In ancient times, the country of Gujarát was possessed by the Rájpúts and Kúlies; when every chief, being independent of another, was a person of power in his own domain. The army of Rájá Phúr,* (Porus), however, then Deva Rájá of Kanauj, and greatest of all the Rájas of Hindústán, was annually sent to collect the tribute; and, after having done so, returned to the capital.
One of the Rájá's slaves, named Sáwant Singh, having committed some fault, was put to death; and, as his house was plundered at the same time, his wife, while pregnant, fled towards Gujarát. On her journey to this country, she bore a son; who, being discovered in the wilderness by Rájá Síl Deva,* was carried to Palanpúr, and there brought up by him. This boy, on arriving at man's estate, became so fond of evil company, that, soon following the ways of his companions, he turned highwayman and robber. Having, at length, seized on some treasure on its way from Gujarát to Kanauj, he was, from that time, blessed with the smiles of fortune, and established his power and independence. Soon after he became intimate with a marketman named Champa, who weaned him from his evil propensities; and, having now assumed the title of Ban-Ráj, or Bansráj, he laid the foundation of the city of Patan, and made it the seat of his government. This occurred five years after he had first become independent;* and from that time, until the foundation of the good city of Ahmadábád, Patan continued to be the royal residence and the capital of Gujarát.
When Ban Ráj had resolved on founding the city of Patan, he went in search of a site favourably situated for the amusement of the chase; and, having at length met a shepherd, was informed by him where a suitable place might be found. The shepherd, whose name was Anhil, stipulated that the city should be named after him; saying at the same time, that he had there seen a hare beat a dog by her exertion and agility. The ground was selected; and when a population had collected, received the name of Anhilwárah. This became known by degrees under the name of Nahrwálah; which, when the population increased, and the town became a place of note, was changed to Patan: for, in the Hindí language, they call a favoured town and a royal residence Patan. The era of the foundation is 802 of Vikramáditya, corresponding to A. Hij. 130, A.D. 747, or, as some say, to A. Hij. 202, A.D. 817.
Three royal races of Hindús have successively ruled over this country, namely the Cháwura,* Solankhí,* and Baghílah races. According to the Ayín Akbarí, the total number of individuals belonging to the tribes who held power amounted to twenty-three, and these retained possession of the country for five hundred and seventy-five years previous to the period when Gujarát became subject to the Mohammedans.
Of the Cháwura race there were seven individuals; one of whom, Ban Ráj, who first established the principality, appears to have lived sixty years, and the others ruled as follows:—
| Ban Ráj | 60 |
| Jog Ráj | 35 |
| Khím, or Bhím Ráj | 25 |
| Rájá Pithú | 29 |
| Rájá Bijy Singhk | 25 |
| Rájá Ráwat Singh | 15 |
| Rájá Sáwant, or Sámant Singh | 7 |
The Cháwura tribe ruled one hundred and ninety-six years; after which the power passed into the hands of the Solankhí tribe in this manner. Sáwant Singh Cháwura gave his only daughter in marriage to one of the Solankhí tribe; and she becoming pregnant died in childbirth. The child, however, being cut from her womb, was preserved; and, as the moon was then in her 19th mansion, called Múl in Hindí, the boy received the name of Múl-Ráj. Sáwant Singh brought up the boy as his own; and having, in a drunken fit, named him his heir, afterwards denied he had done so. At the death of Sáwant Singh, Múl Ráj found an opportunity to possess himself of the government; and from him descended ten individuals, who reigned two hundred and fifty years and six months:
| Years. | Months. | |
| Múl Rájl | 56 | |
| Jomúndm | 12 | 4 |
| Bílba | 7 | |
| Dúrla, the brother of Jamúndn | 8 | |
| Rájá Bhím Deo | 42 | |
| Rájá Kiran | 31 | |
| Sid Ráj Jey Singh | 50 | |
| Kúnwara Pál | 30 | 6 |
| Ají Pál, who poisoned his master and seized his power | 3 | 1 |
| Lakhú Múl Deo, who was descended from the brother of Bhím Deo | 20 | |
| 253 | 6 |
In the reign of Jamúnd, A. Hij. 416,* A.D. 1025-6, Sultán Mahmúd Ghaznaví marched for Somnáth by way of Multán; when, having invaded the territories of Nahrwálah Patan, Rájá Jamúnd quitted that city, and fled. Mahmúd, after capturing Nahrwálah, made the necessary preparations for his army to march on Somnáth; and, in the month of Zú-l-kadah of the same year, accomplished the conquest of that place. Having afterwards received intelligence that Rájá Jamúnd, the ruler of Nahrwálah, had at this time taken refuge in a certain fort,* distant forty-five farsangs, Mahmúd resolved on capturing it. He accordingly marched against this place, which, on his arrival, was discovered to be a fortification surrounded by deep water on every side. Two divers were brought to him; and, being asked regarding the depth of the water, replied that, although a passage might be effected at a certain place, yet should the flood-tide come in while making the attempt, all of them must perish. Sultán Mahmúd, after confidently intreating the divine favour, advanced through the water with his cavalry, and safely landed them below the walls of the fortification. Rájá Jamúnd Solankhí, observing this, quickly took to flight: and the army of Islám, after obtaining an enormous booty, put the people of the garrison to the sword. The author of the Rauzatu-s-Saffá has given a curious account of this transaction.
It has been generally reported that Sultán Mahmúd, after capturing Somnáth, wished to remain several years in that quarter; as the country, being open and extensive, pleased him. There were then wonderful mines in that part, yielding pure gold;* and all the precious stones of Hindústán were the produce of the mines of Sirándíb, (Ceylon) which was then a dependancy of that country.* The nobles, however, represented, that if Somnáth was made his capital, it would be too distant from Khorásán; and the Sultán, now adopting the resolution of returning, said it would be necessary to appoint some one who would regulate and retain the country for him. The king's ministers told him that the only option left was to give it in charge to some one among the people of the country: and, as the Sultán had at this time consulted his intimates and friends, some of them said that none of the royal tribe of this country equalled Dábishlím* in his ancestry, both by the father and mother's side: and, as one of that family was yet remaining who had been employed in studying philosophy and mortifying the flesh, it would be well that the Sultán gave the government to him. Others, who were averse to this proposal, made it appear that Dábishlím, the anchorite, was an evil-disposed person, who had fallen under the displeasure of God; and that his seclusion from the world and devotion came not of his own choice, as he had taken refuge in a solitary retreat, with a view of saving his life, after his brothers had several before times confined him. They also informed him that there was another Dábishlím, related to the former; and, as he was very wise and learned, all the Bráhmans had great faith in his wisdom. The same was now reigning over a certain country; and it would be therefore better that the Sultán, appointing him to the government, ordered a firman to be written in his name, permitting him to rule over this country, according to the right he would be thereby invested with. It was also said that this Dábishlím was so upright and trustworthy, that, having once taken upon himself the payment of tribute, he would, notwithstanding the length of the way, send the same annually to Ghazní. To this the Sultán replied, that, would this Dábishlím come and make such a request, he might consent to grant it: but wherefore should he confer so large a territory on one who, if he wished to be named to the sovereignty, had not even done a service, or paid him so much courtesy. Dábishlím the anchorite was then sent for; and, having obtained the government of the country, became bound to pay tribute: saying, at the same time, “Whatever your Highness commands, I will obey, and will send to Ghazní all the gold and jewels obtained from the mines of Hindústán. There is one of my kinsmen, however, another Dábishlím, who is very hostile to me; and, as several battles have taken place between us, he will, doubtless, advance against me on knowing your Highness has departed; and, as I am not yet firmly seated in my power, or have confidence in myself, I must be subdued, and he gain possession of my country. But if the Sultán,” said he, “would now march against him, and defend me against his evil designs, I will send to Ghazní a yearly tribute, equivalent to that of Khorásán and Kábúl.” The Sultán consented to his proposal; and, when he turned his arms against that country, the people of Somnáth upbraided Dábishlím the anchorite, saying, “You have done wrong to instigate the Sultán to a religious war; yet the Almighty delights in preserving the honour of the good whom he favours; and such a one will not be injured by your designs or calumnies.”
On these words being reported to the Sultán, he was much annoyed; but, having marched to that quarter, was pleased not to forget or forgive them. In fine, having taken Dábishlím the king, he gave him in charge to Dábishlím the anchorite, who represented “that it was customary for the kings of this country, when there is an enemy in their power, to prepare for him a dark dwelling below their own royal seat; where, causing him to be seated on a throne, and kept closely confined, only a hole is to be left open, through which he may receive his daily food. In this manner,” said he, “the king, who is in possession of the throne, treats his adversary during such time as he may reign. But, as I cannot just now confine him, it would be better and more convenient if your Highness would carry him to Ghazní, and send him back to me, after I have taken possession of and arranged the country, so as to become quite settled. I can then imprison him, in the manner just mentioned; and to have my requests granted is nothing wonderful or uncommon from your Highness.”
The Sultán now resolved on departure, and sounded the march for returning home. Succeeding this, Dábishlím the anchorite seated himself on the throne of Somnáth; and, by forwarding rich gifts and presents, continued to please the nobles of Ghazní by all manner of good offices, till the time came for making a request that his enemy might be delivered up. The Sultán hesitated delivering a blameless person into the hands of his enemy: but, as Dábishlím the anchorite, through liberal distribution of presents to the courtiers, had gained their support, all of them represented it was not necessary to have compassion on a Pagan idolater. They also said that the Sultán, having entered into a compact, ought not to break his promise; since by such opposition Dábishlím the anchorite would lose the country. The Sultán at length delivered up Dábishlím the king to the servants of the other Dábishlím, writing at the same time to the kings* of Hind, that they must escort him to the neighbourhood of Somnáth. On the former approaching Somnáth, Dábishlím the anchorite gave orders to get ready the prison which had been made for him under the throne. As it was, moreover, a custom with the kings of this country to advance one stage and meet an enemy, when approaching the royal residence, in order that they might make him run before their horses, carrying on his head the royal goblet and ewer to the precincts of the palace, the anchorite Dábishlím therefore came forth: and, there being some delay in the other's approach, determined on following the chase. After having pursued the sport in every direction, till the heat of the day became very great, the whole army received an order to halt; when Dábishlím the anchorite, having taken up his station under a tree, covered his face with a red handkerchief and went to sleep. There happened to be many beasts of prey in that jungle, who had both sharp claws and beaks; and one of these, while on the wing, having mistaken the red cloth for a piece of flesh, descended and carried it away in its claws. Dábishlím, from the blow of its beak, became blind of an eye on this occasion; and hence arose a great tumult in the army. In the mean time, the other Dábishlím arrived. When the royal attendants saw that the anchorite of that name had a personal blemish, and that there was no one worthy or fit for the sovereignty but the former, all of them agreed he must be king; and made their obeisance to him accordingly. Having also advised his opponents to submit, they placed the goblet and ewer, which had been prepared for him, on the head of Dábishlím the anchorite; and, after making him run before them to the palace, confined him in the prison he had himself made.*
WHEN the sovereignty of Nahrwálah came to Bhím-Deo Baghílah, Sultán Moizzu-d-dín Sám, generally known by the name of Shahábu-d-dín, while acting as the lieutenant of his brother, led an army to Úcha, in A. Hij. 570, A.D. 1174; and, having afterwards obtained the sovereignty of Ghazní, in A. Hij. 574, A.D. 1178, he again returned, and took that country from the Infidels. At this time, also, having subdued the sinners of Multán, he resolved to go into Gujarát, by way of Rájásthán (the sandy desert). Bhím Deo Baghílah opposed and defeated him in battle; after which the Sultán had much difficulty in reaching Ghazní.
Succeeding this, Kutbu-d-dín Aibuk, having constituted Dehlí the capital of the country, in the 589th year of the Hijra, A.D. 1193, brought an army to Nahrwálah Patan, and revenged the Sultán's defeat on Bhím Deo.* Moreover, Rájá Siddha Rájá Jey Singh Solankhí, having obtained the sovereignty of Nahrwálah, conquered the country as far as Málwa and Burhánpúr. At this time he founded the ports of Bhroch and Dubhúe, constructed many oťher buildings, such as the reservoir of Sahsar Ling,* at Patan, and several others at Bíramgám; and, having caused several water reservoirs to be dug in the country of Sorath, built them up with stone. The above-named Rájá also built the idol temple of Rudra Mála,* in the city of Sidhpúr, which he had rendered habitable; and the same temple is famous throughout the world.
The Rájá, on signifying his intention of building the above-mentioned temple, requested the astrologers, it is said, to appoint a fortunate hour; and they at this time predicted the destruction of the building by Alá-ud-dín Khiljí, who was to be sovereign of Dehlí, as plainly perceivable from the revolution of the heavenly bodies. The Rájá, confiding in the words of the astrologers, wished to make a treaty with the Sultán just noticed, by sending letters to him: but to these the latter replied, saying, “If, by means of this treaty we have entered on, I do not neglect the injunctions of the law, I will certainly fulfil it.”* In short, that great man, having soon afterwards obtained the sovereignty of Dehlí, sent an army to these parts, and fulfilled the obligations of the law, by converting the temple into a mujid with minars. But, besides the above-mentioned temple, there are many other celebrated ones, which, with wells built of stone, were completed by this Rájá.
Regarding the transfer of the sovereignty from the Solankhí family to the tribe of Baghílah, it happened in this manner. As Lakhú Múl-Deo Solankhí had no child fit for the sovereignty, it became the property of the Baghílahs, of whom there were six persons who held power one hundred and twenty-six years and one month, viz.—
| Years. | Months. | |
| Anwal Múl Deo | 12 | 5 |
| Rájá Bísal Deo,b who colonized the town of Bísalnagar | 34 | 6 |
| Rájá Bhím Deo | 42 | 0 |
| Rájá Arjund Deo | 10 | 0 |
| Rájá Sárang Deo | 21 | 0 |
| Rájá Karanc | 6 | 2 |
| 126 | 1 |
THE TRIUMPH OF THE FAITH, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOHAMMEDAN RELIGION IN THE COUNTRY.
IT being the will of God that the faith and laws of the Prophet should be made known, the sovereignty and power of the tribes already noticed came to an end, and were transferred to the supporters of our pure religion and illustrious law, in order that the light of the exalted faith might shine resplendent as the sun, amidst that dark region of infidelity; and we, by publishing the words of truth, and obeying the commandments of that religion, forbidding us to do evil, might turn away the people from the terrible desert of error, and lead them on the high road of salvation.
In fine, the khutba, or public prayer, was read in the name of Sultán Alá-ud-dín, who was sovereign of Dehlí in the year of the Hijra 696, A D. 1296. At this time, an army was sent into Gujarát, under the command of Alif Khán, (who is called, by the people of Gujarát, Alp Khán,)* and Nusrat Khán Jalesrí; and they having plundered the country about Nahrwálah, Rájá Karan Baghílah, who was the last of the Rájás, gave them battle. Not being able, however, to make a stand against them, the Rájá fled to Deogarh, in the Dekhan, while his women, daughters, treasure, and elephants, fell into the hands of the victors. The two commanders plundered the rich merchants of Kambay; and, having destroyed the idol of Somnáth, which had been again set up after the time of Mahmúd of Ghazní, sent all the effects and women of Rájá Karan to Dehlí, and presented them to the Sultán. The daughter of Rájá Karan, who was named Dewalde, having arrived at Dehlí, Khizr Khán, the son of Alá-ud-dín Khiljí, became enamoured of her beauty; and the circumstance being made known to his father, the latter gave her in marriage to his son, whilst he himself formed an unlawful connexion with the mother of the damsel. Amír Khusrao of Dehlí, in his poem of the loves of Khizr Khán and Dewalde, a book celebrated throughout the world, tells us that Alif Khán took care of Dewalde in her infancy; and, having brought her up with his own family, afterwards married her, in compliance with the Sultán's orders, to Khizr Khán. The following stanzas are extracted from the above-mentioned poem:—
“Dewalde Rání, incomparable among the beauties of Hindústán, was named Dewalde, in the Hindí language, by her mother and father; as the first syllable in the name of that peri was Dew, (an angel in Hindí,) the Magie of Hind guarded her from the Devil (Dew, in Persian). On reflection, therefore, I have changed the name from Hindí to Persian; and, by dropping one letter, have converted Dewal into Dawal. The plural of dawal is daolat'há (possessions), and in this her history, many such are embodied. As the Rání is possessed of wealth and affections, I have made her name Dawal Rání; with which, when the name of her husband became united, the heaven received exaltation in the shadow of both. The name of this book is the Ashukí-Bahr, or the advantage of love between Dawal Rání and Khizr Khán.”
After the conquest of Nahrwálah, and the defeat of Rájá Karan Baghílah, Alif Khán was commissioned to govern the country; and from this time, the rulers of the province were appointed by the Sultáns of Dehlí. Alif Khán, moreover, built the Friday mosque of white marble, which remains at the present time, and the pillars of the same work of his, as known to the common people, are so numerous, that one often makes a mistake in counting them. They also relate that it was once an idol temple converted to a mosque; but it is, in short, a wonderful and noble building; which was then in the centre of the city, though now distant from the part inhabited.
Regarding the greatness and extent of the buildings in the city of Patan during former times, there are yet many visible signs; for, from the present inhabited part to the distance of three coss, the bricks and rubbish, strewed in the jungle, give testimony of these; whilst round towers and ramparts, in different places, indicate where once extended the city. Certainly, in the course of ages, there have been many changes; and, by degrees, the vestiges of many former edifices have been obliterated.
During the period the Rájás held power, so much marble was brought from Ajmír and other places, for building the Hindú temples, that on digging it is now found in abundance. All the marble which has been used at Ahmadábád and other places came from the same place.
In short, Alif Khán governed Gujarát, on the part of Alá-ud-dín Khiljí, for the space of twenty years; but, being recalled towards the latter part of that king's reign, because of the enmity and accusation of Malik Náib, the eunuch, and then Wazír, was unjustly put to death.* Khizr Khán, being accused along with him, was imprisoned in the fortress of Gwalior.; succeeding which, the Sultán, after reigning twenty-one years, died of the dropsy, in the 717th year of the Hij., A.D. 1317. Some say that Malik Náib caused the Sultán to be poisoned; and, that having set aside Khizr Khán's right to the sovereignty, he placed a young boy, Shahábu-d-dín,* on the throne, in whose name, wielding the power and authority of the State, he deprived Khizr Khán of sight. After things continuing in this state for a month and five days, several of the nobles belonging to the former government put Malik Náib to death.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN KUTBU-D-DÍN MUBÁRAK SHÁH, SON OF ALÁ-UD DÍN KHILJÍ.
The nobles and other grandees having released from prison the Sultán's son, Kutbu-d-dín Mubárak Sháh, then in his eighteenth year, seated him on the throne.
At the time when Alá-ud-dín recalled Alif Khán from the government of Gujarát, he put him to death: after which there happened to be great disorder in the affairs of the government; and, as both mutiny and sedition occurred in the country, rebels rose up in every direction. But Sultán Kutbu-d-dín Mubárak Sháh, on commencing his reign, sent Malik Kạmilu-d-dín to allay these disturbances; and this commander, having entered Gujarát, obtained the honour of martyrdom in a war with the Infidels; after which the disturbances of the country increased. At length Ainu-l-Mulúk Multání was deputed on this important business; and, accompanied by an army, made a settlement of the province in the manner he thought best calculated to bring it to a state of repose.
After these disturbances had been put down, the Sultán sent Malik Dínar, his father-in-law, with the title of Zafir Khán, as Governor of Gujarát, who, after being employed three or four months, completely settled the province, and sent large sums of money to the Royal Treasury. But the above-mentioned Khán, who was without a fault, and the chief support of the State, was recalled from Gujarát and put to death. At the same time, Hissámu-d-dín, brother of Khusrao Khán, who had found favour in the eyes of the Sultán, obtained the equipage formerly belonging to Zafir Khán, and was sent into Gujarát. On his arrival there, the Hindú tribe of Parmár,* to which both brothers belonged, assembled, and wished to excite him to rebellion. The other commanders who accompanied him discovered his evil designs, and, imprisoning him, sent him to the Sultán. Succeeding this, Malik Wají-ud-dín Koreshí, a brave and active officer, was sent into Gujarát, in the place of Hissámu-d-dín; and the same brought the country into a peaceable state, after it had been disturbed by the former. At length, Wají-ud-dín was recalled, and obtained the title of Táju-l-Mulk.
Khusrao Khán, as before noticed, a Hindú of the Parmár tribe, and who was intimate with and possessed great power over the Sultán, was next appointed to Gujarát. Not being satisfied with this, however, he entertained improper desires of possessing the throne; and, collecting his own tribe around him, put the Sultán to death. Having afterwards usurped the government, he assumed the title of Nasiru-d-dín.
In short, the reign of Kutbu-d-dín Mubárak Sháh lasted four years and four months. At the end of this time, Ghází Malik,* a nobleman of the former dynasty, becoming acquainted with Khusrao Khán's evil deeds, and urged on by a nice sense of honour, collected an army, and made him a prisoner in war. he afterwards cut the traitor's body in pieces, and sent it to the capital. In consequence of their being none of Alá-ud-dín's posterity remaining, the nobles elevated Ghází Malik to the sovereignty, in the year of the Hijra 720, A.D. 1320. He having assumed the title of Ghiásu-d-dín Toghluk Sháh, appointed Táju-l-Mulk to the government of Gujarát, in order that he might bring the same into subjection. This took place about the latter part of his reign, of which only four years and a few months had passed away, when the roof of a summer-house falling in killed him, with six other persons.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN MOHAMMED TOGHLUK SHÁH.
Sultán Mohammed Toghluk,* the son of Ghiásu-d-dín Toghluk, was next seated on the throne. He was a king of quick understanding, who had acquired excellence in several branches of knowledge; and, entertaining thoughts of great extent, as mentioned in various historical books, he adopted extraordinary schemes of ambition.
In this reign, Malik Mukbil, the son of a musician,* and who with the title of Khán Jehán, and Náibi Mukhtár, held the government of Gujarát, while marching by way of Baroda and Dubhúe, on his way to Dehlí with treasure and horses collected for the royal stables, was plundered by the chiefs of the Siddhas (Moghuls). At this time, Malik Mukbil fled to Nahrwálah; and the Sultán, on receiving intelligence of these transactions, became enraged, and brought an army into Gujarát. After tarrying in the country for two years, endeavouring to capture the fort of Girnal (Júnagarh), on which occasion Khengar, the Rájá of Kach, waited on him,* the Sultán departed, and appointed Nizámu-l-Mulk to the government of Gujarát. At this very time, Sultán Mohammed Toghluk fell sick on the road, and the Angel of Death carried his soul to the world of eternity.
THE REIGN OF FÍROZ SHÁH TOGHLUK III. OF DEHLÍ, WHO WAS THE COUSIN OF MOHAMMED TOGHLUK.
Sultán Fíroz Sháh was crowned King on the
March 23,
1351.
THE REIGN OF GHIÁSU-D-DÍN TOGHLUK II., WHO WAS GRANDSON OF FÍROZ, AND ALSO CALLED FÍROZ SHÁH IV.
On the death of Fíroz Sháh III., the king's servants seated his grandson, Ghiásu-d-dín, on the throne, and gave him the title of Fíroz Sháh IV. He was the son of the prince Fat'h Khán; and, being quite a youth, became addicted to indolence, giving himself up to pleasure and sensual amusements. As the people consequently suffered oppression, Malik Ruknu-d-dín, the Viceroy, put him to death, in A. Hij. 791, A.D. 1387, and hung up his head in front of the darbár. His reign lasted six months and five days.*
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN ABÚBEKR SHÁH, GRANDSON OF FÍROZ III., AND THAT OF HIS UNCLE, MOHAMMED TOGHLUK II.
After the death of Fíroz Sháh IV., called otherwise Ghiásu-d-dín Toghluk, his cousin, Abúbekr Sháh (who was the son of Zafir Khán, third son of Fíroz III.), was raised to the throne. He was made a prisoner by his uncle, Mohammed Toghluk II., and died, after having reigned one year and six months.
Mohammed Sháh Toghluk II. then obtained the sovereignty; and, as the people of Khambáyat complained against Farhatu-l-Mulk Rastí Khán, and sought for redress, he sent Mohammed Sháh Zafir Khán (son of Wají-ul-Mulk), as governor to Gujarát. Zafir Khán accordingly took his departure, to assume this office, on the 17th of Rabí-ul-awal, A. Hij. 793, (Feb. 21, A.D. 1391;) and his master, the Sultán, falling sick, died in A. Hij. 796, A.D. 1394, after a reign of six years and seven months.
THE DYNASTY OF GUJARÁT KINGS.
CHAPTER I.
The original intention with which these pages were written was to explain the events that took place under the administration of the several governors, after the conquest of the country by Akbar, and to detail those accidents which led to the ruin of the province, and converted it from a flourishing condition into one of barrenness. Although several learned men of former times have left behind them histories of the Gujarát kings, such as the Táríkhi-Muzaffir Sháhí, subsequently the Hulwa Shírází, the poetical history called Ahmad Sháhí, the Táríkhi Mahmúd Sháhí (so called from Mahmúd Bígarrah), and the Táríkhi Bahádur Sháhí, all of which were written during the reigns of the different kings, yet none of them embrace the general history of the Gujarát dynasty. This may be found in the history named the Mirát Sikandarí, which was composed forty years after the destruction of the Gujarát monarchy; and, as it was necessary to explain and arrange the several occurrences which took place, from the period when the Rájás held dominion to the establishment of the Gujarát kings, a selection of whatever appeared most necessary to be known, regarding each reign, has been made from the last-mentioned work. Whosoever may wish to know their history more at length will find it in the book just mentioned.
The first among the ancestors of the Gujarát kings, who adopted the faith of Islám, was Wají-ul-Mulk. He belonged to the Tank tribe of Rájpúts, which is one of the Kshatriya branches claiming descent from Rámachandra, whom they worship as a god. What is related in other histories of Gujarát, regarding the conversion and appellation of the Tanks and Gohilas, need not be here noticed.
Sultán Mohammed Toghluk Sháh II., who obtained the sovereignty of Dehlí in the year of the Hij. 792, A.D. 1390, hearing of the rebellion and tyrannical administration of Malik Mo*-le/>farrah (otherwise styled Farhatu-l-Mulk Rastí Khán), then forming the country of Gujarát, soon after conferred the title of Azím Humáyún on Zafir Khán, the son of Wají-ul-Mulk; and, granting him permission to use a red canopy, such as peculiarly distinguishes kings, sent him into Gujarát to punish Rastí Khán.
Feb. 7, A.D.
1391.
On the 2d of Rabí-ul-awal, in A. Hij. 793()* A.D. 1390-91, Azím Humáyún pitched his tents by the edge of the Howzikhas, at Dehlí; where the Sultán, on the 4th of the same month, coming to take leave of him, adopted his son, Tátár Khán, as one of his own children. Azím Humáyún, after marching several stages, received intelligence of a son being born to Tátár Khán, whom they named Ahmad; and, when he arrived by successive stages at the town of Nagore, was there met by the people from Khambáyat, who complained of being oppressed by Rastí Khán. Azím Humáyún, after giving them every encouragement, marched to the city of Patan, where, having encamped, he forwarded the Sultán's letter, enjoining Rastí Khán to submit; but, no proper answer being returned, the latter advanced to give him battle. In the engagement which took place between them, at the town of Kambhú, a dependancy of the sirkar of Patan, Zafir Khán Azím Humáyún was victorious; and Farhatu-l-Mulk Rastí Khán was slain. Succeeding this, the former returned to Patan, in A. Hij. 794, A.D. 1391-92; where he enforced his authority, by conciliating the cultivators and other subjects. He also founded a town on the spot where the victory took place, naming it Jítpúr; and, continuing to labour in the service of the true God, after having plundered the temple of Somnáth, established the Mohammedan religion in many places. Subsequently, having taken possession of all the cities of Gujarát, he befriended those who had been oppressed by Farhatu-??-Mulk Rastí Khán, so that the chiefs and common people were pleased with him.
On the death of Sultán Mohammed Toghluk II., happening in the year of the Hijra 796, A.D. 1393-94, the affairs of the Dehlí empire were in a state of disturbance. About this time, Tátár Khán, the son of Zafir Khán Azím Humáyún, and prime minister to Nasiru-d-dín Mohammed Sháh, the son of Mohammed Toghluk II., being defeated by Mullú Ikbál Khán, fled to his father in Gujarát.* Intelligence was then also received that Amír Taimúr Kúrkán had encamped in the neighbourhood of Dehlí; and, as the country was in a helpless condition, many people fled from Dehlí and came into Gujarát. Soon after this period, Nasiru-d-dín Mohammed Sháh, having fled from Dehlí, came into Gujarát; but, having nothing to look for in this part, turned towards Málwa.*
Amír Taimúr Kúrkán, having marched back to Samarkand, Mullú Ikbál Khán again became master of Dehlí. Tátár Khán, at this time, advised his father to take revenge of this chief, and to expel him from the capital; saying they had a large army, which was well equipped, and that the throne was the property of no one. But Zafir Khán, having foresight of things, did not agree with his son for several reasons; and having, after much wrangling, withdrawn himself from authority, gave up the attendants and ensigns of authority in Gujarát to the latter, and then retired into solitude.
The more true account, however, is this: that Tátár Khán, having imprisoned his father, assumed the title of Mohammed Sháh, and commenced his reign at the town of Yessáwal, in the month of Jumádi-ul-awal, A. Hij. 806. In the same week he commenced a religious war against the Infidels of Nadote(),* where, having slain many, he resolved on marching to Dehlí. Ikbál Khán, hearing of this, became alarmed; when unexpectedly, in the month of Shabán in the same year, Sultán Mohammed Sháh Tátár Khán, having fallen sick, several ingenious physicians were employed to cure him, but all to no purpose. The people of Gujarát, however, think it well established that the cause of the before-mentioned Sultán's death was, that, when he paid no regard to the support of his father's honour, and became covetous of worldly greatness, several of the companions and intimates of Zafir Khán poisoned him; and sometimes they say that this was effected at the instigation of his father, Zafir Khán. In fine, the body of Sultán Mohammed, being brought to Patan, was buried there, and honoured as that of a martyr.
After this, Zafir Khán went to the camp, where all the nobles and government servants submitted to his authority; and it is a current tradition that Zafir Khán continued to weep for his son until the day of his death.
The disorders of the government increased among the descendants of Sultán Fíroz Sháh III. till there were none of them remaining; and Mullú Ikbál Khán being slain in the battle by Sayyid Khizr Khán, the nobles and other grandees represented to Zafir Khán that, as there was neither peace nor order in the affairs of Gujarát, and no one was at that time more suited for this important business of government than himself, he ought to establish a kingdom there. In compliance, therefore, with the request and wishes of his well-wishers, he commenced his reign at the station of Shírpúr,* six years and seven months after the death of his son, Sultán Mohammed. This happened in A. Hij. 810, A.D. 1407-8; and Zafir Khán, having assumed the title of Muzaffir Sháh,* struck coins in his own name, and appointed his grandson, Ahmad Sháh, to succeed him as his heir. He continued to dispense justice, to punish the wicked, and to protect the poor, till his grandson, Ahmad Sháh, poisoned him, in the year of the Hijra 813, A.D. 1410-11.
There are different accounts given regarding the manner of his death. The author of the Mirát Sikandarí considers this the more authentic, that the Kúlies, inhabiting the town of Yessáwal, having become disobedient, commenced to rob and plunder the highway. At which time, Sultán Ahmad Sháh, grandson of Zafir Khán, was sent with an army against them; and he being about to depart from Patan, encamped on the bank of the tank called Khání Sarwar, where he demanded of the divines whether it was consistent with religion and the law to take revenge on the person who had unjustly killed one's father. All of them answered in the affirmative, and gave a written decision, which the Sultán preserved. On this, unexpectedly returning to the city, he imprisoned his grandfather, Zafir Khán, and administered poison to him in a cup.
They also relate that Zafir Khán said to his grandson, “Oh, my child, you are in a great hurry; though if you had not done so, all I have was intended for you.” To which the other replied, “that his time was come;” when Zafir Khán continued saying, “Hear these words of advice from me, that they may profit you: first, place no confidence in the person who has urged you to this proceeding, and put such a one to death; secondly, abstain from wine, since it is necessary that kings should do so; and, lastly, put to death Shaikh Malik and Shír Malik,* as both of them are mutinous servants.”
Having given him several other portions of advice, he tasted the bitter cup of death about the latter part of the month of Safar, in the year before mentioned, and was buried in the mausoleum, which stands within the citadel of Patan. He possessed power for the space of eighteen years, eight months, and fourteen days.
From the time that Muzaffir Sháh established the kingdom of Gujarát, in A. Hij. 810, A.D. 1407-8, until the latter part of the month of Safar, A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572-73, being a period of somewhat less than one hundred and seventy lunar years, there were thirteen or fourteen kings, his descendants, who reigned over the country.
THE REIGN OF AHMAD KHÁN, GRANDSON OF MUZAFFIR, AND ENTITLED AHMAD SHÁH.
It was an invariable practice for the Sultáns
of Gujarát to call their children Khán, in addition
to their name; and, when these succeeded
to the government of the kingdom, they were
styled Sultáns. On this account, Ahmad Khán,
after the death of Muzaffir Sháh, in the month
The 1st of Bamazán,
Hij. 813,
was 28th Dec.,
A.D. 1410.
At that time, Modúd,* the cousin of the Sultán, son of his uncle Fíroz Khán, and governor of Baroda, having gained over the chiefs of that part to his interests, excited a disturbance. After a battle with the army sent against him, he fled to the fort of Bhroch for refuge. Succeeding this occurrence, he had an interview with the Sultán; who, when returning from that part of the country, having reached the neighbourhood of Yessáwal, determined to extirpate Assa Bhíl, and to found the good city of Ahmadábád, being instigated to do so by Shaikh Ahmad Khattú Ganj Bakhsh.
In the year of the Hijra 814, A.D. 1411-12, he led an army against Ídur; when the Rájá, who had fled from thence, became ashamed of his actions,* and, agreeing to pay a fixed tribute to the Sultán, was pardoned by him.
It must be known that in the time of Alá-ud-dín, the Mohammedan faith was introduced into the country, extending from Nahrwálah Patan, on the west, to Bhroch, on the east: but infidelity was still established in many places. These, however, became purified and enlightened by degrees, through the efforts of the Gujarát kings: and many of them acquired the light of the faith, through the labours of Ahmad Sháh. Wherefore, being desirous of carrying on a religious war against the infidels of Girnar, which is a fort in the district of Sorath, he ordered an army to be sent against it in A. Hij. 817, A.D. 1414-15; when the Mandalik Rájá,* giving the army battle, sustained a defeat, and took refuge in the fort of Baroda. From this time, it is said the fort of Júnagarh, in the neighbourhood of the mountain of Girnar, fell into the possession of the Sultán; but the Mohammedan faith was not extended over the whole of the country at the time; although the zamíndárs of that part, becoming dependent, paid the tribute.
Subsequently to this, in the month of Jumádi-ul-awal,
Hij. 818. began 31st Oct. 1418. 20th March, 1419.
9th July,
A.D. 1415.
In the year of the Hijra 823, Ahmad Sháh, having returned to settle the boundaries of his own country, dispersed the refractory, and, destroying the Hindú temples, built mosques in their place. Having also founded forts in such places, he left garrisons in them, among which may be mentioned the fort at the town of Jinúr, in the Parganah of Barrah,* and that of Seopúr. After this, he established the market-town of Dahmod, among the mountains: where he erected a fortification. After this, the fort of Karieh, built in A. Hij. 704, A.D. 1304, by order of Alp Khán, who governed the country for Alá-ud-dín Khiljí, was now repaired, and named Sultánábád.
A. Hij. 830,
began Nov. 2,
A.D. 1426.
In the year of the Hijra 830, he again carried an army against Ídur; when the Rájá of that place fled before him. Sultán Ahmad followed him into the mountainous country, where he established the city of Ahmadnagar, situated ten coss from Ídur, and on the banks of the river Channel called Sabarmatí; and, having enclosed it with a strong stone wall, made choice of it for a residence.
In the year Hijra 831, A.D. 1427, when the army were foraging, Púnja, the Rájá of Ídur, left his ambush, and came upon the foragers. The commander of the foraging party took to flight, and his elephant was driven away by Púnja. The multitude, which had been dispersed, again collected, and went in pursuit of Púnja: when the opposing parties, having come to a place where on one side of the road there was a high mountain, and on the other a deep pit, between which a single horseman could pass with difficulty, the elephant-driver took an opportunity of turning the elephant round to attack Púnja, whilst the army of Islám was in his rear. On this occasion, Púnja's horse having fallen into the pit, Púnja disappeared along with him; and the Sultán's troops recovered the elephant. Some days after, a woodcutter, who had cut off the Rájá's head, brought it to the audience tent of the Sultán.
For two succeeding years, the Sultán, being at leisure, did nothing but settle and take care of his country; and, by the advice of his ministers and military chiefs, made arrangements for the advantage of his army and government.
The nature of this arrangement was to pay the soldier one half of his subsistence by a grant of land, and the other by money; as he perceived that, if the whole was a money payment, it would not be adequate to the expense: whilst the soldier, without his necessary equipments, could have no solicitude about the management of the country. But, if the half was paid by an assignment of land, the soldier would thus obtain grass, wood, and other necessaries from his estate; and, by making improvements, both in cultivation and in building, would take an interest in the management and protection of the province. The other half, or money payment, would then come to him unsought or unlooked for; and the soldier, not burdened by debt, whether for future contingencies or present wants, would hesitate in spending more than his assigned estate, whilst he could not obtain his pay from the royal treasury till every thing necessary for an army had been supplied. This would also keep him from accumulating debts with interest; and would create for him an interest in his own domestics, that he himself might use the revenue of his landed property.
It was also usual to appoint men of power among the royal slaves; associated with whom was an accountant, who was legitimately descended: for, if both were of legitimate descent, they might become friends or connexions, and thus engage in treason; or, were both slaves, the same result was to be dreaded.
The officers of districts were, therefore, appointed in the manner just mentioned; and this practice was maintained to the end of Sultán Muzaffir's reign, who was the son of Mohammed Bígarrah. But, when the army became much increased during the reign of Sultán Bahádur, the ministers, condensing the details of revenue, farmed it on contract; so that many parts, formerly yielding one rupee, now produced ten; and many others seven, eight, or nine. In no place, almost, was there a less increase than from ten to twenty. After this, many changes were introduced; and, the overseer of the regulations having been dismissed from his office, mutiny and confusion were introduced into Gujarát, as will be explained in the proper place.
The Sultán continued to make annual expeditions, sometimes to ravage the country about Ídur, and sometimes to chastise Nasír Khán, the ruler of Assír, or Sultán Ahmad Báhmaní. He occasionally sent an army against Mewar; and, as victory always accompanied his standards, the army of Gujarát, which never sustained a defeat in his time, overcame the troops of Mandú, the Dekhan, Assír, and the infidels of Mewar. He died at Ahmadábád, in the 845th year of the Hijra, A.D. 1441; and was buried there in the tomb standing in the market-place, now called Manik, which is in front of the Jumaa Masjid.
He was born the 19th day of Zú-l-hijjah of the Hijra year 793; and, being twenty years of age when he mounted the throne, whilst his reign lasted thirty-two years, six months, and twenty-two days, must have died at the age of fifty-two. He was a scholar of Kutbu-l-Masháikh Shaikh Rakamu-d-dín, and was second to none in being distinguished for justice, temperance, and liberality.
It is related that, when his son-in-law committed an unjust murder, through the pride and arrogance of youth, the Sultán confined him, and sent him to the kází. The latter satisfied the murdered man's heir with a fine of twenty-two gold mohurs, and carried him back to the Sultán, who said, “that, though the murdered man's heir was satisfied, he was not, and could not be so; as such a practice protected the evil-disposed who were wealthy, and, by causing such a one to be enamoured of power, would only make him more hardened in murderous acts. In such a case, retribution for the injury is better than a fine.” He then ordered the murderer should be hanged in front of his own house; and, after allowing his body to remain there a night and a day, issued his commands for burying it. After such an example of punishment, none of the nobles or soldiers, during the Sultán's reign, were ever known to be engaged in any case of murder.
There is a story also told of him, that, one day, while enjoying the prospect from a pleasure-house on the banks of the river Sabarmatí, he perceived the water was disturbed, and that something black was rolling in it below. Orders were given for ascertaining what this might be; when it was discovered that a jar containing a dead body had been set adrift in the river. The Sultán commanded that all the potters of the city should be collected, in order to discover who had made the jar. One of them saying that he had sold it to the mukaddam of a certain town in the environs of Ahmadábád, this person was brought before the Sultán; and it was then clearly ascertained that the Mukaddam, having murdered a merchant, put the body in a jar, and set it adrift in the river. The order was consequently given to put the murderer to death. These were the only two murders that happened during this reign.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN MOHAMMED SHÁH I.
After the decease of Ahmad Sháh, his son Mohammed ascended the throne, in the year of the Hijra 845, A.D. 1441; but hegiving himself up to pleasure and amusement, showed no solicitude about the affairs of his government. Being very liberal and profuse in his presents, this Sultán was named by the people Zir-Bakhsh. In that very year, he led an army against the Rájá of Ídur,* who, having fled before him, lurked for some time among the hills; but, having soon after sent ambassadors to ask pardon for his faults, he was accordingly forgiven, and gave his daughter in marriage to the Sultán. From thence he carried an army into the district of Bágar (Wágar); and, after plundering the country, returned to his capital. In that same year, the holy Shaikh Ahmad Khattú Ganj Bakhsh died.
The Sultán, after ordering a mausoleum and
mosque to be erected in the neighbourhood of
the Shaikh's tomb, marched against the fort of
Chámpánír, in A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450. When returning
from this expedition, he fell sick at the
town of Godhrah in the parganah of Sanaulí,
and died afterwards at Ahmadábád, on the 20th
22d Feb.
A.D. 1451.
The length of this Sultán's reign was nine years and some months, though sometimes said to be seven years and four months. The manner of his death is also differently related, as may be found in the history called the Mirát Sikandarí.
THE REIGN OF JALÁL KHÁN, ENTITLED KUTBU-D-DÍN.
Sultán Kutbu-d-dín, son of Mohammed Sháh I., was residing at Nariád at the death of his father. He ascended the throne in the month of Muharram, A. Hij. 855, at the request of the ministers and nobles; and, as had been the custom of his ancestors, conferred honorary dresses and presents on the soldiers.
At this time, Mahmúd-Khiljí, king of Málwa,
leaving his capital, moved an army towards
Gujarát, with the intention of subduing that
country. After tarrying some time in the
neighbourhood of Sultánpúr, Mahmúd Khiljí
advanced by way of Baroda, where he plundered
the neighbourhood; and, hearing that Kutbu-d-dín
had encamped at Khánapúr, on the
banks of the river Mahindrí, advanced on
Ahmadábád by way of Kapparwanj. The
armies met near the last town, when the
king of Málwa,*
suffering a defeat, fled. This
A. Hij. 856,
22d Feb.
A.D. 1452.
When Mahmúd Khiljí advanced to the confines of Gujarát, several writers of the civil department, it is said, who had been neglected by Sultán Kutbu-d-dín, went to the presence of the king of Málwa; and he, asking them for the paper containing the divided appropriation of property, in the country of Gujarát, perceived that one-third was assigned over to the military for services, the other was the government share, and the remainder was given in charity to Inamdárs and religious establishments. On this occasion, Mahmúd Khiljí observed that the conquest of Gujarát would be a difficult business, as it has an army always ready to defend it.
Kutbu-d-dín, thus victorious and prosperous, returned to Ahmadábád, and completed the mausoleum of the holy Ganj Bakhsh, which his father, Sultán Mahmúd, had founded. He also completed at that time several other celebrated works: such as the tank (reservoir of water), at Kankriyah, the garden called Nugínah, and the edifice called Ghattámandal.
The author of the Mirát Sikandarí says that, some years previous to the composition of his history, he had seen all these works; but, at the present, the only ones remaining are the reservoir at Kankriyah and the garden before-mentioned.
Sultán Kutbu-d-dín, having formed a confederacy with Mahmúd Khiljí of Málwa, in the year of the Hijra 861, A.D. 1456-7, advanced with an army against Ráná Kúmbha, who had endeavoured to seize on the territory of Nagore; at which time, the former first conquered the fort of Abú. From thence he advanced to Kúmbhalmír, with the intention of taking it, but only plundered the neighbouring districts.
The Ráná at this time had gone to Chitore; and, the Sultán having also advanced in that direction, the former came out of Chitore, with forty thousand horsemen, and fought against him for fifty days. Ráná Kúmbha, being at length obliged to fly, took refuge in the fort of Chitore; and sending ambassadors to the Sultán to ask pardon, agreed to pay tribute, and stipulated to not again molest Nagore. The petition of the ambassadors was at last granted; and, the Sultán returning to his capital, Mahmúd Khiljí* went to Málwa.
The Ráná,* soon after, having broken the treaty, advanced with an intention of plundering Nagore, of which Malik Shában Imádu-l-Mulk (the then Wazír) gaining intelligence, sent forward the Sultán post haste to Kúmbhalmír; and the Ráná, being apprized of this circumstance, returned to his own territory.
The Sultán a second time went with his army
against Sirohí; and, after attacking and plundering
the Ráná's country in that direction, returned
to Gujarát, and died on the 6th of the
13th May,
A.D. 1459.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN DÁOD, THE UNCLE OF KUTBU-D-DÍN.
On the third day after the death of the Sultán
May
A.D. 1459.
Sultán Dáod, after abdicating, went into the monastery of Shaikh Adhan Rúmí, where, entering among his disciples, he served their master, and became daily more distinguished amongst them; but soon after died there.
THE REIGN OF SULTAN FAT'H KHÁN, ENTITLED MAHMÚD BÍGARRAH.
Sultán Mahmúd was enthroned at Ahmadábád,
A. Hij. 863,
18th June,
A.D. 1459.
The author of the Mirát Sikandarí says, that Sultán Mahmúd was the best of all the Gujarát kings, on account of his great justice and beneficence, his honouring and observing all the Mohammedan laws, and for the solidity of his judgment, whether in great or small matters. He obtained a great age, and was distinguished for strength, bravery, and liberality. He was also, it is said, a great eater.
After thirteen years, ten months, and three days, of his age had passed away, he began to reign; and, following the example of his ancestors, gave the soldiers gifts and presents. Some months from this date, several of the nobles, who were averse to the minister Imádu-l-Mulk, otherwise named Shabán, and were anxious to destroy both his rank and influence, calumniated him to the Sultán, and put him in chains. At night, the master of the elephants, named Abdúlah, explained to Mahmúd Bígarrah that the minister was the friend of the government; and when the slaves of the palace had accidentally released Imádu-l-Mulk, the Sultán ordered that the perfidious nobles should be seized and their houses plundered. The nobles, on becoming acquainted with the king's intentions, prepared to defend themselves, and encamped with a force at Bhaddar. At this time the king ordered all the persons then in his service, amounting to five hundred, to assault them with the royal elephants. Wherefore they attacked the enemy, and, having dispersed the discontented nobles, punished those of them who were seized.
After this transaction, no one had an opportunity of disobeying during the whole of this king's reign; and, the conspirators having been put to death, five hundred and two persons, who obtained titles and dignified offices, received assignments of land for their support.
In a short time after this, a large army was collected, and tranquillity every where prevailed in the country. The Sultán also made it a rule that the assignments of land belonging to those who happened to fall in battle should be given to their sons; and, in the event of there being no son, that the half of the estate should be given to the daughter. When there was neither son nor daughter, he was in the practice of granting a pension to the relations or dependants, in order that they might not complain of their lot. On one occasion, some person told the Sultán that the son of a certain nobleman who had died was not worthy of possessing wealth. To whom the king replied, that wealth would make him worthy* ; after which no one ventured to say a word on this subject.
The Sultán built several magnificent caravanseras and lodging-houses for travellers, and founded several colleges and mosques. He also ordered, that no one in his army should borrow money with interest; and established a distinct pay-office for such of the soldiers as were obliged to get in debt. By this means, a soldier could obtain an advance; for, as he said, if the Mohammedans live in debt, how is it possible they can fight?
All the fruit-trees in the open country, as well as those in the city, towns, and villages, were planted in the reign of this Sultán; who, if he ever knew of a shop or dwelling-house becoming empty, made inquiry after the causes, and ordered it to be inhabited.
In the eight hundred and sixty-sixth year of the Hijra, A.D. 1461-2, the Sultán advanced towards the Dekhan, having been requested to do so by Nizám Sháh Báhmaní, in consequence of Sultán Mahmúd Khiljí, the king of Málwa, having marched an army into that country.* Mahmúd Khiljí, on hearing that the king of Gujarát was advancing by way of Burhánpúr, desisted from the siege of Bídar, and returned towards his own territories. When the ambassadors of Nizám Sháh Báhmaní were on this occasion sent to the Sultán, they omitted nothing that could be deemed a compliment; and, having requested permission to depart, returned home. The king of Gujarát also returned to his capital.
After this, and in the year of the Hijra 871, A.D. 1466-67, being desirous of capturing Girnar and Júnagarh, in Gujarát, and to extirpate and destroy the Mandalik Rájá, or petty prince of Girnar, he made preparation accordingly, ordering, it is said, the pay-office to carry along with it five krores of gold coin. He also ordered the commissary of stores to carry along with him eighteen hundred gilded handled swords, of Egyptian, Arabian, African, and Khorásánian manufacture, whose handles did not contain less than from four to five Gujarát sírs of gold; and to take in addition three thousand eight hundred swords, whose handles, of Ahmadábád manufacture and of silver work, were of different weights; with, moreover, seven hundred daggers and poniards, whose golden handles should be from three to two sírs and a half weight in gold. The Sultán at this time commanded the Master of the Horse to attend him in the expedition, with two thousand Arabian and Turkish horses, all of which, with the gold and arms, he distributed among the troops, during the period of the siege. Succeeding these things, he sent his victorious army to plunder the country of Sorath, where the soldiers obtained a large booty. The Rao Mandalik, or petty sovereign, having submitted, asked for favour, through means of ambassadors; and the Sultán, thinking it advisable to desist from the siege of the fort for that year, returned to his own capital.
But, in the year of the Hijra 872, A.D. 1467-8, having heard that the Rao Mandalik visited the temple of idolatry, and went there with all the ensigns of royalty, the Sultán became ashamed of royalty, and appointed forty thousand horse, with many elephants, to take away the royal umbrella and other kingly ensigns from him. The Rao Mandalik, on becoming acquainted with this, instantly forwarded the umbrella and other ensigns to the Sultán; and the gold and jewels obtained on this occasion were distributed among the king's musicians.
In the year of the Hijra 874, A.D. 1469-70, on indicating a desire to take the forts of Girnar and Júnagarh, the Sultán received an unexpected visit from the Rao Mandalik. On this occasion the Rájá addressed the Sultán, saying “that whatever he might command should be obeyed, and requested to know why he desired the destruction of his obedient subject, who had committed no fault.” To this, the Sultán replied, “that there could be no greater fault than that of infidelity, and, if he was to expect tranquillity, he must acknowledge the unity of God, and secure to himself his country; for that, otherwise, he would extinguish him.” The Mandalik Rájá, seeing such was the state of affairs, fled by night to his fort, and commenced a war, but soon after came and entreated for his life, as the garrison was starved into submission. The Sultán guaranteed his safety, on condition that he would receive the faith of Islám; and the Rájá, having quitted the fort, delivered the keys to the Sultán, and uttered the confession of faith, in imitation of the conqueror. This conquest happened in the year of the Hijra 877, A.D. 1472-73.*
Regarding the conversion of the Rájá to Mohammedanism, it is sometimes said that, having come to Ahmadábád with the Sultán, he became a follower of Hazrat Sháh Álam, as related in the Mirát Sikandarí, and that his tomb, situated near the road leading from the Kolápúr gate, is conspicuous on the right-hand side.
After this, Mahmúd Bígarrah called together the Sayyids and learned men of every quarter, in order to settle them in the country of Sorath; and, having turned his thoughts to populating it, rebuilt a fort, and founded a noble palace there. The nobles also built dwelling-houses agreeably to order; and in a little time there arose a city, almost equal to Ahmadábád, which was named Mustafábád. He also gave the Mandalik Rájá the title of Kháni Jehán, on whom he conferred a jágír; and having taken away the golden images from his idol temple, ordered that they should be distributed as a present among the soldiery.
After this, he hastened into Sind; and in the year of the Hijra 878, A.D. 1473-74, having made many prisoners in that quarter, brought them from thence to Júnagarh. In the same year, he conquered the island of Sankha-dhára,* dependant on Jiggat, to which he was urged by a complaint from Múlá Mohammed Samarkandí, that the infidels of that quarter had captured a boat, in which was he with his whole family. The difficulties and dangers of that expedition have been detailed at length by the author of the Mirát Sikandarí, where the account may be found.
During the time of destroying the idols and temples of Jiggat, many rubies, pearls, and silken cloths, were obtained as booty; and the Sultán, having built a mosque there, gave the charge of Sankha-dhára to Malik Toghán, otherwise entitled Farhatu-l-Mulk.
In the year of the Hijra 800, A.D. 1475-6, Hazrat Sháh Álam, the glory of the Saints, died; and his tomb, which exists in Rasúlábád, was built by the instructions of Táj Khán Narialí, one of the nobles of distinguished rank at court.
The Sultán having arrived at Mustafábád,
September 16,
A.D. 1475.
After this, he pursued his intention of capturing
the fort of Chámpánír, which submitted
Nov. 22,
A.D. 1484.
In A. Hij. 891, A.D. 1486, he went to Mustafábád, and returned several times to Mahmúdábád.
After this, in the year Hij. 892, A.D. 1487, he committed the charge of the country about Sorath and Júnagarh to the prince, Khalíl Khán; at which time some merchants, who had brought for sale four hundred Irákí and Turkí horses, from the countries of Khorásán, came to demand redress, saying, that having brought these along with several silken stuffs, they had been plundered in the neighbourhood of the mountains of Abú, by the Rájá of Sirohí, who had not even spared their old garments. The Sultán ordered that an account of the price of the horses and other articles should be made out, and commanded the merchants to be paid the money from the treasury, as he could receive the amount from the Rájá of Sirohí. The Sultán, having then marched towards Sirohí, sent a menacing order to the Rájá, and to this effect, that if he did not return the merchants' horses and their goods, the royal troops would be sent against him. The Rájá, on this being made known to him, asked for forgiveness, and complied with the order; on which the Sultán returned to Mahmúdábád, where he amused himself for four years, going to Ahmadábád during the hot season of ripe melons, and returning again to Ahmadábád, after enjoying himself there for six months.
In the year of the Hijra 904,* A.D. 1498, when Ádil Khán Farúkí, the ruler of Khándesh, neglected to send the usual tribute, a force was sent forward to that quarter; but, immediately on the arrival of the Sultán at the banks of the Taptí River, Ádil Khán sent the tribute and made his excuses. The Sultán, consequently, sent back his army by the way of Nadarbár, and went in the direction of Tálnír, for the purpose of seeing its fort: whence returning to Nadarbár, he there joined his army, and went to Mahmúdábád (Chámpánír).
Having carried an army against Chaiwal, in
the year of the Hijra 913, A.D. 1507, in order to
destroy the Europeans, he effected his designs
against the towns of Bassai (Bassein) and Manbai
(Bombay); and returned to his own capital
A. Hij. 914.
12th May,
A.D. 1508.
Subsequently to this, Álam Khán, who was the Sultán's grandson by his daughter, and whose father was the ruler of Assír and Burhánpúr, requested his mother to petition the king of Gujarát, representing that eight years had elapsed since the death of Ádil Khán I. son of Míran Mubárak Farúkí, who died without heirs; and that the nobles, who supported the claim of one of Malik Rájí's relations to the government, had given him the title of Ádil Khán;* while they, being in possession of the country, were predominant in his name. This petition further requested that the Sultán would place Álam Khán on the throne of his ancestors and protect his servant. The Sultán gave it his favourable attention; and, in the month of Rajab, advanced towards Nadarbár, for the purpose of supporting Álam Khán. Having arrived at Tálnír, after the Ídu-z-zohá, (the passover or sacrificial feast) he gave the title of Ádil Khán to Álam Khán, the son of Húsí Khán; and, presenting him with four elephants and three laks of tankchas, fixed him in the government of Assír and Burhánpúr. He also raised Malik Sarang Khiljí to the title of Khán Jehán, and presented him with the town of Bunnass, which is a dependancy of Sultánpúr and Nadarbár, and was his place of nativity. In the grant of this gift, he inserted the name of Ádil Khán, and likewise promoted several of the nobles about Court.
At length, Ádil Khán departed well pleased to Assír, and the Sultán returned to his capital; at which time Sayyid Mohammed Júnpúrí came to Ahmadábád, and laid claim to the miraculous power of the Imám Mehdí. The Pretender took up his abode in the mosque of Táj-Khán, son of Salar, which is near the Jumalpúr gate; where he began to assemble the people. On this account, the Ulamas and doctors issued a religious decree against him, ordering that he should be put to death; but the Sayyid took his departure for Patan, where he supported his ministry. The Mohammedans of Pálanpúr became his followers; and there are now some of the Medhiví* sect to be found there.
Not long after this period, in the month of
Zú-l-hijjah, of A. Hij. 916, A.D. 1510, the Sultán
set out for Patan; and, as this was the last
time he appeared in public, having collected together
all the great men of the state, he told
them that his life was near a close. On returning
from Patan, he came to Ahmadábád in four
days; when, having made a pilgrimage to the
burial place of Shaikh Ahmad Khattú, he wept
tears of repentance over his own tomb, which
had been built at the foot of the Shaikh's mausoleum.
Subsequently to this, having entered
the city of Ahmadábád, he fell sick; and, continuing
so for three months, sent for the prince,
Khalíl Khán, from Baroda. After informing
him of his approaching dissolution, he finally
took his leave for another world, on Monday
A. Hij. 917.
3d Ramazán,
25th November,
A.D. 1511.
Mahmúd Bígarrah, who was born in the month of Ramazán, A. Hij. 849, A.D. 1445, reigned fifty-four years, having attained sixty-seven years of age when he died.
THE REIGN OF KHALÍL KHÁN, ENTITLED MUZAFFIR SHÁH II., OR THE CLEMENT.
Khalíl Khán, having assumed the title of Muzaffir Sháh, mounted the throne, at Ahmadábád, on Friday the 17th of Ramazán, A. Hij. 917, A.D. 1511, being then in his twenty-seventh year. He distributed presents, according to every man's rank, after the manner of his ancestors; and those who had been his intimate friends, while he was prince, received titles. The noblemen of the late court had also their dignities increased, and additional villages were assigned for their support.
An ambassador from Sháh Ismael Safawí, king of Persia, whose name was Mír Ibrahím Khán, arrived in the month of Shawál; when a crowd of nobles went out to meet him by order of the king of Gujarát, and received him with every honour. The ambassador brought with him a cup of turquoise stone of great value, which, with a box full of jewels, many silken clothes, and thirty horses of Irák, sent by the king of Persia, he presented to the Sultán. The latter, after presenting the ambassador in return several costly dresses and princely presents, set out on a journey to Baroda, and named the district of that city Daulatábád.
About this time, intelligence was received that
a battle had been fought on the plains of Mandú,
between Sultáns Mahmúd and Mohammed*
of
Málwa; and that Sultán Mohammed, in order
to take refuge with Sultán Muzaffir, had in the
mean time encamped near Mahmúdábád Chámpánír.
The Sultán ordered that he should be
supplied with whatever he might require; and
sent a message that, if it pleased God, he would
advance with him to Málwa, after the end of
the rainy season. The Málwa prince and his
family came to live in the palace belonging to
Ádil Khán, the son-in-law of the Sultán; which
residence he inhabited till the time when he unexpectedly
took his departure, without taking
leave of the Sultán; as there was a great talk
about what had happened between him and the
followers of the Persian ambassador. The Sultán
was much annoyed at this, and sent an ambassador
with presents to take leave of the
1st of Shawál,
A. Hij. 917, was
22d December,
A.D. 1511.
The Sultán of Gujarát, being now moved with zeal for the cause of the true faith, commenced his march for Málwa, in the above mentioned month. During the period of the army halting at the town of Godhrah, waiting the junction of other troops, the Sultán received intelligence that the Rájá of Ídur had become disobedient. He consequently ordered the troops to march in that direction, and to destroy the buildings and temples of Ídur. This happened in the year of the Hijra 919, A.D. 1513. The Rájá, repenting of his conduct, caused the fixed tribute to be paid. After this, the Sultán returned to Godhrah; where he gave the prince, Sikandar Khán, an audience of leave, on his departure for Mahmúdábád Chámpánír, and he himself continued his march for Málwa. After arriving at the town of Dohad, he gave orders for the construction of a fortification there, when, continuing to advance, he received intelligence that Mídání Ráo had carried Sultán Mahmúd to Chanderí. On this occasion, the Sultán declared that it was not for the purpose of seizing the throne of Málwa from its prince that he carried his army there, but in order to drive Mídání Ráo and other infidels out of the country, by which he might reconcile the brothers to each other.
The Sultán, after hearing the praises of the edifices that existed in the hunting-park at Dhar, went to amuse himself there; and, having displayed intrepidity in the chase, returned to Ahmadábád.
In the year of the Hijra 920, A.D. 1514, it was
represented that Rái-Mal, brother of Bhím Ráo,
Rájá of Ídur, having expelled his brother's son,
Bhára Mal, from Ídur, was assisted by Ráná
Sanka, Rájá of Chitore, and had obtained power
there. At this the Sultán was displeased; saying,
“that Bhím Ráo ruled Ídur by his authority,
and what power could Ráná Sanka have
to appoint Rái-Mal to Ídur?” Wherefore, Nizámu-l-Mulk,
the Jágírdár of Ahmadnagar, received
orders to expel Rái Mal from Ídur, and
deliver over the country to Bhára-Mal. Rái
Mal continued a warfare with the Sultán's
troops, to the year of the Hijra 923, A.D. 1517,
having been alternately victorious and defeated.
In the mean time, the nobles of Málwa, such as
Habíb Khán, dreading Mídání Ráo, fled from
thence; and, waiting on the Sultán, represented
to him the then state of Mandú, saying, “the
Mohammedan religion had been banished from
thence; that Mídání Ráo had caused many of
the faithful to be slain, and would soon put to
death or imprison Mahmúd, the king of Málwa.”
In consequence of this, the Sultán of Gujarát
said, “that at the end of the rainy season he
would advance into Málwa, in order to punish
Mídání Ráo.” At this time, Sultán Mahmúd of
Málwa, perceiving the whole resources of this
country were at the disposal of Mídání Ráo,
and that he himself was strictly watched, found
opportunity, one night, of mounting on one horse,
whilst he placed his wife on another; and having
escaped to Gujarát, was on his arrival there
congratulated by Sultán Muzaffir;*
who, after
furnishing him with a tent, elephants, horses,
and whatsoever else was proper for a king, advanced
18th November,
A.D. 1517.
29th November.
On Tuesday the 15th of the same
month, Sultán Muzaffir met Sultán Mahmúd of
Málwa at the town of Deoláh; and marching
from thence by regular stages, the Sultán encamped
with his army in the neighbourhood of
7th December.
The Ráná, being bribed by means of several jewels and fine elephants, which Mídání Ráo had taken from Sultán Mahmúd of Málwa, was induced to send a large army as far as Sarangpúr. The Sultán, being made acquainted with this, and having discovered the treachery of the besieged, sent Ádil Khán Asírí Kawámu-l-Mulk, and Malik Sarang, with several other brave and intelligent men, in order to keep in check the Ráná; whilst he himself, ordering the assault to be made on the fort, captured it on Monday the 2d of Safar of A. Hij. 924, A.D. 1518. On this occasion, nineteen thousand Rájpúts, and fifty-seven officers of rank, whose names are detailed in the histories called Mirát Sikandarí and Muzaffir Sháhí, were slain. The departure of the Sultán, the entertainment given to him by the king of Málwa, and his visit to the fort, are also detailed in the above-mentioned histories.
In the following year of the Hijra 925, A.D. 1519, intelligence was received that a great battle had been fought between Ráná Sanka and the king of Málwa, and that the latter, after being wounded, had fallen into the hands of his enemies. The Sultán was much astonished on receiving the news of these events, and sent an army for the protection of Mandú. Ráná Sanka permitted Sultán Mahmúd of Málwa to return to Mandú, after his wounds were healed, and retained his son as a pledge.
Moreover, Ráná Sanka, hastening towards Ídur, in A. Hij. 926, A.D. 1520, made war on the Jágírdárs of Ahmadnagar and other places. The Sultán's troops, then opposed to him, being defeated, the Ráná was enabled to advance as far as Barnagar and Bísalnagar, which he plundered; but, after hearing that the royal army had left Patan and Ahmadábád, in order to bring him to order, he returned to Chitore.
In the year of the Hijra 927, A.D. 1520-21,
1st Muharram,
12th December,
A.D. 1520.
In the same year, a peace was patched up with the Ráná, in consequence of the hypocritical conduct of the officers commanding the troops, who now returned to Ahmadábád. The Sultán, in consequence of this, showed his displeasure with Malik Ayáz, by saying that he would go himself after the rains, and complete the business: whilst Malik Ayáz received permission to proceed to Sorath.
In A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1521-22, having prepared for an expedition, in order to punish the Ráná, he came to Ahmadábád; but the Ráná's son having, in the mean time, waited on the Sultán, with the promised elephants and tribute, the expedition was stopped.
In A. Hij. 931, A.D. 1524-25, the prince, Bahádur Khán, who was displeased with the smallness of his jágír, went to Dehlí, by way of Dúngarpúr, Chitore, and Mewat, in order that he might have a meeting with Sultán Ibrahím Sháh Lódí of Dehlí. At this time, the latter, who had opposed Zahíru-d-dín Bábar Pádsháh, on the plains of Pánipat, sent for Bahádur Khán, and received him with much honour and respect. When Sultán Ibrahím Lódí, and other people of Dehlí, became acquainted with the bravery and intrepidity of Bahádur, they were filled with jealousy. Bahádur Khán, aware of this circumstance, went towards Júnpúr, where, on his arrival, he heard Muzaffir was dead; and immediately set out on his journey for Gujarát.
Sultán Muzaffir was much vexed when he
heard that Bahádur Khán had gone towards
Bágarh in disgust; and indicated his anxiety to
pacify him, and make him return; but the prince
had previously abandoned the country. At this
time, the Sultán fell sick; when, at length, in
the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-26, having
come on account of this very sickness from
Mahmúdábád Chámpánír to Baroda, he proceeded
by easy stages to Ahmadábád, and took
up his residence there, in the palace which is
called Ghattámandal. Men nowbegan to despair
of his life; and the prince, Latíf Khán,
through fear that his brother Sikandar Khán,
heir to the throne, would not leave him alive,
1st Jumádá-s-sání,
15th March,
A.D. 1526.
On the second of the same month, Sultán Muzaffir ordered that Sikandar Khán should be called to him, when he exhorted him to study the interests of his kingdom; and, after asking a blessing for great and poor, he departed this life on Friday the 22d of Jumádá-s-sání, of A. Hij. 932. He was buried in the mausoleum of Mahmúd Bígarrah, which stands at Sirkej, after he had reigned fourteen years and nine months.
This king was a follower of Sayyid Táhir, who is buried at Baroda. For piety and learning, clemency and intelligence, liberality and bravery, he had no equal of his time: and he is known by the name of the clement Muzaffir, on account of his many merciful acts. The author of the Mirát Sikandarí tells us that there were no drunkards in his time, and that good manners were agreeable to him. On account of his clemency, he was careless of punishing many things that required it; and such conduct was on the whole the cause of disturbances. As universally known, the Sultán once ordered part of the lands in the Parganah of Jhaláwár should not be sown, but left as waste, because the people in that part complained that in consequence of the many cultivated fields they had no pasturage for their cattle.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN SIKANDAR.
Sultán Sikandar, on the very day his father
Muzaffir died, seated himself on the throne at
7th April,
A.D. 1526.
The nobles belonging to the court of the late Muzaffir were much vexed at this proceeding; and Imádu-l-Mulk, otherwise named Khúsh-Kadam, the foster-brother of the king, and who was in hope of his being made his prime-minister, was greatly annoyed. The discontented nobles, being apprized of this circumstance, persuaded him that the king wished to cut him off. Imádu-l-Mulk, who was very powerful, now engaged in a conspiracy; and joined the discontented nobles with part of the troops that had been gained over by his promises. At this time, Latíf Khán, brother to the king, who set up his pretensions to the throne, held possession of the mountainous country about Sultánpúr and Nadarbár. He was assisted by Bhím Rájá, and kept up a correspondence with several of the nobles; wherefore Shirza Khán was appointed to expel him from these parts; but, he being killed in action, Nasír Khán was sent with a large army to succeed him.
When the conspiracy was completed, Imádu-l-Mulk,
who, feigning sickness for some time, had
confined himself to his house, wrapped up his
head one day in the manner of a sick person,
and waited on the king. He was accompanied
by fifty horsemen; and finding a fit opportunity,
while most of the king's attendants were
absent, he entered the royal apartments. Having
carried along with him Malik Páhár, and
finding the Sultán asleep, that person murdered
him, on a signal given by Imádu-l-Mulk. This
26th May,
A.D. 1526.
Imádu-l-Mulk, having thus accomplished the important undertaking of Sikandar's murder, took from the harem a son of the late Muzaffir, then five or six years of age, and, after giving him the name of Sultán Mahmúd, seated him on his knee; but, distributing at the same time horses and honorary dresses among the soldiers and nobles, he conferred titles on them.* All the nobles, who thirsted after the blood of Imádu-l-Mulk, on account of this murder, retired to their own jágírs; and, anxious to find the means of revenge, despatched messengers in haste to acquaint Bahádur Khán of these events, and urged his return.
The length of Sultán Sikandar's reign was two months and sixteen days.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN BAHÁDUR.
It has been already mentioned that Bahádur
Khán, son of Sultán Muzaffir II., had left the
country, in consequence of the smallness of his
personal estate, and his disagreement with his
brother Sikandar. When Bahádur heard of
his father's death, and his brother's murder, he
mourned for four days, as is usual in such cases.
Soon after having left Júnpúr, he set out for
the capital, with all possible expedition; and
arrived at the town of Mukrej, otherwise named
Mahmúdnagar, where the nobles, who, through
fear of Imádu-l-Mulk, had gone into retirement,
now began to join him with troops from every
quarter. On the 26th of Ramazán, of the same
year, he arrived at Ahmadábád, and entered the
citadel there, which is commonly known by the
name of Bhaddar. During the festival day of
that month he went to the place of prayers, and
caused the oration to be pronounced in his own
name. Having soon after conferred titles on
thirty-two persons, he ordered that they should
be provided with suitable offices; and, on the
12th July,
A.D. 1526.
Imádu-l-Mulk, on hearing of the approach
of the Sultán, became agitated; and sent
an intimation to Latíf Khán, that, as Nasír
Khán was now an infant, he, in the event of
a war, would be able to conduct it. At length,
however, through astonishment at the probable
consequence of what he had done, he abandoned
both Nasír Khán and Latíf Khán, and assumed
to himself the royal authority. Sultán Bahádur in
the mean time crossed the Mahindrí (Mahíriver);
and, regardless of his army, advanced rapidly
with only a few followers. After making a pilgrimage
to the grave of Sikandar at Halol, he
appointed Táj Khán, with one hundred horsemen,
to bring Imádu-l-Mulk captive. This commander
plundered the house of Imádu-l-Mulk,
who fled to the residence of the chief Díwán, and
there concealed himself. During these proceedings,
Sultán Bahádur entered Mahmúdábád,
with all the ensigns and pomp of royalty; and,
after taking up his abode in the royal palace,
ordered the seizure of Imádu-l-Mulk, which was
effected after a little search. Imádu-l-Mulk was
brought into the presence of the Sultán, who
ordered him to be hung on a gibbet; and all
those concerned in the base murder were punished
according to their deserts. Latíf Khán,
who arrived in the immediate neighbourhood of
the capital during these events, now retired;
and Sultán Bahádur having mounted the throne
11th August,
A.D. 1526.
At this time, being a year of scarcity, a charity-house was established by the king's order; whilst he himself, when riding out, never gave less than a gold mohur to any poor person.
As Latíf Khán,* who had collected a body of Zamíndárs in the territories of Sultánpúr and Nadarbár, occasioned commotions there, an army was sent against him, when, being wounded in action, he was taken prisoner and brought before the Sultán, at the station of Múrghidínah, where he died.
Sultán Bahádur, after causing Nasír Khán to
be poisoned, on the 15th of the Rabí-ul-awal, of
Dec. 20,
A.D. 1526.
The Sultán again visited Diú, and remained there several days, in the year of the Hijra 934. From thence going to Khambáyat, he sailed for Ghoga; and, after again visiting Diú, returned to Mahmúdábád, by way of Khambáyat. At this time, he gave orders that the city wall of Bhroch should be built.* After this he carried an army against Bágarh; when the Rájá of Dúngarpúr, coming to Mukrej, paid his respects. From thence he set out for Patan, and, by way of Ahmadábád, returned to Mahmúdábád with great celerity. The Sultán's perambulations, in these days, became proverbial in the mouths of men, “that one travelled with the celerity of Bahádur.”
Were any one to attempt an account of all such expeditions, it would be almost impossible to detail the whole. I have, therefore, chosen to give a short and abridged explanation of them in these pages; but, should any one wish to know them more at length, let him turn to the pages of the Mirát Sikandarí.
In the year of the Hijra 935, A.D. 1528, he
marched in the direction of Daulatábád, in order
to assist his nephew, Mujáhid Khán, son of
Ádil Khán Farúkí. During that expedition, it
is said, nine hundred elephants of large stature
accompanied him. After settling the important
affairs of that quarter, he returned to his own
Shabán began
the 10th April,
A.D. 1529.
When he set out for the conquest of the
Began Sept. 5,
A.D. 1529.
In the year of the Hijra 937, A.D. 1530, he carried
an army against Bágarh, in order to subdue
that country; and thence going to Mandú, he
completed its capture by approaches, as mentioned
in the history before quoted. After
having spent some days in besieging this fort,
he entered it, on the 29th of Shabán, by that side
where the buildings are most lofty: and on this
occasion he himself led the way, accompanied
by several other nobles. As Mahmúd Khiljí,
who had defended Mandú, now fled, Sultán
Bahádur took possession of his palace; and, on
August 26,
A.D. 1531.
Sultán Bahádur passed the rainy season of that year in the upper fort of Mandú; and, having gone to Burhánpúr and Asír, on the 9th of Safar, of the year of the Hijra 939, A.D. 1532, he conferred the royal umbrella on Nizámu-l-Mulk, the prince of Ahmadnagar, and entitled him Nizám Sháh; since which time each of the rulers there is so entitled. Mahmúd Khán of Asír also received the title of Mahmúd Sháh; and the king of Gujarát, having undertaken a journey to Mandú, carried from thence an army against Silhaddí, the Rájá of Ujain. It is accordingly recorded that Silhaddí was made prisoner; after which the Sultán set out with all possible expedition, and arrived at Ujain, from which departing, he left the place in charge of Daryá Khán Mandwí. Having gone to Sarangpúr, he left that behind in charge of Mullú Khán, and afterwards took possession of Bhílsáh. From thence proceeding by stages to Raisein, then in possession of Lakshman Singh, brother of Silhaddí, he there encamped on the banks of the river, and ordered his officers to prepare batteries for capturing the fort. Rúmí Khán,* unrivalled in his time for skill in preparing fireworks, destroyed and levelled, in the twinkling of an eye, one of the bastions by a gun, while twelve thousand Dekhaní foot-soldiers, who were in the Sultán's pay, sprung a mine beneath one of the bastions, and threw down a considerable part of the wall. The Silhaddí, who was then with the Sultán, observing these things, sent to say that he would embrace the Mohammedan faith; and, after causing the fort to be evacuated, would deliver up the place. He therefore sent for his brother, Lakshman Singh, who came and waited on the Sultán. While the two brothers, however, were seated in consultation on this matter, Lakshman Singh said to the Silhaddí, “Wherefore should you give up the fort? Bhópat,* my son, has gone to the Ráná, and he, with forty thousand cavalry, and infantry without number, is bringing us assistance. Till his arrival, it is necessary to procrastinate, and to employ caution and deceit.” The Silhaddí, therefore, told the Sultán that Lakshman Singh would take his departure, and evacuate the fort on the succeeding day.
After some days had passed, however, without the promise being fulfilled, the Sultán was informed that the Ráná's son was approaching with assistance. Mohammed Sháh Asírí and Imádu-l-Mulk were nominated, to keep in check the Rána's son, but, the latter excusing himself to the Sultán, on account of the magnitude of the Rána's army, Ikhtiyár Khán was sent on the expedition. When the Sultán himself set out to join the army, he came up with it, as is said, in a night and a day, having travelled in that time seventy coss, accompanied by only thirty horsemen. The Ráná's spies, immediately on the Sultán's joining the army, acquainted their master of his arrival; and the latter, not thinking it advisable to front him, halted a stage in the rear. He at the same time sent one of his confidants into camp, who, under many pretended excuses, wished to ascertain whether the Sultán had himself joined the army or not. In the mean time, the Ráná, after ascertaining that Abigh Khán had arrived from Gujarát with thirty-six thousand cavalry, as an escort to the guns and elephants, sounded a retreat. The Sultán ordered that he should be closely pursued, and followed him to Chitore; but the Ráná, before the army could come up, had taken refuge in the fort. It was now resolved that the troops should capture the fort of Raisein, after which they were to lay siege to Chitore. Sultán Bahádur accordingly marched against the former place, where the besieged, seeing no prospect of assistance, yielded up the fort, as related in the history above quoted.
At this time, Sultán Álam Lódí, brother of Sultán Sikandar, had been driven from Kalpí, by the power of Jannat Makání Humáyún Pádsháh, and, accompanied by twelve thousand horse, sought an asylum with Sultán Bahádur. The latter presented him with the government of Raisein, Bhílsáh, and Chanderí, which had belonged to Silhaddí. He also ordered that Mohammed Sháh Asírí should seize on the town of Gagroní, which the Ráná had taken by conquest from Sultán Mohammed Khiljí.
About this time, Sultán Bahádur went to Gondwánah for the purpose of hunting elephants, and obtained a great many. After capturing the fort of Kánúr, he gave it in charge to Alp Khán; and, having subsequently reduced Islámábád, Hushangábád, and other neighbouring districts dependant on Málwa, returned to Sarangpúr. From thence he went to Gagroní, which Mohammed Sháh Asírí had not yet reduced, and immediately received its submission on his arrival. He then appointed Imádu-l-Mulk to conquer the country about Mandásúr, whilst he himself marched back for his capital.
Soon after Sultán Bahádur's arrival at Mahmúdábád, intelligence was brought him from the port of Diú, that the Europeans had come there with many ships and other warlike means, in order to capture the place. He lost no time in hastening to Khambáyat: and the Europeans, hearing that the Sultán was advancing, took to flight.* After arriving at Diú, he ordered two large guns, with a hundred of smaller size, to be sent to Mahmúdábád for the capture of Chitore. From thence he went to Ahmadábád; and having subsequently arrived, in one day, at Mahmúdábád, sent orders to Mohammed Sháh Asírí to advance from Asír to the siege of Chitore. Khudáwand Khán* and Wazír Khán, who were with the army at Mandú, were ordered to join Mohammed Khán Asírí, whilst the Sultán himself posted from Mahmúdábád to Mandú in three days. At this time, Mohammed Khán Asírí and Khudáwand Khán received orders to march on Chitore; and when they with the army arrived at Mandásúr, the Ráná's agents came to say, that whatever the Sultán might be pleased to order he would perform it to the best of his ability, provided the intention of besieging Chitore was abandoned. This request not being complied with, the Sultán's army invested Chitore, and straitened the besieged. At length the mother of Vikramajit, the Ráná's son, sent to say, that she had been of old a servant of the Sultán, and that, if he consented to spare the place, and would march from thence, she would give him in return a golden waistband* and jewelled crown, which had been captured from Mahmúd Khiljí I. of Málwa, when the Ráná defeated him. Besides these jewels, which were incalculably valuable, she promised to pay five laks of rupees, one hundred horses, and ten elephants, as an acknowledgment of submission.
Malik Burhánu-l-Mulk and Mujáhid Khán were sent from thence with a large army to capture the fort of Rattanbhore; and Malik Shamshíru-l-Mulk was despatched with twelve thousand cavalry to reduce Ajmír. The Sultán at this time went to Mandú, by way of Mandásúr; and, soon after his arrival there, deputed Mohammed Sháh Asírí, with the most famous of the Gujarát nobles, to go against Nizámu-l-Mulk Dekhaní. Mohammed Sháh Asírí, after encountering the latter in the neighbourhood of the town of Bír, sent messengers to the Sultán, acquainting him of the circumstance; and twelve thousand brave horsemen were accordingly selected and sent to his assistance. The opposing armies, however, had come to action before the arrival of the others at Bír: and the Dekhan's troops, immediately on hearing of the Sultán's advance, took to flight.* A little time after, Burhán Nizám Sháh came to meet the Sultán, when he acknowledged his dependence; and the latter, having given him back his country, proceeded towards Mandú. At this time, Burhán Nizám Sháh, after accompanying the king of Gujarát several stages, obtained leave to return.
The Sultán again showed an anxious wish to take the fort of Chitore, but Mohammed Zamán Mírzá, grandson of Sultán Husain, king of Khorásán, happening at this time to fly from his relation, Jannat Áshiání Humáyún Pádsháh, of Dehlí, attached himself to Sultán Bahádur.* Humáyún was much vexed at this, and wrote to the king of Gujarát, either to send the fugitive back, or expel him from his country. The different letters on this subject which passed between them are to be found in the history before quoted; and, to terminate the matter, these produced a mutual enmity. About this time, Sultán Bahádur sent his army from Mandú to the siege of Chitore, and appointed Rúmí Khán as his deputy there; promising that, after capturing it, he would give it over to his care.
At the same period, intelligence was received that Humáyún Pádsháh had arrived at Gwalior, with the view of making war on Sultán Bahádur; who, while investing Chitore, and fighting with infidels, patiently waited the result. After being aware of Humáyún's intentions, he commanded Tátár Khán Lódí to make a demonstration against Dehlí, and to go by way of Beyána, under an impression that, if Humáyún went into Gujarát, he himself would become master of Dehlí; or that the other, having nothing better left him, would order his troops to return. By the will of fate, and the mistakes of Tátár Khán Lódí, these measures were not accomplished, and the Gujarát army was accordingly defeated by Hindal Mírzá, the brother of Humáyún. Notwithstanding this, the siege of Chitore continued; and the besieged at length, being straitened, surrendered the fort.
Though Sultán Bahádur had promised to give Rúmi Khán the command of Chitore, he did not do so on various accounts. Rúmí Khán, offended at this, wrote privately to Humáyún, and at the same time threw difficulties in the way of the king of Gujarát, whenever any thing was to be done, as is to be found detailed in the above history. Sultán Bahádur was at length forced to take shelter in the fort of Mandú, but, on the capture of this place by Humáyún, escaped to Chámpánír, and left Mandú to the care and protection of Ikhtiyár Khán and Rájá Narsingh Deo. From thence going to the country of Sorath, he took up his residence in the island of Diú.* Soon after this, Chámpánír fell into the power of Humáyún, who went to Ahmadábád; but, as he was obliged to return to the capital of Agra, in consequence of the insurrection of Shír Khán Afghán, otherwise entitled Shír Sháh, he left his brother, Mírzá Askarí, at Ahmadábád, Kásim Beg in the Sirkar of Bhroch, Yádgár Násir Mírzá in the Sirkar of Patan, and Baba Beg Jallairí in the fort of Chámpánír. At this time, Sultán Bahádur's commanders, such as Malik Amín Darwísh, who had been appointed to command Rentumbhore, Malik Burhánu-l-Mulk, the commandant of Chitore, and Shamshíru-l-Mulk, the commandant of Ajmír, having effected a junction, advanced with forty thousand cavalry to the neighbourhood of Patan, whence they sent to tell the Sultán that, if it was his pleasure, their troops would attack those of Yádgár Násir Mírzá. The Sultán replied that he was about to join them, and that they must not engage the Mírzá until he came. Soon after Sultán Bahádur joined the troops, Yádgár Násir Mírzá hearing that he had arrived, kept aloof, and hastened to Ahmadábád. The former, on learning that soldiers from all quarters were flocking to join him, advanced against Ahmadábád; soon after which Mírzá Askarí and the others gave him battle near Mahmúdábád. The Dehlí commanders, however, perceiving that it would be impossible to keep their footing in a strange country, went soon after to join Humáyún. Mírzá Askarí and the others were in possession of Gujarát nine months and some days.
Sultán Bahádur, at this period, went to Chámpánír, where he remained for some time; but, being annoyed by the intrigues of the Europeans, and vexed with them for building a fort in the island of Diú, was continually contriving how he might expel them. The account of building this fortification may be found in the Mirát Sikandarí.
When the Sultán, accompanied by a few other persons, went to have an interview with the treacherous European infidels, he was murdered, it is said, by them, and thrown into the sea.* These events happened on the 3d of Ramazán, A. Hij. 943; and from this time the port of Diú has been possessed by the Europeans, Ikhtiyár Khán, the king's minister, has written the date thereof in these words:—Sultánu-l-barr Shahídu-l-bahr —“The king of the land was a martyr at sea.”
The length of his reign was eleven years; and his death happened when he was only thirty-one years of age.
After the murder of Bahádur, his minister and nobles sent to his nephew, Mohammed Sháh Farúkí, of Khándesh, then at Ujain, commanding seven thousand horse; and, after acquainting him with the circumstances, requested he would come to Gujarát to be invested with power, according to the will of his late uncle.
Mohammed Zamán Mírzá, pleased at the confusion which at this time prevailed in Gujarát, took up a position at the town of Awan, three koss from Diú. The nobles, aware of his intentions, sent Imádu-l-Mulk with a strong force against him; when, after a battle fought in that neighbourhood, the Mírzá was defeated, and took his departure.
Sultán Mohammed Sháh Farúkí, on receiving the intelligence of Sultán Bahádur's death, did not communicate the event to any one; but was so much grieved at being thus separated from him, that his death also happened seventeen days afterwards. When the Gujarát nobles were made acquainted with this event, they saw that there was no heir to the throne, except Mohammed Khán, son of Latíf Khán, and nephew to Bahádur. As he had been imprisoned, at Bahádur's request, by the late Mohammed Khán Farúkí; the nobles, therefore, wrote to Shamsu-d-dín, in whose care he was, that he might send him to Gujarát. Shamsu-d-dín accordingly sent him to be installed in the manner of his ancestors.
After the defeat of Sultán Bahádur, much disorder and sedition found their way into the affairs of Gujarát; and, from that time, the tribute from the kings of the Dekhan, and the ports possessed by the Europeans, was no longer received.
THE REIGN OF SULTÁN MAHMÚD II., SON OF LATÍF KHÁN.
A. Hij. 943,
A.D. 1536.
Mahmúd Khán, in A. Hij. 943, A.D. 1536, commenced his reign at the age of eleven. On this occasion, Imádu-l-Mulk obtained the office of prime-minister; and Daryá Khán received the title of Majlis Girámí. These two agreed to carry on the affairs of the government, and watched the Sultán so narrowly, that he appeared as if placed between two planks of wood. No one, excepting these two noblemen, ever visited the Sultán; and, though much annoyed at this, he very wisely and judiciously never gave the least indication of his vexation. He appeared so much taken up with amusements and hunting, that you would have said he had no thought for his kingdom or his army. He continued to say, both privately and openly, that a king, having such ministers as Imádu-l-Mulk and Daryá Khán, need not give himself any trouble about his government; and often he would ask, What kind of a place is Mekka? and what like is Medínah? The ministers, pleased to hear him talking in this manner, conducted the affairs of government without any trouble. But the Sultán very wisely, and from necessity, played the simpleton; and whatever of good or bad he might hear, either publicly or privately, he repeated to them without alteration. They were, therefore, much astonished at the Sultán's conduct.
At length, Daryá Khán wished to remove Imádu-l-Mulk from any interference with the government. To further this design, he carried the Sultán on a pleasure trip to a tank near the Mahindrí River, and distant from the city thirty koss; where, having collected together a large force from the neighbouring districts, he commanded Imádu-l-Mulk, in the name of the government, to quit the city of Ahmadábád, and retire to his personal estate. The latter, having no alternative but compliance, went to his estate in Jhaláwár. On this occasion, Daryá Khán, accompanied by the Sultán, pursued Imádu-l-Mulk, and, after following him to the confines of Burhánpúr, sent a message to Mubárak Sháh Farúkí, requesting he would seize the fugitive, and send him to him. Mubárak Sháh, who would not comply with this request, was now at war with Daryá Khán; and, in an engagement fought near Wankírí, the former being defeated, fled to Assír, while his famous elephants, and other ensigns of royalty, fell into the power of Mohammed Sháh II. of Gujarát. Imádu-l-Mulk, continuing his flight from thence, went to Kádir Sháh of Mandú, then Governor of Málwa; and the Sultán, after remaining several days at Burhánpúr, entered into a treaty, stipulating that the oration at the mosque, and the currency of Burhánpúr and Asír, should be in his name.
Soon after this, Daryá Khán, accompanied by the Sultán, returned to Ahmadábád; and, being now at leisure, subjected the whole of Gujarát to his control. He pretended to act in the name of Mohammed Sháh, whom he retained as a pageant. Being much addicted to luxury, he made an agreement that Alam Khán Lódí, one of his confidants, should provide for the custody of the Sultán, whom he gave over to his charge.
The people of Gujarát, they say, whether rich or poor, were pleased and gratified by the propriety of Daryá Khán's kindness, presents, gifts, and pensions. It was his practice to keep by him blank grants of land, sealed with the royal signet, and ready for presentation, in order that the deserving might not be kept waiting.
In this manner, Daryá Khán, for the space of five years, enjoyed himself; and, though the Sultán was informed of his excessive luxury, he took no notice of it. The former continually endeavoured to discover the other's secret thoughts, but was never able to do so, and was wont to say, “I am astonished at the conduct of the Sultán, who is either very knowing or a fool who has no equal.”
Álam Khán Lódí subsequently obtained Daryá Khán's permission to go to his own estate, as he was displeased with his benefactor for the reasons found written in the Mirát Sikandarí. It was reported that Imádu-l-Mulk, in Málwa, had at this time become more and more intimate with Kádir Sháh. Daryá Khán, who was much vexed at hearing this, sent an order in the name of the king of Gujarát, that Kádir Sháh should either seize and send Imádu-l-Mulk to Gujarát, or expel him from his country. The Governor of Málwa wrote in answer that he did not chose to comply. Daryá Khan was enraged at this reply; and, having ordered the king's tents to be brought out, encamped at the palace of Ghattámandal, near the Kankriya tank, with the intention of marching an army against Kádir Sháh. He also issued a firman for the assembly of troops from all quarters of the kingdom; during which time he daily passed two or three hours with the Sultán, and was wont, after returning to his own house, to spend his time in pleasure and amusement.
The Sultán, while yet young, had acquired a habit of bearing whatever might come; and, though consequently grieved, had no power of doing otherwise. Daryá Khán one day invited him, along with Sayyid Mubárak Bokhárí, to an entertainment, where the dancing and singing had induced him to remain all night a spectator. About the latter part of the night, the minister, rising up, retired with one of the dancing girls, and left the Sultán quite alone; at this very improper treatment, the latter manifested his indignation; but, restraining his passion, whispered to the Sayyid, “Do you behold the impudence of this slave, who leaves me alone, and, in getting up, forgets the usual respect that should be paid me?” The Sayyid told him that it was now necessary to bear and wait patiently, to see what might turn up.
Álam Khán Lódí, then living on his estate at Dhandukáh, and who had a grudge against Daryá Khán, hearing what had happened, sent privately to the Sultán, saying, “that if he chose to favour him, and would give the orders for the removal of Daryá Khán, such would be accomplished.” This measure being finally resolved on and agreed to between the parties, through the mediation of a bird-catcher named Charúnjí, the Sultán one night secretly took flight, and went over to Álam Khán Lódí. He was accompanied, on this occasion, by twenty-two horsemen, who had escorted some draught carriages sent by the latter. One day had elapsed before Daryá Khán became acquainted with the Sultán's flight, and was now at a loss how to proceed. As he was in possession of the treasure, he elevated to the throne a grandson of Sultán Ahmad II.; and, having entitled him Sultán Muzaffir, caused the currency to be struck, and the oration at the mosque to be pronounced in his name. After having, moreover, collected fifty thousand cavalry, he came out to oppose Álam Khán Lódí and the Sultán, who, in a severe battle fought soon after, sustained a defeat.
Daryá Khán, thus victorious, left the Sultán to himself, and went to Dholka. The latter, notwithstanding their defeat, collected another army, by people flocking to their standard from every quarter, and from among the numerous deserters of Daryá Khán's army. The other, not thinking it advisable he should remain at Dholka, marched to Ahmadábád. On arriving there, the people refused him admittance; but, entering the city by force, he endeavoured to conciliate the soldiers and the people. Notwithstanding this, his men deserted and went over to the opposite party. Daryá Khán, who was now suspicious that the townspeople would seize and deliver him up to his sovereign, sent his family and effects to the fort of Chámpánír; whilst he himself went to Mubárak Sháh at Burhánpúr. These events happened in the year of the Hijra 950, A.D. 1543.
Mohammed Sháh II., after entering Ahmadábád, went to Chámpánír; and, having captured that fort, obtained possession of Daryá Khán's women and treasures. The Sultán, now invested with absolute dominion, conferred the office of prime-minister on Burhánu-l-Mulk Babí, and made Álam Khán Lódí commander-in-chief. His affairs had thus continued prosperous for six months; when, at the intercession of Álam Khán Lódí, Imádu-l-Mulk was called to court, and Charúnjí, through his representation, obtained the title of Muháfiz Khán. The latter was made a companion of by the Sultán; and, though naturally a mean wretch, became his adviser, frequently declaring that he was a friend and well-wisher of his sovereign.
Imádu-l-Mulk, who had in the mean time arrived from Mandú, paid his respects to the Sultán; and, after obtaining the sirkar of Bhroch, with the port of Súrat as his jágír, received permission to go there and take possession. At this time, Muháfiz Khán, when the Sultán was one day heated with wine, advised him to dismiss all the old nobles, and promote others. But, to accomplish this object, it was necessary first to remove Alá-ud-dín Lódí, brother of Sikandar Lódí, of Dehli, and who, in the time of Bahádur Sháh, entered the service of Gujarát; and, secondly, Shujáat Khán, who had accompanied him in the war carried on against Daryá Khán. The Sultán, without consulting any of his ministers or nobles in this matter, ordered that these two noblemen should be put to death on the gallows; and they were accordingly executed.
At this time, Sultán Mohammed retired to his private apartment, and ordered that no one should for three days be admitted to see him. On the third day, Álam Khán Lódí told Imádu-l-Mulk, that, as Sultán Alá-ud-dín had now been dead for three days, it would be necessary to tell the Sultán that he must be buried. Imádu-l-Mulk consequently went to the darbár, where Muháfiz Khán, coming from the presence of the Sultán, asked what he wanted, after having received permission to proceed to his jágír. The former replied, he must tell the Sultán that, if it was his pleasure, he would bury Sultán Alá-ud-dín. The wretch Muháfiz Khán, laughing contemptuously, said to him in a familiar manner, “Oh, Malik, these two ungrateful servants have suffered death, and a crowd of others will be made to follow them!” Imádu-l-Mulk, on hearing this speech, was angry; and, going to Álam Khán Lódí, told him what he had heard. At the same time, he advised him that Muháfiz Khán should be put to death, if he himself had a wish to live many days; and that the Sultán should be closely watched. Imádu-l-Mulk immediately after went to his jágír; but Álam Khán, Wajíhu-l-Mulk, and others, who were assembling troops for the purpose of having Muháfiz Khán put to death, resolved that they would not salám to the Sultán till such had been accomplished.
After burying Alá-ud-dín Lódí, the conspirators assembled in a mosque near the royal court, where, seating themselves, they besieged the Sultán for three days. At the end of this time, the latter, being no longer able to endure his confinement, sent to ask them why they were assembled. They unanimously answered, “they were the Sultán's servants, but that his confidant, Muháfiz Khán, who was not a proper person to serve him, must be delivered over to them.” The Sultán would not consent to this, but soon after called these noblemen to him, that they might pay their respects. As one among them was in some way connected with Muháfiz Khán, the same sent to tell him that it would not be proper that he should be present at the meeting. The fool, either from pride or reliance on the Sultán's favour, did not attend to this warning; and, having accordingly come, stood behind the king's throne. When Álam Khán Lódí saw him standing there, being no longer able to contain himself, he made a signal to his followers: on observing which, Muháfiz Khán, through fear of his life, took shelter below the throne. The mutineers, after dragging him by the hair of the head from below the throne, cut him in pieces; and, although the Sultán urged them to forbear, yet no one attended to his request. The latter, being quite petrified at this transaction, drew his dagger, with an intention of killing himself; and, although the conspirators almost immediately wrested the dagger from his hand, a small part of the point had however penetrated his belly. After dressing his wound, they gave him into custody, to be confined as before: and Álam Khán Lódí, with Wajíhu-l-Mulk, Mujáhid Khán, and Mujáhidu-l-Mulk, who were the principal nobles, were appointed to have charge of him. They, having conducted him to Ahmadábád, continued to watch him narrowly as before; but, as an intrigue had been now set on foot among themselves, their vexation was manifested at being thus obliged to guard him. After consulting what ought to be done, they proposed to blind him with a hot iron, and raise a child to the throne; but some said that there was n necessity for even a child; and that, by dividing the country among themselves, each might govern his own domain. It was, therefore, agreed on that the country should be divided, and that each should have a determinate portion in certain districts. This design was never accomplished; as one of them, Tátár Khán, privately told the Sultán what he had heard; and the Sultán, going with a party of horse at night, ordered that the houses of Álam Khán Lódí and Wajíhu-l-Mulk should be plundered. Those who were the leaders of the nobles consequently took to flight; and a detailed account of the same may be found in the Mirát Sikandarí. The Sultán, having again become master of his kingdom, gave the office of prime-minister to Asaf Khán, who had before held the same office under Sultán Bahádur; and who, with Khudáwand Khán and several others, were promoted to high offices.
As Álam Khán Lódí, after his flight, wrote to Daryá Khán, then living in poverty among the cities of the Dekhan, and requested he would join him, the latter, accordingly, came, and met Imádu-l-Mulk at Bhroch: but with this event the Sultán became anxious and uneasy. In the mean time a communication came from Imádu-l-Mulk, representing that as Álam Khán and Daryá Khán were old servants of his government, it would be wrong to allow them to go to Shír Sháh, the king of Dehlí, and that he should give them jágírs on the frontiers; where they might do him great service. To this proposition he agreed; but, as Álam Khán's brother, with his family, had fled, the fulfilment of the promise was delayed. The Sultán, being ever on the watch, lest Daryá Khan, Álam Khán, and Imádu-l-Mulk, should join to raise a disturbance in the country, ordered the latter to come to him with all possible expedition, in order that he might consult him on these matters. Sayyid Arab Sháh was accordingly despatched to Imádu-l-Mulk, who, having come to Chámpánír, with ten or twelve thousand cavalry, experienced the royal favour.
Soon after, it happened that some one at
night set up the cry that it was the Sultán's
order to plunder Imádu-l-Mulk. The people
rushing from all quarters, in consequence of
this false assertion, plundered Imádu-l-Mulk
and his followers; on which the former, being
much hurt at heart, and greatly injured, sought
an asylum with Sayyid Mubárak. The Sultán,
when made acquainted with this transaction,
was much vexed; and, after causing those who
had occasioned this commotion to be seized,
ordered them to be executed. He also endeavoured
by every means to conciliate Imádu-l-Mulk;
but, as he mentioned his intention of
visiting the holy cities of Mekka and Medínah,
the Sultán complied with his wishes, and forwarded
him to the port of Súrat; where he was
A. Hij. 952,
A.D.1545.
Succeeding these events, the Sultán appointed Sayyid Mubárak to command a force against Daryá Khán and Álam Khán; and he, after gaining a battle, drove them from Gujarát, when they both went to Shír Sháh of Dehlí.
At this time, the Sultán abandoned the pleasures of the harem; and the government having thus received an accession of power, both nobles and soldiers fell so completely under its management, that they had not the power of disobeying. There was now some desire manifested of seizing on Málwa; but, when the Sultán consulted his minister, Asaf Khán, in this matter, he was told that he might obtain a country equal to Málwa by merely attaching a fourth of the Gujarát province, or that part called the apportioned lands, then possessed by Rájpúts, Grássias, and Kúlis. “If,” said the minister, “that fourth was only brought under government management, it is sufficient, as a jágír, to maintain twenty-five thousand horse;” and the order was accordingly given for its resumption. The Grássias of Ídur, Sirohí, Dúngarpúr, Bánswárah, Lonawárah, Rájpípalah, the banks of the Mahindrí river, and Halwad, began on this account to disturb the country. The parties of soldiers stationed at Sirohí, Ídur, and other places, were therefore ordered to extirpate the very name of Rájpút and Kúli from such places; excepting, however, those who were the armed police of the country, or such as were engaged in trade, and who were to be distinguished by a specific mark on the right arm. Should any of this class be found without this mark, they were to be executed.
In consequence of such orders, the Mohammedan faith obtained such a superiority in those parts, about the latter part of this reign, that no Hindú was allowed to ride on horseback through the city; and those on foot were not allowed to wear clothing, unless distinguished by a red patch of cloth sewed on the shoulder. They were, moreover, prevented from exhibiting any public marks of infidelity, such as the idolatries of the Húlí and Dewálí festivals. It is therefore related that after the villain Burhán murdered the Sultán, the Grássias and Kúlis set up an image of the murderer, which they worshipped, and addressed it, saying, “This is our protector, who has saved us from perdition.”
The author of the Mirát Sikandarí, who has mentioned the Sultán's contemporaries and friends, says that he was a great friend to Fakírs, and that, having a great regard for the unfortunate among this class, he built many places for their reception, where servants were appointed to supply them with whatever they required. He was also wont to give the devout, frequenting mosques and colleges, good clothing during the winter season, and make them presents of coverlets. As many of the dissipated among them were, however, in the habit of selling the latter, he ordered that such should be made large enough for covering several persons, as they would not be then unanimous in their resolution to sell them.
The Sultán, having rid himself of the domineering
A. Hij. 953,
A.D. 1546.
When Sultán Mahmúd II. had exerted himself at the celebration of this festival, held in the year of the Hijra 961, A.D. 1533-4, he retired to rest, after having taken farewell of the people then assembled. Having slept a little, he awoke, and called for some sherbet and water; when Burhán, whose office was to prepare these things, mixing poison with the draught, gave it to the Sultán. The latter soon after felt unwell, and, having vomited, asked Burhán what kind of sherbet he had given him. The latter replied that, as the Sultán's illness had been solely brought on by his exertions, it was necessary for him to take rest, that he might drive it away. Another hour of the night passed, and the Sultán, again going to sleep, was murdered by Burhán with a dagger. This event happened on Friday, during the nativity of the Prophet, A. Hij. 962, A.D. 1554. As nearly eighteen years had passed from the time he was first enthroned, and as he was in his eleventh year, he must have attained his twenty-eighth year at the period of his death.
The wretch Burhán, with his wicked accomplices in this infamous transaction, resolved to finish the business, by concealing, in the antechamber of the royal apartments, a party of armed men, to whom instructions were given to kill every one who should approach. After this arrangement was made, a person was sent to Asaf Khán, the prime-minister, with a message to say “that the Sultán was calling him, and that he was on no account to make the least delay.” The minister accordingly went; when Burhán, rising up, received him with much respect, telling him that it was the Sultán's order that he should wait in the ante-chamber, where the armed men had been concealed. The wretch soon after made the minister advance before him; and, whilst he himself drew back, the latter was slain on entering the ante-chamber: as was also Khudáwand Khán, who was sent for in the same manner. Itimád Khán had been also sent for; but he, wisely supposing that there was some pretence for doing so, went not. About the same time, another of the ministers, Afzal Khán, was sent for; on whom Burhán, seeing him approaching, began to smile, and flattered him, saying, “That if the Khán gave him his assistance, he would grant him whatsoever he might desire.” To this, Afzal Khán replied, “Wretch! what are your thoughts? and what is this you talk of?” Burhán at length, despairing of gaining over Afzal Khán, caused him also to be put to death.
The wretch, having thus glutted his vile heart with these and many other murders, laid his hands on the royal treasure and effects; and, having dressed himself in fine attire, binding on his neck a collar of great value, studded with jewels, which had been worn by the Sultán, seated himself like a dog on the royal jewelled chair, making manifest the saying, “that the dog sits in the cook's place.”
Having thus commenced to govern, he gave away the king's best horses as presents to his accomplices, along with their saddles, their gold and silver head-ornaments; and ordered that all the prisoners in jail should be set free. Those who joined him took the money and the horses, but, soon after seceding from his party, left him with only a few.
In the mean time, these events became generally known. The confidants of the late Sultán, such as Imádu-l-Mulk* , the leader of the Turks, and Alagh Khán, chief of the Abyssinians, now went with all possible expedition to the palace, and, having locked up the treasure, gave it in charge to trustworthy persons. They next proceeded to expel Burhán; who, with those he had collected, came out; and as one of the nobles, named Shírwán Khán, had advanced in front, Burhán said to him, “Come on, Shírwán Khán; you have arrived in time!” To this the Khán replied, “I have indeed!” and, spurring on his horse, so cut him across the shoulder with his sword that he fell at his feet. All who were with him were also put to death.
Sayyid Mubárak now called together all the great nobles, such as Itimád Khán and others, that they might deliberate how government should be carried on. The late Sultán having left no heir behind, Rizá-ul-Mulk was despatched to Ahmadábád, to bring one of his relations, named Ahmad Khán. The messenger, who found him at a merchant's shop, purchasing grain, brought him accordingly to Mahmúdábád.
THE REIGN OF AHMAD KHÁN II. SON OF LATÍF KHÁN, WHO WAS GRANDSON OF SHUKÁR KHÁN, THE SON OF SULTÁN AHMAD I.
A. Hij. 961,
28th February,
A.D. 1554.
On the 15th of Rabí-ul-awal, A. Hij. 961, A.D. 1554, Sayyid Mubárak, assisted by the grandees and great nobles of state, taking Ahmad Khán by the hand, placed him on the throne, and entitled him Ahmad Sultán. From this date, the Sultán confided much in Sayyid Mubárak, and Itimád Khán was made prime-minister.
As Ahmad Sultán was yet a minor, the nobles agreed to divide the treasure and country among each other, until he attained maturity; and every one in his own domain was to guard against disturbances of the public peace, and protect the frontiers. When Mubárak Sháh, of Khándesh, became aware of this state of affairs in Gujarát, he undertook an expedition to that quarter, and encamped with his army on the Nerbuddah, opposite Bhroch. The Gujarát nobles, marching thither, encamped opposite to him. After an interchange of messages between the parties, a peace was at length concluded, through the mediation of Sayyid Mubárak; when the nobles returned towards Ahmadábád; but, having soon after split into two factions, one of them joined Itimád Khán, and the other followed Násiru-l-Mulk. Sayyid Mubárak, who was a brave and honourable man, continued to support Itimád Khán. The two opposite factions continued watching each other, until they arrived in the neighbourhood of Baroda, where a battle was fought between Sayyid Mubárak and Násiru-l-Mulk, in which the former suffered a defeat. As this had happened in consequence of Itimád Khán having withheld his assistance, Sayyid Mubárak took his departure for his jágír of Kapparwanj; and the former, without fighting, soon after joined him at that place.
Násiru-l-Mulk carried Sultán Ahmad along with him; and, having entered Ahmadábád with uncontrolled power, administered the affairs of government in this manner for two months. At the end of that time, he carried his troops against Kapparwanj, for the purpose of expelling Sayyid Mubárak and Itimád Khán, who came out to oppose him. As Alagh Khán Habshí and Imádu-l-Mulk Rúmí, who had charge of the Sultán, came to the resolution, at this time, of going over with him to Sayyid Mubárak; and were afraid that, if Násiru-l-Mulk succeeded against the Sayyid and Itimád Khán, he would proceed against them in turn; they accordingly carried the Sultán over to the enemy, one morning at daybreak: in consequence of which Násiru-l-Mulk took to flight.
Sayyid Mubárak and Itimád Khán carried the Sultán with them to Ahmadábád: from whence they went in pursuit of Násiru-l-Mulk, who had gone into the mountainous country about Pál. Itimád Khán, on this occasion, appointed Ikhtiyáru-l-Mulk his deputy in Ahmadábád; but as the latter, two days after the departure of the Sultán with Itimád Khán, gave his support to a person named Sháhú, the Sultán's paternal uncle, discord was renewed afresh.
Sayyid Mubárak and the others, on being made acquainted with this proceeding, marched from Bhroch for Ahmadábád; but had only advanced as far as Mahmúdábad, when the supporters of Sháhú marched out to meet them. A battle having consequently taken place between the parties, at the town of Upráh, four koss distant from Ahmadábád, Sháhú and the rebellious nobles who supported him were put to flight. Sayyid Mubárak now carried the Sultán along with him, and entered Ahmadábád in triumph. Soon after, the nobles having divided the country in the manner agreed on* , each took possession of his portion; whilst the Sultán and Itimád Khán remained at Ahmadábad, and were absolute there.
But, when was discord ever known to cease? About this time, Daryá Khán dying, his companion in exile, Álam Khán Lódí, who was with Shír Sháh of Dehlí, wrote to say that he could not remain there; and soon after, coming to Ahmadábád, endeavoured to bring about a union between himself and Sayyid Mubárak. Itimád Khán and Imádu-l-Mulk, who were now displeased with Sayyid Mubárak, had at length, through the intrigues and evil advice of Álam Khan Lódí, come prepared for war against him; and these nobles, having carried the Sultán along with them, went forth for battle. But, when it was known that Álam Khán Lódí had caused all this, a meeting took place between them, when the Sultán was again sent back to Sayyid Mubárak. Álam Khán Lódí now fled to the mountainous country about Pál; and the two commanders, after following him for some distance, returned to Chámpánír.
Mubárak Sháh, of Khándesh, on learning this state of affairs, again entered Gujarát with an army, and returned without effecting any thing. Though the Sultán, at this time, entertained several private servants, Itimád Khán and Imádu-l-Mulk retained the whole power of the government; and, as each strove for the superiority, the confidential servants of either alternately kept watch on the Sultán. The kings and nobles of Gujarát, who were now doomed to destruction by the will of God, ended the business by going to war with one another; and, though a treaty of agreement had been renewed, and sworn to falsely, they bartered their faith for the mean idea of gain. Sayyid Mubárak, who was peaceably inclined, continually endeavoured to mediate between them, and smother the flame of discord.
Some time had passed in this manner, when the enmity existing between Imádu-l-Mulk, Rúmí, and Itimád Khán, became apparent by the Sultán uniting himself with the former, in order that he might free himself from the control of the other. Itimád Khán, being vexed at this, went to Mubárak Sháh of Khándesh; and, bringing the latter along with him, advanced on Gujarát, when Sayyid Mubárak's good advice induced the Khán to return to his former situation of minister. The Sultán, having now no expectation of obtaining the direction of government affairs, through means of Imádu-l-Mulk, and perceiving that he must again fall into the power of Itimád Khán, came privately, with several friends, to Sayyid Mubárak, at Sayyidpúr, near Mahmúdábád, a place rendered flourishing by the Sayyid. The Sayyid, not being pleased at his coming in this manner, reproved his friends, and told them that they had acted improperly in bringing him in this way.
About this time, Hájí Khán, one of the best commanders of Islám Sháh, king of Dehlí, having left that capital, on account of its conquest by the troops of Humáyún Pádsháh, set out for Gujarát, with fifty thousand horse and one hundred elephants. The Khán, on his way hither, having engaged the Ráná, defeated him; when, being thus victorious, he turned towards Gujarát. As Itimád Khán and Imádu-l-Mulk supposed that Hájí Khán had come at the request of the Sultán and Sayyid Mubárak, they resolved on putting to death the latter, before the Hájí had yet joined Sayyid Mubárak and the Sultán. The two commanders accordingly marched out with thirty thousand cavalry, accompanied by guns; and, having encamped in the neighbourhood of Mahmúdábád, fought a battle there, after a frequent exchange of messages. On this occasion, Sayyid Mubárak was killed, and Sayyidpúr plundered. His family was, however, respected; as it is customary with the people of Gujarát, on such occasions, not to injure the honour of their opponent's family, however much they be their enemies or wish them evil.
The leaders, with their troops, having now separated, removed from one another a distance of ten or twelve koss; but parties from each camp continued to frequent the city. After some days, a peace was concluded, through the interference of mediators. In short, Sayyid Mírán, the son of Sayyid Mubárak, went to Kapparwanj, with his family and people, whilst the two commanders, taking the Sultán along with them, went to Ahmadábád, where they entered into a private treaty with each other.
Sayyid Mírán came to Ahmadábád, a short time after, having been requested to do so by Imádu-l-Mulk and Itimád Khán. As some fresh cause of disagreement between the two leaders happened at this time, the Sultán was again privately intriguing with Imádu-l-Mulk, who sent for his son, Jangíz Khán, from Bhroch. Itimád Khán also sent for Tátár Khán Ghází from Júnagarh; and, after having left Ahmadábád and collected an army in the neighbourhood, sent a message to Imádu-l-Mulk that he must leave the city, and go to his own personal estate. Imádu-l-Mulk, perceiving that he could not remain there, left it along with Alagh Khán Habshí, and went to Bhroch, on which occasion the latter obtained Baroda from him.
Itimád Khán now appointed his confidential friends to watch over the Sultán: and, being free from all responsibility and uneasiness with regard to governing, gave half the parganah of Karrí, in jágír, to Hájí Khán, whom he entertained in service. He also permitted Músá Khán and others to go to their own estates.
Intelligence was at this time received that Imádu-l-Mulk's brother-in-law, named Ikhtiyár Khán,* who was then at Súrat, had put him to death; and that, some months after, the son of the former, Jangíz Khán, had revenged his father's murder by slaying his murderer. During these proceedings, Itimád Khán carried an army against Bhroch; but, immediately after, returned to Ahmadábád, on account of disturbances happening at this time in the Zillahs of Patan and Rádhanpúr. Itimád Khán was now employed in guarding against the Sultán's intrigues, as men from all quarters had collected in Gujarát, with whom the Sultán had a community of felling. The minister, impressed with an idea that some calamity might happen, for which he might not be prepared, passed his time in much anxiety. As Sultán Ahmad was of an evil and subtile disposition, he would often, when drunk with wine, take a sword, and, cutting a plantain tree, would say, “I have cut off the head of Itimád Khán, and divided Imádu-l-Mulk's body into pieces.” In this manner he spoke of several of the nobles; on which account, Wajíhu-l-Mulk, who was Itimád Khán's assistant, was continually advising them to put the Sultán to death, before he could effect any thing treacherous.
Sultán Ahmad was at this time so powerful,
as to be capable of riding three koss either for
the sake of amusement or the chase; and, as he
often came to Itimád Khán's house at unseasonable
times, the Khán received him with fear and
trembling. Although Wajíhu-l-Mulk continued
to urge Itimád Khán to put the Sultán to death,
he continued to delay the measure. One day,
however, Wajíhu-l-Mulk sent a message to the
Sultán, saying, that if a promise of succeeding
as prime-minister was given him, he would put
Itimád Khán to death. The Sultán, unconscious
of any thing being intended, encouraged him by
a promise of succeeding the minister; but, when
Wajíhu-l-Mulk told this to Itimád Khan, he
would not, he said, give credence to such a
thing, without having heard it with his own
ears. Wajíhu-l-Mulk, therefore, having carried
the Khán at night time to a house near Bhaddar,
concealed him in an antechamber; whence he
sent this message to the Sultán, “that, as he
could not venture to publicly meet the Sultán for
fear of Itimád Khán's spies, he begged the latter
would take the trouble of meeting him, in order
that an agreement might be drawn up. Wajíhu-l-Mulk
then prepared a royal seat for the
Sultán at the door of the antechamber where
he had concealed Itimád Khán. The Sultán
accordingly came and took his seat, when Wajíhu-l-Mulk
recapitulated to him what he had before
said, requesting that an agreement between
them might be drawn up. The former, without
hesitation, repeated all that had already passed
between them; when Itimád Khán, who had
overheard the whole conversation, presenting
himself from the antechamber, asked the Sultán
what he had ever done that he should conspire
against his life. The Sultán, who became petrified
with astonishment, was immediately
killed by Itimád Khán's servants, who, according
to order, inflicted on him several blows of a
stick. Having afterwards taken up his dead
body, they threw it on the sands of the Sabarmatí
river, which is close by the houses of
Bhaddar. These events happened on Monday,
April 12,
A.D. 1561.
Those who found the body thought some of his intimate associates must have murdered the Sultán; and, on removing it from thence, it was buried in the vault of Sultán Ahmad I.
Previously to the Sultán's murder, Beirám
Khán had been murdered at the city of Patan,
on his way to Mekka; as Arsh Ashiáni
Akbar Pádsháh, on that very year, for the
several reasons detailed in the Akbar-Námah,
had given him permission to go to the Holy
City, on a pilgrimage. Beirám Khán, on arriving
at Patan, encamped there on the plain,
intending to rest himself for some days. As
Músá Khán Faoládí was at this time in uncontrolled
power in that quarter, a crowd of
Afgháns, who increased the disorders of the
country, had collected about him. Among
others, was a person named Mubárak Khán
Lohání; who, as his father had been inadvertently
killed, in the battle of Máchíwáráh, by
Beirám Khán, was now determined to take revenge.
The Afghans accordingly excited a
tumult, both on account of this occurrence, and
because a Kashmírian woman, the wife of Selím
Khán, by whom she had a daughter, after betrothing
her to the son of Beirám Khán, was
now accompanying him on his pilgrimage to
Mekka. One day, Beirám Khán had gone to a
pleasure seat, situated in the midst of a large
lake, near the city; and had returned in the
boat which had conveyed him there, when the
above-mentioned Afghán, accompanied by thirty
or forty others, arrived on the borders of the
lake, just as Beirám Khán had mounted his
horse. On this occasion, the dishonourable
Afghán, though the Khán had requested the
whole to come to him, so struck him on the
back with a dagger that it passed out at his
breast. The others, then drawing their swords,
completed his business, and put him to death.
His followers and attendants, distracted and
astonished, took to flight; and left the Khán's
bleeding body in the dust, where it was allowed
to lie, until some Fakírs and inhabitants carried
it away, and buried it near the mausoleum of
Shaikh Hissám. This event happened on Friday,
the 14th of Jumádá-ul-awal, A. Hij. 968,
22nd January,
A.D. 1561.
Beirám Khán's body was afterwards carried to the holy Mashhad, and buried there, through the exertion of Hussain Kúli Khán.
After Beirám Khán's death, the robbers of Patan plundered his followers, and left them nothing. Khoájah Malik, and several others, who brought away Abdú-l-Karím, (son and rightful heir of the Khán,) with his mother, saved them from that calamity, and sent them to Ahmadábád; whence, after four months, they went to the capital, (Dehlí) by desire of the Emperor Akbar.
Gladwin's translation of the Ayín Akbarí has here Rájá
Sirry Bhordeo: but, on referring to the original text, I find that
the name is Phordeo, preceded by the Sanskrit Srí,
This is a title, and not a name, of the then ruling Rájá. Thus the famous Bhoja is called Saila Dhara (see A.R. IX. p. 137); and, according to Wilford, this Saila Deva, or Síl Deva, was a most holy man, mentioned by Masúdi, who wrote about A.D. 947. (A.R. IX. p. 181-2.)
↩An interesting commentary on these traditions, written by Mr. Wilford, will be found in A. R. IX. p. 185-87. According to Wilford, Bansrájá is a corruption of Vana Rájá, or king of the forest, who was found in the wilderness, A.D. 696; and at fifty years of age built Nahrwálah, A.D. 746.
↩ Though I prefer reading the name of this tribe Cháwura,
as being the well known designation of one of the thirty-six royal
races of Rájpúts, yet the original text of the Ayín Akbarí has
plainly Jáwudán
The Solankhí is the same Rájpút tribe as that named Chálukya, in Sanskrit. Several of the Chálukya tribe were the founders of Hindú States, in the south of India, about the beginning of the eleventh century; and there is an inscription, by one of this race, on the pillar of an old Hindú temple, within the fort of Bíjapúr, announcing a grant of land to the Brahmins, in the year 1114 of the Sáliváhana era, A.D. 1192. The Rájá who gives this grant is named Chálukya Malla Deva: the same, probably, as the Rakshamalla Deva of the Curugode inscription, dating Sáliváhana 1103, A.D. 1181, and which has been translated (A.R. IX. p. 425.)
↩The names are here written after the provincial manner of pronouncing them; but the correct Sanskrit designation would be Rájá Vijaya Sinha.
↩The individuals of this family are enumerated in an inscription, from the temples of Abú, which has been translated by Mr. H. Wilson, A. R. XV. p. 288.
↩These three names are corruptions of the more correct Sanskrit designations, Chamunda, Vallabha, and Dúrlabha. Mr. Wilford says that Bílba, being a weak man and blind, was succeeded by the two sons of his brother, Dúrlabha and Bhíma Rájá, in A.D. 1025. (A. R. IX. p. 288.)
↩Dúrla, or more properly Dúrlabha, who was the nephew of Vallabha, according to Wilford, abdicated the throne of Patan, in Samvat 1079, or A.D. 1023, (see A. R. I. p. 223); and, if the length of his reign be there correct, it began A.D. 1011. He it is said visited Múnja, but, as Mahmúd of Ghazní invaded Gujarát, A.D. 1026, and Jamúnd was there reigning, the above period must be erroneous, as fixed by Major Tod for his pilgrimage to Gaya, and his interview with Múnja. Dúrlabha, according to the Kumára Pála Charitra, quoted by Major Tod, (A. R. I. p. 222) abdicated the throne in favour of his son, Bhíma. This was twelve years after the conquest of Gujarát by Mahmúd of Ghazní, an event which happened in A.D. 1026, though erroneously placed by Major Tod on Hindú authority in A.D. 1011. Dúrlabha, after abdicating, made a pilgrimage to Gaya; and, if we allow twelve years for his reign, he must have done so in A.D. 1038; or, if he reigned only eight years, A.D. 1034. Wilford, as quoted in a former note, has not erred considerably in fixing the beginning of his reign A.D. 1025; and if Dúrlabha was the brother of Jamúnd, Vallabha was probably the same as Dábishlím, the anchorite. The conjecture that he was so derives some support from the acknowledged shortness of his reign, and the fact that both he and Dábishlím became blind.
↩ This is the true date of Mahmúd's expedition to India, during
which he captured the celebrated temple of Somnáth: though
Ferishta, in his History, erroneously places the commencement of
this march in the month of Shabán of A. Hij. 415, or A.D. 1024. It
was during this last mentioned year that Mahmúd led an army to
the Oxus, and settled the affairs of Máwará-n-Nahr, or Transoxiana.
From thence he returned to Ghazní, and wintered there.
Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad, the author of the Tabakát Akbarí, after
placing the expedition to Transoxiana, in Hij. 415, says:
This fort is called Gundaba by Ferishta.
↩The sands of several rivers in Gujarát are mixed with gold dust. I have also heard that specimens of gold ore were sent to Bombay, by the late Rao of Kach, with a view of ascertaining whether the gold could be separated from the matrix. It is, therefore, probable that Mahmúd heard of such mines, and this is further confirmed by Captain McMurdo's testimony, in his remarks on Kahtiwar, (Bombay Trans. I. p. 264) that the chief of Ají had rings and ornaments made of his native gold.
↩It would appear, from the Mahá-Vansí of Ceylon, or the historical book describing the lineage of Buddha, that the island was then a dependency of India; and, it was not until the year A.D. 1290, that the king Vijayabáhu recovered his independence, and shook off the Indian yoke. (See Upham's History of Buddhaism , p. 31.)
↩ This word, written by the Mohammedan historians Dábishlím,
would appear to have been an honorary title, and not the
name of an individual. It is derived from two Sanskrit words,
Deva
The petty Rájpút princes, on the banks of the Indus, who were Za míndárs, with the title of Ráwal, are here meant.
↩ The account of Mahmúd's conquest of Somnáth, as given
by the Habíbu-s-Sair, is similar to what has been above detailed.
The author of that History informs us that the place was named
after the idol Somnáth, and quotes the words of Shaikh Farídu-d-dín
Attár, to prove that this image was identified with the idol
Lát, one of those worshipped by the ancient Arabs, in the Máh
Kadah, or temple of the moon at Mekka. Farídu-d-dín Attár says:
This defeat of Bhím Deo happened in the year after the Hijra 591, A.D. 1194, according to Ferishta, p. 179.
↩Sahsar Ling, in Sanskrit, signifies the thousand Lingas; the symbols of Mahádeva, or Siva. As this Rájá dedicated so many edifices to this god, he was a zealous follower, as appears, of Sivaite worship. His successor, however, encouraged the heterodox sect of Jaina.
↩According to an inscription in my possession, the Rudra Mála, a temple dedicated to Mahádeva, was built in Samvat 1202, A.D. 1146. According to Captain Tod, and the Kumára Pála Charitra, he reigned from Samvat 1150 to 1201, or A.D. 1094 to 1145; but my inscription extends his reign to Samvat 1202, or A.D. 1146. He was contemporary with Nara Verma, of the Pramara race, who was the grandson of Bhoja Rájá, sovereign of Dhárá in Málwa; which Nara Verma, according to the copper-plate grant translated by Mr. Colebrooke (A. R. vol. 1. p. 230), died Samvat 1190, A.D. 1134. The conquest of Málwa, as above noticed, was made by this Siddha Rájá from Nara Verma. Assuming, then, that Siddha Rájá began to reign, as would appear evident, in A.D. 1094, and continued to do so until 1146, A.D., he would have reigned fifty-two years, or two years longer than the length of his reign assigned by the Mirát Ahmadí. Kumára Pála, who succeeded him, reigned thirty years; therefore, the end of his reign would fall in A.D. 1176; and we know he was converted by Hímáchárya Jati, his Pradhán (see Bombay Transact. 1. p. 183) in A.D. 1174. Ají Pál, his successor, is said to have reigned three years; therefore, it terminated A.D. 1179, to which, if we add the twenty years of Lakhú Múl-Deo, we have A.D. 1199 for the end of his and beginning of Bhím Deo's power, previous to which he had acted as the lieutenant of his cousin Lakhú.
↩There is here the usual quantity of error, which may be found mixed up with most historical traditions. Alá-ud-dín Khiljí did convert the temple into a mosque, but not till a century and a half after the death of Siddha Rájá Jey Singh.
↩This is the Versala Deva of the Abú inscription, No. 22, (A.R. XVI. p. 311,) who was governor or ruler of Chandravati, with eighteen hundred mandals, or districts, and ought not to be included among the Rájás of Nahrwálah. He was subject to the then reigning lord paramount Sáranga Deva, who lived at Anahilla Pata, or Nahrwálah. Both Bhím Deva and Sáranga Deva were of the Jain faith. The inscriptions of the last date A.D. 1294.
↩There is a Rájá Kiran, or Parran, called a descendant of the ancient Rájás of Gujarát, who is mentioned A.D. 1356.
↩ According to Ferishta, this expedition was undertaken A.Hij.
697, A.D. 1297; and Almás Beg Alif Khán is called the king's
brother. Raí Kurrun, the then reigning prince of Nahrwálah,
fled to Rám Deo, the Rájá of Deogarh, in the Dekhan. Colonel
Briggs, in his Translation of Ferishta, mistakes the Alif Khán
for Alp Khán. The last, whose name was Malik Sanjar, was
brother-in-law to Alá-ud-dín. According to Colonel Briggs's
translation of Ferishta, he obtained the title of Rúka Khán on
the accession of Alá-ud-dín to the throne; but is there afterwards
named Alif Khán. My copy of the original text of Ferishta is
correct, with regard to his title; and agrees with that of the
Tabakát Akbarí. The words of the former are:
The author of the Mirát Ahmadí here confounds the names of Alif Khán and Alp Khán. The person put to death was Alp Khán Malik Sanjar, brother-in-law to the king; and, as Alif Khán Almás Beg died after the siege of Rentumbhore, A. Hij. 699, A.D. 1299, according to Ferishta, he could not have been twenty years Governor of the province. This confusion has arisen from the similarity of the names, and from Alp Khán having succeeded Alif Khán in Gujarát.
↩His titles were Shahábu-d-dín Omar Khiljí.
↩The Parmár, or Pramara tribe, is one of the thirty-six royal races of Rájpúts, and is the same tribe as that now called Powar. Colonel Briggs has mistaken the name, and reads Purwary, which is the appellation for a Hindú outcast.
↩Otherwise named Ghází Beg Toghluk.
↩ Sultán Mohammed Toghluk commenced reigning in A. Hij.
726, A.D. 1325-6. Several hundred gold mohurs and dínárs,
belonging to this time, were dug up by some villagers of the
Konkan, in the end of 1830, A.D. They are beautiful coins; two
of which are in my possession, and were struck at Damman
(Damaun), in the first and second years of the reign. The
inscription within a circle, on one face of the dínár, is
This is Lutchina the singer, mentioned by Ferishta, vol. 1. p. 434.
↩Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad, author of the Tabakát Akbarí, states the capture of Girnal was effected by Mohammed Toghluk, in A. Hij. 748, A.D. 1347; but Ferishta doubts his authority, and thinks it was not taken before the time of Mahmúd Bígarrah of Gujarát, in A. Hij. 837, A.D. 1469. As Khengar Rájá, the ancestoṛ of the present Kach family, did not obtain power until A.D. 1549, or eighty years after, he could not have been contemporary with either. This, therefore, is an anachronism, and is at variance with what the author has before stated, that he was contemporary with the last of the Gujarát kings.
↩In a chronological table of mine, written at Baghdád, Gujarát is said to date as a kingdom from A. Hij. 773; this, or the first Zafir Khán, being erroneously supposed to be its founder.
↩It was after the conquest of Nágrakót that Fíroz, according to Ferishta, marched against Jam Babúnia, or Bany, the chief of Sind. In his account of the Dehlí Kings (vol. 1. p. 455), this event is placed A. Hij 762, A.D. 1360. In the following year he marched into Gujarát, and gave the government to Zafir Khán.
↩Ferishta calls him Daria Khán.
↩This event happened the 21st Safar, A. Hij. 791, 18th of February, 1388, A.D.; and, as Fíroz Sháh III. died on the 3d of Ramazán, A. Hij. 790, 23d October, A.D. 1387, it would be about the time in lunar months.
↩As the 1st of Muharram in that year was on the 9th of December, 1390, the 1st of Rabí-ul-awal was the 5th of February, 1391.
↩Tátár Khán appears to have fled to his father in Gujarát, sometime about the middle of A. Hij. 800; which, beginning 24th September, A.D. 1397, would place it somewhere about April or May 1398, A.D. According to Ferishta, on the faith of Dehlí histories, which are here the best guides, Tátár Khán fled to Gujarát, when Mullú Ikbál Khán laid siege to Pamput, of which Tátár Khán was governor, on the part of Nasiru-d-dín Nusrut Sháh (not Nasiru-d-dín Mohammed), the brother to Ghiásu-d-dín Fíroz Sháh IV. At this time, Tátár Khán marched to Dehlí, and was defeated there. These events happened after Pír Mohammed Jehángír, grandson of Taimúr, passed the Indus; and which he effected soon after the 1st of Muharram, A. Hij. 800, or the 24th September, A.D. 1397. According to the Rauzatu-s-Saffá, Taimúr, on hearing of Pír Mohammed's having arrived at the Indus, left the banks of the Oxus, to invade India, in Rajab A. Hij. 800, or March, A.D. 1398.
↩The first passage of the Indus was effected by Pír Mohammed Jehángír, grandson of Taimúr, soon after the 1st of Muharram, A. Hij. 800, or the 24th September, 1397. Subsequent to this, Taimúr became acquainted with the event, and set out from Samarkand to invade India, in Rajab, A. Hij. 800, March 1398. He arrived at the Indus, and passed that river on the 12th of Mụharram, 801, or the 13th September, A.D. 1398, and did not reach Dehlí till the 5th of Jumádi-ul-awal, Hij. 801, or the 13th January, 1399, about which time Sultán Mohammed Toghluk, according to the Dehlí histories, fled to Gujarát, and, not being well received, went to Diláwár Khán in Málwa.
↩ The author of the Tabakát Akbarí says he marched against
Nadote, the 1st Shabán 806, on the 13th February, 1404 A.D.;
and if his death took place then, the information agrees with the
accounts given in that history, that his father, Zafir Khán, died
in the beginning of A. Hij. 813, after reigning six years, seven
months, and twenty days. Ferishta, in his history of Gujarát, has
placed Tátár Khán's usurpation in A. Hij. 807, and the death of his
father, Zafir Khán, in A. Hij. 814; but has evidently erred on both
occasions. The author of the Táríkhi Alfí says, in one place,
that, in A. Hij. 807, the intelligence was received at Dehlí, that
Tátár Khán had usurped the government of Gujarát, after imprisoning
his father; and, when on his way to Dehlí with an army,
was soon after poisoned by Shams Khán. In a subsequent passage,
however, the author says that these events took place
in A. Hij. 806, and the following are his words:—
In the Tabakát Akbarí it is written Bírpúr.
↩Muzaffir Sháh appears to have marched into Málwa in the latter part of A.D. 1406, or beginning of 1407, being A. Hij. 809. Ibrahim Sháh Sharkí, of Júnpúr, who had spent the rains of A. Hij. 809, or those of A.D. 1406, at Kanauj, marched to Dehlí at their termination; when, in A. Hij. 810 (commencing the 8th of June, 1407), he heard of Muzaffir Sháh having defeated Húshing of Málwa. On his arrival at the Jumna, the Málwa histories say he arrived before Dhar, in the beginning of A. Hij. 810, or 8th of June, 1407; and, having soon after returned to Gujarát, he may have been formally crowned in the rains of that year. But it is a most obvious error for the author to state that he reigned six years and seven months from that date, as he contradicts his own statements, and must have meant that such was the length of his whole reign, from the death of his son. The author of the Tabakát Akbarí says, that the length of it from the death of his son was six years, seven months, and twenty days.
↩Both these persons are mentioned in Ferishta's Gujarát history. The former was the son of Shaikh Malik Ahdím, of Bakkar; the other was Shír Kachí, both of whom soon after went into rebellion.
↩In Ferishta's Gujarát history, the death of Muzaffir Sháh is placed A. Hij. 814, A.D. 1411; but, in his Málwa history, it occurs A. Hij. 813, A.D. 1410.
↩In Ferishta he is called Fíroz Khán.
↩From Ferishta it would appear that Rájá Ránwal had joined the rebellion of Modúd.
↩The Rájá of a small circle. The original government of India was made up of these petty States.
↩A fort on the borders of Khándesh.
↩In Ferishta's Gujarát, the letter is mentioned, and is said to have been written by Fíroz Khán, the son of Shams Khán, or the same Fíroz who, according to that authority, rebelled, instead of Modúd, as before mentioned. The cause of Ahmad Sháh's return was a combination of the Rájás of Ídur, Chámpánír, Mundalgarh, and Nadote; who, assisted by Sultán Húshing of Málwa, his son Ghazní Khán, and brother-in-law Nasír Khán Farúkí of Khándesh, were to invade Gujarát. Malik Nasír had taken Tálnír, in Khándesh, from his brother Malik Iftikhár, A. Hij. 820, A.D. 1417; and was assisted by his nephew, Ghazní Khán; after which the combined forces marched to Sultánpúr, N.E. of the Taptí. Ahmad Sháh had moved in that direction, the 31st October, 1418, A. Hij. 821, and, having built the mosque in March 1419, returned to Gujarát, during the rains of the year 822 of the Hijra; but, hearing of this combination, he marched soon after in that year against the rebels, or A.D. 1419. Having dispersed them in the rains of that year, he returned to the conquest of Málwa, in the cold season of Hijra 822, when Húshing, being defeated in battle, fled to Mandú. In the following year, Hijra 823, A.D. 1420, Ahmad Sháh returned to Gujarát, and concluded a peace with Húshing, in A. Hij. 824.
↩A district on the seaside.
↩This Rájá was a son of Púnja. Ferishta, in his original text, places this expedition in the first year of his reign; which commenced, he says, A. Hij. 846, A.D. 1441, or the year in which his father died; and adds that, after his return, he engaged in no war, until Hijra 853, A.D. 1449. In the following year, moreover, A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450, he marched to Chámpánír. But, in Col. Briggs's translation, the year 853 after the Hijra is put down as the date of this last expedition. In the Tabakát Akbarí, it is said to have taken place A. Hij. 849, A.D. 1545; when he had a son born, called Mahmúd, but, in the Mirát Sikandarí, named Fat'h Khán. The latter history gives A. Hij. 849 for the date of the Ídur expedition. In the Tabakát Akbarí the Rájá of Ídur is named Bír, a corruption probably of the title Víra Rájá.
↩Mahmúd Khiljí had advanced in A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450, to assist Rájá Gunzadas of Chámpánír, during its siege by the Gujarát army; and, in the following year, A. Hij. 855, determining to conquer the country, he advanced in the end of A.D. 1451, and was defeated, February, A.D. 1452. The Mahindrí river mentioned in the text is the Myhee of our maps, which falls into the Gulf of Kambay.
↩Ráná Kúmbha built the pillar of Chitore, between A.D. 1449 and A.D. 1459, according to the inscription on it. It was in honour of a victory over Mahmúd Khiljí.
↩This Ráná Kúmbha was the son of Mokal, the Hindú king of Mewar, and of the Chohan tribe of Rájpúts. He was the fourth in descent from Arsí, who married the daughter of Rájá Ratten Sinha, who opposed Alá-ud-dín Khiljí of Dehlí. According to Ferishta's History of Málwa, he defeated Mahmúd Khiljí of Málwa, A. Hij. 859, A.D. 1454; when the latter, in the succeeding year, formed a treaty at Chámpánír with the king of Gujarát.
↩This anecdote deserves the notice of our Indian legislators, who, to better the Indian character, must give the people more places of trust.
↩Nizám Sháh Báhmaní, the son of Humáyún the Cruel, and then a child of eight years, had succeeded to the Dekhan throne under a Regency, of which his mother was head. Dissensions soon arising among the members of it, the king of Málwa was induced to advance into the Dekhan, where, having met the Dekhan troops three coss from Bídar, he gained a battle, and besieged the town, until relieved by the approach of Mahmúd Bígarrah, with eighty thousand horse.
↩According to Ferishta, the conquest of Júnagarh and Girnar was effected in A. Hij. 875, or two years earlier; and his authority for this date appears to be corroborated by the author of the Tabakát Akbarí.
↩Sankha-dhára means the City of Shells; and, regarding Sankha-dwípa, which Mr. Wilford identifies with Africa, something will be found in A. R. vol. viii. p. 303. This island is now called Bate.
↩Tuppa means the subdivision of a parganah, the same as a talúka, or district; and this Zamíndár, or Rájá, is so named from possessing the tuppas of the Chámpánír parganah. One of the Rájás is called Rawal Pati, in Colonel Miles's account of this fort; but the Tabakát Akbarí calls the one mentioned in the text Jey Sing, the son of Gangádás, who had become refractory, having been encouraged by Ghiásu-d-dín, of Málwa.
↩Ferishta places this A.D. 1498, or A. Hij. 905.
↩ There were several attacks made on the Portuguese in the
Indian Sea. This was the first in which the assistance of the
Turks was given. Ferishta calls the Turkish commander Amír
Husn; and the Gujarát admiral was Malik Iyáz Sultání. The
Turkish emperor was then Báyázíd II. A subsequent expedition
was undertaken against them, aided by a Turkish fleet, in the
reign of Suleimán II. of Constantinople. The admiral commanding
the last was Sídí Ali Kátibi, who has written an account
of the expedition, in the “Mirror of Countries,” as translated,
Bombay Literary Transactions, vol. ii. p. i. The expedition sailed
from Bassora, A.D. 1553. The author of the Tabakát Akbarí
mentions the first of these expeditions; but, by dating it A. Hij.
896, A.D. 1490, has erred in his chronology about seventeen
years. That historian's account of the transaction is as follows:
In the Mirát Sikandarí, as here, the grandson of Mahmúd Bígarrah is called Álam Khán, and the Pretender Ádil Khán; but in the Tabakát Akbarí the history of Nizámu-d-dín Ahmad, the grandson of the Sultán, is Ádil Khán, who finally succeeded as the second of that name; and the Pretender is styled Álam Khán. This last agrees with Ferishta's account of the Gujarát and Ahmadnagar kings. Álam Khán was the son of one of the Farúkí family born to the daughter of Ahmad Nizám Sháh of Ahmadnagar.
↩An account of the Medhiví sect, written by Lieutenant Col. Miles, will be found in the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, ii. p. 281. This impostor, according to that, was born A. Hij. 847, A.D. 1443.
↩The latter is called Sáhib Khán in Ferishta.
↩This is the Mídání Ráo of Baber's Memoirs (p. 312). He was a Rájpút and an officer in the Málwa Government, who rose into power, under Sultán Mahmúd II. of Málwa; and who, after the capture of Mandú, by Muzaffir Sháh II. of Gujarát, held the districts of Chanderí and Gagrone. Baber says he took the former from Mídání Ráo, A. Hij. 934, A.D. 1528, at which time he was under Ráná Sanka of Chitore.
↩It appears from Ferishta that the king of Málwa was then at Gohand.
↩This is quite an anachronism. Mahmúd Khiljí II., of Málwa, was put to death by the guards of Bahádur Sháh of Gujarát, A. Hij. 932, A.D. 1526; according to Ferishta's history of Málwa. In the same history and same year, Ráná Sanka is said to have died, and to have been succeeded by his son, Ráná Rattan Sing. Ráná Sanka is mentioned by Baber in A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1523, (see Memoirs, p. 287.)
↩The author of the Mirát Ahmadí has not reckoned the child raised to the throne after the murder of Sikandar as one of the regular kings. In Colonel Briggs's Ferishta he is called Mahmúd Sháh II.
↩The Tabakát Akbarí says that Latíf Khán fled to Pál, and was assisted by the Rájá named Rái Bhím. Briggs's Ferishta calls the Rájá Oody Sing. In Ferishta's history, these events are placed about the end of A. Hij. 932; and the Tabakát Akbarí says that they happened in the beginning of A. Hij. 933.
↩The Tabakát Akbarí says that, having repaired the fort of Bhroch, he returned to Khambáyat, and that he did so after the conquest of Bágarh.
↩The account of these events is confirmed by the Ahmadnagar history of Ferishta.
↩According to the Tabakát Akbarí, Bahádur heard from his nephew, the ruler of Khándesh, after he had returned to Khambáyat from Bhroch. He then marched to assist him, in the month of Muharram, of the year of the Hijra 935, (which month began the 15th of September, A.D. 1528; as the king of Nagar, Burhán Nizám Sháh, and that of Bídar, Amír Beríd, had attacked Imad Sháh of Bírar, and the ruler of Khándesh. While at Khambáyat, he heard that a Portuguese ship had stranded at Diú; and, while Bahádur waited for the army assembling at Baroda, Jam Fíroz of Sind, Narsingh, nephew of Man-Singh, of Gwalior, and Bírban Prithvi Ráj, nephew of Ráná Sanka, waited on him. The last is called Sreepelly by Colonel Briggs, but, in the original Ferishta, Sirvír.
↩According to the Portuguese accounts, the siege of Chaiwal took place in A.D. 1527, on which occasion they were assisted by the king of Ahmadnagar, Burhán Nizám Sháh. This date is probably not correct. The kings of Ahmadnagar and Golkonda had confederated against Imad Sháh, Bahádur Sháh, and the king of Khándesh; and, as a coalition existed between the Portuguese and the Nagar State, such was in all probability the cause why Bahádur Sháh marched towards Daulatábád, A.D. 1528; but the expedition against Chaiwal could not have taken place until the end of A.D. 1529.
↩Pál is a district of Gujarát, on the Mahindrí, or Mahí, river; the Rájá in the Mirát Sikandarí is called Udai Singh. In Ferishta's “Native Annals of Málwa,” the attack of the Bhíls and Kúlis on the Gujarát army is placed in the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1526, or the first year of Bahádur's reign, by which the battle between Latíf Khán and the Gujarát army and that which happened on this occasion have been confounded.
↩He is probably the Rúmí Khán who cast the Mulki Meidán, or large gun of Bíjapúr. The copy of the Táríkhi Ahmadí is here faulty; for, in the original of the Mirát Sikandarí, it would appear that such was levelled by a mine.
↩In the Táríkhi Sikandarí, from which the author of the Mirát Ahmadí has borrowed his account of these transactions, it is simply said, that Bhópat had gone to the Ráná, whose son, Vikramajit, was to bring assistance. Bhópat is called by Ferishta the son of Silhaddí.
↩See Briggs's Ferishta, IV. p. 123. This attempt on Diú is placed by the Portuguese Annals about February and March, A.D. 1531, being the end of A. Hij. 937.
↩This is the same person as Rúmí Khán. He was a Turkish slave, whose original name was Saghra Áká. His subsequent titles were Khudáwand Khán and Rúmí Khán. According to the Haft Iklím, he founded the castle of Súrat A. Hij. 947, A.D. 1540; though Major Price in his Mohammedan History, vol. III. would place this foundation ten years earlier.
↩This valuable belt was afterwards presented to Suleimán, the lawgiver, at the court of Constantinople; and the Chevalier Joseph von Hammer, in his Memoirs on the Diplomatic Relations of Dehlí and Constantinople, mentions it in these words of the Turkish historian:—“The Tátár armies of Humáyún, with which he had conquered the greatest part of Hindústán, having also taken possession of the countries of Bahádur Sháh, Sultán of Gujarát, this prince sent away his principal ministers, his harem, and his treasure to Medína; and at the same time despatched an ambassador to Constantinople with presents, who arrived there while the Sultán was absent at Adrianople. Besides other precious gifts, he brought a girdle valued at sixty krores of ducats, the krore being a hundred thousand; or, taking the ducat at fifty aspers, 30,000,000 aspers.”
↩This expedition, which was the second against Burhán Nizám Sháh, is here wrongly placed. It is rightly placed by Ferishta, both in his Gujarát and Ahmadnagar histories, being after Shabán, A. Hij. 937, A.D. 1531.
↩We have been already told that Sultán Bahádur had laid siege to Chitore, and was induced to abandon it. According to Ferishta's Dehlí history, this happened A. Hij. 938, A.D. 1531; at which time Mohammed Zamán Mírzá, having conspired against Humáyún, fled to Bahádur Sháh. Humáyún on this very occasion advanced to Gwalior and returned; whilst the Ráná of Chitore paid a tribute of the waistband and crown. These events, which in his Gujarát history are placed A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-4, and have been confounded with the first siege of Chitore, are individually placed in the Dehlí accounts A. Hij. 938 and 941. But the dates of all these events appear very confused in Ferishta, and Abul-Fazl is certainly a better guide in this matter. Price, in his Mohammedan Annals, quoting this author says, Chitore fell to Bahádur the 3d of Ramazán, A. Hij. 941, March, A.D. 1535. If such be correct, Humáyún's first advance and return to Agra must have been A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-34.
↩In Col. Miles's account of Chámpánír (Bombay Transactions, 1, 1431) Abul-Fazl is quoted; from whose account it appears that Bahádur was defeated at Mandásúr, A. Hij. 941, A.D. 1534-5, and that the fort was not taken until Safar, A. Hij. 942, or August A.D. 1535.
↩The death of Bahádur Sháh of Gujarát, who was killed in an affray with the Portuguese at Diú, has been represented by some Mohammedan authors in a most unfavourable light for the latter. Colonel Briggs, in his translation of Ferishta, has extracted a passage of the history called the Táríkhi Sikandarí, from which, and the Portuguese accounts, it would appear that the parties were suspicious of each other, and were plotting accordingly. Bahádur Sháh intended to imprison Nuno de Cunha, Governor General of Portuguese India, and Emanuel de Souza, Governor of Diú, by which he hoped to drive these foreigners from Diú, and obtain possession of the place; while the latter were desirous of seizing Bahádur and thwarting his designs. Some misunderstanding and quarrel having taken place between their followers, at a meeting on board the Portuguese ship, Bahádur was put to death in the squabble. The author of the Mirát Sikandarí wrote sixty-two years after this transaction, and probably derived his information from those cotemporary with the actors in it. This account is supported by the author of the Tazkaratu-l-Mulúk, who wrote about the same time, and arrived in India little more than twenty years after the event of Bahádur's death. The latter says, “at this time it was reported that the Governor of Gova had arrived at the port of Diú, with the design of carrying on hostilities in this part of the country. Sultán Bahádur, therefore, accompanied by a large force, went to Diú, with a view of thwarting their designs; and, as all the places on the sea coast were soon after given in charge to the Gujarát commanders, and their Sipáhís, all ingress to the Europeans was thus prevented. Skirmishes between the Mohammedans and the latter daily took place on the sea coast, and several were killed on each side; but a peace was at length agreed upon between them, as both were tired of this warfare. It was settled at this time that the parties should meet on shipboard, from whence the Europeans in amity with the Mohammedans were to come on shore to an entertainment. Several of the nobles about Sultán Bahádur were averse to his going on shipboard, lest something unfortunate might happen, and thus frustrate his intentions; but the Sultán, heedless of their wishes, determined to go there: thinking that the Europeans would be thus induced to attend an entertainment, where he might put the whole to death, and find opportunity for afterwards seizing on their ships and other property. The Sultán, accompanied by some friends, imprudently went on shipboard, where his enemies slew him at this meeting, and all the Mohammedans who were with him. After having subsequently plundered many parts, the Europeans returned to Gova.
↩This city was founded by Mahmúd I, surnamed Bígarrah, in A. Hij. 880, A.D. 1475.
↩This is the Imádu-l-Mulk mentioned in the Mirátu-l-Mamálik, who must not be confounded with him who died at Súrat. His original name was Malik Arslán.
↩The division of the country here noticed is detailed in a note at the end of this chapter, supported by the authority of a contemporary historian. It is not the same division which took place during the reign of Muzaffir III., as mentioned by Ferishta, and subsequently in this work.
↩The person here noticed is called Khudáwand Khán by a contemporary, the author of the Tazkaratu-l-Mulúk, and had married a daughter of Imádu-l-Mulk Malik Arslán. This same Khudáwand Khán was in possession of Súrat at this time, as appears from the mention of him by the Mirátu-l-Mamálik. (Bombay Literary Transactions, vol. ii., p. 1.)
↩ Rafí-ud-dín Shírází, author of the Tazkaratu-l-Mulúk, was in
Ahmadábád at this time, and mentions the death of Ahmad Khán
II. of Gujarát in these words;