádūr6 whom I did not see at the time of his departure. I have (still) another desire (to make to you). Though outwardly the Begum7 is grieved, God is her protector. The short-sightedness of women has no fruit except disappointment. Good bye; good bye; good bye.

Letter addressed to
Kám Bakhsha1.

1707. LETTER LXXIII2.

(This letter was written by Aurungzebe to the prince Sultan Muhammad Kám Bakhsha at the time of his death).

My charming son, though in (this) world of free will (where men act according to their own will), I advised you about the divine will, and more than this, about the divine power, it was destined that you would not listen to and accept this advice. Now I go away (to the next world) as a stranger from all; and I pity you for your want of intelligence and ability; but now of what use? I carry with me (to the next world) the fruits of sins and crimes which I had perpetrated (in this world). Nature is wonderful that I came alone (i.e., naked—in this world) and go (to the next world) with this burden (of sins). Though fever attacked me for twelve days, (now) it could not bear (my leanness) and left me. Wherever I cast my glances I find nothing but God. The anxiety about my officers and army and for their future responsibility became the cause of the grief of my heart (i.e., I am in grief that my officers and army will not be treated and guided well by my successors who are weak). I am unconscious about myself. I committed many sins. I do not know how I shall be punished (by God). Though the subjects will be protected by the Master of both the worlds (i. e., God), it is a bounden duty of the Mohemadans and of (my) sons also to protect and save them according to outward circumstances. A’azam is also near me; and I have spoken to him what was necessary about you. You should also accept my last will3. It should not be that the Mohemadans be killed (in war); and the blame (of their being killed) will remain upon the neck of this useless (creature—i.e., Aurungzebe). I entrust you and your sons to (the care of) God and I myself ask your leave for departure (from this world). (My) condition is distracted (i. e., I am restless). Bahádūr Sháh is in the same place in which he was. (My) grandson, the glorious A’azim, is gone to the frontier of India. (My) grandson Bahádūr is in the neighbourhood of Gūjarát. Hiyát-ūn-Nisá (or Zinat-ūn-Nisá?), who has not enjoyed the pleasures of the world, is in grief. The Begum knows her own condition (i.e., her condition is so bad that it cannot be described). Udepūri,4 your mother, was with me in (my) sickness. She intends to accompany me (after my death—i. e., she will soon die after me like a Hindu ‘Sati’). Though my relatives and servants shew wheat and sell barley (i.e., are hypocrites), you should give them employment through kindness, mildness, and carelessness (towards their hypocrisy). You should cut the coat according to the cloth. May the peace of God be upon you.

Letters addressed to
Prince Muhammad Ma’az-ūd-Din Bahádūr1,

the eldest son of Sultan Muhammad Mūazzam,
Sháh Álam Bahádūr (the crown prince).
1706. LETTER LXXIV.

Grandson Bahádūr, (your) victory over Malek Gházi and his defeat gave me much pleasure and I praise you for that. As a reward for (this) great service you are given the ‘faujdárship’ of Lakhi Jungle2, a military title of ‘Dah-Hazári,3 and an additional title. Along with a mandate conferring these posts, a robe of honour, a sword, a horse, an elephant and jewels will be sent to you. You should pay greater and greater attention to conquering kingdoms and extirpating the rebels from the district (i.e., Lakhi Jungle), which should be the duties of princes. You should not wait for (my) order to punish the rebels, and you should not expect an additional title like (the government) servants, because the kingdom belongs to you (i. e., you are a prince). I am like the sun on the border of the horizon (i. e., I am old and nearing death).

LETTER LXXV.

Brave grandson, the sagacious sons should not write (to me) asking for additional titles to reporters. Why do you make me this unreasonable request? But if you think it proper, the service of reportership will be given to another, because the present reporter does not perform his duty well (he is not a true reporter). (Couplet) “When selfishness came, merit was concealed; a hundred curtains of hearts (i. e., men) fell on eyes (i. e., merit is not appreciated and rewarded by selfish people; they are blind to merit).”

Letters addressed to
Prince Muhammad Bidár Bakhta1,

the eldest son of Sultan Muhammad A’azam Sháh Bahádūr.
LETTER LXXVI.

My grandson Bahádūr, from outside reports I came to know that during the time of your stay at Fatehpūr2, wicked persons attacked the place of Doharah which was attached (given) to Jehán Árá Begum3 for the expenses of her garden. The Begum wrote this to you; and you tendered her a letter of apology. Why did you not communicate this circumstance to me? Why did you conceal the correspondence that passed between you and the Begum?

LETTER LXXVII.

Brave grandson, as you have before sent me a present for conquering the fortress of Bareetee Sháh, this (second) present for the same purpose is a repetition (only). As you are going on an expedition I do not accept the second present (because you will require more money for the expedition); but forgetfulness on your part cannot be justified.

LETTER LXXVIII.

Grandson Bahádūr, for removing physical diseases and avoiding dangers you should continue the morning prayer which is accepted by God. All erudite and learned persons unanimously agree that to blow on water by reciting ‘Sūrat-i-Ikhalás’ and ‘Sūrat-i-Shafa’a’1 and then to drink that water is the great and immediate cure (of diseases). Though to weigh the entire body of a person against gold, silver, copper, corn, oil and other commodities is not the practice of the country of our ancestors and of the Mohemadans of this country (i. e., India), many needy and poor persons are benefited by this practice (therefore we must also observe this practice)2. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) also used to weigh (against gold, silver &c.) his auspicious body twice a year and (then) to distribute the gold and silver equal to the weight of his own body among the poor. If this light of my eyes (i. e., grandson Bahádūr) will weigh his body against various commodities, which are mentioned in the letter, fourteen times a year, it will be efficacious for removing mental and physical calamities. (Couplet) “You (i. e., God) know our (man’s) weakness, anxiety, and invalidity; and You also know the remedy and cure of our diseases.” God is the curer and healer of diseases; God is perfect; and God is holy.

LETTER LXXIX.

Dear grandson, why is your officer absent from performing state affairs? He should not be given a post in the state, because he does not serve the state and the army. You should not act like your officer. Send him to me or keep him as your servant. This (not performing the state affairs though being state servants) is the habit of Firūz Jang and Nasrat Jang1. This light of my sight (i. e., grandson Bahádūr) should not follow such men. (Quatrain) “The time of permanency (i. e., of the world) passes away like the wind in the desert. Misery and happiness, beauty and ugliness, pass away (i. e., time does not stop for any one). Everything in the world perishes. The oppressor thought that he oppressed us (i. e., others); but the burden of oppression remained on his own neck and passed away from ours (i. e., the oppressor thinks that the oppressed are suffering under his oppression; but really the oppressed are free from the burden of oppression after a time, while the oppressor is never free from it in his life, because he will be punished for oppression in the next world)”.

LETTER LXXX.

My brave grandson, at this time there is a dearth of good men and women (i. e., are very rare).1 Work must be done according to the dictates of the heart and not according to the sayings of bad people. More than this cannot be written; because it causes slander and sin. (Verse) “The wall has got ears; move your lips after thinking (i. e., think before you speak)”.

LETTER LXXXI.

My brave grandson, there is an enmity between the physically and mentally weak Khán Álam1 and Nasrat Jang. You should make Ráo Dūlip2 a mediator between them and reconcile them to each other. Having tried to win the heart of Nasrat Jang, appoint his secretary to the governorship of Málwá. Fidá Khán3 should be sent for stewardship.

LETTER LXXXII.

My dear grandson, may you be benefited and prosperous in religious and worldly matters. You conquered the fortresses of Tarkand1 and Navalkand2 from wicked and misguided people. May God be praised. The achievement of this dear son deserves much praise and laudation. Your Shamsheer Khán3 is also a good counsellor. A good work proceeds from a good man. I changed the name of Tarkand into Shamsheer Gadha (lit. the fortress of Shamsheer Khán). The conquest of the fortresses by one (i. e., by you) and the claim of the conquest by the other (i.e., by me) excite the special greed of the world conquering (i. e., my) treasury. (Couplet) “The sockets of the eyes of the greedy are never filled (i. e., the greedy are never satisfied). Till the shell was not contented it was not filled (with pearls—i. e., even the shell is not satisfied though it gets many pearls in it)”.

LETTER LXXXIII.

Grandson Bahádūr, to win the hearts of soldiers is the greatest part of success1. He of a happy disposition and of a high birth (i. e., you) should try his best to execute this affair according to the entire sound advice of his forefathers. Because on the continent of India, this piece of bread (i.e., the Mogul Empire) is a generous gift (to us) from Their Majesties, the Lord of the Happy Conjunction (i.e., Tamerlane) and the Resident of Heaven (i.e., Akbar)2. If, through the blessings of the bounties of the Transcendent God, you can do (something) for the stability and extent (of the empire), the eloquent historians will write down the details of it which will remain memorable upon the book of the pages of everlasting time. (Couplet) “If you are going to enjoy the garden, be quick; because the spring will pass away like the colour of lawsonia inermis (a colouring shrub—i.e., don’t delay in taking advantage of the opportunity offered to you; otherwise you will lose it and there will be no chance of your having it again)”.

1703. LETTER LXXXIV.1

Grandson Bahádūr, the expenses incurred by Khán Firūz Jang for his followers (in receiving me when I was passing from Bahádūrgadh) appeared to me more than proportionate to his rank and salary. (During my reception by him) I observed guns, ‘rekhlás’2, ‘báns’3, ‘rám-jangis’4, ‘jazáyars’5, ‘god-náls’6, ‘shūtūr-náls’7, ‘gaj-náls’8, riding horses with necessary equipments, horses and elephants equipped with armours stuffed with silk, other necessary things of pomp and dignity, and many other things which were either necessary or unnecessary. Therefore I confiscated many of the belongings of the Khán. Why do you, who have got things double those of the Khán, waste money and spend it without any cause? To spend money after useful things is necessary; but to spend it after other things (i.e., useless things) is for self-adornment.

1692. Letter LXXXV.

Grandson Bahádūr, I read (your) petition word by word. It enjoins two alternatives (i. e., you should choose one of the alternatives). I must go to Málvá and Akbarábád1, and you, to the Deccan, or vice versa. Write to me which of the two alternatives you find suitable.

LETTER LXXXVI.

Brave grandson, this light of sight (i. e., dear grandson Bahádūr) writes in (the beginning of) many letters (to me) ‘May eternity join with fortune (i.e., may your—Aurungzebe’s —fortune be eternal)’. It is impossible that (one’s) fortune should last from generation to generation. (Then) how will it reach eternity? (i. e., fortune is not eternal). (Henceforth) you should begin every letter (thus): ‘By the blessings of the bounties of the Unrivalled Exalted God’. Because God says truly ‘Man is created helpless’1. (Couplet) “Know that the opposition of an enemy and a friend is from God; because the hearts of both of them are in His possession (i. e., the source of enmity as well as friendship is God and not man; because man’s actions are subject to God’s will).”

Letters addressed to
Muhammad Azim-ūd-Din Bahádūr,1

second son of Mūazzam Sháh Álam Bahádūr.
1704. LETTER LXXXVII.

(My) grandson, well versed in repeating the great and ancient Koran by heart, some political affairs are taken into consideration. I am excessively desirous of seeing this light of the eye (i. e., my dear grandson). Having looked after the exalted government affairs and being desirous to see me, you should, in obedience to my order, appoint Mūrshid Kūlli Khán2 to the governorship of your place (i. e., Bengál) and (then) should come into my humble presence with elephants and the royal treasury. Nay, if you march (to see me) before receiving (my) order, it will be considered obedience on your part.

LETTER LXXXVIII.

Grandson Azim, it is not good to be careless, like myself, of the Generous God and of oppression upon people who are the deposits1 of the Creator. Especially it is very bad for princes to practise oppression2. You should always accept as right, heartily and secretly, the true (religious) doctrines of death, resurrection, ‘Sirát’,3 and divine punishment (after death). Every moment you should know that you are to depart from this world so that the new branch of hope will rise from the dust of expectance and the flowers of blessings will not be removed by the wind of the sigh of the oppressed (i. e., you will not be disappointed by the curses of the oppressed). Whence did you learn this peculiar habit (of oppression) which was neither practised by your grandfather nor by your father? It is better to eradicate this foolish habit (i. e., oppression) from your mind. I considered you better than other princes (i. e., my sons and grandsons) and I thought you to be a future king. (Verse) “What we think proves to be false (or contrary—i.e., man proposes, God disposes)”.

LETTER LXXXIX.

Grandson of high dignity, you have requested me regarding the assignment of the district of Shankarpūr as a ‘Jághir’ to Sháh Álijáh (i.e., your father). I did not know whence you acquired such well wishing. It is no matter had Álijáh himself requested me about what you requested. Otherwise remove such foolish ideas from (your) head; because they do not increase love and friendship (between us). Nay such foolish ideas are proper to be a cause of affliction to self conceit and pride.

LETTER XC.

Grandson Azim, though the produce of the ‘toddy’1 of Mahál2 is meant for acquiring wealth, it cannot be understood which dishonest ‘Kázi’ gave you a decision (in favour of selling and drinking ‘toddy’). You should regard such counsellors, who are the cause of ruin to families, as the enemies of your person and property and as the evil wishers of your present and future lives. You should thank the Holy and High God for His bounty that He has bestowed upon you fertile and productive districts and everything cheap and abundant. You should consider the protection of the subjects as the source of happiness in this world and in the next world.

Letter addressed to
Amir-ūl-Umará Sháyasta Khán1,

Governor of Akabarábád.2

1659. LETTER XCI.

Faithful friend of auspicious nature, may you live under the protection of the Exalted God. I am anxious for you. On Tuesday, the 20th inst. of Rabi-ūl-Awal3—the day of writing this letter to you—Shūjá4, whose lot was defeat, encountered the victorious army which was under the victorious stirrup of this most needy person (i.e., Aurungzebe himself) to God Whose name is glorious, and found the return of evil actions in (his) lap, full of his own misfortunes (i.e., he was defeated by me). (Couplet) “From whose hand and tongue can come out the responsibility of thanksgiving to God fully (i.e., no one in this world thanks God fully for His bounties)?” The details of this great victory5 (of Cujwá over Shūjá) will be written to you afterwards. I pursued the cowardly Jasvant Singh6 who had joined the enemy (i.e., Shūjá) last night before the battle; but he fled away and went to Akbarábád. Evidently he has gone to his own native place (i.e., Rájpūtáná). He has suffered a great loss in this world (by being a coward) and will suffer it in the next world (by being an infidel; for he will not enter paradise). On hearing the purport of this royal order, this arm of sovereignty (i.e., Sháyasta Khán) should perform the necessary things for joy and pleasure (i.e., should observe the day of victory as a public festival); and should give thanks to the True Giver of Bounty (i.e., God); and should entirely engage in preserving this province belonging to you (i.e., Akbarábád). Immediately I sent my dear son, Muhammad Sultan Bahádūr7, in pursuit of this ungrateful man (i.e., Shūjá). I will soon come to Akbarábád.

Letters addressed to
Umadat-ūl-Mūlk (the Best of the Kingdom),
Madár-ūl-Mahám (the Pivot of State Affairs),
(i. e.,) Asad Khán.1

1704. LETTER XCII2.

According to the request of that sacrifice (for me—i.e., Asad Khán), the post of second secretaryship has been given to Sadr-ūd-Din Muhammad Khán Safavi.3 Now he should be summoned and be informed of this favour. Till his arrival that good natured man (i.e., you) should also examine the ledgers so that the clerks may not have a mischievous power by wickedness, and the business men may not suffer for the closing of the affairs. (Quatrain) “Every one must purify his mind, every one must polish his mirror (i.e., heart). Help those who are distressed; hear that this goblet (i.e., this world or life) will give its voice (i.e., you will have the reward of your actions in this life)”.

That sacrifice (i.e., you) should write to Khán Jehán Bahádūr4 (to the effect), “The horse merchants and others are complaining. This is a true tradition that ‘Oppression will cause darkness on the day of judgment.’ Why did you not remember this tradition? Why did you forget death which is near your artery (i.e., which is approaching you)? Fear the wrath of God and the punishment of the emperor (i.e., Aurungzebe)5. (Couplet) ‘The mildness of God deals leniently with you; but if you go beyond (the mild treatment) you are disgraced (or punished by Him).’”6

That sacrifice (i.e., you) should tell Nasrat Jang (your own son) and inform him that I will send him (as a present) an emerald ring which will not contain (on its collet) all his titles. If he agrees, only the name ‘Nasrat Jang’ will be engraved on it and then it will be sent to him as a present. (Verse) “Do you know what was engraved on Solomon’s ring?7 There was written in gold on the collet, ‘This world passes away.’”

I saw the saint brought into my presence by Rūh Alláh Khán8 (the Second). He was like a dandy and not like a former true saint. On seeing the saint I remembered the advice of Miyán Abdūl Latif9—may his holy tomb be sanctified—who, one day, spoke to this sinner (i.e., Aurungzebe), “You should not visit saints.”10 I said, “If we worldly men engrossed in sins do not perform God’s duties by paying the perfect saints a short visit, what will be our case and condition?” He replied, “The prohibition is meant for the saints of the present time who do not follow the ways of the great saints of the past. If you pay them a visit, you will be more blind (than before). And this is not good. May God protect you”. That sacrifice (i.e., you) should write the saint, “It is ordered by the emperor (i.e., Aurungzebe) that you should obey the order of God and give Him satisfaction. You are free to go wherever you like. Henceforth you should not disturb the emperor and me by your visits. You will be given a fixed allowance.”

1704. LETTER XCIII1.

That sacrifice, let it be known to you that this sinner (i.e., Aurungzebe), who had refused to visit the above-mentioned saint (of Let. XCII), has pardoned him by reading true traditions of the doctors of the Mohemadan law. When I thought well (upon this), I found my refusal to visit the saint due to the deceit and deception of the worst passion2. Otherwise how could I keep my desire (of visiting the saint) under control? (Verse) “Passion is a dragon (i.e., it injures others); how can it die? It lies congealed on account of the want of means (i.e., passion never dies in a man; whether it remains active or inactive in him)”. May God be praised that I have not yielded to passion and its deception. Especially, to rejoice at the loss of others is an act of passion. That sincere sacrifice (i.e., you) should request the holy saints to pray for (my) good, happiness, and escape from the fetters of passion. The (above-mentioned) saint himself is a virtuous and noble minded Saiyad (a true descendent of the prophet Mahomet). If he prays sincerely (for us) it is good. O God! let me live as a saint, make me die as a saint, and revive me on the day of judgment among the saints3. Amen! amen! amen!

LETTER XCIV.

According to the request of that sacrifice (i.e., Asad Khán), Ateek Alláh Khán has been made permanent in his post. For this he must observe many conditions. Firstly, he must every year increase the revenue of (his) district; secondly, he must not practise oppression upon the ‘Ahadis’1 and must not ruin any village; thirdly, he must make free of robbers the boundaries of his own ‘faujdári’ and make them full of safety, so that travellers, way farers, merchants and ‘bipáris’2 may travel without any anxiety. If he accepts these conditions and acts according to them, he will be given a written document for the post; otherwise, not. When the second Khalif Umar,3 the Lord of the Believers—may God be pleased with him—appointed, in his ‘khiláfat’, one the governor of a province, he made some conditions with him. (1) He must not allow the door keeper to have a watch near the door of the court so that people might represent their needs before him without any difficulty. (2) He must spend his time in rendering services to the people of God. (3) He must not ride (but walk on foot, so that people might represent their needs to him). (4) He must not take anything from the royal treasury for himself or for his family4. He must follow a profession and (thus) earn his livelihood by lawful means. If he cannot earn it on account of old age or sickness, he might, by the advice of the true believers, take (from the royal treasury) occasionally one or three ‘dirams’;5 more than this must not be allowed. (5) He must show (his) courage by dealing out justice to people; and in deciding cases he must not be partial to relatives and friends. Many other conditions are also written in chronicles and histories. We, who are the followers of the Khalifs, should try our best according to our ability. O God! guide us to the right path; and confer peace upon good and virtuous people.

1703. LETTER XCV.1

That sacrifice, you should bring to-day Mūna’am Khán2, the deputy of Sháh Álam, who has been also made his minister, into my presence for giving him permission to depart, so that I should acquaint him with particulars about the evil intention of the wicked Akbar3 who, with the hope of (receiving) help from the Persian Demon of the Forest4, has stayed in Hirát5, near Kandahár6, and through the suggestion of the governor of that province, does not move further; and who is waiting for my death. (Verse) “I did not forget the words of the musician who, at the time of applying his bow to the cups (or pots) which cause danger7, used to say ‘I do not know whether the stone of the sky of destiny (i.e., destiny itself) will break you (i.e., the pots) or me (i.e., the musician) sooner’”.8 Mūna’am Khán’s plan must be nothing but this that he should leave his own son at Cábul9 with a large army, that he should keep Muhammad Ma’az-ūd-Din Bahádūr10 at Mūltán11 with great preparations, and that till the decision of this case, i.e., till the death of this mortal (i.e., Aurungzebe), there should be contentment in peace and in the division of the kingdom.

I tell you as a last advice from me that there have been many ambitious men, who by kindling the fire of warfare, have involved the kingdom into misery, passed their lives in bitterness and died with repentance. One of these men was Dárá the Pompous. Had he listened to the advice of His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) he would not have met with misery and misfortune. It was proper that he should suffer misery (because he did not pay attention to Shàh Jehán’s advice). Though ambition gives man rest for a time, it makes him restless (for ever).12 O God! better the condition of the followers of Mahomet; and have mercy upon them in this world and in the next world.

1706. LETTER XCVI.

I have communicated my devoted servant (i.e., you) the report, sent to me by Amjad Khán, containing the mismanagement of the grandsons of the grandees and of the son of Muhammad Mūzaffar Bakhsha. You should write to Muhammad Iaar Khán1, who is negligent of God like myself, according to my order, for imprisoning the rebels of the capital (i.e., Delhi or Agrá) and for not neglecting, in future, such worldly necessary affairs which are truly religious. Though it is not necessary I will also send you the order. (Verse) “You have got eyes; and the world is before you. There is no need of the teacher and of the teaching (i.e., man must get his experience from the world and not from books).”

I came to know from the letter of a friend that Muhammad A’azam (Aurungzebe’s third son) appointed his own servants, on the royal road, to the post of ‘dák chauki2’. Does he mean to receive the reports of the events (happening in his district)? It is strange that you have not represented to me this case. Possibly the prince is not in his mood (i.e., is careless and indifferent to his work). If he is not particular in his work, how will he manage the state affairs which are a sample of the affairs of the court of God (i.e., which are religious and divine)3? You should write to him to do away with that private (and not of state) invention (of ‘dák chauki’) which he has introduced; otherwise it will be abolished by force. I ask forgiveness from God for my every crime and turn to Him (for repentance). (Couplet) “We cease speaking. This is sufficient for the wise. We cried out whether there was any one in the village. (I.e., a word to the wise is sufficient. I have given the prince sufficient advice; now it is for him to act according to it)”.

The ring, with an emerald collet, which last night I selected for Kūlli Khán, is simple (i.e., not engraved). Now I remember that his title is Chin Kilich Khán4. You should write to the head of the jewelry department5 to call an engraver, to get the ring engraved with all his (Kūlli Khán’s) titles and then to send it to the above-mentioned Khán.

LETTER XCVII.

I read the letter sent to you by Rūh Alláh Khán1, together with the report. But the letter did not please me. You will send Rūh Alláh Khán the map according to (the request in) his letter. Why should I accept your request for keeping Abdūlláh Khán2 in his post when he has done nothing? But when the above-mentioned Khán (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán) is his superior, I accede to your request; (because Rūh Alláh Khán will improve Abdūlláh Khán). God gives supplies and provisions to whom He wishes without any calculation. Now you should employ him (i.e., Abdūlláh Khán) in some difficult work so that this favour (of keeping him in his post) will not prove costly to us (by his doing something).

You have requested me to favour Ráo Dūlip3 with a ‘jaldū’4. Had he taken the fortress before your arrival there, it would have been allowable to favour him with a ‘jaldū’. When you arrived there, what importance should be attached to Ráo Dūlip? (And consequently he should not be rewarded with a ‘jaldū’). But after all he should be rewarded with a ‘jaldū’ for pleasing you or through mere kindness from me.

LETTER XCVIII.

This year Ameer Khán1 sent (me) so late a basket (of mangoes) as a present that many of them were spoiled. You should write him to send me mangoes as soon as possible though I do not want them. (Verse) “O Bedil!2 avarice is never contented; otherwise most of the things of our livelihood which we use would be useless (i.e., an avaricious man is never contented; because he covets more things than what are really useful to him)”.

1698. LETTER XCIX1.

I condole that devoted servant for the death of Ameer Khán2 though we must also die. (Verse) “Though the soul remains (in the body) the path of life is not endless (i.e., man is mortal)”. That sacrifice (i.e., you) should write to the minister of the capital of Láhore3, who is his (i.e., your) brother, “You should confiscate the property of the deceased (i.e., Ameer Khán) with the utmost endeavour so that not only ‘nakeer’,4 ‘katmeer’,5 ‘dámi’,6 and ‘dirami’7, but even a piece of straw is not left. And having also enquired (about his property) cautiously and fully from outsiders, and from his followers and servants by giving them hopes and threats, you should take into your possession whatever you find”. Because the property (of Ameer Khán) belongs to the subjects. When the king of the time shews, rightly or wrongly, a person more favour than what is mentioned necessary in the Koran, the rights of the true believers (i.e., Mohemadans) are done away with. During his (i.e., Ameer Khán’s) life time, I allowed him this crime8 (i.e., to enjoy his property) in order to win his heart; (but) now (after his death) why should I not take possession of his property? (Couplet) “I talked much; now I remain silent. I told you many problems; now I am quiet (i.e., I have said enough. Now I do not want to say further)”.

LETTER C.

Muhammad Khán1 has been given an additional title of ‘Sadi’.2 That sacrifice (i.e., you) should order the paymaster of the kingdom to register this title in the office records. Mūkhalis Khán3 will write the superintendent to assist the record keeper. Mūkaram Khán4 will do what he has to do.

1706. LETTER CI.

I gave a turban made of the Yaman1 cloth to the son2 of Muhammad Ameen Khán3. You should order the superintendent of the jewellery department4 to send me in the evening two or three turbans with their exact prices. Though it is not a rule to present a turban to a person whose post is lower than that of ‘Chehár-Hazári’,5 as he is a boy it matters not to give him such a present for pleasing him. His Majesty (Sháh Jehán) also had presented (a turban) to the son6 of Sadik Khán Bakhashi. (But) H. M. prohibited him from putting on such a turban (given as a present) when he arrived at the age of discretion and grew up to be a man.

LETTER CII.

Devoted servant of (my) court, Hūssain Ali Khán1 quarrelled with (my) grandson Ma’az-ūd-Din Bahádūr2, and without his permission left him and came here. The prince complains against him. He must be degraded from his post and his ‘jághir’ must be confiscated in order to set an example to others. (Couplet) “Much endurance will make people lose their dignity. When a bow is bent (often) it becomes soft and delicate (i.e., as the bow becomes useless when it is bent often, similarly a man loses his dignity when he is insulted often)”. I take refuge in God from the viles and temptations of passions and evil deeds.

LETTER CIII.

I read the letter written to that sincere devoted servant (i.e., you) by (my) dear son. The prince has requested (you) to add some portion to his fertile ‘jághir’ of which he is very fond. A portion should be annexed to his ‘jághir’. You should write something (more) to my son for pleasing him.

1703. LETTER CIV.

That sacrifice, you should think well that the departure of Fateh Alláh Khán1 to Cábūl is most probably not advisable (for the following reasons): (1) he is the master of a large tribe; (2) he is also powerful; (3) he is irritable and talkative. He had been sent along with Rūh Alláh Khán2 (the Second—as a subordinate at the siege of Parnálá). He treated the above-mentioned Khán (i.e., Rūh Alláh Khán) as if the Khán was his subordinate. Notwithstanding the gentility and mild treatment of the Khán and his own inferior post and a few men under him and my emphatic order to obey the above-mentioned Khán, he uttered such harsh and rude words to the Khán that he (i.e., the Khán) was ashamed and disgraced before people. You should watch the movements of such a man (like Fateh Alláh Khán) who is a ‘Seh-Hazári’ (i.e., has 3000 men under him), has got a title of ‘Bahádūr’3, goes to such a distant place (i.e., Cábūl), and is cautious and watchful like Sháh Bahádūr4. It won’t matter if that sincere servant (i.e., you) will think calmly on this movement (of Fateh Alláh Khán); otherwise it is better to keep him here near us5.

LETTER CV.

Sincere and devoted servant, Muhammad Ikhalás Ináyat Alláh Khán1 said (to me) verbally, “The eldest son of sovereignty (i.e., Mūazzam, the crown prince) has incurred debts, and the pay of the soldiers is in arrears”. When he (Mūazzam), without considering the ability of men, gives them posts and salaries without any reason, and when he gives them presents and shews them favours unreasonably, why should he not incur debts? He knows the Koran by heart, and is an unrivalled learned man. Neither does he remember (the Koranic verse) ‘Don’t be extravagant in spending money’, nor does he read sometimes, through mistake, the commentary on this (verse). (Couplet) “Men have got their eyes, ears, and intellect open. I am confused of their deceit to God (i.e., though men have their eyes, &c., open, I do not see why they are blind to serve God and why they deceive Him)”. His secretary is also unknown to me, his native place being Cáshmere2. An arrangement should be made. The secretaryship should be changed (and given to Islám Khán). Islám Khán is not (so) bad (as the present secretary).

Bernier.

↩
Elphinstone.

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Mir-At-i-Alam.

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Elphinstone.

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This introduction is from the pen of the Persian compiler Ináyat Alláh Khán.

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The Persians generally commence their works with eulogies of God and their prophet.

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Muazzam was not the eldest but the second son. Sultan Mahammad Bahadur was the eldest son but he died in prison (1676) before these letters were written. As Mahammad Bahádur was not living at the time, Muazzam is naturally addressed as the eldest son in these letters. Cf. Let. XCI.

↩
Sháyasta Khán, Aurungzebe’s maternal uncle, died in 1694. Asad Khán was not; immediately after his death, honoured with this title of Ameer-ul-Umará, but later on, i. e., in 1702. “The title Ameer-ul-Umará, which from its meaning would seem to be applicable to one at a time, seems to have been held (in Akbar’s time) by several persons simultaneously In the Pádsháh Námeh, however, the use of the title of Ameer-ul-Umará is restricted to the first living grandee Ali Mardán Khán.” It is said by. Bernier to be “the first and most honourable title of Hindostan”. Cf. Let. XCI.

↩
Aurungzebe’s second son, born in 1643, of a Rajput princess. He was sent by his father against Shivaji in order to arrest him, but was afterwards recalled. Then he was appointed governor of the Deccan. 1667. In 1686 he took Haiderabad. Afterwards he marched against Golconda, but he made a convention with the king, Abul Hasan, and communicated with him. Aurungzebe was displeased with him on this account and imprisoned him, 1688; but released him five years later. In 1700 he was appointed governor of Cabul. He was an obedient son and was generous and kind. Most of the seven letters addressed to this prince seem to have been written between 1700 and 1707 when he was viceroy of Cabul. In 1684 he was honoured with the title of Shah Alam Bahadur. After the death of his father he ascended the throne under the name of Bahadur Shah (the First) in 1707 and ruled for five years. He was a wise and able ruler. Had he lived longer his reign would have been accounted prosperous and illustrious. During his rule the Sikhs were subjected to much persecution. It was also in his reign that Nizam-ul-Mulk, the founder of the dynasty of the Nizams of the Deccan, and Sa’adat Ali Khan, the ancestor of the nabobs of Oude, came into prominence. He died in 1712.

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Provinces in Persia and Afghanistan conquered by Timur and Babar. Balkh was the cradle of the Zoroastrian religion and a great capital of some of the ancient Persian kings. Badakhshan is known for its ruby mines. Hirat is the gate of India and was many times besieged by the Persians.

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Younger brother of Aurungzebe, who was sent by Shah Jehan to assist Ali Mardan Khan in Balkh. He returned to Delhi without the emperor’s leave and was consequently disgraced. 1644. He was replaced by his brother Aurungzebe who retreated with great loss. 1647. Then Murad was appointed viceroy of Gujarat. When his father fell ill he joined his brother Aurungzebe and defeated Raja Jasvant Singh and Dara successively. 1657. Afterwards he was imprisoned (1658) by uAurngzebe at Gwalior where he was murdered in 1661. The date of his death is found from the following Persian verse: “Aya vaye! ba har bahaneh kushtand” (Alas! he was killed on a pretext). He was very brave, but much addicted to drinking and at the same time foolish in politics. Khafi Khan calls him a simpleton.

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Aurungzebe was sent to Kandahar by his father to conquer it; but having failed to do so he returned to Delhi. 1649. Aurungzebe tried to recover Kandahar a second time, but again he failed. 1652. The great Akbar wrested Kandahar from the Persians. Shah Abbas took the city from Jehangir. It fell to Shah Jehan through the treachery of Ali Merdan Khan. It was again besieged and captured by the son of Shah Abbas, and afterwards twice unsuccessfully attacked by Shah Jehan.

“The wise of ancient times considered Kabul and Kandahar as the twin gates of Hindustan, the one leading to Turkestan and the other to Persia. The custody of these highways secured India from foreign invaders, and they are likewise the appropriate portals to foreign travel.”

Ain-i-Akbari. Cf. Let. IV.

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This letter proves Aurungzebe’s bigotry and fanaticism.

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Literally, the new day (Pers.) It is a Persian festival introduced by Jamshid, one of the ancient kings of Persia, and observed on the day when he came to the throne, namely the day on which the sun enters the Aries (21st of March). It is still observed by the modern Persians and the Afghans with great pomp and enthusiasm and is the commencement of their political year. This festival was introduced into India by Akbar; but was afterwards abolished by the ‘religious’ Aurungzebe (1659). The reckoning of the solar year was adopted by Akbar for political purposes; but Aurungzebe did away with it and introduced the old lunar year of the prophet Mahomet. This festival is still observed in India by the present Parsis and by the subjects of H. H. the Nizam. Khafikhan says, “The Nowroz festival is observed by the Parsis (Majusis) of Kerman (a province in Persia) and of the harbour of Surat.” “H.M. (Akabar) enquires into the excellent customs of past ages, and without looking to the men of the past in particular, he takes up that which is proper, though he have to pay a high price for it. He bestows his fostering care upon men of various classes, and seeks for occasions to make presents. Thus when H. M. was informed of the feast of Jamshid, and the festivals of the Parsi priests, he adopted them, and used them as opportunities of conferring benefits. It (the new year’s day feast) commences on the day when the sun in his splendour moves to Aries, and lasts till the nineteenth day of the month (Farwardin, a Parsi month). Two days of this period are considered great festivals, when much money and numerous other things are given away as presents, the first day of the month of Farwardin, and the nineteenth, which is the time of the Sharaf.”—Ain-i-Akabari.

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They are Shiahs while Aurungzebe was a strict orthodox Sunni.

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A descendent of the prophet Mahomet.

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Magis, the ancient Persians and the forefathers of the present Parsis in India were known by this name by the Arabs. It is said to be an Arabic corruption of the Avestic ‘Mazdasnians’, those who believe in ‘Mazda’ (the wise God). The English words ‘magic’, ‘magician’ &c. are derived from this word.

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Vikram the Invincible, a Hindu prince of the Andhra dynasty of Malwa who ruled at Ujjain. He was a philanthropic, popular and enlightened ruler and a great patron of literature. Kalidas, the author of Sakuntala, flourished in his reign. He defeated the Scythians in the battle of Kahror and founded a Hindu era (B.C. 56), known as Vikramajit Samvat which is still current in Northern India. The era current in the Deccan is called Salihvan Saka era (A.D. 78), named after Salihvan, a Hindu king of the Deccan. There flourished many kings bearing the name of Vikram.

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Rafi-ul-Kadr or Rafi-ush-Shan, born in 1671.

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Cf. Let. 1.

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The chief town of the Punjab.

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Abu Nasir Khan, a nobleman of Aurungzebe. The mosque of Jajnagar, in Orissa, was built by him in 1687. Before 1696 he was governor of Cashmere. In 1697 he was appointed governor of Lahore. Cf. Let. CIX.

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A title given by the Mogul emperors to a general holding command of five hundred, who was called a ‘mansabdar.’ When a general offended his master he was degraded from his post to a lower one. Cf. Let. XVI.

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This letter is an instance of Aurungzebe’s habit of self eulogy.

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A very brave soldier of Turan in the army of Aurungzebe. Khafi Khan, the historian, says that he had no rival in bravery and calls him’a lion in battle’. In 1700 he was sent against the Mahrattas and took part in the seige of Sattara. In 1702 he was given the title of ‘Bahadur’. In the same year he was sent along with Bahremand Khan to take the fortress of Chandan Mandan which shortly surrendered to the imperial army. In 1703 he took an active part in the seige of Khelna. After the capture of Khelna (1703) he was entitled ‘Alamgiri’ as he displayed much bravery in taking the fortress. In the same year he was appointed to a post in Cabul where he was sent to Muazzam in 1704. But as he could not agree with the prince he stayed in the Punjab. After Aurungzeb’s death, the prince asked for his help against his brothers; but the Khan could not help him. Cf. Let. CIV. Here Aurungzebe seems to display faith and trust in his generals.

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i.e. Dara Shekuh, Buland Ikbal, Aurungzebe’s eldest brother. He laid seige to Kandahar unsuccessfully. 1653. During his father’s illness (1657) he carried on the government. He defeated Shuja, his brother near Benaras by sending an army under his son Soliman. He was defeated by the combined armies of Murad and Aurungzebe at Fatehabad (Samugarh) near the Chambal, through the mistake of dismounting from his elephant at the request of the treacherous Khalil Allah when everything was in his favour. 1658. Then he was pursued by Aurungzebe. During his flight to Gujarat (near Ahmedabad), Bernier, the French traveller and physician to Aurungzebe, happened to meet Dara and stayed with him for three days. At last Dara was treacherously handed over to Aurungzebe by Malik Jivan, the wretched prince of Jun, in Sinde, at whose place he was his guest. After a mock trial Aurungzebe put him to a horrible death in 1659. He was a free thinker and of tolerant views like the great Akbar. Had he come to the throne he would have proved a second Akbar and the history of India would have been quite different. He was polite and extremely liberal; but at the same time proud. His mind had a poetic and philosophic tendency. His poetical name was ‘Kadiri’. He got translated from Sanskrit into Persian the Upanishads, the philosophical appendices of the Vedas, especially of the Atharva Veda. Aurungzebe calls him everywhere in these letters ‘unfriendly brother’, because he was jealous of his power and did not like him as being a free thinker and Shiah. Khafi Khan calls him ‘unfortunate’. He had two sons, Soliman Shekuh and Sipher Shekuh, both of whom were imprisoned by Aurungzebe for life.

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After Dara’s defeat at Samugarh many nobles, such as, Raja Jasvant Singh, Raja Jai Singh, Shayista Khan and others deserted Dara and joined Aurungzebe.

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Aurungzebe displayed his bravery and generalship at Balkh and at Kandahar when he was a prince though he was forced to retreat.

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I.e. Aurungzebe himself. Here Aurungzebe seems to shew humility.

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Fateh Allah Khan did not help the prince against his brothers after his father’s death.

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A kind of silken cloth (a Hindustani word).

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This letter seems to have been written some two or three years before Aurungzebe’s death at Ahmadnagar in the Deccan. Cf. Let. LXXII and Cf. LXXIII. Again Cf. Let. XX, XLIV and CXVII. This letter has not been mentioned by Elphinstone in his history.

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A nobleman in Aurungzebe’s court. He took part in the seige of Khelna. 1703. In the same year he was appointed minister of Lahore. In 1704 he was made minister to Prince Muazzam of Cabul. After Aurungzebe’s death, he helped the prince in getting the throne for him. He was appointed vizier by the prince when he came to the throne and was honoured with the title of Khan Khanan. 1707. He died in 1710. He was a Sufi and wrote a book called ‘Al Hamiya’. Khafi Khan, the historian, describes him as ‘a very able man of business.’

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This advice was not carried out by Aurungzebe’s sons, as is proved by the fratricidal war that broke out in the empire after Aurungzebe’s death.

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This shows that Aurungzebe greatly loved his subjects and wished their welfare. He tried his best to keep them in peace and prosperity. In a letter to Shah Jehan quoted by Khafi Khan in his history, Aurungzebe says, “Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not self indulgence and libertinism”. Bernier, the French doctor who spent eight years at Aurungzebe’s court, quotes some lines from Aurungzebe’s letter addressed to his captive father. “He is the truly great king who makes it the chief business of his life to govern his subjects with equity”. Again Bernier says: “I (Aurungzebe) was sent into the world by Providence to live and labour, not for myself but for others.” Again he says: “The obligation imposed upon a sovereign, in seasons of difficulty and danger, to hazard his life, and, if necessary, to die sword in hand, in defence of the people committed to his care.”

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Aurungzebe’s third son, born in 1653. He was sent against Shivaji; but failed. He took part in the last siege of Bijapur and of Golconda. He also took an active part in the seige of Parnálá which he captured. In 1676 he was made governor of Multan, and in 1681, governor of the Punjab. In 1703 he was appointed governor of Gujarat, and in 1705, governor of Malwa. After the death of his father he led an army against Muazzam, his elder brother; but was defeated and slain near Agra. 1708. He was the favourite son of his father (Cf. Let. XXIX). Khafi Khan says that A’azam considered himself heir-apparent to the throne. He was very jealous of his brothers, especially of Muazzam. Aurungzebe says in his last will, “Let all the king’s servants be true and faithful to Mahammad A’azzam Shah”. Many of the letters to him seem to have been addressed when he was viceroy of Gujarat (1703-1705).

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“In this place (the great royal square at Sháh-Jehán-Abád) also at the break of day they exercise the royal horses, which are kept in a spacious stable not far distant; and here the kobat-khán, or grand muster master of the cavalry, examines carefully the horses of those who have been received into the service. If they are found to be Turkish horses, that is from Turkestan or Tartary, and of a proper size and adequate strength, they are branded on the thigh with the king’s mark, and with the mark of the Umaráh under whom the horseman is enlisted”. Bernier.

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An Indian word for a basket, its Persian equivalent being ‘sabad’.

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“Ambas, or mangoes, are in season during two summer months, and are plentiful and cheap; but those grown at Delhi are indifferent. The best come from Bengal, Golconda and Goa; and these are indeed excellent, yielding to no sweetmeat in flavour and lusciousness”. Bernier. “This fruit is unrivalled in colour, smell, and taste. In shape it resembles an apricot, or a quince, or a pear, or a melon, and weighs even one seer (lb.) and upwards. There are green, yellow, red, variegated, sweet, and subacid mangoes. Mangoes are to be found everywhere in India, especially, in Bengal, Gujarat, Malwa, Khandesh, and the Deccan.” Ain-i-Akbari. In the time of Akbar 100 mangoes were worth nearly 40 d.

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Sanskrit names given to two kinds of mangoes. Sàns. ‘Sūdhá=nectar and ‘ras’=juice; i.e. as sweet as nectar. Sans. ‘Rasna’=the tongue and ‘vilás’ pleasure; i.e. relishable to the palate. Here Aurungzebe shews his knowledge of Sanskrit.

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Rice mixed with pulse and cooked, an Indian word. “Khichadi is a mess of leguminous plants, the general food of the common people.” Bernier. He further says it was ‘a favourite dish of Shah Jehan’. Elsewhere he says it is ‘a mess of rice and other vegetables, over which, when boiled, they pour melted butter’. Its ingredients are: rice, split dál (pulse), salt, and ghee (melted butter). In Akbar’s time it was also called ‘sufiyanah’.

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An Indian word for roasted meat.

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Another Indian word for a kind of food prepared of rice and beans. Ingredients: rice, meat, ghee, gram, onions, salt, fresh ginger, cinnamon, &c.

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Cf. Let. CXV.

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This letter and the preceding one shew Aurungzebe’s great likeness for delicacies in his youth as well as in his old age. This proves that generally his manner of living was not simple. Cf. Let. XXI, LVII, CXVII.

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The eldest son of A’azam. Cf. Let. LXXVI.

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Cf. Let. LXXXV.

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A province to the east of Gujarát, once governed by the Hindu kings Vikramájit and Bhoj, their capital being at Ujjan, and subsequently by Mohemadan kings, their capital being at Mundoo. Its chief produce is opium.

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A Sanskrit word for a general, or a chief commander of an army. Sans. ‘Sena’=an army and ‘pati’=a chief. Its Persian equivalent is ‘Surnobut.’

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A warlike Hindu tribe of Rajputáná. They defended the well-known fort of Bharatpur eighteen times against the English. They belong to the Sūdra class found near Agrá. They first came into prominence, as a nation, during Aurungzebe’s time. They dared to attack the rear of the imperial army. During Aurungzebe’s expedition to the Deccan they first came into notice as a gang of banditti, under Churáman. They rebelled near Akabarabad in 1692 and killed Aghar Khan who was returning from Cabul to the Emperor. Khan Jehan Bahadur Kokaltash who had been sent against them could not subdue them. He was recalled and prince Mahammad Bidar Bakhta was sent against them.

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A Hindu Raja of Ambhar or Ameir, son of Rám Singh and father of Mirza Raja Jai Singh Sewai. He died about 1693. Kachava was the title of the Rajas of Ambhar or Jaipur who were related to Akbar and Jehangir. Raja Bhagwándás and Raja Mánsingh of Akbar’s time belonged to this clan.

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A city near Agra. Lit. the city of Akbar. It was the new Agra. Cf. Let. XCI.

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“The artillery is of two sorts, the heavy and the light, or, as they call the latter, the artillery of the stirrup. The heavy artillery did not always follow the king. But the light artillery is always intended to be near the king’s person, and on that account takes the name of artillery of the stirrup. There are artillerymen who receive great pay, i.e. Rs. 200 a month, particularly all the Europeans; but now the king admits them with difficulty into the service, and limits their pay to thirty-two rupees.” Bernier. “The imperial arsenal contains manufactured, purchased, and presented, guns. Each of them is either long, or short; and these are again subdivided into plain, coloured, and hammered guns.” Ain-i-Akbari.

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A river, in Malwa and in Gujarat, taking its rise from the Vindhiachals, and falling into the gulf of Cambay. It is very deep and stormy and is regarded sacred by the Hindus. The city of Broach stands on this river. It literally means in Sanskrit ‘giving pleasure’ (Narmadá).

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Muttra, a town in the north of India, possessing a famous Hindu shrine, once plnndered by Mahmud of Ghazani. It was the birthplace of Krishna and is sacred to the Hindus. Its sweet balIs are well known. It was changed into IsIamabad (City of Islam) by Aurungzebe when he destroyed the temple thereof. 1669. Cf. Madurá, ‘Southern Mathura,’ a town in the Karnatic, in the South of India.

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This letter gives us a detailed account of how Shah Jehan used to pass his time. Cf. the Ain-i-Akbari (book I, ain 72) where Abul Fazl describes how Akbar used to pass his time.

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I. e. Shah Jehan, father of Aurungzebe, his original name being Khurram. He was the third son of Jehangir, born at Lahore in 1593. During his father’s time when he was viceroy of the Deccan he rebelled against his father. He came to the throne of Delhi in 1627 after the death of his father. He was a wise, able, and popular emperor of Delhi and was the most magnificent prince that ever ruled at Delhi. His reign was peaceful (except for the rebellion of Khan Jehan Lodi) and prosperous. He was dethroned and imprisoned by his son, Aurungzebe (1658), and died in prison at Agra in 1666. The date of his death may be found from the following two Persian phrases: “Shah Jehan kard vafát” (i.e. Shah Jehan died) and “Razá Alláh” (i. e. God’s wish). He is chiefly remembered for the Táj Mahal and the Peacock Throne. He was the founder of Shahjehanabad, the new Delhi. The massacre of the Portuguese in Bengal is a stain on his character. He was called ‘Sáhib Karán-i-Sáni,’ the Second Tamerlane, because he was born like Timur when Jupiter and Venus were ‘in the same house.’ After the death of Shah Jehan (1666) Aurungzebe used to write ‘Aalà Hazarat’ (His Majesty) for his father in his letters and he ordered all his officers to use this title for his deceased father. Not a single letter addressed by Aurungzebe to his father is mentioned in this collection. Khafi Khan mentions at least some three letters addressed to Shah Jehan. Aurungzebe was kind and respectful to his captive father.

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The word ‘ghari’, used in the Fersian text, is an Indian term. It means a measure of time, water, &c. It is nearly equivalent to half an hour. One ‘ghari’ makes twenty-four minutes. Cf. the Indian word ‘ghadiál’ or ‘ghariál’, meaning a gong and then a watch or a clock, derived from ‘ghari’ or ‘ghadi’.

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Lit. ‘Waterfall of Grace,’ name of a fountain in Shah Jehan’s palace, used for purposes of ablution.

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A Mohemadan public crier who calls people to prayer in a mosque. It comes from Ar. ‘A’azan’, to call or to invite.

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A balcony, or an ample open window, below which people used to assemble in the morning to see the face of their emperor. It is still to be seen at Delhi. The Mogul emperors used to sit on the balcony once or twice a day in order to convince their subjects that they were alive Many devoted Hindus used to take their food in the morning after seeing the royal face. From the eleventh year Aurungzebe ceased sitting at the Jharukha, which faced the Jamna, and forbade the assembling of the crowd beneath it only through his religious ideas. 1668. ‘Jharukha’ or ‘Jharuka’ is an Indian word for a balcony or a terrace. ‘Darshan’ is a Sanskrit word, derived from ‘drash’, to see; hence it originally means ‘seeing’. Then it means ‘meeting a great person and seeing his face’. It is also a religious term among the Hindus who apply it to going into a temple to see the idol and worship it.

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Those who assembled to see the royal face. Cf. n. 6. Supra.

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One of the two places in the palace of the Mogul emperors.

It was a large hall for the public audience. Oppo. ‘Diván-i-Khás,’ used by the nobIes only. These two halls are still to be seen at Delhi. Bernier gives a very fine description of them. He says: “I must not forget the ‘Aam-o-Khás,’ to which you at length arrive, after passing the places just mentioned. This is really a noble edifice; it consists of a large square court of arcades, not unlike our Place Royal, with this difference, however, that the arcades of the ‘Aam-o-Khas’ have no buildings over them. Each arcade is separated by a wall, yet in such a manner that there is a small door to pass from one to the other. Over the grand gate, situated in the middle of one side of this court, is a capacious ‘Diván,’ (raised place) quite open on the side of the court, called ‘Nakár Kháneh. (Cf. Let. XXVII). In this place which thence derives its name are kept the trumpets, or rather the hautboys and tymbals, which play in concert at certain hours of the day and night. (Cf. Hindu ‘Cho-gadiás’). To the ears of a European recently arrived, this music sounds very strangely, for there are ten or twelve hautboys, and as many tymbals, which play together. One of the hautboys, called ‘karna’, is a fathom and a half in length, and its lower aperture cannot be less than a French foot. You may judge, therefore, of the roaring sound which issues from the ‘Nakar khaneh’. On my first arrival it stunned me so as to be insupportable; but such is the power of habit that this same noise is now heard by me with pleasure; in the night, particularly when in bed and afar, on my terrace this music sounds in my ears as solemn, grand and melodious. This is not altogether to be wondered at, since it is played by persons instructed from infancy in the rules of melody, and possessing the skill of modulating and turning the harsh sounds of the hautboy and tymbal so as to produce a symphony far from disagreeable when heard at a certain distance. The ‘nakar khaneh’ is placed in an elevated situation, and remote from the royal apartments, that the king may not be annoyed by the proximity of this music.

“Opposite to the grand gate, which supports the ‘nakar khaneh’ as you cross the court, is a large and magnificent hall decorated with several rows of pillars, which, as well as the ceiling, are all painted and overlaid with gold. The hall is raised considerably from the ground and very airy, being open on the three sides that look into the court. In the centre of the wall that separates the hall from the seraglio, and higher from the floor than a man can reach, is a wide and lofty opening, or large window, where the monarch every day, about noon, sits upon his throne, with some of his sons at his right and left; while eunuchs standing about the royal person, flap away the flies with peacocks’ tails, agitate the air with large fans. Immediately under the throne is a ‘diván’, surrounded by silver rails, on which are assembled the whole body of Umarás, the Rájàs, and the ambassadors, all standing, their eyes bent downward, and their hands crossed. At a greater distance from the throne are the Mansabdárs or inferior umaras also standing in the same posture of profound reverence. The remainder of the spacious room, and indeed the whole court-yard are filled with persons of all ranks, high and low, rich and poor; because it is in this extensive hall that the king gives audience indiscriminately to all his subjects; hence it is called ‘Aam-Khás’, or audience chamber of high and low.”

Bernier further says: “All the petitions held up in the crowd assembled in the ‘Aam-Khas’, are brought to the king and read in his hearing; and the persons concerned being ordered to approach are examined by the monarch himself, who often redresses at the instant the wrongs of the aggrieved party.”

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Cf. N. 8. supra.

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Lit. ‘the Tower of the Lion’, a tower in the palace.

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Estates given to ‘mansabdárs’ for the maintenance of armies for the use of the emperor.

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This letter reveals Aurungzebe’s sence of justice and his antipathy to tyrants. Cf. Let. CLXX and LXVIII and CLII. Aurungzebe was ‘the main ocean of justice’. (Ovington). Khafi Khan calls him a ‘mild and painstaking judge, easy of approach, and gentle of manner’. Aurungzebe personally administered justice to his people. He did not connive at illegal extortion or the oppression of the poor.

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Two angels who watch and record the actions of every man and who are supposed to be invisibly sitting on both the shoulders of each man (a Mohemadan belief).

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This letter shews that Aurungzebe loved honest men and liked to employ them in his service and rewarded them for their honesty. Cf. Let. XXXVI. Somewhere he complains that honest men were very scarce in his time. Cf. Let. LVI and LXXX.

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Sa’ad Allah Khan Allámi or Fahhámi was an able minister of Shah Jehan and was entitled ‘Jamlat-ūl-Mūlk’. He was a Hindu convert and the most upright statesman of his age. Bernier calls him ‘the most accomplished statesman of Asia’. He took part with the prince Aurungzebe in the seige of Balkh (1646) and of Kandahar (1648-1651). Shah Jehan sent him to Chitor in order to demolish its fort and to punish the Ráná, Jagat Singh, the father of Raja Jai Singh (1653). He was murdered at the instigation of Dara in 1655. He was also a good scholar; hence he was called ‘Allámi’ (learned). He was the patron of Abdūl Hamid Láhori, the author of ‘Bádshàh Námeh’, a history of the first twenty years of Shah Jehan’s reign. Aurungzebe refers to him in these letters as a model during the long reign of Shah Jehan. Cf. Let. LII.

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The Order of the Fish, a title conferred on princes or other members of the royal family. It was also a kind of banner with the figure of the fish and other insignia (two balls), carried as an ensign upon an elephant by a prince or a member of the royal family.

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A son of Asad Khán, otherwise known as Zūl Fikár Khán, and a brave general of Aurungzebe. Cf. Let. XCII, CXXXV, CLX to CLXIV.

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A military title given to princes in the time of the Moguls and introduced by Akbar. It was given to that member of the royal family who commanded six thousand soldiers. Princes who commanded soldiers numbering from 6000 to 10000 were called ‘sesh-hazari’, ‘haft-hazari’, ‘dah-hazari’, and so on. Those who commanded an army of 5000 men, or less than 5000, i. e., from 1000 to 5000, were called ‘panj-hazari’, ‘chehár-hazari’, and so on. These latter titles were given to nobles and grandees. Cf. L. IV.

The term ‘Amir of 5000’ did not imply actual possession of 5000 horsemen, though it meant so originally; an ‘Amir’ of 5000 sometimes was ordered to keep only 500 horse; the rest was on paper only. The ‘Mansabdárs’ of 100 upto 1000 were low persons raised to dignity by the emperor who gave them lands for the horse they maintained for him. “The Umaras mostly consist of adventurers from different nations; and are generally persons of low descent, some having been originally slaves, and the majority being destitute of education. The Mogul raises them to dignities, or degrades them to obscurity, according to his own pleasure and caprice, some of the Umaras have the title of hazary, or lord of a thousand horse; some, of do-hazary, lord of two thousand horse; some of deh-hazary, lord of ten thousand horse; and sometimes an Umara has the title of doazdeh-hazary, lord of twelve thousand horse, as was the case with the king’s eldest son. Their pay is proportionate, not to the number of men, but to the number of horses, and two horses are generally allowed to one cavalier.” Bernier. Sometimes some ‘jàghirs’ are assigned to some of the Umaras for the payment of their salary. The Umaras are the ‘pillars of the empire’. “Mansabdars are horsemen with ‘mansab’ pay which is a peculiar pay, both honourable and considerable; not equal to that of the Umaras, but much greater than the common pay. Hence they are looked on as petty Umaras. They acknowledge no other chief but the king.” Bernier.

“The whole of the army, from the Umara to the private soldier, is paid every two months; for ths king’s pay is the only means of sustenance.” Bernier.

“For this cause did His Majesty (i.e. Akbar) establish the ranks of mansabdárs (officers), from the ‘dah-báshi’ (commander of ten) to the ‘dah-hazári’ (commander of ten thousand), limiting, however, all commands above five thousand, to his august sons. The number of mansabs is sixty-six”. Ain-i-Akbari.

‘Panj-hazari-i-zát-i-sih-hazar sawár’=a commander of 5000, personally, and in actual command of 3000 cavalry.

‘Panj-hazari, panj-hazar sawár-i-dū-aspeh-sih-aspeh=a commander of 5000, contingent 5000 cavalry, with two horses, with three horses.

A trooper is called ‘dū-aspeh’, if he has two horses, and ‘sih-aspeh’, if three, in order to change horses during ‘elghárs’ or forced marches. The higher ‘mansabdars’ were mostly governors of subah (provinces). Akbar’s Mansabdars had larger contingents, especially more horses, than the Mansabdars of the following reigns, during which the brevet ranks (zát) were multiplied. The monthly salaries of the Mansabdars varied from Rs. 60000 to Rs. 100.

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Minister to Prince A’azam. He was appointed governor of Burhanpur, in 1686. His name was changed into Amir Khan by Aurungzebe in whose court he was a noble. There were many men in Aurungzebe’s court bearing this name. Cf. Let. CLXVIII and XCIX.

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Cf. Let. XI.

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Another instance of Aurungzebe’s fanaticism with regard to the Hindus. Cf. Let. II, LXV and CVIII.

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Deputy minister to A’azam, who killed with an arrow Fahar Singh Gūrkeh who had rebelled near Ujjan. 1686. For this service Taluk Chand was honoured with the title of Rái Ráyán and given a robe of honour by Aurungzebe. In Maasiri Alamgiri he is named Malūk Chand where the author says he was given the title of ‘haft-sadi’.

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As being an infidel Hindu—a further evidence of Aurungzebe’s bigotry. Cf. somewhat similar words in connection with Shivaji’s death used by Khafi Khan—‘Káfar bah jahnam raft’ i.e. the infidel (Shivaji) went to hell.

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The word for a necklace in the texf is ‘Málá’, an Indian word, the Persian equivalent for which is ‘hár’.

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“The Rupee is round, and weighs eleven and one half ‘Máshás’ (12 Mashas being one tola). It was first introduced in the time of Sher Khan. It was perfected during this (Akbar’s) reign, and received a new stamp, on one side, ‘Alláhū Akbar, jalla jalálūhū’, and on the other the date. Although the market price is sometimes more or less than forty ‘dáms’, yet this value is always set upon it in the payment of salaries”. Ain-i-Akbari.

Now at the present time one rupee is equal to sixteen ‘annas’ and fifteen rupees make one English pound.

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Cf. Let. IV.

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A Sanskrit word, meaning a ‘king’, something like ‘Raja’. Rao and Raja are etymologically the same but different in signification. Cf. ‘Rao Sáhib’, and ‘Rao Bahádūr’.

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“Certain passages in Aurungzebe’s letters to prince A’azam (i.e. this letter and letter XXXVII) when viceroy of Gujarat (1703-1705), shew how keen and shrewd an interest the aged monarch maintained in the government of his viceroys”.

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“In the same way that His Majesty (i.e. Akbar), for the prosperity of the empire, has appointed a commander of the forces for each province, so by his rectitude of judgment and wise statesmanship he apportions several ‘paraganáhs’ (districts) to the care of one of his trusty, just and distinguished servants, appreciative of what is equitable, and fatihful to his engagements; and him they style by the above name (i.e. faujdar). As a subordinate and assistant he holds the first place. Should a eultivator or a collector of the crown lands, or an assignee of government estates prove rebellious, he should induce him to submit by fair words, and if this fail, he shall take the written evidence of the principal officers and proceed to chastise him. When he has captured the rebel camp, he must observe equity in the division of the spoil and reserve a fifth for the royal exchequer. He should constautly inspect the horses and accoutrements of the troops.” Ain-i-Akbari.

“His Majesty (Akbar) has appointed a superintendent over every troop of ten, twenty, and thirty elephants. Such a troop is called a ‘halquah’; the superintendent is called ‘faujdar’. His business is to look after the condition and the training of the elephants”. “Thus the ‘faujdars’ were more on the footing of feudatories than the ‘jághirdárs’”. Ain-i-Akbari.

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A district in Káthiáwár, under the rule of the Moguls. It is also the name of the whole peninsula of Kathiawar itself which is situated on the west of Gujarat. Sorath is the corrupted form of Sanskrit ‘Saur-ráshtra,’ country of the Saurs. It was here in Dwárká that the celebrated Krishna of the Hindus died. Not the whole of Kàthiáwár but only a part of it belonged to the Moguls. Now the whole of Káthiáwár is native. Sorath was assigned as a personal estate to Prince A’azam. 1684.

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Báli or Bábi, a war-like Afghan tribe of Káthiáwár, rose into great fmportance in the time of the Moguls, especially of Aurungzebe. The well-known Safdar Khán belonged to this tribe.

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A title applied to a person, called ‘vajir’ (or vizier), who has in his charge the affairs of the palace in contradistinction to that applied to a person, called ‘diván’, who has in his charge the affairs of the country. These titles are stilI in use in the native states of Káthiawar.

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In 1669 he was appointed faujdár of Muttrá in place of Saf Shekan Khán. For ‘panj-hazáriáns’, see Let. XVI.

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I.e. Amán Alláh, who was appointed faujdár of the vicinity of Akbarábád in 1669.

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His original name was Shūjá’ at Khán who received the title of Saf Shekan Khán in 1685. In 1687 he was appointed superintendent of artillery. In the same year he was imprisoned for quarrelling with Firūz Jang, during the siege of Haiderábád. But after a time he was released.

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Cf. Let. CXVII. He died in 1703 at Ahmedábád.

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Here Aurungzebe exhibits a mistaken notion about the people of Gujarát who are generally milder and less turbulent than those of the other parts of India.

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This letter is a further testimony of Aurungzebe’s anxiety for the welfare of his subjects. Cf. Let. VII. His chief aim seems to have been to maintain order and peace among them and to suppress robbery and sedition.

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A rich town near Būrhánpur, in Khandesh, plundered by Sambhaji (1681). There is another small town of the same name near Benares, in the United Provinces, where Shuja was defeated by Raja Jai Singh who was sent by Dara against him, in 1659. There is a third town of the same name in Gujarat near Baroda.

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I.e. Aurungabad, a town in H.H. the Nizam’s dominion, founded in 1610 by Malik Ambar of the Deccan. Its original name was Khirkee. When for the second time Aurungzebe was viceroy of the Deccan he called it Aurungabad (Aurungzebe’s City) after his own name and made it the seat of his government. 1650. It lit. means ‘(of) a happy foundation.’

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The word for merchants in the Persian text is ‘beparian’, an Indian term, a Pers. equivalent for which is ‘saudagaran.’

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“His Majesty (i.e. Akbar) has appointed fourteen zealous, experienced, and impartial clerks, two of whom do daily duty in rotation, so that the turn of each comes after a fortnight. Their duty is to write down the orders and the doings of H. M. and whatever the heads of the departments report.” Ain-i-Akbari. From several places in the ‘Tuzuk-i-Jehangiri’, we see that the Bakhshis of the Sūbahs often held the post of ‘vakeh navis’ (recorder or reporter) at the same time. Cf. Let. XXVII.

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An Indian word for a substance made of the shell of a tortoise.

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Cf. Let. IX.

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Sheikh Abdul Latif, a Mohemadan saint of Burhanpur, who lived in the time of Aurungzebe. He was a contemporary of Sheikh Būrhan, the founder of Burhanpur. Aurungzebe had great faith in him. He was a strict follower of Islam and did not like music like the emperor. Sheikh Burhan was very proud of him and used to say that he thanked God that his contemporary was so pious and religious. ‘Miyan’ is a Hindustani title of respect generally applied to the Mohemadans. Cf. Let. CLXXIX and XCII.

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I.e. Kahargaon, i.e. Bijagarh, a town and district between the Narbudda and the Tapti, about 60 miles N. W. of Burhanpur.

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Aurungzebe seems to have approved of and acted according to the advice given by the Miyan.

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Cf. Let. XIV.

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This letter is a further evidence of Aurungzebe’s sense of justice towards his subjects and his care for their welfare. “On another day of the week he (Aurungzebe) devotes two hours to hear in private the petitions of ten persons, selected from the lower orders, and presented to the king by a good and rich old man. Nor does he fail to attend the justice chamber, called ‘adalat khaneh’, on another day of the week, attended by the two principal cadis, or chief justices. It is evident, therefore, that barbarous as we are apt to consider the sovereigns of Asia, they are not always unmindful of the justice that is due to their subjects”.

Bernier.

“He (Aurungzebe) appears two or three times everyday in his court of audience with a pleasing countenance and mild look, to dispense justice to complainants who come in numbers without any hindrance, and as he listens them with great attention, they make their representations without any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress from his impartiality”.

(Mir-At-i-Alam).

Khafi Khan says that Aurungzebe was a very just king.

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I.e. Aman Allah Beg. Cf. Let. XXXVII.

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Possibly it might be Navanagar, a town in Kathiawar, annexed to Gujarat by Kūtbūdin, viceroy of Gujarat, and named Islamabad, 1664.

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A district and large town in Gujarat. This city stands on the Sabarmati and was founded in 1410 by Ahmed Shah I of Gujarat. It was the capital of the Mohemadan kings of Gujarat. Afterwards it became the seat of the Mogul governors of Gujarat. Now it is a centre of many industries, esp., cotton.

“The latter (i.e. Ahmedabad) is a noble city in a high state of prosperity. For the pleasantness of its climate and its display of the choicest productions of the whole globe it is almost unrivalled. It has two forts. The city contains 1000 stone mosques, each having two minarets and rare inscriptions”. Ain-i-Akbari.

The Mohemadan historians, especially of Gujarat, call it ‘The Ornament of Cities’.

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Headships of villages. The word in the text is ‘thanejat’, an Indian word with the Persian plural. ‘Thana’ or ‘thaneh’ literally means a garrison; but it also means the ‘military post at which the inferior revenue officers are stationed to protect the country, aid the police, and collect the revenue; whether the station be a fort or an open village.’

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Here Aurungzebe reveals himself as a God-fearing and religious man. Cf. Let. XXVIII. Aurungzebe was a Puritan in religious views and may be compared with Cromwell, his English contemporary. He was a devout Mohemadan, a strict Sunni, and a true Muslim. Except the performance of the pilgrimage he practised strictly all the religious tenets and beliefs.

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A foster mother of A’azam. Cf. Let. CLXXIX.

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He took part in the siege of Bijapur by Raja Jai Singh. 1666.

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A son of Zahedeh Banu. Cf. Let. XLV. This event (1684) is mentioned by the author of Maasir-i-Alamgiri. But he does not mention the name of Mir Badhu who saved the life of A’azam.

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A famous hero of ancient Persia, well known for his extraordinary strength. He performed seven exploits in one of which he fought with the White Demon and killed him. Unknowingly he fought with his own son Sohrab and killed him. He was a son of Zal. Rakhsh was his favourite charger who died with his master. His fight with the Persian Asfandiar is well known. He may be compared with the Greek Hercules and the Indian Bhim. Rustam literally means, in Persian, ‘I escaped (from the throes)’, words uttered by Rūdabeh, Rustom’s mother, immediately she gave birth to her son and was relieved from the pains of childbirth.

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Superintendent (Mūtsadi) of the port of Surat, entitled Mūlla Tahir. He was a friend and companion of Shuja’at Khan-i-Isphani of Ahmedabad. He was much respected by Aurungzebe who made him a ‘do-hazari.’ In 1695 he was ordered by Aurungzebe to join Saiyad Yakut Khan of Janjira and to attack and capture Bombay, a fort of the English who had plundered the royal ship ‘Ganj Sivai’ near Surat. But meanwhile the English made humiliating terms with the emperor and thus Bombay was saved. Afterwards the Khan was made ‘divan’ (minister) of Ahmedabad. He had a brother named Aka Mahammad Zeman who quarrelled with him and never saw the face of his brother A’atimad Khan till his death. He died in 1698; and his son Muhammad Mūhsin was made minister (of Ahmedabad). His original name was Amanat Khan and he was honoured with the title of A’atimad Khan in 1690. C. f. Let. XLII.

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C. f. Let. XV, XXXIV and CLIV.

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It is a general belief that God increases one’s wealth as one gives away more and more of it in charity.

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A kind of cloth introduced by Mahmud of Ghazni. The word for a bundle in the text is ‘than’, an Indian word, its Persian equivalent being ‘takeh’.

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The word in the text is ‘Nakar khaneh’, an Indian term. It is the place where a drum is beaten five times a day. Cf. Let. XII. n. 8. “Formerly the band played four ‘gharis’ (chogadias) before the commencement of the night, and likewise four ‘gharis’ before daybreak; now they play first at midnight, when the sun commences his ascent, and the second time at dawn”. Ain-i-Akbari.

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Here Aurungzebe seems to consider A’azam his successor though he was his third son. He loved him more than his other sons, and therefore he seems to entertain this desire. Cf. Let. XLI and LXVII.

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The word for reporters in the text is ‘harkarha’, an Indian word It originally means men employed by merchants for supplying them with information; then, it came to mean spies. Here it is used for reporters. “Aurungzebe appointed official reporters who informed him of all that went on in the most distant as well as the nearest districts and who were a check upon the local officials”. “It is true that the Great Mogul sends ‘Vakea Navis’ to the various provinces; that is, persons whose business it is to communicate every event that takes place; but there is generally a disgraceful collusion between these officers and the governor, so that their presence seldom restrains the tyranny exercised over the unhappy people”. Bernier. Cf. Let. XX.

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From this it seems that A’azam was of an idle nature and did not pay much attention to state affairs. Cf. Let, XII & CVI. This further proves that Aurungzebe was always busy and liked to manage all government affairs himself (through distrust?).

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Tal or Tali, a river in Khandesh and in Berar.

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Cf. Let. XII.

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This shows that Aurungzebe used to interfere in the affairs of his officers and subordinates through suspicion and distrust.

Khan Jehan Bahadur Zafar Jang Kokaltash, a foster-brother of Aurungzebe and a great nobleman in the imperial court, his original name being Mir Malik Husain. In 1672 he was sent to the Deccan as governor. He began to rebuild the fortress of Surat against Shivaji. He was sent against Abul Hasan, last king of Golconda. In 1674 Aurungzebe raised him from the rank of 700 horse to that of 7000 and conferred upon him the title of Khan Jehan Bahadur Zafar Jang. In 1691 he was appointed governor of Allahabad. In the same year he was made governor of the Punjab. He died in 1697. Aurungzebe was greatly offended with him for his inactivity and failure in war. He took part in the Deccan War. He seems to be the author of ‘Tarikh-i-Assam’ (History of Assam). ‘He did not like much talking.’ He often received bribes from the Mahrattas. Cf. Let. XCII, CXXVII and CXXXIV. For A’akel Khan, Cf. Let. CLXVII; for Shuja’at Khan, Cf. Let. CXVII; and for Muhammad Beg, Cf. Let. XXXII.

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Cf. Let. XXIII.

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Or Dahod, a town in Gujarat, between Baroda and Ujjain, on the borders of Gujarat and Malva, birthplace of Aurungzebe. Cf. Let. LVIII. Aurungzebe was born here (1618) when Shah Jehan, his father, was governor of the Deccan, in the time of Jehangir. The date of his birth may be found from the Persian phrase ‘Aftab-i-Alamtab’ (the world-shining sun), i. e. 1028 A. H., i. e. 1618 A. D.

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Here Aurungzebe seems to shew his narrow-mindedness.

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Cf. Let. LVIII.

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A passage in the Koran about hypocrisy.

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Muhammad Beg Khan of Ahmedabad, a general of Aurungzebe. He led the royal army at Ahmedabad against the Mahrattas near the Narbada. 1703. The Kolis of Gujarat assisted him in this enterprise. The Mahrattas were defeated and fled away. Afterwards the imperial army was surprised by the Mahrattas and many were killed. In 1685 he was superintendent of Surat. In 1698 he was governor of Sorath.

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In 1670 he was appointed fortress-keeper of Akabarabad. In 1681 he died at Gwalior. There was another man, called Deev Afghan, son of Dianat Khan, who was also honoured with this title of Mu’atemad Khan in 1681 and was made in the same year superintendent of the branding department. He died in 1691.

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Cf. Let. CXVII.

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Cf. Let. XXXVIII and CXXVIII.

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This shews Aurungzebe’s partiality for his co-religionists and antipathy to the Hindus, and further proves that he was not of a catholic mind. Aurungzebe removed capable Hindu officials, unlike Akbar, from the state service and replaced inferior Muslims in their places. Khafi Khan states in his history that Aurungzebe, in 1672, issued orders to various governors of the empire to the effect that the Hindus should be dismissed from government service and be replaced by the Mohemadans; but the order was not properly carried into effect.

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“The king, as proprietor of the land, makes over a certain quantity to military men, as an equivalent for their pay; and this grant is called ‘jaghir’, or, as in Turkey, ‘timár’; the word ‘jaghir’, signifying the spot from which to draw, or the place of salary. Similar grants are made to governors, in lieu of their salary, and also for the support of their troops, on condition that they pay a certain sum annually to the king out of any surplus revenue that the land may yield”. Bernier.

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He was appointed governor of Akbarabad in 1673. Afterwards he was made Mir Bakhashi. In 1678 he was entitled Safi Khan. He died in 1680. Aurungzebe was very sorry to lose the services of such an honest and sincere officer.

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Saiyad Hasan Ali Khán, son of Saiyad Abdūllá Khán Bareh. He was ‘faujdár’ of Hoshangábád and of Nadarbár. In 1681 he was honoured with the title of Bahádūr Alamgir Sháhi for displaying bravery during the war with the Ráná of Udepūr. Then he was sent to Mandeswar. He died in 1687. He was very brave, honest and sincere.

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Cf. Let. XV.

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Cf. Let. XV.

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Cf. Let. XXIII.

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Cf. Let. XXXII.

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Cf. Let. XIX.

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Cf. Let. XIX.

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Kūtbūdin Kheshgi was appointed governor of Sorath in 1659. In 1662 he was temporarily appointed viceroy of Gujarát. In 1664 he annexed Navànagar to Gujarát and named it Islámnagar.

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The son of Saiyad Kámil; he was made the fort-keeper of Sádrá (in Gujarát) in 1674.

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Cf. Let. XXIII and XXXVII.

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Cf. Let. 1.

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It is strange that Aurungzebe cannot find a single true, honest or able man in his service. Perhaps it is owing to his suspicious and distrustful nature. Cf. Let. XV and XXVIII. Though Aurungzebe complained of the scarcity of honest men in his court there were many honest men already serving under him, such as, Fázel Khán, Amánat Khán, Mirzá Yár Ali, Muhammad Yar Khan, Shūja’at Khan, and others.

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A district in Gujarat.

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Another district in Gujarat.

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A low class aboriginal tribe of Gujarat. The Coolis or Kolis are “the greatest robbers and altogether the most unprincipled people in Hindostan.” (Bernier). But they are not so now. It was to a man belonging to this tribe, named Kánji Koli of Kadi, that Dara fled and from whom he sought protection. 1659.

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A town in Gujarat.

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Cf. Let. XXIII and XXXVI.

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Cf. Let. XXIII.

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Cf. Let. XXIII.

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Or Safdar Khan-i-Báli, was appointed governor of Pátan (in Gujarat) in 1697. He was displeased with Shuja’at Khan, governor of Ahmedabad, and returned to Malwa. He offered Prince A’azam to slay or capture alive Dūrgádás the Rajput; but he failed in this attempt. 1703. In 1704 he was made governor of Bijapur. He was defeated and made prisoner by the Mahrattas near the Nerbadda (in the battle of Ratanpūr, 1705). Again he offered to kill or capture Durgadas. This time most probably he killed the Rajput. 1706. He was very brave.

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Muhammad Bahlol Khan Shervani. He was sent against the Rajput chief of Idar, who had revolted against Auruugzebe. He defeated the chief who fled to a cave where he died from want of his usual dose of opium. 1679. Bahlol Khan was much praised and was appointed to the charge of Idar. Afterwards he was made governor of Baroda where he died in 1696 and was succeeded by Muhammad Beg Khan.

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Cf. Let. XXIII and XXXV.

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Cf. Let. VII and XLIV.

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Sheikh-ul-Islam, the eldest son of Kazi Abdul Wahab who was the author of a ‘Dastūr-ul-Amal’ which he dedicated to Aurungzebe. He was a native of Ahmedabad. After the death of his father (1674) he was appointed by Aurungzebe Sheikh-ul-Islam (the chief cádi). He gave away all the property of his deceased father to his three younger brothers and to the needy and the poor. In 1687 he went on a pilgrimage to Mecca and returned from there in 1694 when he was well received by the emperor in the Deccan. After a short time he went to Ahmedabad to pay a visit to the tombs of the holy saints there and to see his family. Then he started for the Deccan to see the emperor again, but died on his way. 1696. Aurungzebe was very sorry to hear of his death. Kháfi Khan says that in the whole Mogul Empire there was not a single cadi so devoted, pious and honest as this man. He did not receive any bribe when he held the post of ‘kaziship.’

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A judge who in the time of the Moguls followed a king or a prince when he went on an expedition or on hunting. It literally means ‘the kazi who follows the stirrup of a king or of a prince.’

Note Aurungzebe’s anxiety for the interests of the sons of his deceased officers. Cf. Let. XXXIII and CXXVIII.

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A fabulous bird, known by this name but never found in the world. The Persian word for it, ‘ūnká’, is derived from Ar. ‘ūnk’, the neck, because it is supposed to have a tall neck. Cf. Shakespeare’s ‘Arabian bird.’

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Cf. Let. XV, XXVIII and XXXVI.

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Two towns in the Deccan, near Ahmadnagar.

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Cf. Let. XXXIX where Aurungzebe complains about the scarcity of good and honest men.

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Cf. Let. XXVII.

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Alias Saiyad Ahamad, was honoured with the title of ‘Khán’ in 1670 and appointed minister of Bengal. In 1676 he was made fort-keeper of Lahore. Afterwards he became superintendent of Surat. He died in 1698. Cf. Let. XXV.

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An Indian word for mountains. Cf. the Eastern Ghauts and the Western Ghauts of the Deccan. “The vast range of hills which accompanies the sea coast, and always in fight of it from Cape Comorin to Daman, is called the Ghauts, an Indian word which signifies ‘passages’”. ‘Ghaut’ lit. means ‘a break’. It is sometimes applied to ‘a ford’. Here in the text the Western Ghauts or the Syhádree Mountains are meant.

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A town and fort in the Konkan, taken by Aurungzebe in 1700 and named A’azam-tara (lit. the greatest star) after his son A’azam. It was Aurungzebe’s whim to change the Hindu names of towns and cities into Mohemadan ones through his fanaticism. Cf. Let. XI. Sattara literally means a good or bright star. At first, Sattara belonged to Bijapur; but was afterwards taken by Shivaji. 1673. It was the capital of the Mahrattá Empire for a long time before Poona. Sattara was besieged in 1699 by Tarbiat Khan, Ruh Allah Khan the Second and Fateh Allah Khan. It was defended by Pryágji Purvoe. After a long and continued siege it fell before the imperial army. 1700. Khafi Khan gives a long and detailed account of the siege. A poet speaks of Sattara as “Bálá-i-sarash zeh arzmandi, Táben-deh sitáreh būlandi” (i.e. the height of its top, through exquisiteness,—resembles—the exalted bright star). It was a strong and important fortress. ‘It was the depository aud refuge of much opulence and treasure.’ It was a state prison of the Adil Shahi dynasty. Afterwards it became the state prison of the Mahrattas.

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A Hindustani phrase for ‘Papa, (the drum produces the sound) dhun, dhun’. ‘Dhun’ is an onomatopoetic word repeated twice. It is the sound produced by a drum while being beaten.

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Parnala, a town and fort in the Deccan, near Kolapur. Formerly it belonged to Bijapur; but was afterwards taken by Shivaji by a stratagem. 1659. Here Rustam Khan, a Bijapuri general, was defeated by Shivaji in 1660. It was taken by A’azam; but was again captured by the Mahrattas. 1693. Afterwards it was retaken by the Moguls in 1699. Cf. Let. CXI. Khafi Khan says that it was named by Aurungzebe ‘Bani (or Nabi) Sháh Darag.’

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Here Aurungzebe repents of the sins and crimes perpetrated by him during his youth. Cf. Let. VII.

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Cf. Let. XXIV.

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An epithet of Mauláná Jalál-ud-Din Roumi, a great Sufi poet of Persia, chiefly known for ‘Masnavi’ writing. He was born at Balkh in 1207 and died in 1273. He was also a metaphysician. Cf. Let. LIV.

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Cf. Let. XCII.

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I.e. Záhedeh Bánu. Cf. Let. XXIV.

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Another great Persian poet, chiefly known for ‘Ghazal’ writing. He is considered to be the great moral teacher of Persia. He was born at Shiraz about 1175 and died in 1292. At first he served as a soldier. He was a great traveller unlike Háfiz and visited India. Jámi, a Persian poet, calls him ‘the nightingale of the groves of Shiraz.’

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Cf. Let. XV.

↩
Cf. Let. V.

↩
But Aurungzebe was somewhat suspicious.

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A place in the palace where Shah Jehan used to go in the afternoon after being disengaged from state affairs.

“The grand hall of the Aam-o-Khás (Cf. Let. XII) opens into a more retired chamber called the ‘Ghosal Khaneh,’ or the place to wash in. Few persons are permitted to enter this room, the court of which is not so large as that of the Aam-o-Khas. The hall is, however, very handsome, spacious, gilt and painted and raised four or five French feet from the pavement, like a large estrade. It is in this place that the king, seated in a chair, his Umaráhs standing around him, grants more private audiences to his officers, receives their reports, and deliberates on important affairs of state. Every Umarah incurs the same pecuniary penalty for omitting to attend this assembly in the evening, as for failing to be present at the Aam-o-Khas in the morning.” Bernier. Cf. Let. LXX.

↩
Cf. Let. XV.

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The Persian governor of Kandahár which city he surrendered to Sháh Jehán (1637) and entered his service. Sháh Jehán made him governor of Cáshmere and of the Punjáb successively. In 1645 he was sent with Mūrád to take Balkh and Badakhshán which he took (Cf. Let. I). He was made by Sháh Jehán Amir-ūl-Umará. He died in 1658. He constructed a canal at Láhore which still exists. ‘Ali Mardán, who in his taste and disposition would not have disgraced the Roman Lucullus, bestowed on the public numerous edifices and gardens.’

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Title of Abid Khan who came from Persia to India in the reign of Shah Jehan who raised him to the rank of 4000 horse. He died by a cannon ball at the siege of Golconda in 1686. He was the father of Gházi-ūd-Din Khán Firūz Jang (Cf. Let. CLVII) and the grandfather of the celebrated Nizám-ūl-Mūlk Asaf Jáh of Haiderabad. In 1680 he was given the title of Kilich Khan by Aurungzebe (privately). He had another |son, called Muhammad Aaref.

↩
Cf. Let. XVI.

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A round gold coin of Akbar’s time, worth about fifteen rupees.

↩
A kind of punishment (‘kassás’)—life for life, hand for hand, foot for foot, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, wound for wound—mentioned in the Koran as being just.

↩
The Persian poets call a negro who is black by the name of ‘káfūr’ (camphor) which is white. As it is absurd to call a negro by the name of ‘kafur’, it was also absurd to call the head groom of Jehangir by the name of ‘Saf Shekan Khan.’

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Transit duty, a tax levied upon travellers during the time of the Moguls. It was remitted, along with seventy-nine other taxes, by Aurungzebe, when he came to the throne. 1659. Still it was exacted with greater rigour by the distant government officials, who took an undue advantage of the emperor’s leniency.

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This is a peculiar characteristic of Aurungzebe which he followed according to the dictates of his religion. Before his death he made a will that his funeral expenses might be defrayed from the proceeds of the sale of the caps which he himself had knitted.

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An officer serving under Shah Jehan. He was governor of Cabul before 1637.

↩
I.e. Sa’ad Allah Khan, Cf. Let. XV.

↩
I.e. Dara. Cf. Let. V.

↩
Cf. Let. XLVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. V.

↩
Cf. Let. XXVI.

↩
An ancient gold coin, weighing one ‘misqual,’ i.e. 96 barley grains.

↩
This letter gives us an insight into the characters of Aurungzebe and of his three brothers, Dárá, Shūjá and Murád.

↩
Cf. Let. XLVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. XV.

↩
Shah Jehan was deceived by destiny. Aurungzebe, his third son, came to the throne before his death. He was imprisoned by his ungrateful son and died eight years after Aurungzebe’s accession to the throne.

↩
I.e. Dara. Cf. Let. V.

↩
In all probability this is historically incorrect. No doubt he instigated the murder of Sa’ad Alláh Khan, an honest and good man with whom he seems to have been not on good terms.

↩
Cf. Let. XCI.

↩
Cf. Let. I.

↩
Here again Aurungzebe speaks humbly and politely about himself. Though he boasts of his foresight, history proves that he greatly lacked this faculty. He committed a grave political blunder in conquering Golconda and Bijapur which, left to themselves, would have served to keep the rising Mahráttá power in check. He would have most probably succeeded in crippling down this power in its infancy with the help of these two Mohemadan kingdoms in the South. Aurungzebe could not foresee that this rising power would overthrow his mighty empire within a short time after his death. Again he made a great mistake in alienating the Rájputs from the Moguls and thus departing from Akbar’s wise and foresighted policy. He could not foresee that the English would take the place of the Moguls in India within a century. Aurungzebe’s life was a failure on account of his shortsighted policy. But, no doubt, he was a man of great resolution as has been proved by history. He possessed a resolute and calm mind of which he gave numerous proofs during his lifetime. As a prince, when he was surrounded by enemies on all sides at Balkh and was in great danger he dismounted at sunset and knelt down to pray to God. In his fight with Dárá at Samūgarh he was on the point of losing the battle; but he did not lose heart but remained calm and ordered his elephant’s legs to be chained together. Again he exhibited the same spirit when his son Akbar joined the Rájputs and rebelled against him.

Bernier says, “He (Aurungzebe) was reserved, subtle, and a complete master of the art of dissimulation.” Again he says that he possessed a sounder judgment (than Dárá) and that “The high opinion expressed by Sháh Jehán of his son Aurungzebe provoked the envy of Dárá.”

↩
Cf. Let. XLV.

↩
Watch, an Indian word.

“Mounting guard is called in Hindi ‘Chauki.’ There are three kinds of guards. The four divisions of the army have been divided into seven parts, each of which is appointed for one day, under the superintendence of a trustworthy ‘mansabdár’.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
Cf. Let. XLVIII.

↩
Cf. Let. XLVIII.

↩
Betels, an Indian word. Cf. Let. CXLVIII.

↩
Deputy minister of Aurungzebe after the death of Ragunáth (1663). He died in the same year. His original name was Abul Mulk Tuni, and he revised the ‘Bádsháh Námeh’ of Muhammad Wáris. At first he was chief steward of Aurungzebe. He was a nobleman of Khorásán and was very honest and well versed in astrology. His counsels were essentially useful to Aurungzebe. Bernier mentions him in his book and calls him “The illustrious Fázil Khán, a minister charged with the weightiest concerns of the empire, on whose decision depended the amount of my salary as physician.”

There was another man bearing the same title, whose original name was A’atimád Khán. He was honoured with the title of Fázil Khán in 1689. He also was chief steward. He died of plague in 1690.

There was a third man holding the same title, who was also chief steward. In 1697 he was appointed governor of Cáshmere in place of Abu Nasr Khán. He left Cáshmere for the Deccan, but died on the way. 1701. It is not clear which of the last two is mentioned here.

↩
Governor of Burhánpur. In 1664 he was made governor of Ujjain.

↩
Cf. Let. XXXVI.

↩
Aurungzebe’s chief secretary who collected the emperor’s letters known as ‘Ruka’ at-i-Alamgiri’ which are here translated into English, Cf. Preface & Let. CXVI.

↩
A nurse of A’azam and mother of Ináyat Alláh Khán and tutoress of the princess Zib-ūn-Nisá Begum, Auruugzebe’s daughter. By her influence her son was raised by degrees to the rank of 2500.

↩
A Hindu chief who was brought up, patronised and introduced into the royal presence of Sháh Jehán by Sa’ ad Alláh Khán. Sháh Jehán made him his minister. He was called Rái Ráián, the King of Kings. In 1659 Aurungzebe conferred on him the title of Rájá Ragunáth. He was a deputy minister to Aurungzebe and died in 1663. Bernier mentions him as the Raja Ragnát, who acts as vizier’ when he accompanied Aurungzebe in his journery to Cashmere.

↩
Cf. Let. IX.

↩
Gujarat is said to be a contracted form of ‘Gurjar Rashtra’, the country of the ‘Gurjars’, who are supposed to have come from Gurjaria or Georgia, a province of the North of Persia, now in the possession of Russia, known for her beauties. Cf. Gujarat, a town in the Punjab, where a battle was fought between the Sikhs and the English.

↩
I.e. Pir Mankha. Cf. Let. XXXI.

Dohud is said to be derived, by some, from Pers. ‘dū’, two and ‘had’, boundaries, because it is situated on the two borders of Gujarat and Malva. Some say it is a corr. of Gujarati ‘Dahi-vad’, a place of curd or of dairy men.

↩
This letter is a testimony to Aurungzebe’s love of money. He reproaches his son for not accepting presents from his nobles.

↩
“Merchants bring to court good horses from Irak-i-Arab and Irak-i-Ajam, from Turkey, Turkestan, Badakhshan, Tibet, Kashmere, and other countries……There are fine horses bred in every part of the country, but those of Cutch excel, being equal to Arabs. There are two classes of horses: 1. Khas (special); 2. those that are not Khas. Grandees and other ‘Mansabdars,’ and senior ‘Ahadis’ are in charge of the stables. The ‘Atbegi’ is in charge of all horses belonging to the government. He directs all officers charged with the management of the horses. This office is one of the highest of the state.

“The Darogah. There is one appointed for each stable. This post may be held by officers of the rank of commanders of five thousand down to senior ‘Ahadis.’ In this country, horses commonly live to the age of thirty years. Their price varies from 500 mohurs to 2 rupees.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

“Horses have been divided into seven classes. These seven classes are Arabs, Persian horses, Mujannas, Turki horses, Yabus, Tazis, and Janglah horses.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
An Amir of high rank in Aurungzebe’s court, his proper name being Mūa’ azz-ūd-Din Muhammad. He was a good poet, and had at first assumed Fitrat as his poetical name, but afterwards changed it into Muswi, to which the title of Khan was added by Aurungzebe. He died, aged 51 years, in the Deccan in 1690.

↩
His original name was Sultan Husain. In the first year of Aurungzebe he was given the title of Eftikhar Khan. He was appointed ‘faujdar’ of Jaunpūr, where he died in 1681.

↩
Aurungzebe’s chief steward. He was very honest, pious and wise. He was the patron of Muhammad Mūhasan, the merchant prince of Surat. He died in 1688.

↩
Cf. Let. LVI.

↩
He was serving in a publishing house (dar-ūl-ansha).

↩
Cf. Let. XI.

↩
But, alas! Now she does not deserve this proud title. Were Aurungzebe to come to life again he would witness this country in quite a different state from what it once was. To-day her industries, arts, and professions are ruined and lost to her and now she is in a degraded condition.

Bernier mentions the manufactures of Mogul India as ‘carpets, brocades, embroideries, gold and silver cloths, and the various sorts of silk and cotton goods, which are used in the conntry, or exported abroad.’ He further says, “There are ingenious men in every part of India. Numerous are the instances of handsome pieces of workmanship made by persons destitute of tools, and who can scarcely be said to have received instructions from a master.” Again he says, “I have often admired the beauty, softness, and delicacy of their paintings and miniatures, and was particularly struck with the exploits of Akbar, painted on a shield by a celebrated artist, who is said to have been seven years in completing the picture. I thought it a wonderful performance.”

“The imperial workshops, the towns of Lahor, Agra, Fatehpūr Ahmedabad, Gujarat, turn out many master-pieces of workmanship; and the figures and patterns, knots, and variety of fashions which now prevail astonish experienced travellers.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

“Painters, seal-engravers and other handicraftsmen are countless. They inlay mother-o’-pearl with great skill and make beautiful boxes and inkstands. Stuffs worked with gold thread and of the kinds Chirah, Fotah, Jamahwar, Khara, and velvets and brocades are here skilfully manufactured. Imitations of stuffs from Turkey, Europe, and Persia are also produced. They make likewise excellent swords and daggers of the kinds Jamdhar and Khapwah, and bows and arrows. There is a brisk trade in jewelry and silver is imported from Turkey and Irak.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

“Through the favour of H. M. (Akbar), all products of art, and the manufacture of woolen and silken carpets and of brocades were extensively encouraged.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
Cf. Let. XI.

↩
Cf. Let. XXXVII.

↩
Santaji Gorepuray, a brave general and one of the best officers of Rám Rajah, who attacked Aurungzebe’s forces bravely. He defeated and imprisoned many of Aurungzebe’s generals near Ginji. He defeated Kásim Khan. Again he defeated Himmat Khan and killed him. He compelled the Moguls under Zūl Fikár Khan to raise the siege of Ginji. He quarrelled with Dánnáji Jádow, his companion, was deserted by his adherents and murdered by Nágoji Manai, whom he had offended, in 1698. In 1690 he was made ‘Senápati’ or general by Raja Ram and was styled Ráo Mamlūkut Madár. He first came into notice in the time of Shivaji. He was an officer of greater ability and enterprise. He was ‘the terror of the Mogul detachments for seven years.’

Aurungzebe was impolite in writing Hindu names. Ho omitted the suffix ‘ji’ denoting respect, after the Hindu, esp., the Mahratta, names. Similarly he wrote Shivá instead of Shivaji.

This is a further evidence of Aurungzebe’s fanatic spirit towards the Hindus. Cf. Let. II and CVIII.

↩
He was at first in the service of Abdul Aziz Khan, governor of Bokhara. Cf. Let. CLXXII.

↩
Son of Khan Jehán Bahdáūr and general of Aurungzebe who was sent against Santaji, by whom he was defeated and slain, 1696, near Dodairee. His original name was Saiyad Mūzaffar. The title of Himmat Khan was conferred on him by Shah Jehan. Aurungzebe twice appointed him governor of Allahabad.

↩
A descendent of the prophet Mahomet.

↩
He was present with Mir Khan at Cabul to punish the Usafzi Afghans. 1667. He was sent to Cabul in 1660 as a fort-keeper. Before 1703 he was governor of Bihár. In 1704 he was appointed governor of Mūazzamábád Udeh. Cf. Let. LXXXII.

↩
Cf. Let. 1.

↩
Cf. Let. XXVII.

↩
Cf. Let. XIV, CXXXII and CLXX.

Aurnngzebe was just, clement and benevolent.

↩
Cf. Let. LXII.

↩
Cf. Let. XVIII.

↩
Or Kshatri, (lit.) a warrior, the second of the four original castes among the Hindus, and next to a Brahmin (a Hindu priest).

↩
Cf. Let. XLVIII. All its walls were painted with the maps of India.

↩
(Lit.) ‘the brand of correction,’ i.e., a place where horses were branded, i.e., a stable.

Regulations for branding horses:

“In order to prevent fraudulent exchanges, and to remove the stamp of doubtful ownership, horses were for some time marked with the word ‘nazar’ (sight), sometimes with the word ‘dágh’ (mark), and sometimes with the numeral (seven). Every horse that was received by government had the mark burnt on the right cheek; and those that were returned, on the left side. ……Now-a-days the horses of every stable are distinguished by their price in numerals……When horses, at the time of the musters, are put into a higher or a lower grade, the old brand is removed.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

“In the 18th year of his reign, His Majesty (Akbar) introduced the branding system.” “When the brand first introduced, it was made in the shape of the head of the letter ‘sin,’ and was put on the right side of the neck of the horse. For some time, it was made in shape of two ‘alifs’ intersecting at right angles, the heads of the ‘alif’ being made heavy, and put on the right thigh. For some time again, it was like a bow with the string taken off. At last, numerals were introduced, which plan best frustrates fraudulent practices. They make iron numerals……These new signs are likewise put on the right thigh.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

“The servants (mansabdárs) of H. M. (Akbar) have their horses every year newly marked.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
A post in the military department. It has other meanings: (a) a heavy mace; (b) an out work.

↩
Indian financial officers during the Moguls. Lit. ‘having ten millions.’

↩
This letter shews Aurungzebe’s great respect and reverence for the holy saints.

Aurungzebe was of an ascetic turn of mind. When he was governor of the Deccan for the first time during Sháh Jehán’s reign he retired from the world to the Ghauts for nearly one year like a ‘fakir’, a Mohemadan devotee. 1643. Dara used to call him (ironically) ‘That saint’. When he rebelled against his father (1657) he sent a message to the foolish Murad, his brother, to join him, to this effect: “I want to see you on the throne. I don’t like the crown. After your accession to the throne I will turn mendicant and go to Mecca for pilgrimage.” From these words we find him a hypocrite and double minded, because it was he who came to the throne after imprisoning his father and his brother, Murad. The Mohemadans praise him as a saint while the Christians denounce him as a hypocrite. Cf. Let. XCIII.

Khafi Khan praises Aurungzebe’s devotion, austerity, justice, courage, long suffering and judgment. Bernier calls Aurungzebe ‘reserved, subtle, and a complete master of the art of dissimulation.’

Many saints flourished in Aurungzebe’s time. The names of some of them are as follow:

Sheikh Muhammad Váris, Sheikh Bayázeed, Sheikh Būrhán, Sheikh Abdūl Latif, Mir Násrūdin Harvi, and Saiyad Sa’ad Alláh.

↩
A great Mohemadan saint, born at Delhi in 1321. His original name was Sadr-ūd-Din Muhammad Husaini; but he was commonly called ‘Gisū Daráz,’ because he had ‘long ringlets.’ He was a disciple of Sheikh Násir-ūd-Din Chirágh of Delhi. He lived at Gulburga at the time of the Bahamini kings of the Deccan and made Prince Ahamad Shah his disciple. His death took place in the Deccan in the beginning of the reign of Ahamad Shah in 1422. His tomb at Gulburga (or Hasanábád) was visited by pilgrims of all sects. He was also an author and wrote the following books: ‘Adáb-al-Murid,’ ‘Wajud-al-Ashikin,’ and ‘Asmár-al-Asrár.’ His tomb at Gulburga was visited by Aurungzebe after his conquest of Bijapur. 1686.

↩
“Among the ‘kours’ and the ‘mansabdárs,’ are mixed many ‘gurz-bardárs,’ or macebearers, chosen for their tall and handsome persons, and whose business it is to preserve order in assemblies, and to carry the king’s orders, and execute his commands with the utmost speed.” Bernier.

↩
Cf. Let. LVI.

↩
Cf. Let. VII and LXXIII.

This letter, together with the next letter, is pathetic and touching. Here Aurungzebe repents but too late of his past sins and crimes. Again in these letters we find Aurungzebe’s anxiety and care for the safety of his subjects, esp., of the Mohemadans, after his death.

↩
Cf. Let. LXXIII.

↩
Hindustani form of Sanskrit Vijaypur, ‘the Victorions City.’ Formerly it was a wealthy city in the Deccan and famous for its architecture. It is now however in ruins. It was the capital of the Bahamini Adil Shahi kings and was taken by Aurungzebe in 1686. It is called ‘the Palmyra of the Deccan.’

↩
I.e., Muazzam, Aurungzebe’s second son, the crown prince. Cf. Let. I.

↩
Muazzam’s second son. Cf. Let. LXXXVII.

↩
The eldest son of A’azam. Cf. Let. XI and LXXVI.

↩
I. e., Zinat-an-Nisá, the only surviving daughter of Aurungzebe, who died in 1708.

↩
The youngest and favourite son of Aurungzebe, born in 1667 of Udepūri. He was sent to Gingi, along with Asad Khán to the help of Zūl Fikár Khán in 1694. But he quarrelled with the father and the son and was on the point of joining the enemy when he was imprisoned by them. (Cf. Let. CLXXIV). Afterwards he was released by Aurungzebe’s order. 1695. In 1697 he was appointed governor of Berár. Before 1704 he was governor of Haiderábád. In 1707 Aurungzebe made him governor of Bijápur. He died in 1709 on account of wounds received in battle near Haideràbád (Deecan) against his eldest brother Mūazzam. He was a poet and a learned man. Cf. Let. CXXVI.

↩
Cf. Let. VII and LXXII.

↩
According to this will Aurungzebe divided his kingdom among his three surviving sons and appointed Muazzam his successor. But this will was not carried out either by A’azam or by Kám Bakhsha, because they successively declared war against their eldest brother Muazzam for the throne and in turn lost their lives in the field.

↩
The mother of Kám Bakhsha and the favourite wife of Aurungzebe. Some say she was a Christian from Georgia, and was purchased by Dara, on whose execution she passed into the hands of Aurungzebe. According to others she was a Sisodia Rajput woman of Jodhpur. Once she fell into the hands of the Rajputs of the Ráná of Chitor; but the Rana sent her back to Aurungzebe with honour. (1679).

Major Tod and Grant Duff call her Jodhpūri.

↩
The eldest son of Mūazzam, born in the Deccan in 1662. In 1694 he was sent against Parnálá. Aurungzebe appointed him governor of Multan. He came to the throne after his father as Jehándár Sháh. 1712. But in one year he was defeated near Agra, then imprisoned, and at last put to death by Farūkh Shiar. 1713. He used to pass most of his time with his mistress Lál Kūnwar.

↩
A district near Delhi, in the Punjab. It was devastated by Fateh Khan Ját in Sher Shah’s time.

↩
Cf. Let. XVI. (2000 × 2 + 2000 × 3=10000).

↩
A’azam’s eldest son, born in 1670. He took part with his father in the Deccan War. In 1691 he was given the title of ‘Bahádur.’ In 1703 he was appointed governor of Khandesh, and in 1704 governor of Malwa. From 1705 to 1706 he was viceroy of Gujarat. He was slain in the battle between his father and Muazzam at Agra. 1708. Cf. Let. XI.

↩
Lit. ‘the City of Victory’; a town near Agra.

↩
The daughter of Shah Jehan by Mūmtáz Mahal, born in 1614. She was accomplished, beautiful and heroic. Once she was dangerously burnt and restored to health by Dr. Boughton, an English physician. She died in 1681. She was strongly attached to her father and brother Dara whom she supported; and thus she formed a contrast to her younger sister Roshan Ará who helped Aurungzebe in his ambitious designs and enabled him to dethrone Shah Jehan. Jehan Ara was never married and was generally known by the name of Begum Sáhib. She lived with her father in the fort of Agra where he was imprisoned. After Shah Jehan’s death (1666) Aurungzebe forgave her former conduct and treated her with kindness and liberality.

In this letter there seems to be some discrepancy which is not clear.

↩
Lit. ‘the Chapter on Sincerity’ and ‘the Chapter on Cure’—two chapters in the Koran. This idea seems to be somewhat Zoroastrian.

↩
This practice of ‘tolá dána’ (weighing charity) was common among the former Hindu Rajahs. Shivaji also practised this. Here Aurungzebe approves of a Hindu custom, though elsewhere (Cf. Let II) he condemns Hindu customs and rites. Aurungzebe also weighed himself against gold on his birthdays and distributed it amongst the poor. About Aurungzebe’s charity, besides the ‘tolá dána’ (charity), it is mentioned in ‘Mir-At-i-Alam’ that ‘the annual sum expended in charity amounted to one lac and forty-nine thousand rupees.’ Cf. Let. CLXXVI.

“From reasons of auspiciousness, and as an opportunity of bestowing presents upon the poor, His Majesty (Akbar) is weighed twice a year. Various articles are put into the scales. On the first day of the month of Abán (15th October), which is the solar anniversary of the emperor, H. M. is weighed twelve times against the following articles: gold, quicksilver, silk, perfumes, copper, rūh-i-tūtiyá, drugs, ghee, iron, rice-milk, seven kinds of grain, salt. H. M. is weighed a second time on the 5th of Rajab (the lunar birthday of the emperor), against eight articles, viz, silver, tin, cloth, lead, fruits, mustard oil, and vegetables.

“On both occasions the festival of Sálgirih (birthday) is celebrated, when donations, or grants of pardon, are bestowed upon people of all ranks.

“The imperial princes, sons, and grandsons of H. M., are weighed once in every solar year.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

According to the Tuzuk-i-Jehángiri and Pádisháh Námeh, this practice of weighing of the royal person was introduced by Akbar. It is an old Hindu custom. Even the solar ‘wazn’ (15th October) was retained by Aurungzebe.

↩
This is a bad remark against Aurungzebe’s two generals. Cf. Let. XVI and LXXXIV.

↩
Cf. Let. LVI.

↩
Title of Ikhalás Khán who served under Aurungzebe. He was raised to the rank of 5000 in 1689, with the title of Khán Alam. In 1696 the rank of 6000 was conferred on him. He took an active part in capturing Sambháji. 1689. After Aurungzebe’s death he took up the cause of A’azam against Muazzam and fell in battle in 1707.

↩
Cf. Let. CLXII.

↩
Fidá Khán Kukeh was made governor of Kábul in 1668.

↩
A town and fort near Sháhpūr, in the Deccan.

↩
A town and fort in the Deccan.

↩
Cf. Let. LXVII.

↩
Cf. Let. V.

↩
Another instance of Aurungzebe’s humility.

↩
In this letter we find that Aurungzebe could not bear to see his generals displaying greater pomp and dignity than himself; and confiscated much of their property. A part of this letter is quoted by the author of ‘Ma’asir-i-Alamgiri.’ Cf. Let. CLVII.

↩
Wheels or carriages on which guns are carried. An Indian word, also used for carriages drawn by bullocks, seen often in Bombay.

↩
Contraction of ‘agni-bán’ =fire-arrows. (Sans.).

↩
Harps invented by Rám, the lover of Vees. (Pers. Jangis=changis= harps). Hence, military horns.

↩
Large muskets (an Indian term).

↩
Guns carried on horses (an Indian word).

↩
Guns carried on camels (a Persian word).

↩
Guns carried on elephants (an Indian word). Sans. ‘gaj’ or ‘gan’= an elephant. Cf. ‘Gaj Pati’ or ‘Gan Pati’ (the Lord of Elephants), a Hindu god, son of Shiva and Párvati.

“Again, he (Akbar) made another kind of gun, which can easily be carried by a single elephant; such guns have the name of gaj-náls.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

↩
Cf. Let. XI.

↩
A phrase from the Koran.

↩
Azim-ūsh-Shán, second son of Muazzam, born in 1664 of a Hindu princess. Aurungzebe appointed him in 1697 viceroy of Bengál and ‘faujdár’ of Cūch Bahár. He made Patna the seat of his government and named it Azimábád. In 1698 he sold to the English the ‘zamindárship’ of Chuttanutty, Calcutta, and Govindpur. After Aurungzebe’s death he joined his father (1707) and took part in the battle between Muazzam and A’azam. Second time he was appointed governor of Bengal (1707-1712) by his father. After the death of his father, he fought for the throne with Jehándár Sháh and his other brothers. In the end he was drowned in the Rávee, a river in the Punjab, while fighting (1712). He was the father of Farūkh Shiar who came to the throne after Jehandar Shah in 1713.

↩
Jáfar Khan Murshid Kulli Khan, was appointed governor of Bihar in 1703. Previous to that he was minister to Muhammad Azim-ud-Din. In 1704 he was appointed viceroy of Bengal. He founded the capital of Mūrshidábád and named it after his original title. He was the son of a Brahman converted to Islam. He died in the reign of Muhammad Shah about 1726 and was succeeded by his son-in-law Shujá-ūd-Daulá, ancestor of Siráj-ūd-Daulá, connected with the Black Hole of Calcutta.

↩
Men are considered to be the deposits of God in this world. Cf. Let. VII.

↩
Aurungzebe used to give advice to princes how to manage state affairs. He wanted to impress upon their minds his standard of kingly duty for the responsibilities of government.

↩
The bridge on the border of hell, crossed by the dead—mentioned in the Avesta and in the Koran. It is named ‘Chinvud Pūl’ by the Parsis. Here we find Aurungzebe’s sense of justice and faith in religious matters. Cf. Let. CXXXII.

The author of ‘Mir-At-i-Alam’ calls Aurungzebe “This most virtuous monarch,” and says, “He is remarkable for his rigid attachment to religion.” Again the author says, “He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does he ever use vessels of silver or gold.” There it is said that Aurungzebe as a strict Sunni, followed the doctrines of Abū Hanifa and was perfectly acquainted with the commentaries, traditions and law.

↩
An innocent drink of the people of Gujarat, Bengal, and other parts of India, obtained from date-trees and palm-trees. The Mohemadans are strictly prohibited in the Koran from drinking any intoxicating spirits.

↩
I.e., Ráj Mahál, a district of Bengal. There are many Mahals (lit. districts) in different parts of India. Cf. Punch Mahal, in Gujarat; Bár Mahal, in the Madras Presidency.

↩
A general of Shah Jehan and (maternal) uncle of Aurungzebe of whom he was a great supporter in Shah Jehan’s court. He was the son of Asaf Khan, Nur Jehan’s brother, after whose death Shah Jehan appointed him his minister. 1641. Shah Jehan appointed him governor of Berar in 1638 and governor of Gujarat in 1652. During Shah Jehan’s reign he took part in the Deccan War with Aurungzebe who gave him the title of Khan Jehan in 1656. In 1658 his nephew conferred on him the title of Amir-ul-Umara when he came to his side by deserting Shah Jehan and Dara. (Cf. Introd.). He was appointed governor of Agra in the same year. At the time of the victory gained over Shuja at Cujwá he was governor of Akbarabad (Agra) acting for Aurungzebe. Afterwards Aurungzebe made him viceroy of the Deccan (1659) and ordered him to punish Shivaji. At Poona he was surprised, when sleeping at night, by a party of Mahrattas under Shivaji in a marriage procession; and he narrowly escaped death with the loss of some of his fingers. 1663. Then he was recalled from the Deccan by the emperor and made governor of Bengal in place of the late Mir Jūmlá. 1666. Here he subdued the pirates of Arakan in the Bay of Bengal who used to disturb Bengal. Here he proved himself to be a great tyrant. His name is proverbial in Bengal as a despotic and tyrannous ruler. In 1679 he retnrned from Bengal to Delhi and was appointed governor of Akbarabad (second time). He died in 1694. (Cf. Let. CXXVIII). His original name was Mirzá Mūrád. “He was, without doubt, by his birth and connections, the first subject of the empire, not of the royal blod; and Aurungzebe treated him as such to the end of his life.” He was an invaluable coadjutor of Aurungzebe. “He had the reputation of writing the most insinuating letter, and using the most persuasive eloquence, of any man in Hindostan.” (Bernier).

↩
The favourite and frequent abode of the Mogul emperors, esp., of Akbar who rebuilt the city (Agra) and named it after himself. It stands on the Jamna and contains the famous Táj Mahal. Cf. Let. XI.

↩
The third Mohemadan month. Lit. ‘the first time of spring or harvest.’

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Shah Jehan’s second son. He was governor of Bengal in his father’s time. When Shah Jehan fell ill in 1657 he marched upon Delhi with a large army; but was defeated at Bahádurpur, near Benares, by Raja Jai Singh and Suliman Shekuh, Dara’s son. Afterwards he led an army against Aurungzebe when the latter became emperor; but was defeated at Cujwá, near Allahabad. 1659. This is the victory (of Cujwa) mentioned in the letter. Then Shuja fled away to Assam and was pursued there by Muhammad, Aurungzebe’s eldest son, and by Mir Jumla, Aurungzebe’s general. At last he died miserably at Arakan, in Burma. 1660. Shuja was a Shiah, a drunkard, and a sensual Mohemadan. “He was too much a slave to his pleasures.” (Bernier). “He was more discreet, firmer of purpose, and excelled him (Dara) in conduct and address.” (Bernier).

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Aurungzebe was on the point of defeat; but the tables were shortly turned against Shuja through the bravery and presence of mind of Mir Jumla. The battle was lost to Shuja through his mistake of dismounting his elephant earlier like Dara at Samugarh. The date of the battle (1659) may be found from the following Persian verse: ‘Shavad fateh mubárak bádá’ (may the victory be happy).

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Raja Jasvant Singh (lit. the glorious or victorious lion), Mahárájáh of Márwár, in Rajputana, was a Rajput general of Shah Jehan with whom he was related. Along with Kásim Khan he was sent by Dara against Murad and Aurungzebe. Had he attacked them soon as they appeared on the opposite bank of the Nurbada, at Dharmatpur, they would have been easily defeated and the course of Indian history would have been quite different. He delayed and attacked them after two days; but was defeated and fled away to Marwar chiefly through the baseness and treachery of Kàsim Khán and his Mohemadan followers. 1657. For this disgraceful flight the Raja was severely taken to task by his wife. After Dara’s defeat at Samugarh (1659) he deserted him and joined Aurungzebe. Before the fight at Cujwa, near Allahabad, with Shuja, he deserted Aurungzebe and made an attack upon his rear at night; but before Shuja was defeated, he fled away to Marwar through Akbarabad (1659). Shayasta Khan, governor of Akbarabad, was going to poison himself through fear when the Raja came to Agra. Afterwards he was pardoned by Aurungzebe and was again taken into his service. He was made governor of Ahmedabad. Then he was sent into the Decoan against Shivaji. Afterwards he was made governor of Cabul where he died in 1676. Maharajah Jasvant Singh, ‘one of the greatest Rajahs of Hindostan,’ was not of a firm and constant mind and was a traitor. He did not help the fallen Dara owing to the advice and threats of Raja Jai Singh. A letter written to Aurungzebe, concerning the ‘Jizeeá’ or poll-tax, on the non-Mohemadans, is generally ascribed to Jasvant Singh.

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Aurungzebe’s eldest son, born in 1639. He took part in the battles of Samūgarh (1659) and of Cujwá (1659). It was he who first entered the capital and took possession of it for his father. He, along with Mir Jūmlá, was sent to Assam in pursuit of Shuja. But after a time he deserted him and went over to his uncle who gave him his daughter in marriage Nevertheless Shuja was totally defeated by Mir Jumla alone and fled away to Arakan. Now the prince saw his mistake and came over to his father’s army; but was imprisoned by his father. He died in prison at the castle of Gwalior in 1676. He was married to a daughter of the king of Golconda.

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Son of Zūl Fikár Khán. At first he served Shah Jehan. He was second paymaster of Shah Jehan and of Aurungzebe. Aurungzebe appointed him his minister in 1670 after the death of Ja’afar Khan. In 1674 he resigned the ministership, but in 1677 was made prime minister. He was also a general. He was sent against Ginji; but failed to take it. He was called ‘Umadat-ūl-Mūlk’ (the Best of the Kingdom). After Aurungzebe’s death he served Bahadur Shah and Jehandar Shah. He died broken-hearted in the reign of Farukh Shiar, by whom he was arrested, at the age of ninety-four. 1716. He had two sons, one of whom was called Zūl Fikár Khán, alias Nasrat Jang, and was treacherously put to death by Farukh Shiar. Aurungzebe says in his last will to his sons, “There cannot be a better vizier than Amir-ūl-Umará” (i.e., Asad Khan, who had received this title from Aurungzebe in 1702). The ‘Seir-ūl-Mūtákerin’ calls him “The last member of that ancient nobility which had conferred so much honour on the empire.” Irádat Khan says, “For above 200 years their family had filled the highest offices in the state.”

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In the latter portion of this letter we find Aurungzebe expressing disgust for false saints. Cf. Let. CVII and CLXIX.

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Cf. Let. CLXV and CLXVI.

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Cf. Let. XXVIII.

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Further evidence of Aurungzebe’s sense of justice. Cf. Let. XIV.

The second portion of the letter seems to have been written not in 1704; because Khan Jehan Bahadur had died in 1697.

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Cf. Let. XLV.

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Solomon the Wise, son of David, a king and prophet of the Jews. Solomon’s ring is well known in Persian literature. It was through this ring that he is said to have exercised his power and authority over all men and genii. Once he lost it and consequently lost his kingdom and throne. But afterwards it was found and then he recovered his lost kingdom and throne.

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Cf. Let. CXX.

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Cf. Let. XXII.

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Cf. Let. LXXI. Aurungzebe’s contempt for the assumed sanctity of dervises shews that he was not superstitious.

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This letter is in continuation of the latter part of the above letter. Here Aurungzebe changes his mind.

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Cf. Let. CXXXIV.

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Cf. Let. LXXI.

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An Indian military corps of the time of the Moguls. They were warranted officers.

‘Most clerks of the imperial offices, the painters of the court, the foremen in Akbar’s workshops, &c., belonged to this corps. They were called ‘Ahadis,’ or single men, because they stood under Akbar’s immediate orders. The word ‘Ahadi,’ the h of which is the Arabic , was spelt in official returns with the Persian ; so deep rooted, says Badaoni, was Akbar’s hatred for everything which was Arabic.’

“For the sake of the convenience of the Ahadis, a separate diván (secretary) and a paymster were appointed, and one of the great Amirs is their chief. Many Ahadis have indeed more than Rs. 500 per mensem.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

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An Indian word for ‘merchants.’ Cf. Let. LXX.

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Umar bin Khattab, one of the four Khalifs after the Prophet—known for his justice and bravery. He was one of the favourite companions and father-in-law of Mahomet. He ruled for nine years (634-643) as second Khalif after the Prophet. He was murdered by a Persian slave named Firūz. 643. It was he who destroyed the old Persian empire. The city of Bussora was founded by him.

Khalif means literally ‘a follower’ or ‘successor’ (Ar.) of Mahomet; then the term came to be applied to the acknowledged head of the Mohemadans, both in political and religious matters. Here Aurnngzebe claims to be a great advocate of justice.

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Cf. Let. LI.

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A small coin, worth about two pence.

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The purport of this letter is mentioned by the author of ‘Ma’asir-i-Alamgiri’.

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Cf. Let. VII.

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Aurungzebe’s fourth son, born of the daughter of Naváz Khán of Ahmedábád, in 1676. In 1677 he was appointed governor of Málwá; and in 1679, governor of Multán. He joined the Rajputs and rebelled against his father. 1680. He marched against his father with a Rajput force under Dūrgá Dás; but failed in his attempt through Aurungzebe’s presence of mind and cunning. Then he went to the Deccan and joined the Mahrattas under Sambhaji, Shivaji’s son, at Ráhiri (Cf. Let. CXI). After a time he started for Persia. 1682. There he lived at Garmsir in Khorasan under the protection of Shah Husain Safavi of Persia as his guest and died there in 1706. Thus he died one year earlier than his father as was expected in this letter. The very words ‘the wicked Akbar’ (‘Akbar-i-Abtar’) are also applied by Khafi Khan to this rebel prince. Bernier says that Aurungzebe nominated Akbar for his successor. ‘He was restless, turbulent, arrogant, and mischievous.’

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A contemptuous term for the Persian king Shah Husain of the Safavian dynasty.

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Cf. Let. I.

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Cf. Let. I. Cf. Sanskrit ‘Ghándharva.’

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This refers to a kind of Indian music in which several cups full of water are placed one upon another and then a bow is applied to these pots for producing music. There is most probability and thus danger of these pots being tumbled down.

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Aurungzebe says he does not know whether Akbar or he himself would die earlier. He thinks that most probably Akbar will die before him. Here Aurungzebe is compared to the musician and Akbar to the cup.

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During the time of the Moguls it formed a part of the Indian Empire. Now it belongs to Afghanistan and forms the capital of that country, the Amir of Afghanistan residing there.

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Cf. Let. LXXIV.

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A town in the Punjáb.

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Here Aurungzebe seems to forget his own ambition for securing the throne by foul means.

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Son of Iatimád Khán, grandson of Asaf Khán, a nobleman of the time of Aurungzebe. He was appointed governor of Sháh Jehán Abád and died in 1696. He was known for his honesty. There was another man of the same name, who was also governor of Sháh Jehán Abád. In 1703 he was made ‘faujdár’ of Murádábád.

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Post; police stations from which reports can be carried to him immediately (an Indian term).

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Cf. Let. XII where the prince is represented as idle and passing away his time in hunting. Cf. Let. XXVIII.

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Nizám-ūl-Mūlk, Asaf Jáh, his original name being Mir Kamr-ūd-Din. He took part in the Deccan War. In 1699 he was honoured with the title of Chin Kilich Khan. In 1702 he was appointed governor of Bijàpur. He distinguished himself in the siege of Vákingarh. 1706. Bahádur Sháh made him viceroy of Oude. 1707. In 1713 Farukh Shiar conferred on him the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk and appointed him viceroy of the Deccan. After the overthrow of the Saiyad brothers he was made vizier to Muhammad Shah. After a time he established himself as an independent ruler at Haiderabad in the Deccan. He was sent by Muhammad Shah against the Mahrattas who compelled him to sign a convention at Sironji. 1738. He died in 1748. He was the son of Firūz Jang and the founder of the present Nizám dynasty of Haiderabad. He was a great soldier and diplomatist and was respected by every one.

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Javáhir Kháneh, treasury for precious stones.

“His Majesty (i.e., Akbar) appointed for this office an intelligent, trustworthy, clever treasurer, and as his assistants, an experienced clerk, a zealous dárogáh (superintendent), and also skilful jewellers. The foundation therefore of this important department rests upon those four pillars. They classified the jewels, and thus removed the rust of confusion.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

Then the author (Abūl Fazl) mentions the different kinds of jewels collected in the treasury, namely, rubies, diamonds, emeralds, red and blue ‘yákuts,’ and pearls.

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Cf. Let. CXX.

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Along with Muhammad Ameen Khan he was sent in 1659 against Jasvant Singh in order to punish him for his treachery. In 1669 he was made superintendent of the ‘Ghosal Kháneh.’

There was another man, bearing the same name, entitled Punni, who served under Abul Hasan of Golconda. In 1687 he deserted his master and went over to Aurungzebe.

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Cf. Let. CLXII and LXXXI.

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A prize given to a military officer for his exploits (a Turkish word).

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Cf. Let. XVII.

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Abdul Kádir Bedil, a celebrated Persian poet of India. He was a Tartar and in his youth served under prince A’azam, Aurungzebe’s third son, who one day ordered him to write a panegyric in his praise; but he declined to do so and resigned his service and never afterwards served any one. His chief works are: ‘Muhit-i-A’azam’ and ‘Ruka’at-i-Bedil.’ He died in the beginning of the reign of Muhammad Shah. ‘Bedil’ was the nom-de-plume of this poet. The line in the letter is addressed to himself. Cf. Let. CLXXVIII.

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Here we find Aurungzebe giving an order for confiscating the property of an officer who was just dead on the plea that the property was public. (Cf. Let. CXXVIII and CXLVI). It was not good on his part to do so. He cannot be justified in this.

“The barbarous and ancient custom obtains in this country (i.e., India), of the king’s constituting himself sole heir of the property of those who die in his service.”

Bernier.

Bernier calls it an odious and tyrannical custom which brought the widows and sons of the deceased nobles to misery and wretchedness. He mentions two instances of this nature which happened in the time of Shah Jehan. In one of these the emperor was deceived and disappointed by the trick of his deceased noble, Neeknám Khán.

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Surnamed Mir Mirán, son of Khalil Alláh Khán Yazdi, his original name being Meer Khan. He was honoured with the title of Ameer Khan in 1675. Cf. Let. XVII. In 1669 he was made governor of Allahabad. He was governor of Cabul in 1687 where he died in 1698. Aurungzebe was sorry to hear of his death. He was a nobleman of high rank in the time of Shah Jehan and Aurungzebe, and a great favourite of the latter. He was honest, sincere and loyal. Aurungzebe conferred the title of Ameer Khan on his son after his death.

There was another man bearing the same name, Saiyad Ameer Khan, who was governor of Cabul in 1662 and died in 1670.

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The chief town of the Punjab. It was the capital of Ranjit Singh, the Lion of the Punjab.

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The small white covering over a date stone.

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The split of a date stone. It also means the dog that followed the seven sleepers in the cave in the time of the Roman Emperor Decius. These two words (4 and 5) are always used together and mean ‘the smallest quantity’ (of the property).

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A small coin, 1/40th of a rupee, used in the time of the Moguls, esp., in the time of Akbar. The ‘dám’ weighs 5 ‘tanks’; it is the fortieth part of the rupee. At first this coin was called ‘Paisáh,’ and also ‘Bahloli;’ now it is known under this name (dam). On one side the place is given where it was struck, and on the other the date.

“For the purpose of calculation, the ‘dam’ is divided into twenty-five parts, each of which is called a ‘jetal’.”

Ain-i-Akbari.

It was a copper coin.

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Another small coin, equal to nearly three annas, an ancient silver coin, the shape of which resembled that of a date stone.

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Here Aurungzebe’s notion is peculiar.

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Son of Saiyad Mūrtezá Khan. He was appointed ‘faujdár’ of Mewat in 1693.

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A title or post given to a military officer, who had a hundred horsemen under him. Cf. Let. XVIII.

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Cf. Let. CXIV.

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A Nawáb, governor of Multan in the time of Aurungzebe. Cf. Let CXXX.

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A town in Arabia, so called because situated on the right side of Arabia.

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I.e., Kamr-ūd-Din Khan.

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He was prime minister of Aurungzebe before 1703. In the same year he was given the title of ‘Bahádur’ for his display of bravery during the siege of Khelná. In 1705 he took part in the siege of Vákingarh. In 1706 he was honoured with the title of ‘Chin Bahádūr,’

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Cf. Let. XCVI.

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Cf. Let. XVIII.

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I.e., Ja’afar Khán. Cf. Let. CXLI.

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Second son of Alláh Wardi Khán, a nobleman of high rank who served under Aurungzebe, and died 1686, a day after the fort of Bijápūr was taken. In the same year (1686) he had been appointed governor of Berár. In 1682 he was sent against Sambháji.

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The eldest son of the crown prince (Mūazzam). Cf. Let. LXXIV and LXXV.

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Cf. Let. V and CVIII.

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Son of Ruh Alláh Khán the First. After the death of Mukhalis Khan he was made Bakhashi. 1697. He took part in the siege of Sattara and of Parnala. 1699. He died in 1704. Cf. Let. CXX.

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Lit. ‘Brave.’ In 1702 he was given this title. Cf. Let. V.

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I.e., Muazzam. Cf. Let. I.

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But after all he went to Cabul. 1704. Cf. Let. V.

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Cf. Let. CLXIX.

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A province in the North of Indin, ‘the Garden of India.’ It was the summer residence of the Mogul emperors. At present it is under native rule.

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