THE REIGN OF SULTÁN MUZAFFIR III, COMMONLY CALLED NATHÚ, WHO WAS THE LAST OF THE RACE OF GUJARÁT KINGS.
A. Hij. 968,
A.D. 1561.
After the murder of Sultán Ahmad in A. Hij. 968, A.D. 1561, Itimád Khán seated Muzaffir on the throne. According to the faith of most historians, Itimád Khán, who had all the power of government in his hands, seeing that there were none of the late Sultán's relations fit for the government, produced a young boy, named Nathú; and having in open assembly taken an oath that such was the son of Sultán Mahmúd II, he explained that his mother, when pregnant, had been delivered over to him, for the purpose of procuring an abortion; but that this child had been brought forth: as, five months of her pregnancy having passed, no abortion could take place. He said, moreover, that he had brought him up in secret, and that there was no heir to the government excepting him. Every one, assenting to this, and supporting his claim to the throne, entitled him Muzaffir Sháh.
After a lapse of some months, Itimád Khán
carried an army against Músá Khán and Shír
Khán Faoládí, at Patan, for the purpose of
being revenged on Fat'h Khán Balúch. The
nobles, now aware of the circumstances attending
the Sultán's murder, were annoyed with
Itimád Khán; and only remained attached to
him through fear of their own lives. When the
minister arrived at Patan, having given Músá
Khán and Shír Khán battle, he sustained a
defeat: and the nobles, without fighting, came
back to Ahmadábád. Itimád Khán resolved
again to raise troops, and exerted himself to
the utmost, notwithstanding none of the nobles
were on his side, and all of them had gone to
their own estates. He, at length, proceeded
against Músá Khán and Shír Khán, with the
army he had; and after sustaining a second
defeat, came to Ahmadábád. These events happened
A. Hij. 969,
A.D. 1561-2.
Finally, enmity among the nobles, and a contest for superiority, happening at this time, Itimád Khán left the capital; and Jangíz Khán took possession of it, when he also was killed by the Abyssinians. An account of these things, and of the anarchy which was thus produced in the kingdom, may be found in the Mirát Sikandarí.
The victories gained in Gujarát by the army
of Arsh-Áshiání Akbar Pádsháh, with the termination
of Sultán Muzaffir's reign, and the
government of Azím Mírzá Azíz Koká, for a
A. Hij. 1000,
A.D. 1591.
THE CONQUEST OF GUJARÁT BY THE EMPEROR AKBAR, WHEN IT WAS UNITED AS A PROVINCE TO THE MOGHUL EMPIRE OF DEHLÍ.
A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CELEBRATED DESCENDANTS OF SAHÍBI KIRÁN AMÍR TAIMÚR KÚRKÁN, WHO HAVE REIGNED IN HINDÚSTÁN.
It is truly wonderful to think on what a celebrated line of ancestry the members of this family can show; whose forefathers, from Adam downwards, have been kings and emperors of great fortune and dignity. Such have been the habits of justice and equity, of beneficence and liberality, with which they have been endowed by the great Giver of all things, that, if inquirers into history will diligently search, they will find that the kings, princes, and potentates of the seven climates have derived their power from them. From them, also, contrary to the customs of other kings, every one travelling hither from Irán, Túrán, Rúmelia, Assyria, Arabia, and Abyssinia, obtains his desires. But, notwithstanding the amazing extent of their possessions, their power and opulence, it can never be said that they have either been so proud or arrogant as to treat with contempt the meanest of their servants; whilst they have also supported the usages of our exalted religion. It is related, that Sahíbi Kirán II., or Sháh Jahán Pádsháh, on the commencement of his reign, after seating himself on the Peacock throne, which cost one krore of rupees, equal to several years' revenue of Egypt, gave thanks to God, after having twice knelt, saying, “though Pharoah in Egypt, when on his ivory throne, claimed equality with the great God of truth, and said, ‘I am thy God the highest,’ yet, master as I am of such a country, I dare not address to him such language.” How proper and becoming is such a faith!—and, by thus continuing to glorify God, we trust that he will continue to support this noble family on the throne. Wherefore, it has come to pass that, amidst the disturbances and revolutions which have happened throughout the world, both in Irán and Túrán, the princes of this family are still lords of Hindústán: for which we ought to be thankful.
As must be generally known, Amír Taimúr
Sahíbi Kirán captured the capital of Hindústán,
A. Hij. 801,
January,
A.D. 1399.
His Highness Firdaus-Makání Zahíru-d-dín
Mohammed Bábar, who was the son of Omar
Shaikh Mírzá, the son of Abú Saíd Mírzá, by
Mírán Sháh, the son of Taimúr, having left Kábúl
for the conquest of Hindústán, in the year
of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-6, captured Dehlí
and Agra, with several other cities in the East.
This happened about the latter part of the reign
of Sultán Muzaffir II. of Gujarát, who was succeeded
by Sultáns Sikandar and Bahádur; and,
in the fifth year of the latter's reign, Bábar
having departed this life, at Agra, on the 6th
A. Hij. 937,
25th Dec.
A.D. 1530.
His son, Nasíru-d-dín Humáyún Pádsháh, named Jannat-Áshiání, succeeded him; and commenced his reign at Agra on the 9th of Jumádá-ul-awal, A. Hij. 937. The date of this event is contained in the words “Kheir-ul Mulúk;” and at this time Sultán Bahádur was reigning in Gujarát. As Humáyún was vexed with the latter, on account of the affair of Mohammed Zamán Mírzá; he brought an army against him in A. Hij. 941, A.D. 1534-5, while the latter was besieging Chitore; and, after defeating him, captured the fort of Chámpánír. These transactions are partly detailed in the Mirát Sikandarí, and more at length in the Akbar-Námah.
After a lapse of some years, Humáyún
went to Irán; and, on his return from thence,
in the middle of the month of Zú-l-hijjah,
Zú-l-hijjah then 13th Rabí-ul-awal,
began 17th Sept.
A.D. 1555.
26th Jan.
A.D. 1556.
After the decease of Humáyún, his son Arsh-Áshiání
Jalálu-d-dín Mohammed Akbar commenced
his reign, at the ídgáh, in the city of
14th February, 14th Rajab. 15th October,
A.D. 1556.
18th November,
A.D. 1572.
A.D. 1605,
His son, Jannat-Makání Núru-d-dín Mohammed
Jahángír, succeeded him; and commenced
his reign at Akbarábád, or Agra, on Friday the
17th Oct. O.S. 28th Safar,
29th Oct. O.S.
A.D. 1627.
Sháh-Jahán Pádsháh, otherwise named Firdaus-Áshiání,
and Sahíbi Kirán II., succeeded
13th Jumádá-s-sání, 22nd Jan. O.S.
A. Hij. 1037,
11th Dec. O.S.
A.D. 1627.
A.D. 1666.
On the death of Sháh-Jahán, his son, Mohei-ud-dín
Mohammed Aurangzíb, otherwise named
Khuld-Makání, succeeded to the government.
He first commenced to date his reign at the
A. Hij. 1068. 24th Ramazán, 27th Zú-l-kadah,
1st Zú-l-kadah,
30th July, O.S.
A.D. 1558.
A. Hij. 1069,
24th June, O.S.
A.D. 1659.
A. Hij. 1118,
19th Feb. O.S,
A
A.D. 1707.
On the death of Aurangzíb, his son, Sháh
Álam Bahádur, otherwise called Khuld-Manzal,
succeeded under the title of Mohammed Moazzam;
and, after his victory over Mohammed Azím,
commenced his reign on the 19th of Rabí-ul-awal,
9th June, O.S. 16th Feb. O.S.
A.D. 1707.
A.D. 1712.
Moizzu-d-dín Mohammed Jahándár Sháh, who
now mounted the throne, commenced his reign
February.
A.D. 1712.
Abú-l-Muzaffir Moínu-d-dín Mohammed Farrukhsír, the son of Mohammed Azímu-d-dín, and grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahádúr Pádsháh, after being victorious over his uncle, Jahándár Sháh, mounted the throne, in the neighbourhood of Agra, on the 13th of Zú-l-hijjah, A. Hij. 1124; at which time he ordered that the oration at the mosque should be pronounced, and coins struck in his name.
After having been put under restraint, he was
A. Hij. 1131.
Rabí-ul-awal,
26th January,
A D. 1719.
9th May, O.S.
A.D. 1719.
On the 18th of Rabí-ul-awal, of the
same year, Jannat-Arámgah Mohammed Rafí-ud-durját
Pádsháh, son of Rafí-us-shán, and
grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahádur Pádsháh,
mounted the throne, at Sháhjahánábád; and
9th May, O.S.
A.D. 1719.
His brother, Rafí-ud-dauláh, entitled Sháh
Jahán II., another grandson of Bahádur Sháh,
succeeded, according to the above will; and
26th May. September.
Násiru-d-dín Mohammed Sháh, a grandson of Bahádur Sháh, by his son, Jahán Sháh, next mounted the throne, and is otherwise styled Firdaus-Arámgah. When Sháh Jahán II. died, the minister Sayyid Abdallah Khán, with Hussein Alí Khán, chief of the nobles, and his brother Najjámu-d-dín Alí Khán, then governor of the province of Dehlí, wrote to Mohammed Roshan-Akhtar, requesting him to send, with all possible expedition, one of the princes who might fill the throne of his ancestors. The son of Jahán Sháh, having been accordingly selected, mounted the throne on the 15th of Zú-l-kadah, in that year, and assumed the title of Mohammed Sháh. He died in the month of Rabí-us-sání of the year Hijra 1161; and was buried in the sepulchre of Nizámu-d-dín Auliá, at Dehlí. The length of his reign, including the time from the first of Rafí-ud-durját, was thirty years and twenty-six days: during which period there were six persons who held the government of Gujarát.
His son, Mujáhidu-d-dín Ahmad Sháh, commenced
his reign at the station of Gondrah, on
Sunday, the 1st of Jumádá-l-awal of the above
year; after having returned from his victory
over Ahmad Abdallí. In consequence of dissensions
among the ministers, he was placed in
A. Hij, 1167,
May, A.D. 1754.
On the very day that Ahmad Sháh was deposed, Arsh-Manzal Mohammed Álamgír II. was elevated to the throne, at Sháhjahánábád. He was subsequently murdered at the instigation of his minister, on Thursday, the 8th of Rabí-us-sání, of A. Hij. 1173, after having reigned five years, seven months, and twenty-seven days; during which time there was no governor sent to Gujarát, in consequence of Ballají Ráo Marat'ha having taken possession of it.
Succeeding this, Sháh Jahán Pádsháh III. was invested with the authority, on the very day of the murder; and with him ends our account of the descendants of Taimúr.
THE COMMENCEMENT OF INSURRECTION IN GUJARÁT, THE ARRIVAL OF THE MÍRZÁS IN THE COUNTRY, THE TERMINATION OF THE POWER OF ITS KINGS, AND ITS INCORPORATION WITH THE KINGDOM OF HINDÚSTÁN, UNDER JALÁLU-D-DÍN MOHAMMED AKBAR.
The learned and observing well know that a cause for the decline of every empire, which has existed since the beginning of the world, may be found in the animosities of its nobles, assisted by rebellious subjects, whose mutiny and endeavours, thank God! generally revert on themselves, so that some more fortunate rival steps in and profits thereby.
Such was the end of the kings and nobles of Gujarát, as will be here explained. Fate having decreed the destruction of the government, its servants, by disregarding all sacred ties in the midst of rebellions, went to war among each other; so, under the semblance of friendship, they openly committed acts of hostility, until, at length, those parties being set aside, the powers and seals of this kingdom were transferred to the hands of the illustrious descendant of Taimúr Jalálu-d-dín Mohammed Akbar.
To be brief, Mohammed Hussein Mírzá, Masúd Hussein Mírzá, and Aligh Hussein Mírzá, sons of Mohammed Sultán Mírzá, a descendant of Taimúr, after raising disturbances in the country of Hindústán (whilst their father, on account of old age, remained at his jágír of Sambal, in the Panjáb), were obliged to leave that quarter, in consequence of the advance of the imperial troops. They subsequently plundered several places; and, having put to death some Jágírdárs, invested the city of Dehlí. These proceedings gave rise to insurrections in the country, and many people were consequently oppressed. Akbar, on hearing what had taken place, advanced for the relief of Dehlí; and the Mírzás, after desisting from their attempts against that city, hastened into Málwa, which they subdued as far as Hindíah, taking the country from the Imperial Governor, Mohammed Kúli Bírlás. The Emperor now sent his victorious troops from Dehlí to exterminate the Mírzás; at which time the rebellious nobles of Gujarát, subsequently to the murder of Mahmúd II., had conferred the throne of that country on a child, said to be a grandson of Sultán Ahmad I., and who had no just claim to the government. The nobles, who gave him the title of Ahmad II., had retained all the power in their own hands; but, as he at this time arrived at man's estate, they completed his business, and elevated to power another child, who was said to be a son of Mahmúd II. The latter was entitled Muzaffir III.; and, though many knew the story of his birth to be a lie, they only talked of it, without doing any thing, as the nobles were then in absolute power. At this time, the latter divided the country among themselves, when Ahmadábád, with the port of Khambáyat, and much more of the country, was possessed by Itimád Khán; the sirkar of Patan by Músá Khán and Shír Khán Faoládí; the districts of Súrat, Bhroch, Chámpánír, and Baroda, by Jangíz Khán; Dhandúka and Dholka, with other parts, by Sayyid Hámid,* the grandson of Sayyid Mubárak; and Júnagarh, with the country of Sorath, by Amír Khán Ghorí.
After these powerful but unworthy rulers had governed for some time, and had introduced every species of oppression and injustice, they began to quarrel and attack one another. As the Mírzás saw no prospect of being able to hold out against the imperial army in Málwa, they came into Gujarát during these disturbances, and sought an asylum with Jangíz Khán, at Bhroch. The latter was then carrying on war with Itimád Khán, in the neighbourhood of Ahmadábád; and, being afraid that the Mírzás would plunder him, he conferred on them the district of Bhroch in jágír.
After this, Shujár Khán,* having imprisoned Jangíz Khán at Ahmadábád, put him to death: on which the disturbances in Gujarát increased. The Mírzás, who deemed this a fit opportunity, captured the forts of Chámpánír and Súrat; and, having also taken possession of the fort of Bhroch, thus acquired power. Itimád Khán had at this time taken on himself the responsibility of governing, when Sultán Muzaffir III., at the instigation of Shír Khán Faoládí, flying from Ahmadábád, joined the latter at Patan. After effecting this junction, Sultán Muzaffir advanced against Ahmadábád, with an army; and Itimád Khán, now besieged, formed a union with the Mírzás: but, sending a message at the same time to Akbar, representing the state of affairs, entreated him to enter Gujarát, and take possession of the country.
Akbar, who now resolved on quelling these
disturbances, commenced his preparations, for
an expedition against Gujarát, on Tuesday the
A. Hij. 980,
A.D. 1572.
The Emperor's army soon after joined the advance; and, as it was known how improperly the people of Sirohi had behaved, several brave men were ordered to go there, and extirpate the people. In consequence of this order, many of the Sirohí people were brought to ruin; and some took shelter in the defiles of the mountains; whilst several of those, called in Gujarát “Machators,”* were put to death, at the Hindú temples.
The army had, at length, encamped in the neighbourhood of Patan; when Sháh Fakhru-d-dín was ordered to go and offer words of assurance to Itimád Khán; who, having written a friendly letter, requested that he might be permitted to come into the imperial camp. On the arrival of the troops near Dísa, it was reported that Shír Khán Faoládí, who invested Ahmadábád, had abandoned the siege of that place, on learning that the imperial army approached; and that, after hastening into the country of Sorath, he had sent his sons, Mohammed Khán and Baddar Khán, in order that they might station his family and domestics in a place of security. In the mean time, his sons, having sent his family and domestics in advance, turned towards Ídur; and Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, who had accompanied Itimád Khán's troops, returned to that part of the country which owed him allegiance: as the latter wished to submit. After this, the Emperor ordered Mán Singh to proceed, with a body of troops, and seize the family of Shír Khán Faoládí; but, although the Rájá came up with his baggage, and plundered it, the Khán's sons, who had previously received information of this movement, threw themselves into the defiles of the mountains, and escaped.
On Sunday the 1st of Rajab, in the above year, while the army was encamped at Patan, Hakím Ainu-l-Mulk and Mír Abú Túráb were sent to conduct Itimád Khán to camp. After their arrival at the town of Chotánáh, several representations were sent to the Emperor, informing him that Muzaffir Sháh Gujarátí III, who had separated from Shír Khán Faoládí, was then wandering about that neighbourhood. Wherefore, Mír Khán, Master of the Horse, with Faríd of the guard, Mír Abú Kásim Túmkín, and Karam Ali, were despatched to make him a prisoner. When they had advanced a short way, they seized his royal umbrella and canopy; and, after some search, found him hid in a field of grain. Having immediately seized him, they brought him to the Emperor, who very benevolently granted his life, and gave him in charge to Karam Ali. But, on this subject, the author of the Mirát Sikandarí says, that Muzaffir came and submitted, previous to any of the Gujarát nobles doing so.
At this time, Sayyid Mohammed Boḳhárí and Alagh Khán Habshí came with their people, in proof of their allegiance. Succeeding this, Sháh Fakhru-d-dín, Ainu-l-Mulk, and Mír Abú Túráb, came to represent that Itimád Khán, having sent in his submission, was on his way to pay his respects; and that he had previously sent them, with Wajíhu-l-Mulk and Mujáhid Khán, to appease the Emperor.
After this, Sháh Fakhru-d-dín hastened to Itimád Khán, accompanied by a crowd of attendants; and Hakím Ainu-l-Mulk followed him. The Gujarát nobles, having deliberated for some time, now came to the resolution of having coins struck, and the oration at the mosque pronounced in the name of Akbar.
Itimád Khán, on his arrival near Karri, a town distant from Ahmadábád twenty koss, sent forward Sháh Fakhru-d-dín, to declare his attachment to Akbar's government; and, on the following day, when the Emperor marched from Chotánáh, Khoájah Khán and Mír Abú Túráb, were ordered to go and bring Itimád Khán to pay his respects. Itimád Khán came accordingly; on which occasion, the Emperor was mounted on a large elephant, escorted by foot soldiers. Subsequently, Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk, Maliku-s-Shark, Shujár Khán Habshí, Wajíhu-l-Mulk, and Mujáhid Khán, came to pay their respects, and were each distinguished by marks of imperial favour, according to their rank. Itimád Khán and several others were directed to ride near the Emperor; and, when the imperial standards arrived at Karri, Sádik Khán, and several of those who had accepted service, were sent to Mahmúdábád, with a view of inducing Seifu-l-Mulk Habshí and others to come in and pay their respects.
As Akbar was solicitous to settle and protect the country, he at this time assembled all the Gujarát nobles; telling them, “that, as he had spared the country, through the intercession of Itimád Khán, he would grant whatever they should ask through him; but that they must give respectable security to preserve the peace of the country.” Mír Abú Túráb became Itimád Khán's security; and the latter became security for all the others, excepting the class of Abyssinians. As the latter were the slaves of Sultán Mahmúd, the Emperor ordered that they should be numbered among those belonging to himself, and that there would be consequently no occasion for bail. Soon after, however, he ordered that they should be distributed among the great officers of state, to perform the different duties connected with the government.
The army encamped the next day at Hájípúr, when a set of vagabonds raised a cry that there was an order for plundering the Gujarát camp. A crowd of men given to robbery consequently entered the Gujarát line, and plundered it, on which occasion a great tumult was produced. When this dishonourable affair was represented to the Emperor, he ordered that the quartermasters and their deputies should see the robbers punished, and not permit one to be left alive. Wherefore, all the things plundered from the Gujarátís were recovered, and given to the rightful owners.
The Emperor at this time, mounting a throne,
gave a general audience to the people; and ordered
all concerned in the plunder to be
trampled under the feet of furious elephants.
Confidence and tranquillity being thus restored,
the imperial colours were pitched soon after,
within sight of Ahmadábád, on the 14th of
18th November,
A.D. 1572.
Thus was Gujarát conquered without a battle; and which is in every respect allowed to be the finest country of Hindústán. Such was once its populous state, that it contained three hundred and eighty púrahs; and a púrah is itself a considerable quarter, containing good buildings and bazárs, filled with every thing valuable and rare, so that each is almost a city.
Some days after, Amín Khán Ghorí sent a letter, with a suitable tribute; and, though Ibrahím Husain Mírzá also sent a tribute, the latter was not accepted, as the Emperor did not think it was given with a sincere intention. The government of Ahmadábád, with the settlement of the country, was now entrusted to the great Khán Mírzá Azíz Koká; who received, in jágír, the parganahs situated on this side of the river Mahindrí. The other parganahs, such as Baroda, Chámpánír, Súrat, and others, then in possession of the Mírzás, were given to the Gujarát nobles, who had lately renewed their allegiance, and now undertook the task of driving out the Mírzás.
Some days afterwards, the Emperor, desirous of having some amusement on the sea, marched for Khambáyat, on the 2d of Shabán. The nobles of Gujarát remained behind some days at Ahmadábád, and asked permission to do so, that they might prepare for the journey. Hakím Ainu-l-Mulk, who had formed a friendship with them, was left behind to watch, and bring them along with him. The Emperor, while on the road, received intelligence that Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk had fled to Lúnawáráh, and that Itimád Khán and other Gujarátís were irresolute, and disposed to be ungrateful for the benefits they had received. Shábáz Khán was accordingly ordered to proceed, with all possible expedition, to Ahmadábád, so as not to give them an opportunity of being treacherous, and was instructed to collect them, and bring them along with him
When the Emperor arrived at Khambáyat, he was met and welcomed by the merchants and inhabitants of the place; and soon after, going on board a boat, he amused himself with sailing on the sea. After Shábáz Khán had returned with Itimád Khán and the other Gujarát nobles, Akbar, with a view of preserving the peace of the country, and preventing quarrels in the government, stationed one of his own confidential people with each of the Gujarát nobles.
Being now at leisure, the Emperor proposed to drive out the aggressive Mírzás; and appointed Husain Khán, the paymaster of the army, to be governor of Khambáyat. On leaving this place, the imperial banners went to Baroda; from whence Mírzá Azíz Koká took his departure for his government of Ahmadábád, whilst Shábáz Khán, Kásim Khán, Báz Bahádur Khán, and an army of brave soldiers, were sent to capture Chámpánír. As it was reported at Baroda that the Mírzás had strengthened the fort of Súrat, and had joined their forces at Chámpánír, a large part of the imperial nobles and troops was necessarily sent there.
At this time, news arrived that Ibrahím Husain Mírzá was still in the fort of Bhroch, and was thinking of leaving it, with several others, to disturb the neighbouring country. The road by which he must pass was only eight koss distant from the imperial camp; and, though several of the great commanders, with their troops, had been already appointed to serve under Khání Azím Koká, and to drive out the Mírzás, leaving only a few select men with the Emperor, he himself resolved to go and punish Ibrahím Husain Mírzá with all possible despatch. Shábáz Khán Mír Bakhshí was therefore ordered to immediately proceed and order back the great commanders who had been previously sent to drive out the Mírzás, but who were now to join the Emperor. Mír Mohammed Khán, Khoájah Jahán, Shujár Khán, and Sádik Khán, were left behind in charge of the camp, whilst the imperial banners advanced against the Mírzá. It was also ordered that none from camp should follow in the rear of the party, lest the magnitude of its numbers might cause the enemy to resolve on flight; who, if they observed the smallness of the Emperor's party, would probably make a stand, and thus bring about their own punishment.
Two or three hours of the night had elapsed, when the Emperor, placing a firm reliance on God, mounted his horse, and, taking along with him, as a guide, Maliku-s-Shark Gujarátí, proceeded at a brisk pace. He continued to push on till the evening of the succeeding day had nearly closed, without seeing any thing of the enemy, when a Bráhman at length appearing said that Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, having crossed the Mahindrí, by the ford of Bíakápúr, was encamped at the town of Sartál, with his troops, and was distant nearly four koss. The Emperor asked his followers, who were ready to die with him, what he might best do. Jalál Khán said, “that it would not be proper to attack the enemy in open day, before all the imperial troops had yet arrived; and, as their opponents were now on the alert, a night attack would be advisable.” This advice was not approved of by the Emperor, who truly said, “that night murder formed no part of a good government, and that it would be better if he now attacked.”
The town of Sartál, which is on a rising ground, may be seen from a distance. When the troops came to the Mahindrí, they received orders to put on their quilted cotton jackets; and, at this time, Akbar had not more than forty persons with him. Immediately after that, however, intelligence of the remaining troops being close by was received; but, as the Emperor was annoyed at this delay, he angrily ordered that these men should not accompany him into battle. When he ascertained that the delay had arisen from having mistaken the road, however, he forgave them. After this junction, the party numbered about two hundred men, when the son of Mán Singh, with a few others, was sent in advance to cross the river.
Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, on perceiving the troops, knew that they were the Emperor's; and, resolving to stand a battle, took a position for his men on a rising ground, where he placed a gun. The imperial troops had received orders to cross the river at a place where there was much broken ground, called in the language of Gujarát Gotár; and, in their eagerness to advance, had taken different ways, so that the Emperor, with only a few associates, advanced to the gates of Sartál, which faced the river. The enemy, who possessed the place, endeavoured to drive them back; but Mukbil Khán Kalmák and others, making a push at them, killed several. The Emperor, followed by those who accompanied him, entered the streets of the town, which were filled with quadrupeds and beasts of burden; and, after squeezing through these with much difficulty, met the enemy and engaged them.
At this time, Bábá Khán Kákshál and several others were carried off by the enemy; but the rest, defending themselves with the most obstinate bravery, slew many of their opponents. Several of those who had been kept back by the broken ground now arrived, when a smart action took place. The Emperor, on advancing to drive off his opponents, came to a bound hedge of euphorbium, where three of the enemy met him. One of these impelled his spear against Rájá Bhagwándás; but the Rájá, having turned it aside, killed him. The two others made a push at the Emperor, but luckily did not reach him; as Khán Álam, Sháh Kúlí Khán, and others, were at hand to give their assistance. Akbar, after causing the bay horse on which he rode to leap the euphorbium hedge, ordered a charge to be made against the two horsemen; who, seeing that they could not resist, took to flight. Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, observing the success of the imperial party, also took to flight; and the remainder of his scattered followers retired, when the imperial party, pursuing, cut them down like grass. In this manner was the Emperor left victorious.
The troops encamped for the night at Sartál; whence Sháh Rúkh Bádakhshí was sent forward to announce the victory. The imperial troops returned to camp the following day, when Sháh Kúlí Khán and Sádik Khán were appointed to command an army, in advance against the fort of Súrat. After the troops had arrived in the neighbourhood of the place, Gúl Rúkh Begum, daughter of Mírzá Kámrán, and wife of Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, fled to the Dekhan; taking with her her son, Muzaffir Husain Mírzá. Though several of the nobles endeavoured to overtake her, none succeeded in the attempt.
At this time, some one represented to the Emperor that the Mírzás had strengthened the fort of Súrat, and had given it in charge to Hamzabán, who had been the imperial armour-bearer, and had joined the rebels. Akbar therefore determined to make the greatest possible exertions for its capture: and ordered Rája Todar Mall to arrange the disposition of the intrenched lines. Sháhm Khán Jalláir, who was made governor of Chámpánír, being allowed to depart for that place, was ordered to send from there the admiral, Kásim Khán, to join the Emperor; as the latter was very experienced in sapping* and mining. An order was also sent to Khán Azíz Koká, that he must exert himself in protecting Ahmadábád and other cities; and must punish the Mírzás, should they take flight in that direction. Shír Beg was also appointed to collect the revenue of Málwa, in order that Kutbu-d-dín, with the Zamíndárs of that quarter, might come to assist Khán Azíz Koká.
The Emperor's army encamped before Súrat
19th January,
A.D. 1573.
The other event which happened at this time was that of the nobles being sent to Agra; and of which the circumstances are these. Ibrahím Husain Mírzá, after his late defeat, joined Mohammed Husain Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá at Patan; but, as a dispute among the brothers happened there, at which Ibrahím Husain Mírzá was annoyed, he formed the resolution of undertaking an expedition against Agra. The Emperor, on learning his intentions, appointed Sayyid Mohammed Khán Barhá, Sháh Kúlí Khán Muharram, and Rájá Bhagwándas, to pursue and seize him; but the Mírzá soon after met his end in the vicinity of Multán.
The other two Mírzás now strengthened their connexion with the Faoládís, and went to Patan, where Sayyid Ahmad Khán exerted himself to maintain the imperial interest. Khán Azíz Koká, on learning this state of affairs, began to collect an army; when, by great good luck, Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, Súbahdár of Málwa, with the Zamíndárs from that quarter, joined Khán Azíz Koká, as did also Shaikh Mohammed Bokhárí, who was on his way from Dholka to join the Emperor.
Khán Azíz Koká now marched to Patan,
where a battle took place between the two sides;
in which the enemy's right, by advancing sharply
against the imperial left, drove back several
of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán's men. The
Khán, with a select few, after most brave exertions
and a severe contest, repulsed this attack
of the Mírzás; who betook themselves to flight,
and went towards the Dekhan, whilst Shír
Khán Faoládí fled to Júnagarh. Khán Azíz
Koká and the others resolved to pursue them;
but, when the Emperor received the glad tidings
of this fresh victory, he issued an order that
Khán Azíz Koká should repair to court, while
Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, Sháh Búdagh
Khán, Murad Khán, and others, followed the
Mírzás. Wherefore, Khán Azíz Koká obeyed
the order; and, meeting the Emperor on the
21st February,
A.D. 1573.
At this time, the besieged, in the fort of Súrat, wishing to save themselves, were endeavouring to effect a union with the Portuguese at Goa, and had written to say that, if they came quickly to their assistance, they would give them up the fort. The Portuguese, under the pretence of an embassy, sent agents to Súrat, with rarities and valuables of their own country; who were instructed to get possession of the fort if possible, without disclosing their intentions; but, in the event of not obtaining their object, they were to pretend having come on a friendly embassy to the Emperor. They accordingly came; and, after observing the great train and power accompanying the Emperor, gave up all thoughts of the fort; but, assuming the name of ambassadors, paid their respects to Akbar, and presented a peshkah. They received in return many marks of favour, and were allowed to depart.
One month and seventeen days had been spent in besieging Súrat: at which time the mines were advanced to the door of the place, and the mounds for carrying it had been all prepared. The besieged despaired of assistance from any quarter; when Hamzabán sent a message to the Emperor, through his father-in-law, Múlá Nizámu-d-dín Lárí, saying that if his life was spared he would surrender the fort. Kásim Ali Khán and Khoájah Daolat were therefore ordered to promise safety to Hamzabán and the others, and were directed to conduct them to the Emperor. All of them appeared before him on Thursday the 23d of Shawál, in the above year; and, being much ashamed of their conduct, had their lives and property respected. But Hamzabán, who was a great talker, and a foolish prattling fellow, had used no measured language in regard to the Emperor, and was doomed to lose his tongue. The following day, the imperial troops, accompanied by Akbar, walked into the fort, where they found a large gun, called Suleimání,* of which the model was so exquisitive, that an order was given to have it transported to the capital of Agra. This is the very gun which belonged to Salím (Selim), the Emperor of Constantinople, whose troops were sent with several large guns to take the ports on the shores of Hindústán from the Europeans: but returned without effecting anything, as the force was discomfited, and received no assistance from the rulers of Gujarát. The Emperor not finding means for transporting the gun from Súrat, it consequently remains there.
A strange event happened at this time, when the Emperor was wounded in the hand, of which the following is an account. One night he was elevated with wine, in an assembly of his friends, when the conversation turned on the carelessness which the Rájpúts manifest in regard to life. Some one said, such was their disregard of it, that two of them, when engaged, would run their breasts against a double-headed spear, held by a third person, until the same had gone through them; and that, in this manner, they would continue fighting with one another. On this, Akbar, who was bold and daring, fixing a sharp sword in the wall by its handle, and having the point towards himself, said that no one could better follow the example of the Rájpúts than he, as would be seen by his running against the sword. Those present, though astonished at this conduct, were afraid to speak for fear of offending him, and remained silent, until Ráná Mán Singh, in the sincerity of friendship, running forward, struck the sword so forcibly from the Emperor's hand, that it wounded him betwixt the thumb and forefinger. The latter, who was much enraged, threw Mán Singh on the ground; when Sayyid Muzaffir Sultán, brother of Sayyid Abdúlah Khán, imprudently released Mán Singh from the Emperor's gripe. During this scuffle, the wound became much enlarged; but this being soon healed, the Emperor was again able to join society.
Akbar, after the capture of Súrat, gave Kalíj
Khán charge of the place; and on Monday
6th March, 31st March,
A.D. 1573.
A.D. 1573.
THE RETURN OF THE IMPERIAL BANNERS TO THE CAPITAL OF AGRA, AND THE APPOINTMENT OF KHÁN AZÍZ KOKÁ TO THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARÁT, WITH WAJÍHU-L-MULK GUJARÁTÍ AS HIS DÍWÁN.
As soon as the Emperor has effected a settlement of the conquered territory of Gujarát, he conferred the government on Khán Azíz Koká, who was raised to the rank of five thousand; and was the first Súbahdár in this part, under the authority of Taimúr's family. The town, suburbs, and parganah of Ahmadábád, with the parganah of Pitlád, and other districts, were assigned him as a jágír. Núrang-Khán obtained Baroda, and Mír Mohammed Kilán, the uncle of Khán Azíz Koká, received the sirkar of Patan. Bhroch and the country round about were given to Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán; and Dholka and Dhandúkáh were bestowed on Hámid Khán Bokhárí. In this manner the whole of the country was divided among the great nobles.
10th April,
A.D. 1573.
On Monday the 10th of Zú-l-hijjah, the Emperor set out for the capital of Agra by way of Patan and Jalore. Khán Azíz Koká, and the great nobles who had been appointed to situations in Gujarát, after being honoured with marks of distinction, were allowed to return from the neighbourhood of Sidhpúr.
Khán Azíz Koká, on his way back, heard that Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk, through the assistance of Rái Náráyan, Zamíndár of ĺdur, was creating disturbances in that neighbourhood, and that the sons of Shír Khán Faoládí, who were with him, were similarly engaged. The Khán, instead of returning to Ahmadábád, resolved to go in that direction, and drive out the enemy. The latter had collected in such force that Mírzá Mokím, who had a jágír in these parts, was obliged to quit his post, and joined Khán Azíz Koká, at Ahmadnagar, ten koss distant from Ídur. Mohammed Husain Mírzá, then in the neighbourhood of Daolatábád, on being made acquainted with Akbar's marching back to Agra, took this opportunity of advancing to the neighbourhood of Súrat, where he besieged Kalíj Khán in the fort. The latter did all that was necessary for the safety of the place, and the Mírzá, seeing no prospect of its capture, desisted from investing it. From thence he went to Bhroch, and obtained possession of it, from the faithless followers of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, who was then at Baroda. Afterwards, going to Khambáyat, he became possessed of it, through the folly of Husain Khán, who offered him no opposition.
Husain Khán, then commandant of Khambáyat, went to Ahmadábád; from whence Khán Azíz Koká sent along with him Sayyid Hámid Bokhárí, Sayyid Bahá-ud-dín, and Shaikh Mohammed Múngírí, to assist Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán in expelling Mohammed Husain Mírzá, then at Khambáyat, with six hundred cavalry. The above mentioned joined Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán at the station of Samlí, five koss distant from the town of Dholka. At this time, Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk advanced with a force from the fortresses of the mountains, when Khán Azíz Koká took up a strong position, where the rebels could not assail him. The enemy, having no other choice left, resolved on going to Ahmadábád, with the expectation of either possessing themselves of that place, or of being able to draw the Khán from his position, and bring on a battle. They therefore marched with this intent; but Khán Azíz Koká, well aware of their plans, set out for Ahmadábád late in the day, when the enemy could not attack him; and, after marching all night, entered the city next morning. On that very night, Mohammed Husain Mírzá, having been defeated and driven from Khambáyat, passed near Khán Azíz Koká's troops; when some of his baggage fell into possession of the latter. The Mírzá himself, now quite ruined, kept at a greater distance, and went to join the sons of Shír Khán Faoládí.
The account of Mohammed Husain Mírzá's defeat is the following. When Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, with Sayyid Hámid Khán Bokhárí, reached Khambáyat, the Mírzá engaged the imperial party, with the few men he had, but was defeated and quite ruined. The victors, thinking that they had done enough in defeating him, made no subsequent effort in pursuit: for, had they done so, they must have taken him prisoner. The latter, at length, formed a junction with the other rebels, and made every effort to reach Ahmadábád; but, three days having been spent by the Gujarátís in debating what ought to be done, Khán Azíz Koká, by great exertions, had in that time strengthened the place. The Gujarát nobles, at length, arrived before it, when continual skirmishes followed betwixt the imperial troops and the enemy. No general engagement, however, took place, as Khán Azíz Koká had not confidence in his own followers, nor in those of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán. He was, moreover, dissuaded from engaging the enemy, as the Emperor had particularly cautioned him against risking a battle in the event of disturbances, and requested that he would send to him immediately.
THE ARRIVAL OF THE EMPEROR, IN NINE DAYS, FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT, THEN AT FAT'HPÚR.
The Emperor, on hearing of the disturbances
in Gujarát, determined to proceed to that
quarter, with all possible expedition: and, as
the shortness of the time would not allow of
much preparation for the journey, he opened
the doors of the treasury, to distribute as presents
large sums of money among his attendants.
He also issued a mandate that the chiefs
of Málwa should expeditiously enter Gujarát;
after which he himself set out, for that quarter,
24th July,
A.D. 1573.
On Monday the 25th, he arrived at Húns; and, proceeding by Moizzábád, pitched his tents at Ajmír, on the following Tuesday, when he visited the tomb of Moayyanu-d-dín Chístí. On Wednesday he was at Mírthá; from whence he went forward the same night; and, after halting to rest a little at Sojat, arrived, the following morning, in the neighbourhood of Banháriah, which is a dependancy of Jalore. Early on the morning of Friday, he reached Jalore; and, having halted there to the middle of the following night, he proceeded on a fleet steed, till he displayed his banners at the town of Dísa, on the following Monday. Here Sháh Ali Lingá, who was in authority at Patan, on the part of Khán Kilán, paid his respects to the Emperor. His Highness, having resolved not to go to Patan, ordered Khoájah Ghiásu-d-dín to join him, with the troops from thence; and, after leaving this place, arrived at the town of Bálísánah about noon, where the troops encamped. Here Khán Kilán, Wazír Khán, and Sháh Fakhru-d-dín, with the troops previously sent to prevent disturbances, then openly manifested, came and paid their respects, they having halted at Patan, on account of the dangers on the road.
The troops were now furnished with every thing they required. The Emperor, accompanied by a guard of a hundred horsemen, left this place on the evening of the same day, after sending a messenger to Ahmadábád, in order to tell the besieged that, as he was near at hand, they might prepare for war, and join him on his arrival. He continued to proceed on horseback at a quick pace, and arrived, a little after daybreak of Tuesday, at the town of Chotánáh, which is a dependancy of Karri. A party of the enemy, stationed there under the command of Auliá Khán, a follower of Shír Khán Faoládí, thinking that the imperial troops were those of Khán Kilán from Patan, came out and prepared for battle; but the former, having been ordered out against them, killed many; though the remainder, who fled, took shelter in the fort. The army was anxious to take the place; but the Emperor, who came up at this time, told them that he had not exerted himself, and taken all this trouble, in order to capture so insignificant a fortification, since he had come to punish the rebels of Gujarát, and that, after such had been accomplished, this fort would be captured without any difficulty. The troops were therefore ordered to quit the place, and continue to advance.
On Wednesday, when he had come to within three koss of Ahmadábád, he sent forward Asif Khán, in order to tell Khán Azíz Koká the glad tidings of his approach, and that he should be prepared accordingly. As the army now approached the enemy, he put on his armour, and mounted a white charger; at which time Rájá Bhagwándás came up, and congratulated him on the conquest of Gujarát, saying that he had observed three signs of his being victorious— 1st, that the Emperor should be mounted on horseback at such a time—2nd, that the wind should be blowing from the rear of the troops, and wafting their inclinations against the faces of the enemy—3rd, that crowds of crows and kites continued to follow him.
The Emperor was pleased at these remarks; and, having thus terminated his march, in the space of nine days, prepared for battle, on Wednesday, the 5th of Jumádá-s-sání. As he approached the enemy, and saw no appearance of the Gujarát troops under Khán Azíz Koká joining him, he ordered the war-drum to be beaten. The enemy, proud of their numbers, amounting to more than twenty thousand persons, had closely invested the place, and were looking for Shír Khán Faoládí joining them. They were now, however, distressed by the arrival of the imperial troops, who were, at this time, ordered to cross the river in the order of formation they were then in. When the nobles beheld the numbers of the Gujarát army, they hesitated to advance. At this time, six hundred of the enemy's horsemen, having retired from Sirkej, came into view of the imperial musketmen, such as Sálbáhan, Kaddam Kúli, and Ranjít, who were ordered by the Emperor to direct a fire against them. The enemy, not able to make a stand, hastened to take shelter behind their intrenchments.
The Gujarát troops, on first hearing the sound of the imperial trumpets and war-drums, thought that either Shír Khán Faoládí had arrived, or that the troops of Khán Kilán had come from Patan to assist Khán Azíz Koká. Mohammed Husain Mírzá, distracted with the noise, advanced before the others, and demanded in a loud voice to know of Subhán Kúli Turk, then on the bank of the river, What troops were these? To this the Turk replied (on seeing that the enemy were panic-struck), “Behold this army is commanded by the Emperor in person, and why do you abide to ask the question?” To this the other answered, “What! do you wish to intimidate me, by telling me this is the Emperor? And if this be he, where are his elephants and large army? Besides, only fourteen days have elapsed since my spies came from the capital of Fat'hpúr, and left him there.” The Turk then said, “The Emperor, with a devoted few, had made the journey in nine days;” and the other, convinced that he spoke the truth, hastened back to his own camp, that the line might be got under arms.
The Emperor, now aware that the enemy had remained in complete ignorance of his movements, ordered his troops to cross the river without delay. As he was anxiously looking for the junction of Khán Kilán's troops from Patan, some one said, “that as the Gujarát army was numerous, he had better remain on this side of the river till the troops from Ahmadábád came up.” To this the Emperor replied, “The enemy being now aware of our condition, what time is there for delay, and what necessity is there for waiting longer in expectation? for, had we rested our hopes on external parade, what cause was there for all this haste in coming here?” As his soldiers were cautious, and looked to consequences, they still hesitated to pass the river, and put off the time by speaking and jesting with the Emperor. The latter, soon after, observing their spirit roused, plunged into the stream with a few select friends; and, at this very time, having taken off his helmet, gave it to Rájá Deva Chand, whom he ordered to accompany him. While they were riding along at a quick pace, the helmet by chance fell, and the Emperor remarked that this was a good omen of the road being open before him. To give weight to this prediction, some person brought the head of one of the enemy, on which the nobles overcame their scruples, and began to pass the river.
Succeeding this, Mohammed Husain Mírzá advanced to oppose their passage, and gave command of his right to Dúli Khán, who had the Abyssinians and Gujarátís; whilst he entrusted his left to Mohammed Khán Faoládí, who had a large body of Afgháns. His centre was occupied by Sháh Mírzá, supported by the Abyssinians and people of Ma-wará-ul-Nahr.
The Emperor, after crossing the river, took his station on a rising ground, and was looking at the troops, when Asif Khán came to say that Mírzá Azíz Koká, though not aware of the imperial army being so close, was now ready to join them. These troops had not, however, yet come up, when part of the enemy's troops appeared from among the trees. On this occasion, as Mohammed Kúlí Khán Tírkhán, and several other bowmen had retired, after a slight skirmish, the Emperor, addressing Rájá Bhagwándás, observed, “that, though the army of the enemy might be numerous, God's favour was on his side; and that it behoved all who were with him to make a simultaneous and determined attack on the red ensigns of the former, without fearing the result, as he felt assured of Mohammed Husain Mírzá having adopted the red canopy to establish his claim to the throne.
Mohammed Husain Mírzá, advancing at a brisk pace, was at this time a considerable way before the rest of the troops. Sháh Kúlí Khán Muharram, and Husain Khán, saying it was the period for making a charge, the Emperor remarked that, as yet, the distance between them and the enemy was too great. He then gave orders that, after advancing in a firm and compact line till they met the latter, they should make a charge. The line, however, being broken in the advance, some of the troops on the right gave way on coming to close quarters, and just as the Emperor was about to charge. But Happá Chárun calling out the word, the charge and shout of “Allah Akbar!” became general. One of the enemy's own elephants, frightened by a rocket, happening at this time to rush into their own ranks, threw the whole into confusion, when the Emperor was left standing on the plain, with only Tárá Chand and Balawál Khán by his side.
Mohammed Husain Mírzá, with a considerable body of men, now made an attack on some of the imperial troops, when a trooper, riding up to the Emperor, struck his horse on the head with a sword, and made the animal rear. His Highness, however, holding on by his left hand, kept his seat, and speared his opponent. Another, also, threw a spear at him, but, missing his aim, immediately fled; and a third, who made an attack, was speared by a Gújar. The imperial main body now joined the Emperor, who placed himself in the centre, and ordered a general charge to be made. This was immediately obeyed, and Mohammed Husain Mírzá being taken, the victory was complete.
The troops subsequently marched to Ahmadábád; and Mohammed Husain Mírzá, when brought before the Emperor, was given over in charge to Rájá Mán Singh Darbárí. The Mírzá's foster-brother, Shaikh Maddú, having been also brought before Akbar, at this time, was speared by him on the spot, for having been concerned with the Mírzá in rebellion.
The day was far spent, when as yet Khán Azíz Koká had not come up; and another large body of the enemy came in sight. The greater part of the imperial troops, having dispersed in different directions, left the Emperor attended by only a hundred followers. The enemy, however, without making a stand, fled in the direction of Mahmúdábád; when it was ascertained that these were the followers of Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk. As the small party of the imperial troops became alarmed on seeing this body, his Highness gave orders to sound the war-drums and trumpets, whilst he encouraged his men by placing himself in the centre. The person whose duty it was to beat the war-drum was so overcome with fear, that he neither heard the Emperor's orders nor sounded the drum, till roused by the point of a spear. During this confusion, Rái Singh, at the instigation of Rájá Bhagwándás, put Mohammed Husain Mírzá to death.
This body had been investing Ahmadábád, as would appear, and had kept Khán Azíz Koká, with Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán from joining the Emperor. During these contests, the imperial troops lost about a hundred men, and the enemy twelve hundred.
Khán Azíz Koká and his troops at length arrived, when the Emperor, much pleased, embraced the Khán at meeting. The Gujarát nobles subsequently came up to pay their respects; and Sohráb Túrk, having presented the head of Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk, at this time, was praised for his conduct. Orders were now issued that the heads of the slain rebels should be built into a pyramid, in order that it might serve as an example of terror to the people and a lesson to the nobles.
The Emperor, after entering Ahmadábád, issued a proclamation announcing his success to all the neighbouring districts. After dismissing several persons presented to him at this time, he was informed that one of the Gujarát poets had found the date of his coming in the words Kahri Gujarát ámadah, “The scourge of Gujarát has come.” The poet, on being sent for, was asked why he had been guilty of such disrespect, when the same denied having used these words, but that he had found the date in this sentence, Sháhi Gujarát ámadáh, “The Prince of Gujarát has come.” He was accordingly dismissed with a present.
The imperial head-quarters were now fixed at Itimád Khán's former residence; where the mode of governing the country was agreed upon. Sháh Mírzá having fled to Bhroch, Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, Núrang Khán, and some others, were sent there; whilst Rájá Bhagwándás and Sháh Kúli Khán were sent with a large army to punish the Ráná of Ídur. The government of Patan was entrusted to Khán Kilán; while Dholka and Dhandúkah were given in jágír to Wazír Khán. It was also ordered that the country of Sorath, then in possession of Amín Khán Ghorí, should be allowed to remain with him. But, after the imperial troops marched, Wazír Khán hastened into Sorath, and endeavoured to wrest the country from the latter. He fought several battles, but, not being successful in the attempt, returned to Court.
THE RETURN OF THE EMPEROR TO HIS CAPITAL, AFTER CONFERRING THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJÁRAT ON KHÁN AZÍZ KOKÁ A SECOND TIME.
Akbar, after having settled in eleven days the
whole affairs of Gujarát, set out for his capital
14th August.
The Emperor, interested in the welfare of the
Gujarát nobles who had served him, conferred
the rank of one thousand horse on Itimád Khán,
A.Hij. 983.
A. D. 1575.
Some districts of Gujarát had been already set aside, as assignments to the nobles serving in the province; but several places were this year appropriated to the government exchequer, and Wajíhu-l-Mulk Gujarátí was sent as Díwán of the province. He was, therefore, the first collector-general appointed from Dehlí. Some of the Emperor's ladies, in this same year, went to Mekka, having come through Gujarát; and Khán Azíz Koká returned by order to Court.
A regulation had been passed, previously to the Khán's return, that the different troops of cavalry, in the service of government, should be specially marked. Khán Azíz Koká was, therefore, the first who was to carry into effect this order, on his arrival at Court: since he, being the greatest of the nobles, might, by commencing this practice, leave no room for others to cavil. Presuming on his intimacy, however, he did not comply with the order; and, retiring to a solitary place, in a garden near Agra, commenced a hermit's life. The Emperor, in deference to the feelings of the Khán's mother, and out of regard to his own services, wished to send him back to Gujarát, if he would repent of his ungracious conduct; but the same showed his independence by telling the Emperor that, having now renounced a soldier's life, he must be numbered among his well-wishers.
It being absolutely necessary that Akbar should now otherwise provide for the government of Gujarát, he conferred this office on Mírzá Khán, the son of Beirám Khán, who had then the rank of four thousand horse, and afterwards obtained the exalted title of Khán Khánán, or chief of the nobles. Wazír Khán, Mír Alá-ud-dín Kazwíní, Sayyid Muzaffir, and Prágdás, were sent to accompany and assist him; but, being yet in the flower of his youth, and this the first service he had ever performed, he was ordered to follow the advice of the former in all things. At the same time, Mír Alá-ud-dín was made Amín of the province.
Prágdás, who was one of the experienced government writers, was next appointed Díwán, in place of Wajíhu-l-Mulk. In the month of Rabí-us-sání of the same year, the imperial standards arrived at Ajmír, when Wazír Khán left Gujarát to meet the Emperor, and was made deputy governor of the province. Sayyid Háshim and Rái Singh were ordered, on this occasion, to remain at the town of Nadote, and to keep in subjection the refractory of that quarter. A suitable army was also sent to subdue Ídur; and Tarsú Khán, who was at this time commandant of Patan, captured the fort of Sirohí.
In the year of the Hijra 984, A.D. 1576, Kalíj Khán, government clerk of Súrat, received permission to accompany the caravan, going on a pilgrimage to the Hijáz. The Rájá of Ídur, being overwhelmed by the multitude of the imperial army, took refuge in the mountains; but at length, advancing to give the latter battle, sustained a defeat. Ídur was at the same time taken.
Akbar, hearing that the country did not prosper under the thoughtless administration of Wazír Khán, despatched Mutamadu-d-Daolah Rájá Todar Mall into Gujarát, for the purpose of bringing the province into order. On the latter arriving in the neighbourhood of Jalore, the Zamíndár of Sirohí was induced to pay him a visit, having been instigated thereto by Pahár Khán Jalorí; and as the Sirohí Zamíndár presented a tribute of five hundred rupees, with one hundred gold mohurs, Rájá Todar Mall gave him in return an honorary dress, a jewelled head ornament, and an elephant, after making an agreement with him, on the part of the Dehlí government, that he was to serve the governor of Gujarát with two thousand cavalry. Rájá Todar Mall went from thence to Súrat; and, on the way thither, having had a meeting at Bhroch with the Zamíndár of Rámnagar, who presented a tribute of twelve thousand rupees and four horses, he made him suitable presents in return. The Zamíndár was at this time permitted to assume the rank of fifteen hundred horse, and agreed to serve the governor of Gujarát with one thousand cavalry.
Gul Rúkh Begum, daughter of Kámrán Mírzá, and who, as before mentioned, had fled into the Dekhan, now returned; and, accompanied by her son, Muzaffir Husain Mírzá, with a crowd of other rebels, raised disturbances in the country. Wazír Khán, having many seditious persons among his followers, was obliged to act with great caution; and, having shut himself up at Ahmadábád, sent a messenger to Rájá Todar Mall, at Patan, acquainting him that he had done so. While the enemy's troops were at Sultánpúr, in Khándesh, several of the government servants proving faithless, joined them. From thence they advanced on Baroda, when the imperial Faojdár fled without making any effort to oppose them. Wazír Khán now sent Báz Bahádur and the Díwán Prágdás, with troops, to drive back the enemy; but, having been met by the latter, in the parganah of Sirtal, they experienced a defeat. These contentions increased the audacity of the rebels; and, though Rájá Todar Mall had completed the revenue settlement of the country, and was about to leave Patan for the capital, he immediately returned to Ahmadábád, on receiving Wazír Khán's letter. After his arrival there, he induced Wazír Khán to leave the fort and prepare for war. The imperial troops were only four koss from Baroda, when the enemy fled to Khambáyat; where they were opposed by the force under Sayyid Háshim, chief of the government exchequer. The latter, having been severely wounded on this occasion, shut himself up in the citadel, and was besieged by the rebels; who were closely followed in their flight to Khambáyat. When the imperial troops arrived there, the enemy abandoned the siege and retired on Júnagarh; but the former, continuing the pursuit, overtook the rebels near Dholka; where an engagement was fought, in which several women, dressed in men's clothes, acted the part of bowmen, and shot their arrows. The engagement was fiercely contested by both sides; but the rebels, who at length gave way, took to flight. On this occasion many of the latter were either killed or taken prisoners, among whom were several women who had been employed as archers.
Rájá Todar Mall, after collecting the prisoners and plunder, sent the whole to the Emperor, in charge of his son Sidhárí, and left Gujarát for the capital. On the road thither, he received a visit from Ráná Sáhsmall, Zamíndár of Dúngarpúr, when this chief was presented with an honorary dress, and the rank of two thousand five hundred cavalry. He was also permitted to take leave at Mírtha, after having agreed to serve in the province of Gujarát.
Subsequently to Todar Mall's departure for the capital, a set of robbers, who had assembled about Muzaffir Husain Mírzá, plundered the city of Khambáyat; and, as many opulent merchants dwelt there, they thus obtained possession of much wealth and valuables. Wazír Khán now left Ahmadábád to pursue them; but, learning on the way that the enemy were in great force, and suspecting the fidelity of his own troops, he returned to Ahmadábád, and there shut himself up in the citadel. Many of his followers deserted him on the march, and joined the enemy; who, at length, appearing with all the parade they could exhibit, invested Ahmadábád.
Wazír Khán, at this time, suspecting several of his followers, put them in chains; and, by encouraging his old and trustworthy servants, made every necessary effort to defend the place. The men in the citadel, being much frightened, were relieved every day from the batteries, whilst the Khán, taking on himself the task of going the rounds, remained on the alert. The enemy, who had some accomplices among the besieged, had at one time applied the scaling ladders, and were about to make an assault on all quarters, when Mihr Ali, their commander, and leader of the rebellion, was luckily shot dead. The whole now took to flight, though some had even ascended the wall; and the besieged, though wavering, did not prove untrue. Wazír Khán, and those who had been ransomed, returned thanks for their unexpected success. Muzaffir Husain Mírzá, having subsequently fled to Khándesh, was seized by Ali Khán Farúkí, and sent to the Emperor Akbar, with which ended the rebellion of the Mírzás.*
THE GOVERNMENT OF SHAHÁBU-D-DÍN AHMAD KHÁN, AND THE DÍ WÁNSHIP OF PRÁGDÁS, WITH THE FLIGHT AND RETURN OF MUZAFFIR SULTÁN TO GUJARÁT.
As Wazír Khán had not successfully accomplished
the settlement of Gujarát, Shahábu-d-dín
Ahmad Khán, governor of Málwa, who had the
rank of five thousand cavalry, was ordered to
assume the former government in the end of the
A. Hij 985, A. Hij. 986,
A.D. 1577.
A.D. 1578.
As the Emperor was wholly given in these days to beneficent acts, he yearly appointed one of the nobles as chief of the caravan going to Mekka; and supplied him with money and valuables, to be given away among the attendants and visiters at that holy place. Mír Abú Túráb, who, at this time, obtained permission to make a pilgrimage to the Hijáz, was therefore made chief of the caravan; and Itimád Khán Gujarátí was also permitted to accompany it.
Mír Abú Túráb, on returning from this pilgrimage, brought with him an impression of the Prophet Mohammed's foot, which belonged to the temple of Mekka; and, after landing this relic at the port of Súrat, prepared to send it to Akbar, then at Fat'hpúr. He accordingly appointed seven or eight hundred people of Hijáz to accompany it; and, after wrapping it in a portion of the veil which had covered the temple of Mekka, set forward with it in a covered litter. Letters were also sent to acquaint the Emperor of having obtained this precious prize; when an order was issued, complimenting the chief of the pilgrims. Instructions were also sent that due notice of its arrival within one stage of the royal residence should be given, in order that the Emperor, to show the relic due respect, might advance and welcome its arrival.
Due notice was accordingly given; when the
ladies of the Emperor's family, with all the
nobles, went out to meet it, and were blessed
by having thus made the pilgrimage. All ranks
flocked to kiss this model of the Prophet's foot;
and the Emperor, after wrapping it in a splendid
covering, carried it the distance of a hundred
feet, in the direction of the city. It was subsequently
entrusted to the particular charge of
Mír Abú Túráb, chief of the pilgrims; when all
the ministers, judges, and principal nobles, relieved
each other in conveying it to the foot of
the throne. This impression of the foot was
kept for one year contiguous to the palace, and
here the people made pilgrimages. But Mír
Abú Túráb, having been allowed to go into Gu*-jarát,
A. Hij. 988.
A.D. 1580.
Subsequently, Sháh Fakhru-d-dín was ordered to go from Ujain to the government of Patan, and to send Tarsú Khán to court. Hájí Ibrahím Sirhindí was promoted to the chief-justiceship of Gujarát; and Asif Khán, on receiving the appointment of Bakhshí, was ordered first to put the imperial mark on the cavalry of Málwa, according to regulation; and then to do the same to those of Gujarát, on arriving there, provided the concurrence of Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán and Kalíj Khán was obtained.
A short time after these events, Sultán Muzaffir, who had been kept in close attendance on the Emperor, fled to Gujarát, and remained for some time at Tarwárí, with the Zamíndár of Rájpípalah, without the circumstance being known by Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, then at Bhroch. After leaving this place, he took up his residence among the Kattís of Karrein, in the parganah of Sordhar, one of the dependancies of Sorath; where he remained so completely concealed, that it was the only period during the government of Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán when the seditious were at rest, and the people in quiet.
Fat'h Khán Shírwání, who commanded the troops of Amín Khán Ghorí, being annoyed at his master, made a proposition to Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán to wrest Júnagarh and the country of Sorath from the latter, and to render it subject to the Emperor, provided he was supplied with troops. Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán accordingly appointed his own brother, Mírzá Khán, with four thousand horse, to accompany Fat'h Khán on this expedition. When the troops arrived in the neighbourhood of Sorath, Amín Khán Ghorí sent a messenger to say that he would pay tribute, and mark his cavalry, according to imperial regulation, provided a sufficient jágír was assigned him for this purpose. He also stipulated that they would permit him to retain Júnagarh for the sake of his dignity, whilst the rest of the country should remain with them. To this Mírzá Khán answered that such could not be conceded, without taking Júnagarh; and, having afterwards advanced, captured the city of Júnagarh, named Mustafábád, through the efforts of Fat'h Khán. Amín Khán Ghorí now strengthened the upper fort, and took refuge there. Fat'h Khán, at whose instigation this expedition had been undertaken, fell sick at this time and died; when Mírzá Khán, abandoning the siege, marched to Manglúr, distant twenty koss, where he took up a position, having this town between him and the enemy. Amín Khán Ghorí, now assisted by the Jám with four thousand cavalry, left his stronghold, and hastened to Manglúr; and, on his approach, Mírzá Khán, retreating to the mountain of Dínar, risked a battle there and met with a defeat. The whole of his baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, and he himself, after having been severely wounded, came to Ahmadábád.
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán now built fortifications at Morásah and other towns, where the people were disaffected; and, having there stationed parties of cavalry, thus completely settled the country. On a complaint from the cultivators of Ahmadábád and several other parganahs, he made a second admeasurement of all arable dry lands, and brought them into cultivation.
THE GOVERNMENT OF ITIMÁD KHÁN GUJARÁTÍ, WITH THE DÍWÁNSHIP OF ABÚ-L-KÁSIM, AND THE CAPTURE OF AHMADÁBÁD BY SULTÁN MUZAFFIR.
As already related in these pages, Itimád
Khán obtained permission to proceed to Mekka
on a pilgrimage; and, returning from thence,
joined the Emperor. Having had expectations
held out to him that he would obtain the government
of Gujarát when the latter conquered
the country, Itimád Khán made several representations
on this subject, at the time when
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán was raised to the
dignity of governor. Among other things, he
represented that he was a well-wisher to the
Emperor, and promised both an increase of
revenue and prosperity in the province. His
Highness consequently caused him to be raised
to the distinguished post of governing Gujarát,
about the end of the year of the Hijra 991, A.D.
A.Hij. 991,
A.D. 1583.
The son of Mehtar Ramazán, superintendent of the perfume department, who was named Karm Alí, was appointed to conduct Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán to Court, after Itimád Khán's arrival in Ahmadábád. At this time, crowds of people complained against Hájí Ibrahím Sirhindí, chief judge of the province, on which the Emperor removed him from office and recalled him to Court. Clear proofs of his crime having been established, he was imprisoned in the fort of Rentumbhore.
When Itimád Khán was about to join his government, there were several rebellious wretches in Ahmadábád, who had been once retainers of the Mírzás, but, after their overthrow, had continued in the service of whatever person held the government of the province. These people watched every fit opportunity for rebellion, and, during the government of Wazír Khán, had actively excited an insurrection, which Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán opportunely put down, whilst he entertained several of them in his service. Akbar, on then hearing the state of the matter, ordered that they should be dismissed from service, and expelled that country, and that others more trustworthy should be taken to replace them. He, in the mean time, marched for Kábúl; and Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, not thinking it advisable to expel them, increased their munsubs and jágírs; and, by various other means, endeavoured to make them contented. Orders were again issued for expelling them, when Itimád Khán went to Gujarát; and these seditious men, hearing of these, were thinking what they should do. Mír Ábid, chief of these vagabonds, in consultation with Mohammed Yúsaf Balkhí and Khalíl Beg Bádakhshí, agreed that they ought to put Ahmad Khán to death, before Itimád Khán had arrived in Gujarát, and that, after electing Muzaffir for their leader, they should take possession of Ahmadábád. One of the mutineers, named Jahángír, informed Ahmad Khán of this iniquitous plot; but he, being about to leave the government, made no inquiry into the matter, and merely sent a message to Khalíl Beg and Mohammed Yúsaf, that they must quit the city. They perceived that by doing so they would strengthen their cause, and went accordingly to their jágír at Matur, where they began to make preparations. They at the same time wrote to Sultán Muzaffir, intimating their submission to him, and requesting that he would join them. Mír Ábid outwardly professed that he was ready to accompany Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán; but, by secretly plotting evil, induced Moghul Beg Wafádár and Taimúr Husain, chief men about Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, to unite with him in the insurrection.
At this time, Itimád Khán, Khoájah Abú-l-Kásim Díwán, and Khoájah Nizámu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshí, arrived at Patan; while Karm Alí, who had been sent on deputation to Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, reached Ahmadábád, along with Itimád Khán's agent. Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, who came forth to meet the horse and honorary dress, which accompanied the imperial commands, conducted Karm Alí to the city, and, on being made acquainted with the Emperor's instructions, delivered over the keys of the town to Itimád Khán's agent. He also caused the parties of cavalry to be withdrawn from the different posts, which were nearly eighty in number; but, as soon as the troops left, the Kúlis and Grássiahs destroyed several fortifications, and excited disturbances. In the mean time, Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, leaving Ahmadábád, encamped at Osmánpúr, on the Sabarmatí river, while Itimád Khán, with the others, entered the city. Mír Ábid and the rebels, in number about five hundred persons, took up a position near the reservoir of Batwáh. The latter sent Itimád Khán a message, that, being in distress, he could not accompany Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán to Court, but was willing to perform whatever service might be required of him, provided he was put in possession of the jágír formerly belonging to him, and that, if the last was not conceded, he would be under the necessity of following a vagabond life. Itimád Khán replied, that, though he could not, contrary to the Emperor's orders, assign them a jágír, he would do as much as he had personally power to do. These unfortunates now became altogether desperate; and, going to Khalíl Beg and Mohammed Yúsaf, at Mátar, joined them in insurrection.
The force destined to assist Itimád Khán had not yet arrived from the capital; and this officer, therefore, deemed it advisable to detain Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán for some days, that, by his assistance, he might act with vigour against the disobedient. Wherefore, when Sháh Abú Túráb, and Khoájah Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí, went to consult Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán in this matter, he advised that the rebels should have their jágírs on former conditions, in order that the peace of the country might be preserved. But, if this could not be done, he recommended the imperial commanders to sow dissension among the mutineers, by going against them with a force, before the former had been joined by any men of note, or were agreed among themselves what to do. To this Itimád Khán replied, that if Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán returned to the city, he would do whatever might appear most advisable. Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán excused himself from remaining, as he had already expended considerable sums of money on account of the journey, and as his people, having left the city with their families, were distressed and disgusted. Itimád Khán, therefore, agreed to assist him with money from the government exchequer; but, as there was no ready money in the treasury, several days were spent in correspondence regarding the means of raising the sum wanted.
Itimád Khán, by discussing this matter, only wished to gain time, and detain the other till the troops from the capital had arrived; after which he would abandon him. He therefore marched from Ahmadábád, and went to Karkí: when a crowd of vagabonds, who had collected in the parganah of Matur, thinking this a fit time for plundering, went into Kahtiwar and joined Sultán Muzaffir. On joining the latter, they represented to him the richness of the country; and he, through avarice and desire of plunder, taking the Karkí chiefs along with him, turned towards Ahmadábád. The rebels, having assembled nearly fifteen hundred Karkí cavalry, made all possible expedition till they arrived at the town of Dholka, where, having encamped, they proposed for the general safety to make a night attack on the camp of Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán. Sultán Muzaffir, however, wished to go to Khambáyat, and plunder that populous town. But, when Itimád Khán heard that the enemy had arrived at Dholka, he lost all self-possession, and, not knowing what to do, followed Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán to Karkí, with a view of inducing him to return to Ahmadábád. The former, after much wavering and hesitation, thus committed one grand mistake, namely, in leaving the enemy within ten koss of the gates, and actually going eighteen to seek assistance. This was unwise, as he had no confidential person to whom he could well entrust the charge of the city; while the more judicious and candid endeavoured to dissuade him from such a resolution. He would not listen to their advice, however; and, after giving his son, Shír Khán, charge of the city, left Ahmadábád for Karkí, accompanied by Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí. On this occasion he gave the city gates in charge to Mír Másúm Bhakrí, Faiz-ullah Beg Aka, and Zainu-d-din Kamboh, while Mujáhid Khán Gujarátí was stationed at the Rámkhir gate.
Several of the discontented people of Gujarát, who were in league with the rebels, sent messengers to represent his departure in the manner of a flight; and such happy intelligence arrived at the very time when the rebels were about to retire, not knowing what to do. They now, however, made all possible haste to Ahmadábád; whilst their numbers continued to increase every minute. On arriving there, they made an assault on the Rámkhir gate, and, after the interchange of a few blows, entered the city. The confusion consequently increased; and while Shír Khán, Mír Másúm, and others, withdrew from their dangerous situation, the rebels plundered everywhere. Sultán Muzaffir, who had prayed for the present crisis, entered the dwellings of the Gujarát kings, and obtained his desire of sitting on their throne. Thus, in an instant, this populous city, filled with gold, jewels, and fine clothes, was left a prey to plunderers.
Itimád Khán induced Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán to return after some preliminary agreement, but, mistrusting the fidelity of some of his followers, made them swear on the Koran to be faithful. The chief of these ungrateful men was the first to join the enemy.
When the imperial confederates came within eight koss of Ahmadábád, they were met by Shír Khán, Mír Másúm Bhakrí, and others; who separately made known the frightful intelligence of the city being taken. Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, on hearing this, was much puzzled how to act, and consulted the others in this matter. Each having given counsel to the best of his ability, it was finally agreed on, that, after advancing to Ahmadábád, they ought to give the enemy battle, if the latter would meet them; or, if not, that after surrounding the place, they must besiege it, until such time as the troops from the capital arrived. In effecting this plan, they committed an error by carrying along with them the men's wives and children, instead of leaving them in a place of security.
The imperial party arrived at Osmánpúr, within sight of Ahmadábád, by morning, and had just fixed on the ground for encamping, when the enemy, aware of their arrival, came out, mounted and prepared for battle. Some of Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán's men were at this time engaged in pitching the tents; and others were taking care of their families and baggage. But, though the main body which came up with him were on the alert, nearly two thousand of the enemy's cavalry left the city, and drew up on the river bank. Sultán Muzaffir, having there taken up his position in the centre, placed the Kahtí chiefs around him, and detached Mohammed Yúsaf Bádakhshí, and Khalíl Beg, as his advanced guard. Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, observing this, quietly mounted his horse, and put his troops in order of battle; while Itimád Khán, under a pretence of retaining possession of the ford at Osmánpúr, and of thus preventing the enemy passing the river, kept aloof with Mír Abú Túráb and the Gujarát troops, and was only looking for an opportunity to fly.
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, who had taken possession of a rising ground with seven or eight hundred cavalry, determined to make a stand against the rebels. He therefore detached from his centre two hundred horsemen to cross the river and make an attack. Though the commanders were in league with their opponents, those under their command twice drove back the latter. One of the commanders, named Shaibak, restrained his men from fighting, and, by constantly sending messages to the enemy, continued inviting them to advance. Badr Beg Turkmán, who had gallantly exerted himself for the Imperialists, was at this time killed; when Shaibak and others, to the amount of five hundred, went over and joined the enemy, who now crossed the river.
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, who had not more than two hundred horsemen left, endeavoured to retain his position, and animated his companions to repel the enemy's attack; his horse had, however, received an arrow wound, while several of his relations and brothers had fallen around him, and, being attacked by great numbers, he was thus reduced to extremities. Some of his friends at this time seized the reins of his horse, and forced him from the field of battle; when one of the deserters, coming behind, made a blow at him with a sword, from which he escaped unhurt.
The Kahtís and people of the city, who had come for plunder, now committed depredations on the property of the imperial party, and made their wives and daughters prisoners. Money and other valuables, with horses and elephants, were carried away in the confusion. Sultán Muzaffir, thus loaded with plunder, afterwards went to Ahmadábád; and took up his abode in the citadel; where, with the confidence of a great man, he commenced to administer the government of Gujarát; and, having promoted Shaibak, who had deserted to him from the service of Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, assigned him a jágír. On the succeeding day, accompanied by several of the rebel chiefs, he went to the principal mosque: and, after causing the oration to be read in his own name, sent for Shír Khán Faoládí from Júnagarh, where he was living in disgrace and indigence. This chief joined Sultán Muzaffir soon after with two hundred ill-mounted horsemen. But, as the latter was not quite at ease regarding Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, then in the neighbourhood of Sultánpúr and Nadarbár, he left Mír Ábid in charge of Ahmadábád, and then marched to that neighbourhood. He at the same time sent Shír Khán Faoládí to keep in check Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán at Patan; and the former, having enlisted all the imperial soldiery in this part of the country, collected fourteen or fifteen thousand men in the course of a fortnight.
Soon after this, the force sent to assist Itimád Khán, amounting to two thousand men, joined Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán at Patan, and the Imperialists, after strengthening the garrison there, represented the state of affairs to Court. Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, hearing of these events, marched by successive stages to Baroda. During this confusion, as Sayyidu-d-Daolat, the servant of Kalian Ráo, of Khambáyat, had collected troops and seized on this place, he thus obtained a considerable sum of money; and, after increasing his force to four thousand men, acquainted Sultán Muzaffir of what he had done. Sultán Muzaffir gave him the title of Rustam Khán; and, presenting him with an honorary dress, wrote him in reply to remain where he was, until sent for. Moreover, Auliá Khán, a servant of Shír Khán Faoládí, excited an insurrection at the town of Chotánáh; and, as Mohammed Beg, then in his neighbourhood, had defeated him, Shír Khán Faoládí sent his son-in-law, Husain Khán, to assist him. The Imperialists, under Mohammed Husain, and Khoájah Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí, had by this time joined Mohammed Beg, who now came up with the enemy and defeated them. Shír Khán Faoládí, hearing of this event, advanced in turn, when Itimád Khán, and Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, resolving to remain at Patan, sent the son of the former, with others of the imperial troops, to oppose him. The contending parties met within eighteen miles of Patan, where the rebels were defeated, and the son-in-law of Shír Khán Faoládí killed.
Sultán Muzaffir, as already mentioned, had marched against Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán from Ahmadábád. Sayyidu-d-Daolat, on this occasion, joined him in the neighbourhood of Nariád, with four thousand men from Khambáyat; while Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, detaching Mohammed Afzal and Mohammed Mírak to guard the ferries of Khánpúr and Wankánír, ordered them to prevent the enemy from crossing the Tapti. These commanders, who were secretly in league with rebels, fled after a little skirmishing, when Sultán Muzaffir came to the ford at Khánpúr.
Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán now shut himself up in the walled town of Baroda, with some trusty followers; while the enemy, advancing, besieged the place. Though twenty thousand horse and foot of Rájpúts or Kúlis had collected around Muzaffir, Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, nevertheless, held out the fort against them for twenty-two days; and exerted himself to the utmost, as he could not trust his own men. At this time, Mohammed Mírak and Chirkash Khán Rúmí sent, from the trenches, to tell Muzaffir that, as they were there watched by the imperial spies, he must, under pretence of concluding a peace, send for them, along with Zainu-d-dín Kamboh, Sayyid Jalál Bhakrí, and Khoájah Yahyá, the agent of Naorang Khán; and that, if after imprisoning them and Khoájah Yahyá, he would put the other two to death, he might attack the fort on the succeeding day, without meeting with any opposition from the troops of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán. Sultán Muzaffir followed the advice of these dissemblers; and, as Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khán sent him a deputation of the five persons mentioned, he instantly imprisoned them, and caused Zainu-d-dín Kamboh to be put to death the same day, by ordering that he should be trodden under the feet of an elephant. Sayyid Ahmad Bokhárí, however, having interceded for Sayyid Jalál Khán, obtained his release, and carried him to his own house.
Succeeding this, Sultán Muzaffir, mounting his horse, gave orders to surround the fort, when the besiegers, having closely invested the town with the guns brought from Ahmadábád, Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán thought his followers had quite deserted him, and shut himself up in the citadel. The next day, Sultán Muzaffir took an oath that he would not injure Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán's person; and, after making a compact to this effect, sent for him. Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán, thus reduced to extremities, visited Sultán Muzaffir, who instantly imprisoned him, and soon after put him to death, along with his sister's son, Jalálu-d-dín.
Sultán Muzaffir, after remaining at Baroda for two days, marched to the neighbourhood of Bhroch; where the mother of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán and several slaves were residing. On the third day after Muzaffir had encamped before Bhroch, the slaves, proving traitorous, left the fort, and, having gone to visit the Sultán, delivered to him the keys of the place. By this means the whole treasure and effects of Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán fell into his hands. Sultán Muzaffir remained at Bhroch fifteen days; but, during that time, having heard that Mírzá Khán, son of Beirám Khán, was marching on Ahmadábád, he suddenly decamped, and moved to that quarter.
THE GOVERNMENT OF MÍRZÁ KHÁN, WITH THE DEFEAT OF MUZAFFIR, AND CAPTURE OF AHMADÁBÁD. THE EXALTATION OF MÍRZÁ KHÁN TO THE RANK OF FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE TITLE OF KHÁN KHÁNÁN, WITH THE FOUNDATION OF THE FAT'H BÁGH, AT THE TOWN WHERE THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT. THE DÍWÁNSHIP OF KHOÁJAH ABÚ-L-KÁSIM, AND THE ORDER FOR ADOPTING THE ILÁHÍ ERA IN THE COUNTRY OF HINDÚSTÁN.
The news of the Gujarát insurrection having
A. Hij. 991,
A.D. 1583.
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, and the imperial
nobles then at Patan, on learning that
Mírzá Khán was approaching, sent forward a
messenger to him, and soon after joined hím at
Mírthá. Mírzá Khán, judging wisely, did not
generally make known the unfortunate fate of
Kutbu-d-dín Mohammed Khán; but, having
called the different leaders, asked their advice,
when every one gave it to the best of his ability.
It was at length settled that they, trusting
to the good fortune which had ever accompanied
the imperial cause, must expeditiously
bring on a battle; and, having made the necessary
dispositions, they exerted themselves to do so.
Muharram,
A. Hij. 992,
January 22,
A.D. 1584.
At first, a party of the enemy came and made a night attack, but returned without accomplishing their wishes. The expected arrival of the Málwa troops was currently rumoured abroad; and Sultán Muzaffir, thinking the present a fit opportunity for marching from Mo*-le/>hammednagar, crossed the river, and began skirmishing. The imperial army now necessarily made its dispositions, and hastened to oppose the enemy; but, as its front rank and right flank were passing a small stream, whose banks were covered with brushwood, they fell into confusion. Notwithstanding this, having soon after engaged their opponents, they behaved gallantly. Mírzá Khán, who, with five hundred horsemen and one hundred elephants, had taken up a position, and was watching the recent manifestations of the imperial good fortune, beheld Sultán Muzaffir, with five or six thousand cavalry, confidently occupying the plain, and saw that there were evident signs of the enemy proving victorious.
Several of Mírzá Khán's friends wished him
at this time to leave the scene of action; but he,
deeming such conduct pusillanimous, determined
to maintain his ground, and urged his
men forward. On this the elephants threw the
enemy's army into disorder; and Sultán Muzaffir,
giving all up as lost, took to flight. Several
of his associates fled along with him to Mahmúdábád,
on the banks of the Mahindrí river; and,
though his whole army was dispersed, and
many had been killed by the sword, the Imperialists
could not follow him, as the day was
now far spent. These events happened on the
Jan. 26,
A.D. 1584.
On the day of Sultán Muzaffir's defeat, Kalíj Khán, Sharíf Khán, and Naorang Khán, from Málwa, arrived at Baroda, and, having there received intelligence of the victory, halted. Naorang Khán detached Mírzá Záhid to obtain possession of Bhroch; but Hájí Beg Chirkash and Nasír Khán, who had charge of the treasure in the place, closed the gates and attacked the Imperialists.
Sultán Muzaffir, after his flight, went to
Khambáyat, where, having raised a money
contribution from the merchants and inhabitants,
he collected ten or twelve thousand vagabonds,
by distributing his gold to all discontented
and seditious characters. The cultivators,
also, thinking he was the lawfully-born
prince, exhibited proofs of their fidelity, and
were joining him from all quarters. Mírzá
Khán, receiving intelligence of these things, left
Ahmadábád in charge of Sayyid Kásim, who
had been wounded, and, with the intention of
dispersing the rebels, marched, on the 2d of
Feb. 4,
A.D. 1584.
The enemy detached Sayyidu-d-Daolat, with a force, to Dholka, and the sons of Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk, with Mustafá Khán Shírwání, to Mahmúdábád. The Málwa commanders, with their troops, joined Mírzá Khán at the town of Barayáh; and Sultán Muzaffir, hearing of this, left Khambáyat, and marched to Baroda. Mírzá Khán pursued him to the latter place, whence he despatched Naorang Khán against Sayyidu-d-Daolat, whilst he himself continued the pursuit of Sultán Muzaffir. The enemy at length resolved to risk a battle, when victory declared for the Imperialists, after some sharp work on both sides. Naorang Khán, having also proved victorious, joined the main body; and Sultán Muzaffir, crossing the Nerbuddah, took refuge among the mountains of Ihániyah. The imperial commanders, at the town of Nadote (Nandode), now put their troops in motion, with the intention of extirpating the vagabonds, several of whom, after having separated, came and visited Mírzá Khán, and others went into the Dekhan. Nearly two thousand persons were slain during the campaign, and five hundred, having been made prisoners, were put to death.
When the glad tidings were communicated to the Emperor, he gave Mírzá Khán the title of Khán Khánán, with the rank of five thousand cavalry, and exalted others according to their merits, giving to each suitable assignments for the support of their ranks.
The Khán Khánán, now leaving Nadote, came to Ahmadábád, where he laboured for the prosperity of the country and the relief of the oppressed. He also established a garden near the town of Keshápúr Sirkej, on the spot where he had defeated Sultán Muzaffir, giving it the name of Fat'h Bágh. Several of the buildings and remains of the summer-house belonging to this garden are yet there, and the collection from the ground still cultivated is counted distinct from that of the above-named town.
In fine, Sultán Muzaffir, whose cause was now totally ruined, left the defiles of the Rájpípalah mountains, and marched to Patan. And, as Abid Mírak, Yúsaf, Abdullah, and others of the enemy, had at this time excited an insurrection in his favour near the town of Múndah, an army, under Shadmán Beg, was sent against them. Sultán Muzaffir, not being able to make a stand here, fled towards Ídur, and from thence to Kathiyáwár and the town of Kharrí, among the Lonah Kathís. Mírzá Khán Khánán, having accordingly equipped another force, sent it under the command of Khoájah Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí, and Mír Abú-l-Muzaffir, to drive out the rebels; but, by the time the troops reached Dholka, the insurrection had altogether ceased, and many of the enemy were wandering about in a distressed condition. On this account, Shír Khán Faoládí took refuge with the Zamíndár of Baglánah.
While Kalíj Khán and Naorang Khán, with the army of Málwa, sent against Bhroch, were unsuccessfully besieging it, Nasír Khán, who was in the fort, thinking he should recommend himself to the imperial troops, treacherously put to death Hájí Beg. The Khán Khánán consequently sent Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán with troops to that quarter, and gave him Bhroch in jágír. One of the gunners from the fort came to tell Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán that the men within were quite harassed by the siege, and that he and his associates would open the doors, provided the imperial troops directed their efforts there. As the man appeared to speak truth, a party was instantly detached to the gates, and easily got possession of the place. Nasír Khán and Charkish Khán escaped, with much difficulty; and the latter, falling into the hands of the Imperialists as a prisoner, was put to death.
When Sultán Muzaffir, now much distressed, went at the end of this year to Júnagarh, the Imperialists returned to Ahmadábád, while several of the commanders of the subsidized troops of Gujarát returned to their jágírs. But, as the collection from the jágírs, on account of the disturbances in the country, was at this time less than usual, the troops were much distressed for want of pay.
The rebels, who only waited for a fit opportunity, again collected; and the Khán Khánán, leaving Ahmadábád in charge of Kalíj Khán, marched against the enemy, with troops under Naorang Khán and Khoájah Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí; after previously detaching Sayyid Kásim Báráh to Patan, and stationing detachments wherever they were required. Sultán Muzaffir, having come to Múrbí, plundered Rádhanpúr, and continued forcibly to seize whatever he could find. While he was looking for assistance from the Zamíndárs of this quarter, the imperial troops arrived; when he, having fled before them, was pursued by Khán Khánán, as far as the mountainous country of Barnagar. The Zamíndárs of this part, wishing to be received into imperial favour, sent forward their agents, and, though they had previously accompanied Sultán Muzaffir, they yet perceived that being thus received would be the means of saving themselves. They, therefore, came in submissively, and made their complaints. Amín Khán Ghorí, the commandant of Júnagarh, agreed to send his son to attend the Khán Khánán; and the Jám Rájá, to show how well disposed he was to the imperial government, sent to say that Sultán Muzaffir was in a certain place, and that he might possibly be taken prisoner, if a party of the light troops were quickly sent to do so. The Khán Khánán went in person; and, as he found no traces of Sultán Muzaffir on entering the mountainous country, divided his troops into four portions. After retaining the command of one of these for himself, he appointed Naorang Khán, Khoájah Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí, and Daolat Khán Lódí, to the other three, with orders to enter the cultivated country and plunder it.
It was at this time rumoured abroad that Sultán Muzaffir, leaving his son in charge of the Jám, had gone to Ahmadábád. This disappointment did not dismay the Khán Khánán, who determined to punish the Jám; and, on this occasion, many of the Rájpúts were slain, and much plunder obtained by the imperial troops. When the latter came within four koss of Nawanagar, the Jám sent in his submission; and, after having obtained the intercession of Rái Durga and Kalián Rái, sent his son to present the Khán Khánán with an elephant and other valuables. The Khán Khánán, being victorious, respected the offer made him, and returned.
Sultán Muzaffir, who, with great boldness and presumption, had gone towards Ahmadábád, having arrived at the post of Puránti, the troops there, with those of Nahrwálah, happening to be together, made an effort to expel him. These, having come to action with his followers, slew many of them. When the glad tidings of this victory reached the Khán Khánán on the road, he returned thanks for this great mark of kindness shown by Providence.
Shahábu-d-dín Ahmad Khán, who from the
Zillah of Bhroch had been promoted to the
government of Málwa, went there in the year
A. Hij. 993,
A.D. 1585.
A. Hij. 994,
A.D. 1586.
In A. Hij. 994, A.D. 1586, Khán Azíz Koká, who held the government of the Dekhan, being at enmity with the commanders of the subsidized troops, there under his orders. quitted them; and, coming alone to Ahmadábád, requested the assistance of the Khán Khánán against those who were hostile to him. The Khán Khánán, who much respected him, and went to give him an honorary meeting, was about to comply with his request; but, after hearing the representations of those opposed to him, abandoned this intention. Wherefore, Khán Azíz Koká, without obtaining his wishes, went into Málwa.
A. Hij. 995,
A.D. 1586-7.
In A. Hij. 995, A.D. 1586-7, the Khán Khánán went to Court, agreeably to order, as the celebration of the marriage festival of Sultán Morad then took place; and, having left Kalíj Khán as his deputy, the same continued to perform the duties of his office at Ahmadábád.
The Khán Khánán, whose original name was
Abdu-r-Rahím, was brought from Gujarát to
Court, at the death of his father, Beirám Khán,
and was then only four years of age, as has
been already mentioned in this work. After
receiving instruction, under the immediate care
and kindness of the Emperor, he was first dignified
with the title of Mírzá Khán; and was
A. Hij. 983,
A.D. 1575.
In this same year, an order for the establishment and adoption of the Iláhí Era,* and code of regulations in all the countries of Hindústán, was issued, and all government servants were to observe the same. Wherefore a copy of these two orders is inserted in the present work.
After a cycle* of the Emperor's reign had elapsed, an order to this effect was issued. Be it known to governors of provinces, and government writers, in their several ranks and departments, that, as the Emperor's endeavour has ever been to make both great and small happy and prosperous, all such should esteem these precious times, and employ themselves in works agreeable to God. And let them, at the same time, beware of adopting this opinion, that the founders of religion and of systems, being perfect men, and secluded from the world, have completely explained the perfections and imperfections of faiths;* but let them, on the contrary, follow the example of philosophers, and never wholly trust their pretensions, without some one as their guide; nor undertake any thing, either great or small, without due consideration; so that, conscious of rectitude, and a desire to attain perfection, they may attend to the truths of theology, and the subtilties of science, till, by the favour and guidance of God, they obtain and are entrusted with the grace of his revelations and designs; and be especially informed of past and future things.
At this time, his Highness, while studying the almanacks of the Hindús, called by them Patra, observed that, according to the Kál-Patra, the commencement of the lunar month is reckoned from the conjunction, or the time when the darkness is increasing, called in Hindí Kishn-Pach (Krishna Paksha.) But, as these people ignorantly, and from custom, make the month commence with the darkness, and as such practice is not sanctioned by authority, it becomes necessary to demonstrate this to them. Wherefore, the Emperor was informed by the chiefs of their religion that such is their practice; and, their old and celebrated works being produced, it was discovered that the commencement of the lunar month was once reckoned from the time of the new moon's appearance, a period called by the Hindús Shukal-Pach (Sukla Paksha); though, from the days of Vikramajit (Vikramáditya,) this enlightened practice has, through various causes of confusion, fallen into disuse. But, still more wonderful, though these people acknowledge that the month commences with the appearance of the light, they do not practically follow this opinion. Wherefore, it is ordered that all astrologers, and keepers of the calendar, with all other accountants under the government, shall regulate their almanacks on the practice of reckoning from the Shukal-Pach. Moreover, having prepared a calendar with much care and attention, to facilitate the use of this method, and having stamped it with the royal seal, the Emperor has distributed the same that all men may follow it.
The grandees, on this occasion, said—Doubtless, the Emperor's intention, in establishing this Era, must be to facilitate a knowledge of important events and commercial transactions; so that no one may have the power of wrangling in any matter: for, in the instance of a person agreeing to a contract, a lease, or the payment of a debt, within four years and four months, the period cannot be accurately ascertained, if the commencement of it be not fixed.
The establishment of new eras, moreover, has ever been with a view of facilitating a knowledge of certain events, happening after a considerable period had elapsed from the original commencement of some other era. Historians must also be aware, that such has been the practice of former great kings; and that, through their care in fixing new eras, men of business have been relieved from doubt and difficulty. And now, said they, a thousand years of the Hijra having nearly elapsed, while the eras of Sikandar and Yezdijerd, though used in calendars, are not accurately known, the people of Hindústán, therefore, use a variety of eras, such as that in Bengal, dated from the reign of Lakhsman Singh, now in its 465th* year; in the country of Gujarát the era of Sálbáhan (Sáliváhana), now dating in its 1506th year, A.D. 1584; in the country of Málwa and Dehlí, the era of Vikramajit (Vikramáditya), now in its 1640th year, A.D. 1584; whilst the people of Nágrakót date from the government of every individual who rules over that fortress.
As the learned are also of opinion, added they, that the eras of Hindústán do not commence from any great event, and have no true foundation, if the Emperor, through his universal clemency and paternal care, would establish a new era to remove such discrepancies, he will be rewarded and blessed both now and hereafter. It is, moreover, ordered in astronomical books, such as the Ílkhání and Gúrkání tables, that the eras should be made to commence from some great transaction, either the establishment of a religion or a dynasty: and, though many great and glorious occurrences of the present reign are each suited to this purpose, let the Emperor fix the same from the period he came to the sovereignty, (now in its thirtieth lunar year, and the greatest manifestation of God's favour and grace,) and he will be certainly repaid with thanks for this good work, as having complied with the wishes of the learned. By having done so, the era of the Hijra, established at the flight of the best of men from the honoured Mekka to the sacred Medina, will lose nothing of its dignity: for, though this, in the time of Malik Sháh, had not reached its present lengthened period of duration, and business had not then become so difficult, the Jalalí era was nevertheless established, in order that, in all affairs of difficulty, mankind might be relieved from perplexity. The same is now used in the calendars of all Mohammedan countries, as those of Arabia, Constantinople, Má-wará-ul-Nahr, Khorásán, and Irák; and all the written obligations of the faithful are drawn up from these almanacks.
In consequence of the repeated requests of these people, and to quiet their importunities, the Emperor, giving his consent, has issued this order: “Let the gates of felicity and rejoicing be opened, by dating the Iláhí Era from the day of the year corresponding with the first of the king's reign.” A command to this effect is also sent to the learned; “Let all compilers of almanacks used in the country of Islám, in which are inserted the Arabí, Rúmí, Farsí, and Jalálí eras, open the door of facility, by therein using the new era; and, in the almanacks of the Hindús, let the same be written, that their various eras may fall into disuse, particularly that of Vikramajit, which had its foundation in falsehood.” As the years in the common calendars are solar, and the months lunar, we hereby command that the months of the new era shall be also solar.
The learned of all religions and systems, having set aside certain days of the year, which are agreeable to heaven and favourable to spirituality, have specially appropriated them for the delight of all men: and named them the days of festival, in order that such may give rise to charity and beneficence. Having moreover pointed out the efficacy of prayer, at such joyful seasons, when men are to observe the customary homage and veneration for the great God, they have thus spread the table of beneficence, and opened the gates of gladness, for both rich and poor. Wherefore, agreeably to this order, several festivals, formerly known in this country, which, though long neglected, had been observed for the last thousand years, will be thus fixed: and let all men use their utmost endeavour to observe such; and not disregard the same as here detailed: viz. the nineteenth of the month of Farwardín of the Iláhí Era; the third of Ardíbehisht; the sixth of Khurdád; the thirteenth of Sír; the seventh of Mirdád; the fourth of Sharíwar; the sixteenth of Mehr; the tenth of Abán; the ninth of Azar; the fifteenth and twenty-third of Dai; the second of Bahman; and the ninth of Isfendiár. Written by order of the Emperor.
COPY OF THE ORDER REGARDING VENERATION FOR GOD AND ATTENTION TO THE GOVERNMENT REGULATIONS.
All government servants, nobles, and other persons, are to observe the following commands, in administering the affairs of cities, villages, towns, and other places.
1st. It is essential that all such endeavour to please God in whatever they undertake; and, as suppliants at his shrine, that they act impartially to themselves and others.
2d. They must not seclude themselves from society, as such is the practice of dervishes; nor must they keep company with the commonalty, and be constantly engaged in worldly matters, as such is the way of the market people; but, in following a middle course, let them choose moderation, and be neither too much in society nor too much in solitude.
3d. Let them honour the incomparable God, by watching night and day; and let them more particularly observe his worship at morning, noon, evening, and midnight.
4th. When not conducting the affairs of mankind, let them study the writings of the good, and books of morality, which are as spiritual medicine, and the essential part of science. Among these, let them use the Akhláki Násirí,* or Morals of Násir; the Munajiát; the Máhulákát; the Ahiyá;* the Kímiá;* and Masnaví of Múlá Rúmí;* till, having become acquainted with the various systems of faith, they cannot, by the illusion of impostors, be shaken in their belief that the worship of God is best in this world, and the great object with his creatures.* Wherefore, by making no distinction between friend or enemy, a relation or a stranger, let them act with fearless independence.
5th. Let them be charitable, according to their means, to all religious mendicants, and to all poor, indigent, and naked persons, who will not open their mouths to ask for the means of subsistence, and have secluded themselves from the world.
6th. Bring back the discontented to their duty, by alternative severity and kindness, according to their various ranks; and, when the matter admits not of admonition, let them be fettered, beaten, or put to death in various ways. With regard to the latter punishment, reflect well, and be not too ready to use it: for, according to the verse, “one cannot restore the head of him who is slain.” Moreover, wherever it is possible, send all such as are worthy of death to court, forwarding along with them an account of their case; and subsequently they will comply with the Emperor's orders. But if, by retaining or sending to court such rebellious characters, there be a chance of sedition, let them be put to death; in doing so, however, abstain from mangling them in any way.
7th. Let them release whosoever is venerated for wisdom or religious opinions; and, if they perceive any thing improper in his conduct, let them warn him of it in secret. As the advisers, however, may be sometimes in error, let them not reproach such a person in anger; since, by doing so, they prevent him offering a reply. Let all those who, by the grace of God, speak the truth, be held in particular veneration, as men who do so are very rare: and many are the evil-disposed who have no mind to speak truth, but have hearts unfortunately inclined to the contrary. Men of good intentions are very cautious in what they say, lest he who hears them should be annoyed, and they themselves fall into misfortune. Consider all men, therefore, who are ready to give up their own interests for the sake of others to be precious as the philosophers' stone.
8th. They must not befriend flatterers; since, by the advice of such, business is improperly performed. They must not, however, be suddenly displeased with those who speak in a flattering manner, as it is proper for servants to discourse politely.
9th. Regarding those who petition for justice, let their cause be inquired into by yourself in person, and in the order in which their names have been filed; so that those coming first may not have the trouble of waiting in expectation. In this matter let not the inferior agents of business invert the natural order of precedence; but, according to this verse, let them represent the complaint to the master, as from him perhaps the complainant will obtain redress.
10th. Be not hasty in punishing those who speak ill of their neighbours, yet investigate the matter; as there are many who find fault with other people, and those who speak good of them are very rare. In this case do not, through passion, forget what is reasonable, but do what is necessary in a deliberate manner and with patience. In the time of sorrow or anger, let such acquaintances, or servants, as are distinguished for their wisdom and friendship, have authority over you; and wise men, on such occasions, will confine themselves to repeating the confession of faith.
11th. Become not habituated to taking oaths, as men who do so expose themselves to the suspicion of telling lies, if at any time they take an oath; and thus obtain a name for bad faith.
12th. Become not addicted to the custom of giving abuse, as such is the practice of mean men.
13th. Let them use their endeavours to increase the cultivation, to conciliate the cultivator, and give him advances in money; so that villages, towns, and cities, may yearly increase; and let them collect the rent from the subjects in an easy manner, in order that all lands may be cultivated and blessed with population. After such, moreover, let them strive to increase the production of useful articles, being strictly guided in their conduct by the regulations which have been separately detailed. In collecting rent from the cultivators, do so piecemeal, and deviate in no degree from the agreement which has been made.
14th. Have a care that soldiers or others take not up their abode in any one's house without his permission.
15th. Be not entirely guided by self-opinion in any matter; and let them consult those wiser than themselves. Though no one wiser may be found, let them still seek for counsel; as the ignorant may discover truth, according to the saying, “it happens that the old and wise man does not always think aright, while the ignorant child sometimes hits the mark by mistake.” Let them not, however, consult every one, as the wisdom fit for business, being the gift of God, cannot be obtained by reading or by length of life. As the ignorant may advise, through enmity, it is necessary to be suspicious in this matter, and to retain good men of business, who are rarely to be found.
16th. Let them not permit any thing to be done by their children, when it may be accomplished by their servants: and let them not become accountable for any thing done by the former; since it is difficult to alter it should it miscarry.
17th. Let them readily hear men's excuses, and wink at their faults: as man, who cannot be without faults, sometimes becomes more hardened by punishment, or takes to flight through fear of it. In short, there may be one man who must be punished for one fault, and another who must be forgiven for a thousand: knowing then that punishment is the most important business of a government, let them execute it with mildness and discernment.
18th. Let them entrust the care of the high roads to such as fear God; and, holding these responsible for the good or evil there committed, let them be well informed regarding such matters: for as government, or command, is but another word for keeping watch, such cannot be accomplished without good information.
19th. Punish each man according to his tribe; and, though it may be necessary to kill the proud, a blow to a man of meaner disposition benefits him nothing.
20th. Let them not afflict men on account of their faith, their sect, or their religion; for a wise man does not, in this transitory world, wish for his own destruction; and in the matter of religion, will follow such as he knows or hears of. The truth may be with him or them, perhaps; act not towards him, therefore, with enmity or oppressure: and, if the truth be with them, though he pursues an opposite course, it is fit to pity, and assist such an unfortunate, instead of oppressing and detesting him. In this matter, be friendly to all who are distinguished for virtuous actions or benevolent opinions.
21st. Indulge not beyond measure, or what is necessary, in sleeping or in eating; so that men may be distinguished from the brutes; and let them watch at night when they can, but not delay till that season the performance of what should be done by day.
22d. In weighing the faults or sins of others, let them do so by the standard of their own; after which, let them decree their punishment. In this matter, however, let them nicely determine what faults it is necessary to forgive, and what it is necessary to punish; for many slight faults require great punishments, and many great faults must be overlooked, and a light punishment awarded.
23d. It is not proper to entertain an inveterate enmity to any one, or to make the breast the prison of revenge. When much annoyed, therefore, with any individual, let such be discharged: as the foundation of action is the inscrutable God, and to him should be left the investigation of all that relates to quarrels.
24th. Let them be on their guard with respect to spies, and not implicitly trust any individual; as such are very rarely faithful and without avarice. Wherefore, let them have several spies in every business, and station them in such a manner that they may have no communication with each other. By thus comparing their different accounts, form an opinion of what should be done, and remove from office such spies in the city as are well known.
25th. Let them hold no intercourse with evil disposed persons; and, though the business of great men, in regard to other evil doers, cannot be at all times carried on without them, let them not implicitly rely on them in such matter, but, on the contrary, hold them in suspicion, lest, in the garb of friendship, they have designs against the lives of good men, while their employers have no leisure to discover their intentions.
26th. Let them be on their guard against smooth-tongued deceivers, who meditate enmity under the cloak of friendship, lest sedition be accidentally produced by confiding in such men, who have much leisure, while their employers, through multiplicity of business, have none.
27th. Let them occasionally ask for grace, in the company of the solitary, who seek God.
28th. Let them collect information regarding every part of their neighbourhood; and, without being too communicative, let them represent things worthy of being known to the imperial court.
29th. Let them labour in diffusing science, and acquiring knowledge, so that men of genius, in whatever tribe, may not be neglected.
30th. Let them look carefully after every soldier's accoutrements and arms, so that he may spend less than his income; while the equipment of every person is a contract; for, according to the saying, he is a fool who spends more than his income, whilst he who adapts his expences to his pay, if not a wise man, is still no fool.
31st. Let them have no fixed place of residence, but remain in constant expectation of being recalled to court.
32d. Let them not delay in fulfilling whatever they have promised; and let them speak uprightly, more particularly revenue writers, wherever they have held forth expectations.
33d. Let them be continually employed in the practice of archery and ball firing, so that they may teach the soldiers a habit in such things.
34th. Let them not be too much addicted to the pleasures of the chase, and only engage in them so far as they are necessary for the military profession and for relaxation in this world.
35th. Let them labour in instructing their old domestics, and abstain from frequently laughing or jesting with them.
36th. Let them beat the nukaráh, or great drum, at sunrise and midnight; as from that time day may be said to commence.
37th. During the course of the sun through the signs of the zodiac, let them salute him by firing muskets and great guns, so that all men may give thanks for the favour he confers.
38th. Let them look after their intimates and servants, lest, presuming on their intimacy, such may commit oppression.
39th. Let them retain one person specially in their service to present petitions.
40th. Let them be attentive to the regulations of the Kutwál, or police magistrate; and, if in any of the cities there be no such person, let them strive in giving effect to the sections of the regulations hereafter detailed, and endeavour to execute this office to the best of their ability. As one person, however, cannot execute every thing relating to this office, let them use their utmost efforts to entrust the different departments to good men. In this matter, let them assign each his portion of business, of which the different departments will be here detailed. Let them, therefore, entrust this office to a well-informed person, and let them not ignorantly suppose that it is not fit to be attended to; but, knowing, on the contrary, that it is one of great responsibility, let them labour in this department according to the following detail:
1st. The Kutwál, in all cities, towns, and villages, must, in connexion with the government writers, keep a list of the houses and buildings, and must enter in a book the inhabitants of each quarter, mentioning the individual houses, the men who inhabit them, the number of cultivators, the tradesmen, the soldiers, and others. By also taking bail from every house, he must thus unite the community, and, apportioning the place into divisions, must station a superintendent of every quarter, to be answerable for the good or evil deeds there committed. He must also station a spy in each quarter to give a daily account of every transaction that takes place, and to make arrangements for all the neighbours assisting, whenever a theft, a fire, or other such event, happens. In such matters, let all persons in the neighbourhood assist the superintendent of a division and the government police; and, should they not do so on all necessary occasions, they will be to blame, and must be set down as having acted improperly. When any person quits his house, let him give it in charge to a neighbour, or the government policeman appointed to that quarter; and, whenever a guest is in any one's house, whether friend or stranger, let the master of the same acquaint the superintendent of the division of such a one's arrival, whose name will be written in a register. In short, let one or more guards be stationed in every quarter to write down the arrivals and departures, with other transactions in the place; and, when any one comes alone to the division, let them demand bail of him, and not permit him to live there, unless he can give such. Let them send all such as cannot find bail to live in a separate quarter; where a superintendent and a police must be stationed, in order secretly to discover the income and expences of each individual. Any person whose income is less than his expences must be certainly in fault, and let them inquire into such accordingly; but, in this matter, by not forgetting what is proper and virtuous, let them know that such an investigation is necessary for good regulation, and not for the purpose of seizing on men's property.
2d. The Kutwál must appoint one or more brokers, to transact the various kinds of commercial business; and, after taking security from them, must station such in the market-places, that they may afford information regarding such things as are bought or sold. He must also make it a rule that every person buying or selling, without the advice of the above-mentioned brokers, will be deemed in fault; and that both the name of the buyer and seller must be written in the register of daily transactions. Every thing, therefore, must be bought or sold in connexion with the superintendent of that particular division and the government policemen.
3d. Let him station a nightly guard, for the protection of the division in the by-paths and neighbourhood of the city.
4th. Let him take care that there be no strange persons in the division, by-streets, or market-places.
5th. Let him search after and find out thieves, through the aid of pickpockets, shoplifters, and other such persons; and, whenever any thing in the neighbourhood may be lost or plundered, such persons must either produce the thief or forfeit the benefit of their contract with government in this matter.
6th. Let him look after the effects of deceased persons, and give them up to the relations, or heirs of such; but, if there be none to claim the property, let him place it in security, sending, at the same time, an account of such to Court, so that when the true heir appears he may obtain the same. In fine, let him act conscientiously and virtuously in this matter, lest it should be the same here as in the kingdom of Constantinople.
7th. Let him be very careful that there should be no wine within his limits; and let the judge punish the drinker, the seller, and the maker of such, in such a manner as to be an example to other men.
8th. Let him endeavour to keep down the market prices, and not permit that the wealthy, while possessing large heaps of things for sale, should sell them in small portions.
9th. Let him do every thing that is proper to be done at the festival of the Nao-Roz, a feast of great consequence, which commences at the time when the sun enters Aries, and is the beginning of the month of Farwardín. The other festivals are, one on the 19th of the above month, which is a day to be particularly honoured; one, on the 3rd of the month of Ardíbehisht; one, on the 6th of the month of Khurdád; one, on the 10th of the month of Abán; and one, on the 9th of the month of Azar. In the month of Dai, there are three festivals to be respectively observed, on the 8th, 15th, and 23rd days of the month. On the 2nd of the month of Bahman there is one festival. On the 9th of the month of Isfendiár there is another, besides which, let people observe all the other usual festivals.
10th. Let the night of the Nao-Roz be held in similar honour as that of Burat. Wherefore, let the lamps be lighted, and let the nukaráh be beaten during the part of the night, which is the commencement of the festival. During the day of the Nao-Roz, the great drums must be beaten at the top of every mountain.
11th. Women must not ride on horseback, without an absolute necessity for doing so.
12th. Let the stations on the river, where people go to bathe, be appointed separately from those where they draw water; and distinct ones must be set aside for the women.
THE GOVERNMENT OF MÍRZÁ AZÍZ KOKÁ, FOR A SECOND TIME IN GUJARÁT, AND COPY OF THE ORDER WHICH WAS ISSUED ABOLISHING THE TRANSIT DUTY ON ARTICLES OF COMMERCE.
A. Hij. 997,
A.D. 1588-9.
Mírzá Azíz Koká, who, in A. Hij. 997, A.D. 1588-9, had been promoted from the government of Málwa to that of Gujarát, arrived the following year, and carried on the important concerns of the country.
While Khán Khánán was at this period leaving the neighbourhood of Jalore, Ghazní Khán Jalorí, who had come with an intention of joining Sultán Muzaffir's insurrection, not being able to effect a junction with the latter, committed many acts of folly. The Khán Khánán, on the 9th of Muharram, A. Hij. 998, A.D. 1589-90, sent a force against him; but the latter, on learning this, and perceiving that he was not in a fit condition to offer opposition, went submissively to Court. The Emperor, at this time, taking compassion on him, confirmed to him his hereditary patrimony of Jalore, as a subsistence.
A.D. 1590-1.
In A. Hij. 999, A.D. 1590-1, an imperial order was issued abolishing transit duties in all the countries of Hindústán; and the following is an exact copy of the same.
Be it known to all government writers, both now and hereafter, and to all executive officers, in every part of Hindústán, that, in this auspicious period, being the seventh year of the second cycle from the commencement of the imperial reign, an order has been issued to this effect. “As the divine government of the glorious and blessed God has, in conformity with its greatness and purity, and with a knowledge exalted as eternity, deemed it necessary that the dominion of countries, and the government of cities, (which must provide for friend and stranger, and must arrange the affairs of the merchant and trader,) should be accomplished by means of just kings, a tax was therefore established on all articles brought into the market; that from this source of revenue, troops might be kept up, and proper guardians appointed to protect the property of the State and of individuals. But, as such tax, when not justly collected, must be a source of confusion, and detrimental to business, (though, praised be God! since the Emperor's just reign commenced, the attention and consideration of his heart have ever been exerted for the necessary comfort of the common people, and the encouragement of his subjects,) an order is hereby issued exempting from taxation and registry the following articles: all kinds of grain, or seeds; herbs, whether edible or medicinal; oils, sugar, essences; cotton and woollen cloths; things made of leather; copper articles; madder, wood, reeds, and grass; with such like things and effects as are in common use among the people: excepting, however, horses, elephants, camels, sheep, goats, military arms, and silken stuffs, the taxes on which, besides one per cent., are claimed, as vested rights, toll, or for benevolent purposes.* The government writers, and other executive officers, are hereby commanded to give effect to this order, so that the powerful may not oppress the weak, nor the tyrannical commit aggres sions on those who are at their mercy; and, now that respect for the imperial greatness and magnificence exists in every breast, and that the light of justice and clemency has appeared; let us give thanks for all these presents to Him who is the beneficent author of truth.
“It is therefore necessary that all executive officers and commanders, all provincial writers and governors of cities, with all Jágírdárs, administrators of government lands, custom-house officers, keepers of the highways or passes, landholders, and all other government authorities, should attend to this order, and use their utmost efforts to obey it; without attempting in any way to evade the same.
“Finally, during the government of Mírzá Azíz Koká, the Desáyas, Mukaddams,* and inhabitants of several parganahs, made a complaint at court that the agents of the Názims and Jágírdárs were possessing themselves of all revenue dues; and that the Rájpúts, Kúlis, and Mohammedans of these villages, which they had been in possession of, previously to the country becoming tributary to Dehlí, were in rebellion, and squandered the land revenues, so as to occasion the ruin of the subjects and a deficiency of the government collections. Wherefore, it was ordered that the Díwán of the province, with the approbation of the Desáyas, Mukaddams, and Amíls, should set aside two and a half per cent. from the collections of the Khalsah, or government lands, and those of Jágírdárs, as a perquisite for the Mukaddams of villages; and on this account, nothing more than the above was to be demanded. It was further ordered, that the Kúlis should be permitted to retain one fourth of the land, with its revenue, on producing good security for their conduct, and that all landholders of villages should put the government mark on their cavalry contingents, in order that they might attend the provincial governor on all necessary occasions. One half of the usual collection was also to be taken from the purchaser of all saleable lands, and, while the province was managed agreeably to the above regulations, it continued to increase in prosperity.
“The Rájpúts and Kúlis before mentioned originally possessed the country. But, when the Sultáns of Gujarát had completely subdued the same, they continued to punish these people, and forcibly to exact the tribute from them; till, at length, the original possessors consented to perform service and to pay a quit rent,* for retaining one fourth of their villages and hereditary estates, which portion is called Banta; whilst the other three-fourths were given up as the government share, and named Talpat lands. An agreement was also made with the greater landholders, who possessed several parganahs, that they were to serve the State in war time with infantry and cavalry, according to the size of their jágírs, and extent of their means; till at length the Kúlis and Rájpúts, who possessed the Banta of different villages, in consideration for the military services they performed, made themselves masters of this share, and presented in the harvest time a free gift to the Jágírdárs.
“In the course of time, the Rájpúts and Kúlis, who had become powerful, excited disturbances, carried away the cattle from towns, and murdered the inhabitants, during the harvest season. The people, having no means of redress, purchased exemption from these evils, by giving the authors of them a yearly payment in money, or by yielding up possession of one or more fields fit for cultivation; and such claim for exemption is called Grás, or Dol. This custom, gradually established, has been so matured through the weakness of the provincial governors, that there are very few places in the parganahs where some of the Rájpút, Kúli, or Mohammedan inhabitants do not possess the right to Grás.
As these people are naturally disobedient, addicted to theft, highway robbery, and sedition, they therefore excited insurrections, whenever the government of the provincial rulers indicated the least weakness. On this account, several of the governors, both in past and present times, after strengthening the fortifications of the province, stationed a sufficient party of soldiers therein: and these posts are named Tahnahs. The payment of each Tahnah has been fixed by government, and certain lands are set aside for this purpose, in order that the party of men may never leave the post, lest disturbances might be set on foot. Now that the unsettled state of the province goes on increasing, the seditious tribes already mentioned have levelled the small forts, where there were formerly Tahnahs, and, by establishing themselves in others, have obtained possession, in many towns, of the Talpat government share instead of Grás.
“Many of the great landholders, who were Jágírdárs, performed the usual services until the time of Aurangzíb; but, at present, the provincial governor raises a force, and collects a tribute from the Bantútárs, in possession of the Talpat, in proportion to the capability of each place; while he takes security from his own Ámildárs. But, when the great landholders refuse to pay the tribute, what power has the provincial governor to enforce it? and so faithless have they become, that he cannot pass the city gate without an escort from them.”
In fine, Mírzá Azíz Koká, in A. Hij. 999, A.D.
A.Hij. 999.
A,D. 1590.
SULTÁN MUZAFFIR, SURNAMED NATHÚ, EXCITES THE JÁM, OR LANDHOLDER OF NAWANAGAR, TO RAISE A TUMULT; THE LATTER IS DEFEATED, AND JÚNAGARH TAKEN.
Among the events which happened in this year, we may mention the disturbances excited by Sultán Muzaffir, of which the account is briefly this. When Mírzá Azíz Koká arrived in Gujarát, the Jám, who is the great landholder in the district of Sorath, was bent on rebellion and war, and only waited for a suitable opportunity. About this time, Sultán Muzaffir, who quitted his place of concealment, made exertions to collect together a crowd of discontented vagabonds; and was joined by Daolat Khán, son of Amín Khán Ghorí, and by Khangar, Zamíndár of Kach. Mírzá Azíz Koká, after making the necessary preparations, marched to quell the disturbance; though the brothers of Kalíj Khán (who were the children of Ismael Kalíj Khán, and had a jágír at Sorath,) would not accompany him. After his arrival at Víramgám, he had a meeting with Fat'h Khán, son of Amín Khán Ghorí, Chandar Sen, Zamíndár of Halwád, and Káran Parmál, Zamíndár of Morbí; while Sayyid Kásim and Khoájah Suleimán Bakhshí, were sent with a force in advance. The troops came to Morbí, distant twenty-five koss from the enemy, where they halted: and, at this time, some proposals for peace passed between the imperial commanders and the latter. This endeavour to treat made them more arrogant; and, having resolved on war, they advanced to battle. Mírzá Azíz Koká, who was much enraged at their conduct, prepared to receive them; not pausing to consider that the enemy's strength was thirty thousand, whilst his own was only ten thousand cavalry. Muzaffir, who advanced, was accompanied by a great crowd of Gujarátís and Rájpúts.
At this time it rained heavily, and continued to do so without intermission for two days and nights. The enemy encamped on an elevated plain, while the imperial troops were on a low spot of ground; and, as the severity of the rain prevented large quantities of grain being brought into the camp of the latter, the men were straitened for provisions. Khán Azíz Koká, not thinking it advisable to offer battle, marched towards Nawanagar, in order that his soldiers might more easily be supplied with provisions and grain, and that dissensions among the enemy might spring up in the mean time. The Imperialists took up their position within four koss of a flourishing town, where the troops obtained much grain and other things by plunder; many of the enemy, in the mean time, went to their homes and families.
Muzaffir had encamped at the edge of a river which divided the two armies; and one day, soon after, an engagement having taken place between them, each bravely contended for victory. The Rájpúts, dismounting from their horses, formed a compact line, and advanced with their knives and daggers; but the right of the Imperialists having driven back the enemy's left, threw them into confusion; and Khán Azíz Koká, who, with a reserve of chosen men, was watching an opportunity, having made a rapid advance at this time, broke their line. The brother and two sons of Jasá Bábá, with five hundred Rájpúts, were killed on this occasion. Muzaffir and the Jám, not knowing what to do, took to flight; and Daolat Khán, who was wounded, went to Júnagarh. The enemy had two thousand killed and wounded, and the Imperialists only seven hundred.
Subsequently to this victory, Mírzá Azíz Koká marched to Nawanagar, where he obtained large booty; and, as Muzaffir and the Jám had taken refuge in the defiles of the mountains, he lingered for some time in that neighbourhood. Naorang Khán and Sayyid Kásim were sent from thence with a force to take Júnagarh. As Daolat Khán, who had been wounded in the late engagement, died at this time, the people in the fortress asked for quarter, and agreed to come out; but, when Muzaffir soon after joined them, they changed their intentions. On this account, Mírzá Azíz Koká went in person to capture the place; and Muzaffir, thinking it unsafe to remain there, abandoned it, and spread a report that he had gone to Ahmadábád. Mírzá Azíz Koká sent his son with a force to follow him; while he himself invested Júnagarh. Intelligence was at this time brought to the former that the Jám was passing in the neighbourhood of the imperial troops to his hereditary estate; and, though every possible expedition was made in pursuit of him, the latter fled like a wild beast before his pursuers.
In consequence of the length of the march and the privations experienced by the troops, Mírzá Azíz Koká did not take Júnagarh in that year, but returned to Ahmadábád, when the nobles were for once permitted to remain quiet on their own estates.
In the year of the Hijra 1000, A.D. 1591,
A.Hij. 1000.
A.D. 1591.
As this fortress, in the district of Sorath, came into the power of the imperial government, the author will here insert what is necessary to be known regarding this country, and the appellation of Júnagarh. This territory is bounded on the south and west by the sea; on the east by the Zillah of Jhalawár; and on the north by the boundaries of the provinces of Thattah, where the black soil of the hills and stony grounds become so swampy after a little rain that one can with difficulty walk over it. It is generally destitute of wood, though the mango, khirny, tamarind, and mimosa trees are to be found in the hilly parts. The inhabitants are a mixed race of Kúlis and Rájpúts, who, being for the most part armed horsemen, wear a quilted cotton jacket as armour, and carry a spear. They are addicted to robbery, and will not pay the revenue without the presence of troops to enforce it. This country is divided into five Zillahs, which are named Hallar, Kathiyáwar, Golwár, Babrewar, and Jaitwar; comprehending several ports, rivers, fortifications, and places of Hindú worship, such as Dwarka, Somnáth, and Shatrinjáh.* A greater produce is obtained from the spring than the autumnal crop; and such is the natural strength of the soil, that it requires no manure previously to being sown. After the rainy season, the wheat and nukhod* are sown, and do not require to be irrigated, but are brought forward by the natural moisture of the soil and the assistance of the dews, which are heavy in this quarter. The species of wheat called kath, which is very fine, is a product of this country. In the collected revenue of Sorath, that of Islámnagar is included.
Sultán Ahmad, who founded Ahmadábád, made two separate attempts to gain possession of this country, but without success. At length, Mahmúd Bígarrah having taken the Rájá Ráo Mandalik, as before detailed, built a fortified city, and named it Mustafábádb .
In regard to the appellation of Júnagarh, the people of Sorath generally relate that the Rájá of the country, who was named Mandalik, and was contemporary with Mahmúd Bígarrah, was the last of a race that had possessed dominion there for nineteen hundred years. His ancestors had succeeded each other in the Ráj during that time, and had their seat of government at the town of Bhantullí, distant from Júnagarh five koss. Formerly an impenetrable forest existed in this neighbourhood, and had not been explored. One day, however, a woodcutter penetrated so far as to discover the fortress, and, returning, informed the Rájá of what he had seen. The latter, after having caused the trees to be cut down, went in person to view the place, and beheld a wonderful fortification, constructed on the western side of Mount Girnar, whose walls had been scarped from the surrounding rock, above which a kind of battlement had been erected. It was entered by three doors, one of which is on the east, the other on the west; but within the latter there was a third door, towards the north, which cannot be passed without first entering the outer one. The water of the fortress was supplied by two deep wells and two smaller ones. During this visit, the Rájá Mandalik, having asked his followers regarding the name of this place, and the time of its construction, received for answer they did not know. He therefore called it Júnagarh, or the ancient fortress; the first part of the appellation signifying old, and the last a fort, according to the language of the country. The place has ever since retained this name.
THE SEIZURE AND SUICIDE OF SULTÁN MUZAFFIR, THE PILGRIMAGE OF MÍRZÁ AZÍZ KOKÁ TO MEKKA; THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PRINCE SULTÁN MORÁD, WITH SÚRJ SINGH AS HIS DEPUTY, SUCCEEDED BY THAT OF MÍRZÁ AZÍZ KOKÁ, ON HIS RETURN FROM THE PILGRIMAGE, AND THE DEATH OF AKBAR.
As Mírzá Azíz Koká, after capturing Júnagarh, made every possible endeavour to discover the retreat of Muzaffir, intelligence was at length received that this unfortunate had taken refuge with the landholder of Haraw,* in the territory of Dwarka. He therefore sent a suitable force in search of the fugitive, and gave command of the same to Naorang Khán, who was accompanied by Gujar Khán, Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad Bakhshí, and Mohammed Anwar, the son of Mírzá Azíz Koká. These commanders, after arriving at Dwarka, took the place, and established a mosque; and, having there left a party of troops, marched in pursuit of Muzaffir. But, as the landholder of that part had heard of the expedition, he conveyed Muzaffir by sea to a fortified island, and went along with him. The Imperialists followed the enemy, who now made a stand on ground where cavalry could not act; but the troops of the former dismounted and engaged their opponents. Many of the latter were slain; and, as the landholder had been at this time killed by an arrow, Muzaffir, much distressed and perplexed, took refuge with the Bharah Zamíndár of Kach.
When intelligence of these events was brought to Mírzá Azíz Koká, then at Júnagarh, he sent another force to that quarter, and gave command of it to his son, Abdullah. The Jám, in token of submission and good wishes, met the latter on the way, and, having indicated a wish to be received with favour by the imperial government, concluded a treaty. The Zamíndár of Kach also sent his agents, who agreed to send the son of their master to the imperial camp; but, as Mírza Azíz Koká, who would not favourably receive this proposition, told them that if they had any real intention of serving the imperial government, or wish to be received into favour, they must deliver up Muzaffir to the servants of the latter. An attempt was made to procrastinate and deceive; but, as Mírzá Azíz Koká had yielded up some territory to the Jám, a force was in the mean time sent to assist him in this matter; and he, being afraid of the consequences, sent to say that he would deliver up Muzaffir, provided the parganah of Murbí, which had been formerly part of his territory, was given to him as a reward for his services. Mírzá Azíz Koká gladly accepted his proposal; and a party, detached for the purpose of seizing Muzaffir, was guided to the spot by the Jám, who sent on a messenger to say that the Bharah Zamíndár was about to pay him a visit; when the latter, coming out to meet him, having been surrounded by the men of the detachment, was made a prisoner.
The party, after thus accomplishing the object for which it had been sent, hastened to return, and marched all night with their prisoners; who, when morning dawned, having alighted for a little, retired behind a tree under some pretext, and cut his throat with a razor, which had been kept concealed in his pocket. He thus liberated himself from the contentions of this world; and, such was the celerity with which the act was accomplished, that, in the time it could have been known he was dead, Mírzá Azíz Koká sent his head to Court along with Nizámu-d-dín Bakhshí. These events happened at Dharrol, fifteen koss from Murbí.
When the news of Muzaffir's death, and the
capture of Júnagarh, reached the ear of Akbar,
an affectionate order, recalling Mírzá Azíz Koká,
was issued. Notwithstanding the latter had
done such service, he could not, for various
reasons and suspicions, make up his mind to go
to Court; and excused himself, by saying that
he intended to take Diú from the Portuguese.
Having first permitted Naorang Khán, Gujar
Khán, and Khoájah Ashraf, with others of the
nobles, to return to their jágírs, he at the same
time wrote to the commanders at the different
sea-ports, that they must prevent the merchants
from trading to the harbour of Diú; in order
that, by thus reducing the Portuguese to extremity,
they might procure for him a licence to
go to sea. He at the same time sent to the
Bharah Zamíndár and the Jám, saying that he
intended to return to Court by way of Sind.
After his arrival at Somnáth, he confined Mír
Abdu-r-Rizzák Bakhshí and Sayyid Báyázíd
Díwán, but on what account the author is not
aware; and at this time a letter of licence to go
to sea was received from the Portuguese. In
A. Hij. 1001,
A.D. 1592.
As the prince had been appointed to the government of the Dekhan, previous to these events, and had delayed taking charge of it, in endeavouring to assemble troops in Málwa, Gujarát was now granted him in place of the other. He at the same time received instructions to leave Málwa and go to Ahmadábád, whence he was to lead the troops of both provinces into the Dekhan, and endeavour to mend the state of affairs in that quarter.
A. Hij. 1002,
A.D. 1593-4.
In A. Hij. 1002, A.D. 1593-4, Mirzá Azíz Koká returned from the pilgrimage, and went to Court by way of Gujarát, and, as the Prince Morád Bakht, in the following year, went into the Dekhan, Súrj Singh came to Ahmadábád as his deputy.
Bahádur, the son of the late Sultán Muzaffir,
A. Hij. 1003,
A.D. 1594-5.
A. Hij. 1007,
A. D. 1598.
In A. Hij. 1007, A.D. 1598, the fortress of Asír, which, from the time of Sultán Bahádur Gujarátí, had been possessed by Ikhtiyár Khán, Alagh Khán, and Murján, sons of Yákút Sultán, was incorporated with the provinces of the Dehlí empire.*
A. Hij. 1009,
A.D. 1600.
The death of Prince Sultán Morád having taken place in the Dekhan A. Hij. 1009,* A.D. 1600, Mírzá Azíz Koká was for a third time made governor of Gujarát. In this same year, Shamsu-d-dín Husain was sent as deputy governor to Ahmadábád, and one of his sons was appointed Faojdár of Sorath.
The revenue of the province had been assigned over to Mírzá Azíz Koká and his family, in A. Hij. 1011, A.D. 1602; when, at his request, the Emperor conferred on his son Shádmán the deputyship of the province, and made his other son, Abdullah, governor of Júnagarh. In this same year, the sum of one lak of rupees, from the revenue of the port of Khambáyat, was assigned as an annual gift to the Prince Salím.*
On Wednesday the 12th of Jumádá-s-sán
12th of October,
A.D. 1605.
This is not quite accurate, regarding the mode of reckoning Aurangzíb's personal era, as it also appears to be counted from A. Hij. 1067. The inscription placed by his order on the Mulki-Meidán, or great gun of Bíjapúr, is the 30th year of his reign, or A. Hij. 1097, A D. 1686; and, as Bíjapúr was taken in Zú-l-kadah, the 11th Mohammedan month, he had just completed his 30th year from A. Hij. 1067.
↩It would appear from Scott's Dekhan and Fraser's History of Nádir Sháh, that his death took place in February or Rabí-us-sání.
↩Mr. Mills's history is out a year in this date, by giving A.D. 1753.
↩Briggs's Ferishta says, Sayyid Mírán, his son.
↩He is called Hajáz Khán in Briggs's copy of Ferishta, a mistake easily committed from the similarity of the letters in Persian.
↩These would appear to have formed a caste of soldiers among the Rájpúts, much addicted to opium-eating, and ready for any desperate enterprize.
↩The practice of sabat, here translated sapping, is the construction of protected zig-zags of approach. An account may be found in Briggs's Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 230.
↩It was so called from Suleimán I. of Constantinople, who reigned from A.D. 1520 to 1566; and who sent an expedition here mentioned from the Persian Gulf A.D.1553. The account of it is written in the Mirátu-l-Mamálik (See Bombay Transactions , vol. ii.)
↩The Maásiru-l-Omará, in the life of Mírzá Azíz Koká, says it was the 4th of this month.
↩It would appear, from Ferishta's history, that the Mírzá was not delivered up before A.Hij. 986, A.D. 1578.
↩This is the distinguished author of the history called the Tabakát Akbarí.
↩Mír Másúm is the author of a history of Sind, and assisted, it is said, Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad in compiling the Tabakát Akbarí.
↩The IIáhí Era was established A. Hij. 992, according to Gladwin's translation of the Ayín Akbarí, and not in 995, as before inserted. Mr. Gladwin has, however, made an error of one year, as the order was issued in A. Hij. 993.
↩A karn, or cycle, is a period of time usually counted by the Mohammedans, from ten to eighty years. As Akbar commenced reigning in A. Hij. 963, it is here meant for thirty years.
↩I have made the translation of this passage as explained by the very learned Mír Khairát Ali Munshí, commonly called Mushták; but the original Persian would imply a more severe censure of the difference of religions, and indirectly intimates that Akbar had some designs of founding a new system.
↩In two copies of the Akbar Námah which I have consulted, this is the number of the year corresponding to that of the Hijra; but in a third I find that the 1165th year is called the corresponding one. The former is, however, the true date.
↩The Akhláki Násiri is a system of ethics and politics, translated from its original Arabic by Násiru-d-din of Tús, who lived in the middle of the thirteenth century of our Era. Some extracts from it have been translated into English and published in the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, vol. 1., and in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 1, p. 514, &c.
↩The Ahiyá, an esteemed work on Theology, written in Arabic, was composed by Imán Abú Hámid Mohammed-ul-Ghazálí of Tús, now Meshid, about the beginning of the twelfth century.
↩The Kímiá-i-Saádat, a General System of Ethics, by the author of the Ahiyá.
↩This poetical work treats of religion, morality, and politics: the author was Jalálu-d-dín Rúmí, who lived in the city of Koniyáh, or Iconium, in Asiatic Turkey.
↩It is well known that the infidelity of the celebrated Akbar, in regard to the Mohammedan creed, led him to investigate the doctrines of other religions. Christian Monks, the Dastúrs of the Fire-worshippers, the Bráhmans of the Hindús, were each assembled, and called on to explain the principles of their belief to Akbar. As the Emperor lent a willing ear to the expounders of all faiths, they were each alternately convinced he had become a follower of their creed. His true belief, however, appears to have been a system of Theism, similar to that of the Súfí philosophers.
↩ These three sources of taxation are respectedly called by
the Mohammedans, Tumghá,
A Desáya is the chief of a district, who inherits lands and money perquisites; but on which the government intendant of revenue had a claim of from two to ten per cent. The Mukaddam is chief of a village.
↩ The term in the original is Málguzárí
This is said to be the same place as that otherwise named Hinglaj; which is sometimes, however, included in the Súbah of Thattah.
↩Cicer Arietinum.
↩I cannot find this place in the map, but it is probably the same as Aramraw, opposite the Bate Pagoda.
↩There is an inscription on the minaret of the great mosque at Burhánpúr, written by Mír Másúm of Bhákar, which records the capture of Asír in the 44th year of the Iláhí Era. As Akbar commenced to reign in A. Hij. 963, the 44th year of that Era would therefore correspond to the Hijra year 1007; but, if the inscription has been correctly copied, this year of the reign is there called 1009. The last is an error; and Ferishta, in converting the years into each other, appears to have committed a similar one.
↩This appears to be wrong; it had happened two years before.
↩The same who succeeded Akbar on the throne.
↩