Sajarat al-atrak - The Shajrat ul Atrak

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A history of the children and descendants of the great Chungeez Khan, who established their authority in Persia,—Sixteen persons.

Historians relate that when Mango Khan, the son of Tooli Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan, ascended the throne of Karakorum and Kulooran, the Aligh Yurut of Chungeez; he despatched Taicho Noyaun with a great force to take possession of Persia. After Taicho had conquered that country, he received certain complaints against the Caliph Mostasum Bíllah, and the infidel tribe of the Ismaelites,* which he forwarded to Mango Khan, who despatched against them his brother Hulako Khan, and the fifth part of the army of Chungeez Khan residing at Aligh Yurut.

The reign of Hulako Khan, also called Eel Khan, the son of Tooli Khan, and the first king of Persia of his race.

It is related, that when Mungo Khan appointed his younger brother Hulako to the government of Persia, he ordered every ten families to furnish two men† towards the formation of an army for his brother. On this occasion also, Mungo Khan and his brethren each gave an entertainment to Hulako, who quitted them with much sorrow and reluctance.

On the 2d Rubbiel-avul 651 Hejri, Hulako took leave of Mungo Khan and joined his army, where he prepared for his expedition to Persia. It is related, that one thousand (nuftundauzan)* fire-workers and engineers (munjuniki), accompanied his army.

On the 24th of Shaban of the same year he commenced his march, leaving his eldest son Tumgha Oghul, in charge of his affairs and possessions. On his arrival at Samurkund, in 653 Hejri, he encamped in the Field of Roses, and Musood Beg gave him an entertainment which lasted forty days; at this place, his brother Yasa Oghul died.

In the month of Zi Huj of the same year he marched to Kish, where he was met by Arghoon Agha Awirat from Toos, and Mullik Shums-ud-deen Kirayut, from Herat with presents.

In Showal of the year 653-4, Hulako passed the Jihoon on a bridge of boats, and remained for the winter at Surghan Kishlu Munshi; he then marched thence to Kuhistan, Dartoon, and the dependencies of that country, which were occupied by the Mulahideh, or Ismaelites, and ordered an indiscriminate slaughter of that people; he next marched to Irak, and by the last day of Showal 654 Hejri, the government of the Mulahideh was abolished. The prince Khorezm Shah, who was residing in the castle of Maimoon Duj, of Durbund, was also taken prisoner, and despatched to Mango Khan; he was, however, from some change of policy, recalled to deliver up some other forts, and murdered on the road returning.

It is related, that when the fort of Maimoon Duj of Durbund was besieged, and one day before the prince Khorezm Shah was taken, Nusur-ud-deen Toosi* who resided in that fort, for some reasons which are detailed in other histories, let himself down from the walls and gave himself up to Eel Khan or Hulako, and was received by him with every mark of favour. The next day the fort was taken and Khorezm Shah made prisoner.

After the capture of these forts, Hulako marched towards Baghdad, where he conquered the Caliph Motasim Billah, the last of the Abbassides, and made him and his four sons prisoners, and in 656 Hejri put them all to death; he also slaughtered all the inhabitants of Baghdad. It is said hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children, were destroyed in this massacre.

In the month of Rumzan 657 Hejri, Hulako marched towards Syria, and on the road appointed his son, Bishmoot, to superintend the siege of the city of Myafarikeen, and marched himself to Nisibin. After the capture and destruction of that city, he next marched to Aleppo or Haleb, in which place he left not a man alive. When the people of Damascus heard of Hulako’s arrival at Aleppo, they despatched messengers to him, and offered their submission. Hulako, to try whether they were sincere, despatched Kunooka Noyaun to Damascus, where he was received with every demonstration of respect. At this period, intelligence arrived of the death of Mango Khan, the son of Tooli Khan; and Hulako, on hearing it, became exceedingly distressed in his mind, and, having committed the charge of Syria to Kunooka Noyaun, prepared to return to his own country.

A short time after this Syfe-ud-din Furdooz, who was king of Egypt, marched with an army to Balbek, to attack Kunooka Noyaun, and after a short struggle Kunooka was made prisoner, and with many of his Moghools put to death.

Hulako, on hearing of this disaster, immediately prepared to revenge the injury done him, but was prevented by the rebellion of certain of his relations. Prince Bishmoot, the son of Hulako, who had been appointed to the siege of Myafarikeen after a siege of two years took that place, and having made prisoner the chief, Mullik Kamil, despatched him to Hulako, by whom he was put to death with every circumstance of cruelty; Bishmoot after this marched to Mardin, where Mullik Saeed, the chief of that country, made his submission. Bishmoot, however, put him to death, and appointed his son, Mullik Muzuffur, chief in his place.

Bishmoot from this place returned to his father.

Hulako Khan in the latter part of his life entertained a great opinion of the talents of his eldest son, Bukai or Abukai Khan, and, therefore, resigned the charge of the countries of Irak, Mazinderan and Khorasan into his hands; he also committed the countries of Diarbekir and Diari Rubeeah to the charge of Boodun Noyaun; the cities of Room, or Romelia were given to Moeen-ud-din Purwaneh. Syfe-ud-din Tubukchi, who was his vuzeer, was put to death, and Shums-ud-deen Mahummud Joini was substituted in his place; the government of Sheerauz being given to his brother, Alauddin Ata Mullik, the author of the history called Jehan Kusha. In the time of Hulako all public commands and notifications were given in the name of Mango Khan, who was the king of Aligh Yoorut, but the collections were wholly intrusted to Ameer Arghoon Aka, of the tribe of Awirat, who was also governor of Persia. Hulako made Tubreez his capital, but in the winter resided at Bazankushlak, a particular account of which will be found in the Jehan Kusha. The death of Hulako the son of Tooli Khan, occurred in the night of the 19th of Rubbiel-Akhur, 663 Hejri, or eet eel Toorki, at the village of Jufikur, depending on Tubreez, and he was buried in a fort on an isolated hill to the north of Tubreez; his age was forty-eight solar years, and he reigned between eight and nine years; he had eleven sons,—Abukai, Tumgha Ooghul, Bishmoot, Mungo Timoor, Tyubeen Ooghul, Nekodar Ooghul, Sukuneh, Turughaie, Tuboochin, &c.

Abukai Khan was the eldest son of Hulako, and by command of his uncle, Kowilai or Kuhlai Khan, the son of Tooli Khan, he ascended the throne in the month of Rumzan, 663 Hejri. Hulako Khan was fond of architecture, and erected many temples and fine palaces; he was also a great patron of learning. Of his works in aid of science, may be mentioned the astronomical observatory at Maragheh, near Tubreez, which was built by his orders by the celebrated Nussur-ud-deen Toosi, and the astronomical tables* formed from that observatory are to this day called the Tables of Eel Khan; a description of this observatory will be found in many histories.

The reign of Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako.

Abukai Khan was seated on the throne of his father in 663 Hejri in the village of Khifan Kum; his vuzeer was named Osooghchak; at the time of his accession Burkeh Khan, the son of Joje, reigned in Kupchak, and Boorak Khan, the son of Sookur, the son of Kamkar, the son of Chughtaie, was king of the Aloos, or tribe of Chughtaie.

When Abukai was established on the throne of Persia, he presented the iron durbund* of Shirwan to Bishmoot, his brother, and despatched his brother, Tyubeen Ooghul to Khorasan; he also committed the charge of Persia, as viceroy, to Sooghchak, and appointed Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen Mahummud Joini to the vuzarut, and Khwajeh Alauddin Ata Mullik to the government of the Darul Islam Baghdad. Shums-ud-deen was a very able vuzeer and both just and liberal; he was also very zealous in support of his religion.

In the time of Abukai, the son of Hulako, therefore, the learned and religious were protected, and received every encouragement.

Khwajeh Alauddin Ata Mullik, used every endeavour to restore the city of Baghdad to its former splendour, and in a great measure succeeded in repeopling and rebuilding that place. Khwajeh Bahauddin Mahummud, on the contrary, committed many ácts of oppression and violence in Isfahan, and executed many persons, both good and bad; and notwithstanding his father, Shums-ud-deen Mahummud, wrote to him reprobating his conduct, and forbidding the shedding of so much blood, it was of no avail: however, the maledictions of the oppressed at last seized him, and he was cut off in his youth. It is related that in the commencement of the reign of Abukai, Boorkeh Khan, the son of Joje Khan, despatched prince Booka with an army by the road of the Durbund of Shirwan to Azurbijan. Bishmoot, the son of Hulako, was appointed by his brother to oppose this invasion, and on the 20th Suffur 664, a battle was fought between these princes, and the troops of Kupchak were defeated. When Boorkeh Khan heard of this event, he assembled three hundred thousand men, and advanced himself to conquer Persia, by the route of Durbund to the river Kurd.

Abukai Khan also assembled a great army, and encamped on the this side of the river; after remaining in this situation a few days, Boorkeh Khan marched to Teflis to cross the bridge there, and while on the march died suddenly: on his death his troops dispersed and returned to their homes.

In the year 666 Hejri, Borak Khan the son of Sookur Khan, the son of Kamkar, the son of Chughtaie, who was the sovereign of the tribes of Chughtaie Khan, despatched Musood Beg Bulloche, who came from Bokhara, from the camp of Chughtaie, to Abukai Khan, with messages of friendship, but in reality that he should examine into the strength and quality of his army, and the state of the intervening roads. When Musood Beg arrived near the camp of Abukai Khan, the vuzeer Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen went out to meet him, and on his approach, to show him civility and respect, dismounted from his horse and proceeded to embrace him on foot; the Bulloche, however, from pride would not dismount, but received the embrace of the Khwajeh on his horse; the vuzeer was much vexed at this mark of disrespect, but could not conveniently demand satisfaction for the insult or take notice of it. When Musood Beg was introduced to Abukai Khan, at Tubreez, he also made another display of his vanity, and in declaring the purposes of his mission, which he did in very elegant language, took his seat above all the other ameers; but, after two or three days, seeing he was held in dislike and suspicion, he demanded his dismissal, and mounting a swift horse, returned as fast as he was able to Mawurunneher. After the departure of Musood Beg, it was reported to Abukai Khan that his mission was one of deceit, and that he brought a secret message from the tribe of Chughtaie to Tokzur Sookur, the son of Kamkar, the son of Chughtaie, who was in Georgia, ordering or inciting him to join them, in an attack on Abukai Khan. Abukai, Khan, therefore, despatched his servants to pursue and bring him back, but without success, as Musood Beg, when he arrived at Azurbijan had placed relays of horses on the road, and had, therefore, posted the whole of the way, returning. When Musood Beg returned to Borak Khan, he made his report of what he had seen and heard, and Borak Khan collected his horses, and assembled an army to invade Persia. Abukai Khan, in the mean time, being aware of his intentions, despatched an army under Ameer Shiramoon, to attack Tokzur, the son of Chughtaie Khan, then in Gurjistan or Georgia, and this force, in the month of Showaul 667 Hejri, attacked Tokzur Ooghul when he was unprepared for such an event, and took him prisoner, and from this cause arose a war, between the Ameers of the Chughtaie tribe and Abukai Khan. In the same year (667), Borak Khan, with a force estimated at one hundred thousand horse, marched to attack Abukai Khan, and having crossed the Jihoon, or Oxus, advanced towards Persia, ravaging the provinces of Khorasan and Azurbijan. Abukai Khan also marched towards Khorasan, with a large army to oppose him, and in the month of Zi Huj 668 Hejri, the armies met at a village six farsangs from Herat; a battle ensued, in which the army of Borak Khan was totally defeated, and all his baggage taken by Abukai Khan; Abukai left his brother Tyubeen Ooghul in charge of Khorasan, and then returned to Azurbijan. It is well known that after this period Abukai Khan was engaged in warfare with the kings of Egypt, and therefore it may not be amiss to preface an account of these events, by an abridgment of the history of the kings of that country, trusting it may prove agreeable to the learned.

An Account of the Kings of Egypt.

As has been before related, in the year 665 Hejri, Sullah-ud-din Yoosuf, the son of Ayoob, who was one of the servants of Noor-ud-din Muhmood, the King of Syria, obtained the chief authority in the country of Egypt, and on the first Friday of the month of Mohurrum 666 Hejri, or Ood eel Toorki, he caused the name of Adhid Alwi to be discontinued in the Khotbeh, and substituted in its place the name of Mustukzae Abassi, and assumed the government of Egypt. After the death of Sullah-ud-din Yusuf, his children in their turns occupied the throne of Egypt to the time Mullik Salih (who was also one of his descendants) established himself as king. When Mullik Salih died, one of his slaves, named Kodur, assumed the kingly authority, and the title of Mullik Muzuffur; and in the reign of Hulako, Kunooka Noyaun, his viceroy at Damascus was slain by this man. Some time after that event, Bundookdar Agur one of the mamlooks or slaves of Mullik Salih, attacked Mullik Muzuffur, and having made him prisoner, and put him to death, obtained the dominion of Egypt.

It is related that Bundookdar, after his accession, accompanied by two or three of his most confidential servants, proceeded as a spy to Room, and after examining the state of that country, returned to Egypt; that he then despatched an ambassador to Abukai Khan, with a message purporting that he had made a journey to Room for his amusement, and that he had left his ring in pledge with a certain cook or confectioner there, for provisions supplied to him, and begged Abukai would return it. Abukai Khan was surprised at his rashness, but despatched a messenger to Moeen-ud-din Purwaneh, that he might return friendly letters to Bundookdar in reply. In the mean time, however, the king of Egypt marched to Room, and Purwaneh, from fear of him, abandoned the country. Bundookdar had remained but a short time at Room, when he died. After his decease, his son, Mullik Saeed, succeeded him; but Mullik Saeed reigned only two years, and was succeeded by Syfe-ud-deen Kulladun, or Kullawun, generally known by the name of Alfi.

On the 20th of the month of Zi Huj 673, Ameer Arghoon Aka, who had held the government of Persia thirty years, died at Toos; and in Zi Huj 679, Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako, despatched his brother Mango Timoor Oghul with a large force to Syria and Egypt. Alfi immediately displayed his standard to oppose him, and the two armies met at the city of Hams. In the battle fought there, victory remained with the banners of Islam, and the infidel Moghools were defeated with great loss by the Egyptians. This battle was fought in the month of Rujub 680, and Mango Timoor, the son of Hulako, immediately after retired to Baghdad. Some say, that Mango Timoor was killed in this battle. At that time Abukai Khan was also at Baghdad, and very desirous to march to Syria, to revenge his brother’s defeat; however, some reasons of state prevented him, and he marched to Hamadan.

It is related, that in the latter years of the reign of Abukai Khan, Mujeed-ul-moolk Yuzdi, with the assistance of certain Moghool ameers, obtained the office of dewaun, or vuzeer, and that Abukai Khan became estranged from his former dewaun, Shums-ud-deen Muhummud; he was, therefore, not consulted in state matters, and his brother, Alauddin Ata Mullik, the governor of Baghdad and the author of the history called the Jehan Kusha, at the instigation of Mujeed-ul-moolk Yuzdi, was accused of mismanagement, and his trial was pending, when, on Thursday the 20th of Zi Huj 680, Abukai Khan died at Hamadan of excessive indulgence in wine, at an entertainmeut given by his vuzeer, Shums-ud-din. Abukai reigned seven years and three months; some histories state seventeen years. His dominion extended from Turkey or Room, to Diarbeker, Diar Rubeeah, Georgia, Shirwan, Shumakhi, and to Syria, and from parts of the kingdom of Persia, that is to say, from Shiraz, Ispahan, Istakhar, Yezd, Seistan, Mazinderaun and Khorasan, to the banks of the Jihoon, or Oxus.

The third khan, Nikodar, the son of Hulako, who was styled Ahmud Khan.

It is related that Sultan Ahmud, before his conversion to the Mahummudan faith, was called Nikodar Ooghul, and that after the death of his brother, having consulted with his chiefs and ameers, it was determined that Arghoon, the son of Abukai Khan, who had received charge of the province of Khorasan during the life-time of his father, and who commanded a large army there, and was therefore an object of dread, should be summoned, by a fictitious order, to attend his father; and by such an order he did attend, and some consultation took place regarding the succession. Arghoon Khan, who was ignorant of the death of Mango Timoor, his great-uncle, was of opinion he, Mango Timoor should succeed his father. Nikodur Oghul however, having assumed the office of Mango Timoor, Arghoon was reluctantly compelled to submit. On the 13th Rubbiel-Avul, 681 Hejri, Nikodur Ooghul ascended the throne in the town of Alatak, and reigned with justice over the country of Persia, particularly Azurbijan and Irak. This prince was the first person of his family who became a Mussulman; when he was converted he took the title of Sultan Ahmud Khan. Sultan Ahmud continued the vuzarut, as before, of Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen Mahummud; he also received Alauddin Mullik Ata into his favour, and gave up Mujeed-ul-moolk Yezdi (for some offence against the Mahummudan law) into his hands to be put to death. Khwajeh Ata Mullik also died on the 4th Zi Huj 681.

As at that time by the righteous endeavours of Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen and Sultan Ahmud Khan, the Mussulman religion began to acquire great strength, several of the princes who were infidels, commenced to entertain and display great malice towards the sultan and his faith; among these, Arghoon Khan, the son of Abukai Khan, retired to Khorasan and raised the standard of rebellion, and in the month of Suffur 683 Hejri, advanced to Damghan. Sultan Ahmud on hearing this, despatched Ali Ibnak, otherwise called Alinak, to Khorasan, to oppose him. Alinak, on his arrival there, took and plundered Damghan and put the inhabitants of that city to death; and shortly after the armies met in the plains of Fuhwacheh, and a battle followed, in which prince Arghoon was defeated. After this event, Sultan Ahmud Khan himself marched to Khorasan, and Alinak hearing of his movement, renewed his pursuit of Prince Arghoon, who sought refuge in the fort of Kilat; about that time Sultan Ahmud and his army arrived at Khojan, and despatched orders to Alinak (who was his son-in-law), to prevail on Prince Arghoon to quit the castle of Kilat, and then bring him to his presence. Alinak therefore entered the fort of Kilat, and by assurances of safety persuaded Arghoon to proceed to Sultan Ahmud’s camp at Khojan. Alinak, in secret, however, used every means to prevail on the sultan to put him to death, but Sultan Ahmud did not attend to his suggestions, but placed him in confinement in a khirgah, and appointed Oorook, the brother of Meer Yoogha, with four other persons selected by Alinak, to keep him in custody. Alinak modestly gave those men orders to put Arghoon to death seven days after he departed, and then went to amuse himself at the camp at Purmahro, in Irak. After he departed, the independent horse of the Sultan Ameer Yoogha Jungshanuk, of Khutaie, and a number of other ameers who were offended at the sultan’s conversion to Islamism, assisted by the friends of prince Arghoon released him in the night from prison, and in concert fell upon Alinak, who was slain, with many servants of Sultan Ahmud. The next day, Ameer Yoogha despatched a camel messenger to the tribe of Kara Qubash, to desire them to seize the passes by which the ??oltulli troops under Sultan Ahmud Khan were about to advance, and after a few days Arghoon also proceeded to oppose the sultan. The sultan heard of the release of Arghoon and the events which followed it, in the vicinity of Isferain, and being without the means to oppose Arghoon, sought refuge with his mother Kowuti Khatoon, who resided in the Sorab of Herat. When the sultan arrived at Kazvin, he fell in with Teelai Timoor, one of the chief ameers of Arghoon, whom he seized and put to death with his sons; and from Kazvin, continued his flight without halting until he arrived at Herat. In his flight, almost all his servants abandoned him.

Two or three days after the arrival of Sultan Ahmud at the Sorab of Herat, the tribe of Kara Oubash attacked his camp and plundered it, and soon after Prince Arghoon also arrived in that vicinity. In these circumstances Bookai and Shunkoor, the chief servants of his mother, to seek favour with Arghoon, treacherously seized Sultan Ahmud, and carried him to Arghoon, pretending they were originally his servants. For this reason some historians have stated, that when Sultan Ahmud arrived at Herat he was recognized and seized by the troops of Arghoon Khan, and that by Arghoon’s orders he was put to death. The facts are, however, that when Bookai and Shunkoor carried Sultan Ahmud to Arghoon, he delivered the Sultan over to the sons of Kunkur Bai, whose father had been slain by Sultan Ahmud, and they, in retaliation, broke his back, and, at the same time, broke the hearts of the people of Islam. Sultan Ahmud reigned two years and about three months.

The fourth khan, Arghoon, the son of Abukai Khan, &c.

Arghoon Khan ascended the throne in succescession to his uncle on the 7th Jemadi-il-Akhir 683-4, and committed the management of his affairs to Ameer Yoogha. Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen, on the death of Sultan Ahmud, fled to Ispahan, and gave out that he was proceeding to Hindoostan by sea. At this time, however, a letter of invitation and encouragement arrived from Arghoon to him, and by the advice of some of his friends, and relying on the protection of God, he returned to the camp of Arghoon Khan, and in the month of Rujub of the same year he was presented to Arghoon Khan in durbar. Ameer Yoogha, however, who saw his confidence and dreaded his abilities, accused him, before Arghoon Khan, of having poisoned Abukai Khan; and Arghoon, at the suggestion of his enemies, put him to death. One of the poets of that day said, on his death, “On the departure of Shums (the sun) from the heavens it rained blood.” “The moon scarred her sweet face, and Venus tore her hair.”* “Night clothed herself in mourning for him,” and “the morning sighed deeply and tore her veil.”†

It is reported, that when the executioner went to put Shums-ud-deen Mahummud to death, he bathed, and sought an omen in the koran, and that these words presented themselves to him.* “Of a truth, upon those who say, our Lord is God, and are firm in their profession and belief; angels shall descend, that they may not entertain fear, and they shall be blessed with glad tidings of the heavens, which have been promised to you.”

After the death of Shums-ud-deen, the power of Yoogha became exceedingly great, until, for some crimes, which are detailed in other histories, he was put to death. In 686 Hejri, agreeing with Akook eel Toork, Saud-ud-dowlah, who was a jew and a physician, became the companion of Arghoon, and greatly in favour with him; at length he became so powerful that he deprived the other ameers of all authority. In his time the infidel Jews were promoted to high rank, and they insolently reproached and insulted those of the white or pure religion† and Arghoon Khan, at the instigation of that unbeliever, ordered that no Mussulmans should be employed in the duties of the state; they were also prohibited from attending his court. That worthless king and his vile vuzeer, moreover, determined that the Kauba at Mecca, should also become an idol temple, and that the worship of the true God should be superseded by the worship of images of wood and stone. About that period, Ameer Bookai and Ameer Toorktai arrived with a great army from Kupchak to invade Persia, and Arghoon Khan despatched Ameer Togachar and divers of his chiefs to Karabaugh to oppose them. Ameer Choban Suldooz was also sent afterwards with a large force to reinforce them. In the month of Rubbiel Akhir 688 Hejri, Tungooz eel, the contending armies met, and a battle ensued, in which Choban Saldooz obtained great fame and the Jojivi or Kupchak army was defeated. After this victory the Jew Saud-ud-dowlah, persuaded Arghoon Khan to establish the worship of idols* in his dominions, when, unexpectedly, the prayers of the Mussulmans were accepted, and a miracle saved and established the religion of Mahummud; the account of which is as follows. Towards the end of the year 689 Hejri, a fatal disease attacked Arghoon Khan, which confined him to his bed, and his ameers became greatly alarmed for his safety; in particular the Jew Saud-ud-dowlah, who was afraid of the consequences of his bad actions, and endeavoured by a specious adherence to justice and mercy, to avoid them; in one day therefore he despatched seventy letters to different quarters, to forbid any show of partiality or interference with the people on the score of religion; and by that means, freed the professors of Islam from persecution and reproach. As the arrow of the prayer of the persecuted and oppressed, had reached the butt of acceptance, this pretended moderation and liberality was of no avail; the disease of Arghoon Khan increased every day, and as Ameer Togachar and other chiefs, had long entertained a rooted aversion to the Jew Saud-ud-dowlah, on the last day of Suffur 690 Hejri, they seized him and put him to death.

Arghoon Khan was informed of the assassination of Saud-ud-dowla, when he was in the agonies of death, and immediately after expired. Arghoon died on the 3d Rubbiel-Avul of the same year. The religion of Mahummud by his death, became flourishing as a garden by the breezes and showers of spring; and the hearts of its enemies were broiled on the fire of grief and despair. Arghoon died in Karabaugh, a town of Persia, and was buried on the mountain of Zobeer, near the burying place of Kyde, one of the prophets, in a tomb made for the purpose, and the environs were made koorook or sacred; the place is still known by the name of the Tuffuruk of Arghoon. Arghoon reigned seven years.

The fifth khan, Gunjatoo Khan, the son of Abukai, the son of Hulako, &c.

Gunjatoo Khan during the life-time of Arghoon Khan, resided in the country of Room, or Asia Minor; as soon, however, as he heard of his death, being invited also by his chiefs, he proceeded to the camp of Arghoon, where he arrived in the month of Rujub 690 Hejri. On his arrival, some of the ameers joined Alinak, and others willingly, and some unwillingly, admitted and recognized his authority: Gunjatoo Khan about that period, being informed that some disturbances had arisen in Room, despatched a large army under Mango Timoor, the son of Lukaie Noyaun, one of his chief ameers, towards Persia, and returned himself to quell a rebellion in Room, where he remained during the winter; and having accomplished his object, returned to Tubreez in the month of Jemadi-ilakhir 691 Hejri.

He now commenced to arrange for the establishment of his authority, and appointed Kyoorka his ameer-ul-omra, and confided the vuzarut to Suddur-ud-deen Khalid Zunjani. About the time of the death of Arghoon, a certain Atabuk Afrasiab, had raised a rebellion in Looristan, and had taken possession of Isfahan; Ameer Mango Timoor, the son of Lukaie Noyaun, who had marched from Tubreez to Persia with a large army by the command of Gunjatoo Khan, when he departed to Room, entered Persia, and expelled this rebel from Isfahan, of which he in turn took possession. Gunjatoo Khan was a very liberal prince, so much so that the revenue of his kingdom could scarcely supply his expenses, he was also addicted to all kinds of the vilest debauchery. In the year 693 Hejri, the use of jad, or stamped paper, was introduced into Persia, but subsequently abolished. It is related in the histories of those times, that stamped paper to serve as current money was introduced in commercial transactions into Persia, by the advice of Az-ud-deen Muzzuffur; these notes which were called jad in Persia, were long slips of paper stamped on both sides with the arms or seal of the prince, and on both sides also, the profession of faith or the names of two witnesses, and between these the words in the Khutaie language and character, “Nokta aburnucheen noor Cheen,” the name of the Kaan of Khutaie, and called by the Moghools the king of kings; by the introduction of these jad or bank-notes, however, the resort of merchants to Persia was interrupted or abandoned, and the sale and purchase of all merchandize entirely stopped. The ameers therefore assembled and represented these circumstances to Gunjatoo Khan, and he ordered his stamped-paper regulations to be abolished.*

It is said that Gunjatoo Khan was much addicted to wine and women, and that he sometimes seduced the daughters of his chiefs, and for that reason Ameer Togachar, Ameer Toladai, and others, being discontented at his irregularities, agreed to raise to the throne Baidoo, the son of Turaghai, who was the governor of Baghdad. Baidoo accordingly rebelled, and the ameers of Gunjatoo, who were in that part of the country, and who were also offended at Gunjatoo’s conduct, all joined him. When prince Baidoo became powerful by the accession of the ameers, he put the chief of Baghdad, Mahummud Shukurchee, to death, and made preparations openly to depose Gunjatoo Khan. Gunjatoo, however, soon became aware of this defection, and seized Ameer Kuchookmal, Ameer Toladai, and others, whom he knew to be inimical to him, and confined them in the fort of Tubreez. After this became known, Ameer Togachar secretly despatched a messenger to Baghdad, to invite Baidoo, without loss of time, to the camp of Gunjatoo Khan, to depose him, and promised to arrange all parties in his favour when he arrived. Baidoo, therefore, marched from Baghdad with a large army towards Azurbijan, and Gunjatoo also prepared to oppose him. Gunjatoo Khan first despatched Ameer Akyooka and Ameer Togachar with a body of troops in advance; and on the 10th Jemadi-il-Avul 694 Hejri, he himself marched to meet his enemy. In the mean time, however, the ameers who were imprisoned in the castle of Tubreez, were released by the friends of Baidoo, and escaped to Persia.

During this time also the two ameers despatched in advance by Gunjatoo Khan quarrelled, and Ameer Akyooka was obliged to quit the advanced force, and return alone: he rejoined Gunjatoo Khan at the village of Tamar Khatoon, near Tubreez. He there disclosed the melancholy state of Gunjatoo Khan’s affairs, apprizing him of the defection of Togachar and his force, and of the rapid advance of Baidoo with an immense army. Gunjatoo Khan, alarmed and dispirited at this general treachery and defection, immediately marched towards Persia, and on his arrival at the castle of Chowghan, the ameers, who had escaped from prison, to Persia, in in concert with others, who resided there, fell upon him unexpectedly, and having made him prisoner, put him to death. This occurred in the year 694 Hejri. In justice to this prince, it may be stated in his favour, that he was the most generous of all the descendants of Hulako Khan, and that during his reign he never caused the execution of an innocent man, or permitted the punishment of the guilty, otherwise than was prescribed by the law. In the history called the Ulusi Arba, or of the Four Tribes, it is related that Gunjatoo was originally called Unkatoo, which, in the Moghul language, signifies astonishing or wonderful. And it is said that Gunjatoo Khan had reigned three years and seven months, when on Wednesday the 6th of Jemadi-il-Avul, 694 Hejri, he was put to death. He was buried by the orders of Baidoo Khan, at Karabaugh.

The sixth khan, Baidoo Khan, the son of Turaghai, the son of Hulako, the son of Tooli Khan, &c.

When Baidoo Khan heard of the death of Gunjatoo Khan, he immediately proceeded to Tubreez, and ordered some of the ameers, whom he suspected of disaffection, to be put to death; and on the 8th of Jumadi-il-Avul 694, he ascended the throne in the town of Oojan. He then constituted Togachar, his ameer ul-omra, being mainly indebted to him for his exaltation to the throne, and appointed Jumal-ud-deen Dusunjurwani, his vuzeer.

When the death of Gunjatoo Khan, and the succession of Baidoo Khan became known, Prince Ghazan, the son of Arghoon Khan, the son of Abukai Khan, who had remained governor of Khorasan from the time of his father’s reign to that period, assembled an army, and marched to oppose Baidoo Khan. Baidoo also prepared to repel his invasion, and the contending armies having met, a great battle was fought between them, but it appears with no decided effect, as the chiefs on both sides made an agreement, that the princes should meet in front of both armies, each attended by ten horsemen; and having accordingly met and dismounted, they, after some conversation, finally settled, that the countries of Irak Arabia, Diarbukur, Azurbijan, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Room, should be considered the share of Baidoo Khan; and that Prince Ghazan should possess the countries of Irak Ajum, Fars, Khorasan, Khoristan, and Looristan. A treaty was made to this effect, and Prince Ghazan returned towards Awindkoh, where on his arrival he became dissatisfied, and ashamed of the treaty, and returned thence to Khorasan, determined to try his fortune in battle once more: in consequence of his resolution he now took counsel of Ameer Nowroze Ghazi, the commander of his forces.—This chief was the son of Ameer Arghoon Agha Awirat, who, in the time of the sons or grandsons of Chungeez Khan, was thirty years governor of Khorasan. Ameer Nowroze, after the death of his father, entered the service of Arghoon Khan, the son of Abukai Khan, and when Ameer Booka, although a very worthy and powerful man, was put to death on some pretence by Arghoon Khan, Ameer Nowroze fled to the east country, where, as he was a Mussulman, he drew the sword of the faith, and put to death multitudes of the infidels of that part of the country; for a long time also he made war on Prince Ghazan, but in the year 694 he made peace with him, and was received into his service, and made sipahsalar, or commander in chief of his forces. But to return to our narrative. Prince Ghazun repenting of his treaty with Baidoo Khan, determined to try to recover from him the provinces of Irak Arabia and Azurbijan; and, therefore, consulted with Ameer Nowroze on the best mode of attaining his object. Ameer Nowroze Ghazi in reply to his questions said, I will engage to place you on the throne of the Khans, and that Baidoo Khan shall be deposed; but, on this condition only, that you abjure idolatry, and adopt the religion of the last prophet Mahummud, who is the extirpator of all other religions. God in his great goodness opened the heart of Prince Ghazan to conviction, and he immediately accepted these terms; and in the town of Feeroze Koh, which is situated between Oobeh and Gurjistan, he repeated the Kulima, or the profession of faith in the unity of God; and it is said, that on that very day some thousands of infidels were converted from vice and folly to the knowledge of the grace of God: the house of Islam, which in that country had previously become weak and ruinous, by the conversion of Prince Ghazan, was propped and supported. In commemoration of this event, Nowroze Agha raised a pillar of white marble on the spot, which is on the road between Oobeh and Gurjistan, or Georgia; and this stone is to this day called Meer Nowroze’s pillar.

After prince Ghazan had become a Mussulman, he raised an army and marched to Azurbijan and encamped at Rai, whence he despatched an eloquent ambassador to Baidoo Khan, to demand the murderers of his uncle Gunjatoo Khan. The ambassador, however, returned without accomplishing his mission, and Ghazan Khan then, openly aided by Ameer Nowroze, commenced to make war on Baidoo. Baidoo Khan also was not backward in preparing to oppose him, and their armies soon approached each other; kurauwuls or advance parties (which are called yuzuk in Persian) having met, a battle between them ensued, and those of Baidoo were defeated. Ghazan, notwithstanding their success, still made as if he were desirous of peace, and sent messengers twice to Baidoo, to state in a friendly manner, that the battle between the light troops had been fought without his knowledge, and that the request for the surrender of the murderers of Gunjatoo Khan was not made from motives of enmity, but from a desire that justice should be done; that it was imperative on kings to punish the ingratitude of servants who had treacherously murdered their lord and master, however long their punishment might be delayed, that their example might deter others from the like treason; that Gunjatoo Khan was his uncle, but that he was also Baidoo’s cousin. Baidoo also returned an answer in a friendly style, and it was agreed that the two princes should meet in friendship,* and that they should settle their differences without the intervention of any other person. On the appointed day, therefore, the two kings accompanied by their troops approached each other, and each, followed by a few horse, met in the centre of their armies, and after the usual compliments and salutations, Prince Ghazan demanded he should possess the country of Anjo Fars, and Irak, which had formerly belonged to Arghoon Khan. Baidoo Khan very liberally granted his request, and the princes then agreed to meet at an entertainment the next day, and after that return to their respective countries. Baidoo Khan and his ameers made this engagement, with an intention to put Ghazan to death next day at the entertainment, during a display of fireworks. When the two kings returned to their tents, Ghazan began to suspect that he was in danger, and being aware of the treachery of the infidels, he immediately marched towards Khorasan. The next day, when Baidoo learned his departure, he was extremely grieved at it; and Prince Ghazan also, in apology, despatched a messenger to him to say, that he had placed the utmost confidence in his elder brother, Baidoo Khan, but that as he was aware his, Baidoo’s, ameers entertained treacherous designs, he had been obliged to quit him, without leave, and return to Khorasan. Baidoo Khan, on his part, openly made many professions of kindness and friendship, and gave an order that Mullik Islaum Jumal-ud-deen should deliver up the province of Anjo Fars to Prince Ghazan, with the exception of the revenues realized. The servants of Prince Ghazan having carried this order to Fars, Jumal-ud-deen produced another order forbidding the surrender of the province, and the servants of Prince Ghazan were obliged to return. About this time Ameer Nowroze went to Baidoo Khan as an ambassador, but, in reality, to enquire into the state of the provinces of Azurbijan and Irak Arabia, and to see how the ameers of that part of the country were affected towards Baidoo; he, accordingly, on his arrival there, entered into a secret agreement with Ameer Togachar, that they should in concert depose Baidoo Khan and raise Prince Ghazan to the throne. Baidoo Khan detained Ameer Nowroze several days, but the latter having sworn that, if he were released, he would proceed to Khorasan and deliver up Ghazan to Baidoo, he was at length allowed to depart. After Nowroze had arrived in Khorasan, as a mode of fulfilling his engagement to Baidoo, he sent him a large copper vessel, which in Persian is called a kazan;* Baidoo and his ameers were astonished at his deceit, and were afterwards much ashamed of their folly in dismissing Nowroze. About this time, Ghazan Khan’s intention being to march towards Azurbijan, Khwajeh Suddur-uddeen Zunjani joined him in Subzwar, and disclosed the sentiments of regard entertained towards him by the ameers of Baidoo Khan. On the 1st Zikad 694, Ghazan Khan, with a well-appointed army, commenced his march, and appointed Meer Nowroze with Suddur Jehan, Khwajeh Ahmud Khalidi, and others, to command the advanced-guard of his troops, which is called by the Moghools buroonghar, and after despatching them, marched towards Azurbijan. When Ameer Nowroze had, by forced marches, arrived at a village two stages from the camp of Baidoo Khan, Ameer Togachar, and Ameer Choban Suldooz, with other ameers of Irak, hearing of the arrival of Ameer Nowroze, immediately proceeded to the camp of Ghazan Khan; but it is said, that the first who joined the camp of Ghazan was Ameer Choban Suldooz.

When Baidoo Khan became aware of the defection of these ameers he lost all confidence, and retreated, and Ameer Nowroze was despatched in pursuit of him, and having overtaken him near Nukhchiwan, he seized him and brought him to Tubreez, where he was put to death; he reigned only eight months.

The seventh khan, Sultan Mahmood Ghazan, the son of Arghoon Khan, the son of Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako.

Ghazun Khan ascended the throne at Tubreez, the capital of Azurbijan, on the last day of Zi Huj 694 Hejri, he being then twenty-five years of age. As he was a Mussulman on his accession, he immediately ordered the conversion of all the tribes of Moghools to that faith, and by his command the Moghools of Iran were all converted; the people of Islam also reposed the greatest confidence in him. In his reign a new era, called the Khani, was commenced by the dewans of Persia, from the year 701 Hejri, and by which they make up their accounts; the impression of his coinage from that date also contained the Mahummudan profession of faith, and the names of the Rashidi Khalifs, who, during the government of the Abasside Caliphs, were included in the Khotba, after the two professions of faith; these were restored, and read according to the precedence of the Khilafut, and every precaution was taken to confirm and extend the true faith.

After Ghazan was firmly established in his kingdom, he despatched Meer Togachar to Room, or Asia Minor, and Ameer Nowroze, who was the chief support of his throne, was sent to Khorasan, to oppose the invasion of certain Moghools, the relations of Ghazan, who had crossed the Amoyeh. After completing this service by repelling the Moghools, he returned, and was again despatched to the government of Khorasan. At that time the Princes Sookai and Arslan rebelled against Sultan Mahmood Ghazan, who himself proceeded to oppose them, and after a conflict with them took Arslan prisoner and put him to death; but as Ghazan Khan entertained suspicions that this rebellion had been fomented by the artifices of Ameer Togachar, after defeating these princes he despatched Ameer Jirmchee to take possession of the government of Room, and wrote an order to the ameers of that country to put Togachar to death. Some time after this order, the ameers who were in the country of Room also rebelled. The Sultan, therefore, despatched Ameer Kutluk Shah to Room, with a large force, in the year 696 Hejri, or Kowi eel Toorki, to reduce them to obedience; and in the same year, after the execution of Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen Dustjurdi, the vuzarut was transferred again to Khwajeh Suddur-uddeen Ahmud Khalidi Zunjani, who was entitled Suddur i Jehan. Khwajeh Ahmud Khalidi abolished the new custom of Kuchoor,* which had obtained prevalence in Iran, and established the Tumgha; and as this vuzeer was jealous of the uncontrolled authority of Meer Nowroze and his brother, by which none was left to himself, he, in concert with some of the ameers of Ghazan’s court, accused the latter of maintaining a secret friendly understanding, or correspondence, with Mullik Nasir-ud-deen, the king of Egypt, to the prejudice of Sultan Ghazan; and having impressed the sultan with a belief to this effect, and that he was about to flee to Iran, the brother of Nowroze was seized and placed in confinement (purgho),† but the facts not being established, the vuzeer, who was much incommoded by the authority of Meer Nowroze, forged a letter, as from Meer Nowroze to his brother, exciting him to take revenge on Sultan Ghazan, and hid it in a handful of buzughturgheh,* which he desired should be beaten, or shaken, and where it being found, his brother was put to death, with his family and servants, on the road near Baghdad, in the year 696, Sultan Ghazan Khan not making any enquiry into the truth of these accusations. At the same time the sultan despatched an army from the Yelak of Hamudan, under Meer Kutluk Shah, Meer Sobtai Noween, and Sirkidak, to Khorasan, with orders to put Meer Nowroze to death, and not to return until they had executed his orders. When Meer Nowroze heard this, knowing himself unable to oppose these ameers in the field, he retired, and sought protection with his friend and son-in-law, Mullik Fukhr-ud-deen (the son of Mullik Shums-ud-deen Keheen, the son of Shums-ud-deen Koort); and the Mullik made an agreement with him not to surrender him as long as he lived. When, however, Ameer Kutluk Shah and his companions arrived at Herat, this perfidious Mullik, abandoning his engagement, treacherously seized and confined Meer Nowroze, and at length delivered him up to Ameer Kutluk Shah, who put him to death in the suburbs of Herat on the 22d Showal of the same year, and his head was sent to Sultan Ghazan. In the year 697 Hejri, Ghazan Khan despatched his brother Ooljaitoo, the son of Arghoon, to assume the government of Khorasan. It is related, that Ooljaitoo Khan was born on the 12th Zi Huj 680 Hejri, on the Desert between Merv and Surkhush, where there was no water to be found, and where the people, therefore, were dying of thirst; and that on his birth the rain fell for seven days and seven nights, and for that reason he was called Ooljaitoo, which signifies prosperous, and the bringer of good tidings. After he was converted to Islam he was called Khodabundeh Ooghul, and was afterwards called Sultan Mahummud Khodabundeh. Prince Ooljaitoo, on his arrival in Khorasan, made war on Mullik Fukhr-ud-deen, the son of Mullik Shums-ud-deen Keheen, &c., and several battles were fought between them; at last, however, a peace was effected by the mediation of the Shaikh ul Islam Shahab-ud-din Ismael Jami.

In the year 699, Khwajeh Suddur-ud-deen Ahmud Khalidi Zunjani was seized for malversation in his office, and put to death, and Sultan Ghazan appointed Khwajeh Rusheed-ud-din, the physician, and Khwajeh Saud-ud-deen, his vuzeers.

An account of the Kings of Egypt, and what occurred between Sultan Ghazan Khan and Mullik Nasir-ud-deen, the Sultan of Egypt.

The relations of historians are after this manner; that when Syfe-ud-deen Kalawun, otherwise Alfi, had reigned in Egypt eighteen years, in the year 690 Hejri he departed this life, and his son, Mullik Ashruf, ascended the throne, and after a reign of about three years he was assassinated by a slave named Meedra, (who had conspired against him in concert with a number of other slaves,) and his brother, Nasir-ud-deen Alfi, was installed in his place. Meedra made himself ameer-ul-omra, but after reigning twelve months he was assassinated, in his turn, by the slaves of Mullik Ashruf Kunyooka and Lacheen, &c. These slaves made Lacheen commander of the forces, and the affairs of Egypt remained in this state for two years under Lacheen, when Kunyooka was assassinated.

In the beginning of 697 the chiefs of Egypt murdered Lacheen, and the supreme authority was again restored to Mullik Nasir-ud-deen Alfi. Mullik Nasir, during his government, despatched four thousand horse to Mordeen and Rasulain, the chiefs of which cities were tributary to Sultan Ghazan. This detachment plundered those countries and killed a great number of the Mussulman inhabitants; for this cause Ghazan Khan determined to attempt the conquest of Egypt and Syria, and on the 26th of the month of Suffur, 699 Hejri, marched with an army of ninety thousand men towards those countries. Mullik Nasir also assembled a large army, and marched to oppose him, and their armies met on the 23d Rubbi-el-Avul 699, near Hums, on the borders of Syria, and a battle was fought, in which the Persian troops were victorious. The Egyptians turned their backs on the field of battle, and in their flight sustained a very heavy loss; the king of Egypt on this occasion fled with such speed that only seven horsemen were with him when he dismounted. Sultan Ghazan remained two days at Hums, and then marched to Damascus, and on his arrival there he spared the inhabitants, and committing the siege of the citadel to Ameer Kutluk Shah, and having placed his agents in all the cities of Syria, he returned towards Persia. After he had crossed the Euphrates, the troops of the fortified places in Syria began to rebel, and, leaving their strong-holds, at night attacked the Moghool soldiers singly, and stole and carried off their horses. The Moghool officers perceiving they were not able to maintain their footing in Syria, assembled, and having crossed the Euphrates joined the army of Sultan Ghazan. The next year Sultan Ghazan, therefore, again prepared to invade and conquer Syria, and, in the year 702 Hejri, arrived by easy marches at Aleppo, where he passed some time in hunting, and pleasure, and committed the conquest of the country to the Ameers Kutluk Shah and Ameer Choban Suldooz, and having placed a large army at their disposal he again returned to Persia. The ameers, however, as they could do nothing, abandoned Syria, and returned to his camp. Towards the end of the year 702 Hejri, Sultan Mahmood Ghazan again despatched Ameer Kutluk Shah, and Ameer Choban Suldooz with an army to Syria, and Mullik Nasir with a large army, also encamped at Damascus waiting for one of his chiefs named Ghazi Khan. After Sultan Ghazan’s ameers had crossed the Euphrates, they laid siege to the castle of Hums, when a man arrived from Damascus with intelligence that Mullik Nasir had not as yet arrived at that city, but that the people of Damascus had fled with their wealth to Egypt. On receiving this news the ameers of Ghazan Khan marched towards Damascus; when they arrived at the town of Mirh Suffur, on ascending a height they discovered the whole of the plains, beyond, covered with troops; for Mullik Nasir had advanced, having heard that Sultan Ghazan’s troops had returned. The next day, the armies being disposed in order of battle, the conflict began, and many were slain on both sides. On that day the actions of Ameer Choban Suldooz renewed the memory of Rustam and Isfendiar, but, notwithstanding his exertions, victory remained on the side of Mullik Nasir, and Ameer Kutluk Shah and Ameer Choban Suldooz were obliged to seek their safety in flight. Two thousand Moghools fell in this action; Ameer Suldooz, however, covered the retreat, and had it not been for his courage and firmness not a man of the whole army would have escaped. In the month of Suffur 703 Hejri, the fugitives of this army arrived in the camp of Sultan Ghazan, at Owjan, and the sultan placed the chiefs in confinement, and punished those who had behaved cowardly, but distinguished Meer Choban Suldooz by presenting him with a kulah (a cap or crown), and an ornamented girdle.

It is related, that after the defeat of his ameers and troops in Syria, Sultan Ghazan, seeing no hope of succeeding in his projects in that country, fell sick from vexation, and at Nobeh Seraie, near Kazvin, his disease increased, and on his removal with the army towards Yoorut Kushlak, he died on the road. Before his death, he ordered all his ameers to be assembled, and declared his will to them, that Ooljaitoo Sultan, his brother, who was in Khorasan, should succeed him; he then departed to the gardens of eternity, that is, he died on Saturday, the 10th Shawal 703 Hejri, much lamented by his ameers and family, and was carried to Tubreez, and buried in a mausoleum erected by himself, and now called the shunub or shunsub of Ghazan; before his time the tombs of the Moghool kings were unknown. Ghazan Khan reigned eight years and nine months, and his age was thirty-nine years.

The eighth khan, Ooljaitoo Khan, the son of Arghoon, the son of Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako.

Sultan Ooljaitoo Khan, during the life-time of his brother was converted to Mahummudanism, and on his accession was called Sultan Mahummud Khodabundeh; he was governor of Khorasan at the time of his brother’s death, but immediately proceeded to Azurbijan, and on the 5th Zi Huj 703 Hejri, arrived at Oojan, where he performed the mourning ceremonies customary among the kings of the Moghools, and finished them at Tubreez; and, on the 15th Zi Huj of the same year he ascended the throne, his age being twenty-three years. He appointed Meer Kutluk Shah his ameer-ul-omra, and Khwajeh Rusheed-ud-deen, the physician, and Khwajeh Saud-ud-deen, his vuzeers; after some time, however, the latter being accused of the embezzlement of public money, was put to death, and Khwajeh Taj-ud-deen Ali Shah Chilan was associated with Rusheed in the vuzarut. On the 8th of Zikad, in the spring of 704 Hejri, a son named Aboo Saeed was born to the sultan in the village of Eluk Nain, a dependency of Tarim: and the city and fort of Sultania was founded in his, Aboo Saeed’s, name, and the buildings being completed, in a short time it was made the capital of the sultan. In the time of Ooljaitoo Khan Sultan, several ameers from Egypt and Syria sought refuge in his court, as Jumal-ud-deen Ookroom, Kara Sunghoor, &c. these men were well received, and they made known the tyranny and oppression of Mullik Nasir in Egypt, and at their instigation Sultan Ooljaitoo became desirous of subduing that country. In consequence, after he had prepared for war, he marched a large army towards the territories of Mullik Nasir, and on the 1st Ramzan, 712 Hejri, crossed the Euphrates, and on the 6th Showal of the same year arrived at Rahabia, or Regia, a town depending on Syria, and commenced the siege of that town. After a long contest, however, a peace was effected through the mediation of the physician Rusheed-ud-deen; and on the 24th of the same month, the sultan commenced his march on his return to Persia. About this time intelligence arrived, that Kubuk or Kupuk Khan* and Mysoor Ooglan,† had crossed the river Amooyeh with a large army, and had proceeded by rapid marches to invade Khorasan; and that the ameers of the Sultan or Eel Khan, who were present in Khorasan, as Ameer Yusawul, the commander-in-chief in Khorasan, Ali Kooshchi, Boojai the son of Danishmund Bahadoor, &c., had assembled a force to oppose the troops of Mawurunneher, but had been defeated: Sultan Ooljaitoo Khodabundeh, on receiving this information, immediately prepared to march to Khorasan; but his enemies hearing of his approach, retired to their own country. The sultan therefore appointed his son, Aboo Saeed, with a large force to the government of Khorasan, and Ameer Syoonuj was constituted his atabek or tutor, and ameer-ul-omra; each of the ameers also attached a son or a brother to his suite, and in the year 713, Aboo Saeed departed to his government, and at Yulak Koshuk Murad was met by Ameers Yasawul and Ali Kooshchi, who had escaped from the troops of Kupuk Khan.

On the arrival of Aboo Saeed in Khorasan, his actions were distinguished by mildness and justice, and that country was again restored to order and tranquillity. Some time after this, a quarrel arose between Kupuk Khan and Mysoor Ooghlan, and the latter, in secret understanding or concert with Eel or Ooljaitoo Khan, fled to Khorasan.

In the year 716 Hejri, Ooljaitoo Khan fell sick, and on the Friday of the Eed Fitr of the same year, he died. Sultan Ooljaitoo reigned twelve years and nine months, and lived thirty-six years; he was buried in a bastion in the castle of Aboabi Burkeh, which he himself had built. It is said that he was the most just of the family of Chungeez, and a great protector of Syuds and learned men, but in the year 709, at the instigation of some persons of the Imamia sect, as Shaikh Jumal-ud-deen Hussen, the son of Syud Budr-ud-deen Muthuhur Hulubi, &c., who were making proselytes for the Imamia religion, Sultan Mahummud Khodabundeh was induced to add to the profession of the faith, inscribed on the coinage from the time of Sultan Ghazan, the words, “Ali wuli Allah,” Ali, the friend of God; he also expunged the names of the three Khalifs from the Khotba, and after the name of Ali, the fourth Khalif, he inserted those of Hussun, Hussain, and Abi Mahummud Mehdi; he also inserted in his Sikka the names of the leaders of the twelve sects, and for this reason the Sunnites, in revenge or disgust, called him Sultan Mahummud Khur-bundeh, or the ‘slave of the ass,’ but the Sheeas call him Khoda-bundeh, or the ‘slave of God.’ In the same year in which Sultan Ooljaitoo died, or 716 Hejri, the leader of the Imamia sect, Shaikh Jumal-ud-deen, the son of Syud Budr-ud-deen Muthuhur Hulubi, the active disseminator of Sheea opinions, also died.

The ninth khan, Aboo Saeed, the son of Ooljaitoo Khan, the son of Arghoon Khan, the son of Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako.

Sultan Aboo Saeed, on hearing of the illness of his father, left Khorasan, and proceeded with Ameer Syonuj to Sultania, and thence to Irak, but before his arrival his father died. On the arrival of the sultan in Irak in the beginning of 717, after the usual mourning, on the 20th Suffur he ascended the throne in the city of Sultania, which was founded by his father Ooljaitoo, in honour of his birth. Aboo Saeed commenced his reign with great moderation and justice, and appointed Ameer Suldooz his ameer-ul-omra. The vuzarut was continued as before in the persons of the physician Rusheed, and Taj-ud-deen Ali Shah Cheelan; for this reason, that the sultan being only twelve or thirteen years of age, Ameer Choban Suldooz was, therefore, the ruling authority.

In the year 718 Hejri, from the usual conflict of ministers for power, Khwajeh Taj-ud-deen Ali Shah, by bribes and other incitements, induced the ministers, and particularly Ameer Choban Suldooz, to instil enmity into the mind of Sultan Aboo Saeed against the physician Rusheed-ud-deen, and that worthy minister was in consequence put to death.

In this year Prince Mysoor Ooghlan, the son of Ooruktimoor Khan, rebelled in Khorasan, and plundered the country to Mazenderan, and from the desert of Kupchak, Sultan Mahummud Ourung, Khan, the son of Togrul Khan, of the house of Joje Khan, also advanced, by the route of Durbund, to Azurbijan. Sultan Aboo Saeed despatched Ameer Hussain Goorkan, the son of Akbooka, the son of Sungootoor, the son of Eelkan Jullair, who had married his father’s sister, to oppose Mysoor Ooghlan, and himself marched to the Kushlak of Karabaugh. Ameer Choban Suldooz was also despatched after Ameer Hussain Goorkan. At this period intelligence was received of the arrival of Sultan Mahummud Ourung at Durbund, and Sultan Aboo Saeed to defend his territories was compelled to take the few troops he had with him and encamp on the river Kur, whilst all the country on the opposite bank was ravaged and devastated by the enemy. Ameer Choban, who had marched towards Khorasan, when he arrived at the town of Bielkan received the intelligence of the advance of Ourung Khan; he therefore wheeled about, and with two tomans* of troops hastened to join Sultan Aboo Saeed. At this time a panic appears to have struck the troops of Ourung Khan, and they commenced rapidly to retire towards their owu country. Ameer Choban Suldooz immediately crossed the river and pursued them, destroying a great number in their flight. On the return of Ameer Suldooz he ordered Koormishi, the son of Alinak Kirayut, and several other ameers who had attacked the troops of Ourung Khan before his junction with the sultan (and who were by the sultan’s orders put in arrest) to be beaten with sticks, and the rest of the ameers being offended at this conduct on the part of Ameer Choban Suldooz, Ameers Kiranchi Kirayut, Tughmak, Ashnoka, Booka, Eldorchi Choban, Kara Oubash, and Koormishi Kirayut conspired to put him to death. At this time the sultan marched towards Sultania, and Ameer Suldooz moved towards Georgia; the conspirators, however, like wolves, followed him, and when they approached his encampment, he having intelligence of their object, abandoned it, and fled in another direction. The conspirators, however, having plundered and burned his camp, still followed him, and at last overtook him. A bloody battle ensued between Suldooz and his opponents, in which he was defeated, and with great difficulty escaped with a few followers to Sultania. The conspirators, however, with other ameers and a large army, still followed him from Nukchehwan to Sultania, and having crossed the Sufeedrood, or White River, they attacked the troops of Sultan Aboo Saeed, at the village of Dulkan. The sultan, on seeing the boldness of the conspirators, marched to meet them with his ameers and the reserve of his army, and a bloody battle was fought between them. In this battle Ameer Erancheen and his wife, Shahzadi Gunjbek, the parents of Ameer Shaikh Ali, were killed by the troops of the sultan. From the exceeding bravery of Abdurrahman, the son of Ameer Koormishi Kirayut, the battle was, however, unfavourable to the sultan, until he, notwithstanding his tender age, drew his sword and advanced to the front of his army; and his troops seeing his intrepidity, made an universal attack on their enemies, in which the slaughter was so great that they broke and fled, and victory rested on the standard of the sultan. Ameers Kiranche Kirayut, Togmak, Ashnoka, Irancheen, &c. were taken prisoners and put to death, and Ameer Koormishe Kirayut, the son of Alinak, his son Abdurrahman Boka Eldoorchi, and Choban Kara Oubash fled, but were afterwards taken and put to death. As the sultan had manifested such great courage on this occasion, his subjects, on the 20th Rujub 717, or Yound eel Toorki, unanimously gave him the title of Bahadoor.

An account of Prince Mysoor Ooghlan, the son of Ooruk Timoor, the son of Toktimoor, the son of Kudaghi, the son of Toori, the son of Bamgan, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

When Prince Mysoor Ooghlan,* who was in Mazinderan, heard of the approach of Ameer Hussain Goorkan, he after devastating the country retired, Ameer Hussain Goorkan following him. Mysoor Ooghlan on his retreat passed near Nishapoor, and ordered some collections to be made from the people of that city. At this time he received information that Ameer Hussain was only two farsangs from Nishapoor; he, therefore, without waiting for his collections, marched by Toos to Jam, and from that place despatched Mobarik Shah, the son of Bojai, and Muktoob, to Herat, that they might besiege Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen Koort there. When these chiefs arrived at Herat, the Mullik advanced to meet them, and several battles were fought between them. At this time Prince Mysoor Ooghlan was informed that Ameer Hussain Goorkan was advancing towards him with the troops of Irak; he was, therefore, obliged to send a message to recall Mobarik Shah and Muktoob from Herat. After their junction it was discovered that the report above-mentioned was false, and that Ameer Hussain would not quit his encampment for two months; Prince Mysoor, therefore, consulted with his ameers whether it was best to depart or remain, and it was at length determined that they should proceed to Herat and besiege that town. They accordingly marched to Herat, and on the 2d Rubiel-Avul 719 Hejri, encamped on the plain of Bushooran, and besieged Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen Koort for about a month, and caused him great anxiety, but finding they could not succeed in taking the town they marched to Gurmseer. About this period Ameer Hussain Goorkan arrived at Herat, and, in concert with Mullik Ghiaus, pursued Mysoor Ooghlan to the plains of Ruzeen, where they took some of his troops prisoners and put them to death: they then returned. It is said by some authors, that Prince Mysoor, or Yussoor, retired from that place to Mawurunneher, when he was taken prisoner by one of the descendants of Chughtaie Khan, and put to death. Others say he returned to Kupchak, of which country he acquired the sovereignty, and reigned many years, .

Some account of the reign of Aboo Saeed Bahadoor Khan, and the folly of Ameer Choban Suldooz, and his death, &c.

It is related, that during the first years of the reign of Aboo Saeed Bahadoor, from his youth, and the ascendancy of Ameer Choban Suldooz, the latter in effect was sultan. In the year 721, Ameer Choban Suldooz married the Princess Saki Beg, the daughter of Ooljaitoo Khan, and the sister of the sultan, and great rejoicing was made on that occasion. In 722 Hejri, Ameer Timoor Tash, the son of Ameer Choban, who was governor of Room, rebelled, and ordered the khotba to be read in his name. Ameer Choban immediately, although it was the depth of winter, marched to reduce him. Timoor Tash, however, not being prepared to oppose his father in arms, advanced to pay his duty to him, and was placed in confinement by him, and sent a prisoner to Sultan Aboo Saeed. The sultan, on his arrival, for the sake of his father, pardoned his offences, and again appointed him to take charge of the government of Room. In the year 723 Hejri, Khwajeh Ali Shah Chulan died at the town of Oojan, and Khwajeh Rokn-ud-din Sain, who was the naib or agent of Ameer Suldooz, was appointed to his office, the vuzarut. In this year Ameer Choban Suldooz gave his daughter, Baghdad Khatoon, a very beautiful woman, in marriage to Ameer Shaikh Hussun, otherwise Shaikh Hussun Eelkani (the son of Ameer Hussain Goorkan), who was the cousin of Sultan Aboo Saeed, and the nephew of Ooljaitoo Sultan.

In the year 725, Ameer Choban Suldooz marched, with a large army, by Georgia to Kupchak, and plundered the country of Sultan Mahummud Ourung; he, however, soon retreated thence.

In this year also, Sultan Aboo Saeed fell desperately in love with Baghdad Khatoon, and his passion became so violent he could take no rest, as it is a rule among the children of Chungeez Khan, that if the khan or sultan falls in love with any married woman, her husband must divorce her, and send her to his harem, Sultan Aboo Saeed sent a private message to Choban Suldooz to inform him of his love, and desire to possess Baghdad Khatoon. Ameer Suldooz was, however, offended at the proposition, and returned an uncivil answer, and the sultan said no more on the subject, however he ever after nourished a great hatred to him. As Ameer Choban Suldooz was aware that distance extinguishes love, he despatched Shaikh Hussun Elkani and his wife to Karabaugh, and compelled Aboo Saeed to accompany him to the Kushlak of Baghdad, where his love for Baghdad Khatoon continually increased. At this period, Rokn-ud-din Sain, the vuzeer, who was entitled Nusrut-ud-din Adil, used every opportunity to impress the sultan with a bad opinion of the conduct and actions of Ameer Suldooz and his family, the sultan’s mind being but too ready to receive and retain such impressions. Dumishk Khwajeh, the son of Ameer Suldooz, however, who was one of the vakeels or ministers of government, and near the person of the sultan, was partially informed of the change in the disposition of the sultan, and the machinations of the vuzeer, and apprized his father of them. Ameer Choban Suldooz, in these circumstances, thought the best counsel was to retire from court to some distant station, and taking Rokn-ud-din Sain with him punish him for his ingratitude at leisure. As soon, therefore, as the spring returned, and Sultan Aboo Saeed moved from Baghdad to Sultania, Ameer Suldooz, leaving his son Dumishk Khwajeh with the sultan, marched to Khorasan, under pretence of making some arrangements there. When he arrived at Khorasan he despatched his eldest son, Ameer Hussun, with a large army to Ghizni, which country he plundered and devastated; but as he was guilty of some improper acts in the tomb of Sultan Mahmood Ghazi, the son of Subuktugeen, he was punished for them, as will be hereafter related. When Ameer Suldooz left Dumishk Khwajeh with the sultan, and departed to Khorasan, the Khwajeh assumed the whole authority of the empire, and left Aboo Saeed nothing but the name of sultan. The sultan, therefore, taking this much to heart, complained in secret, of the Khwajeh’s conduct, to his friends. At this time one of his servants informed him that Dumishk Khwajeh intrigued with one of the widows of Ooljaitoo Sultan, who lived in the castle of Sultania; and the sultan gave orders that he should be informed whenever he visited her. On the night of Wednesday, in the month of Showal 727 Hejri, Dumishk Khwajeh having proceeded to the house of his mistress, the sultan was informed of the circumstance, and immediately ordered he should be put to death; he could, however, find no one bold enough to execute his order. It happened that night, that the heads of some Kurdish robbers were brought in, and by the advice of Ameers Toghan and Tash Timoor, the sultan gave orders that a report should be spread, that one of these heads was that of Ameer Choban Suldooz, and that he and his adherents had been executed in Khorasan, and their heads brought to the presence of the sultan. Ameer Dumishk Khwajeh, on receiving this information, was much distressed, and, accompanied by ten men, let himself down from the walls of the fort, or castle, and, on his arrival at his own house, found it surrounded by armed men; he therefore fled, and Sultan Aboo Saeed despatched Ameer Misr Khwajeh and Ogha Looloo in tukamishi, or pursuit of him; and on their overtaking him, Misr Khwajeh cut off his head. The sultan, after this, despatched secret orders to the ameers of Khorasan, that they should seize and put to death Ameer Choban Suldooz and his adherents; he also despatched similar orders to other parts of his dominions, that none of those connected with the Chobans might escape; he also ordered that the head of Dumishk Khwajeh, should be fixed to the gate of the city of Sultania. When the order of the sultan arrived at Khorasan it was sent to Ameer Choban, and some of the ameers united with him. Hussun, the eldest son of Ameer Choban, also had formed a plan of put<-?>ting to death all the ameers of the sultan in Khorasan and sending their heads to the sultan, and afterwards taking possession of that province and joining the princes of the Chughtayan family, that they might assist him and his father in subduing the territories of Iran, that thus by degrees they might establish themselves as sovereigns in that country. Ameer Choban, however, would give no attention to the projects of his son, being inflated with a high opinion of his power and authority, and in conjunction with other ameers assembled a large force and marched towards Irak. At that time, also, Sultan Aboo Saeed had quitted Sultania, and abode at Kazvin, and Khwajeh Ghiaus-ud-deen Mahummud, the son of Khwajeh Rusheed-ud-deen (to whom the Mutuni Mowakif, the Sharah Shumsia, the Tarikh Gozideh, and the Kusideh of Saliman, are dedicated), was made vuzeer. But to return to our history:—when the orders of the sultan arrived in Khorasan, the ameers, who had no power to carry them into effect, immediately communicated them to Ameer Suldooz, who, when he heard of the death of his son was excessively afflicted, and in revenge put to death the Vuzeer Rokn-ud-deen Sain, and marched with seventy thousand horse towards Irak, as has been before stated. When Ameer Suldooz arrived at Sumnan, he visited the celebrated saint Shaikh Rukn-ud-deen Sumnani, and caused his ameers to take an oath in the saint’s presence that they would not forsake him, and afterwards he requested the shaikh to proceed to the camp of the sultan, and demand the murderers of Dumishk Khwajeh. The shaikh having accorded his request proceeded to the sultan, who received him with every demonstration of respect but declined acceding to his proposition: and after the return of the shaikh, Ameer Choban Suldooz, with great pride, marched towards the camp of Aboo Saeed. When he arrived at the village of Kooha, which was only one day’s march from the sultan’s camp, Ameers Mahummud Khuchuk, Noyaun Awirat, Neikroze, and others, placing the record of their oath to Ameer Choban Suldooz on the niche of oblivion, fled with thirty thousand horse and joined the sultan; and Ameer Choban Suldooz after this, not placing any confidence in the rest of his chiefs, retreated by the Desert towards Khorasan, and most of his troops dispersed. Ameer Choban, in his retreat, did not halt until he arrived at the river of Murghab in Toorkistan, and there repenting of his conduct, he sought refuge with Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen Koort, who was his particular friend. About the period of the arrival of Suldooz at Herat, the orders of Sultan Aboo Saeed also arrived, directing Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen to put him to death wherever he might find him, and promising that on the receipt of his head and the seizure of his wealth, he should be appointed Atabek, or Prime Minister of Persia. Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen Koort, on receiving these orders, forgetting his old friendship, and the recollection of all the patronage and support he had derived from Ameer Suldooz, despatched an executioner to put a period to his existence, and although Ameer Choban requested he might see and speak to him before he died, the ungrateful man refused to permit him. Ameer Choban before his death, preferred three requests to the Mullik by a messenger therefore:—first, that he should cut off his head; second, that he should send his body to Medina, to be interred in a tomb built there for that purpose; third, that he should not murder his son Julad Khan, born of Saki Beg, the sister of Sultan Aboo Saeed, but send him to the camp of the sultan. The Mullik agreed to perform these requests, and the executioner then strangled Ameer Choban Suldooz, and two of his fingers were cut off and sent to the camp of Sultan Aboo Saeed, where they arrived on the month of Mohurrum 728 Hejri, and were hung up on the gate of the bazar by his orders.

In the winter of the same year Mullik Ghiaus-ud-deen Koort proceeded to pay a visit to the sultan, and hearing on the road that Ameer Shaikh Hussun had been compelled to divorce his wife, Baghdad Khatoon, the daughter of Ameer Choban Suldooz; and that she had been received into the harem of the sultan, and had become a great favourite there, the villainous Mullik despatched messengers to Khorasan with orders to put to death Julad Khan, the son of Ameer Choban, and the poor child, who is said to have been unequalled in beauty and sweetness of temper, was barbarously murdered. The Mullik, after this, visited the sultan at Karabaugh, but was coldly received from the influence of Baghdad Khatoon, and, in fact, kept under restraint, until persons sent to Khorasan for the bodies of Ameer Choban Suldooz, and his son Julad Khan, returned thence, when Sultan Aboo Saeed expended forty thousand dinars in causing the bodies to be carried by pilgrims to Mecca, and lastly to Medina, where they were buried.

After the death of Ameer Suldooz, some of his children and relations were put to death, and some escaped to other countries; of the latter was Ameer Timoor Tash, the son of Ameer Suldooz, and governor of Room, who fled to Egypt, where he was ultimately put to death: the circumstance and manner of his fate are related in the Tarikh Mubsoot.

It is said that Ameer Choban Suldooz was a righteous and just man, and that he was a great supporter of the religion of Islam. May God forgive his sins!

The marriage of Baghdad Khatoon with Sultan Aboo Saeed, and the death of that prince.

It is related, that after the death of Ameer Choban, Sultan Aboo Saeed sent for Kazee Mobarik Shah, and desired him to go to Ameer Shaikh Hussun and try all means to procure from him the divorce of Baghdad Khatoon; the kazi accordingly went to Shaikh Hussun Elkani, and in such terms as he could frame, detailed to him this extraordinary request. Shaikh Hussun, who knew his life was at stake, and resistance vain, was at last, in the presence of the kazi, compelled to divorce his wife, whom he tenderly loved, and after the days of separation she was married to the sultan, and soon took a leading part in the management of state affairs.

In the year 732 Hejri, certain malicious persons informed the sultan that a private correspondence by letter was carried on between Ameer Shaikh Hussun and Baghdad Khatoon. The mind of the sultan on hearing this became estranged from both, and he sought to put Ameer Shaikh Hussun to death; but, as his mother was the sister of Ooljaitoo Sultan, and the sultan’s aunt, on her account he contented himself with banishing him to the fort of Kumakh. Baghdad Khatoon also fell under his displeasure, but after an examination into the truth of these reports they were found destitute of foundation, and Baghdad Khatoon was, therefore, restored to her former rank, and Ameer Shaikh Hussun Elkani, who, after the murder of Ameer Choban Suldooz, had been made ameer-ul-omra, was also restored to favour and appointed to the government of Room.

It is said that Sultan Aboo Saeed, in the spring and autumn, took up his quarters at Sultania, and passed the summer and winter at Baghdad or Karabaugh of Iran, and that he was fond of the society of men of learning. He also wrote a very fine hand, for which accomplishment he was indebted to his tutor, Khwajeh Abdulla Syrufi. Sultan Aboo Saeed towards the end of the year 735 Hejri, proceeded to Baghdad, and on the road was informed that Sultan Mahummud Ourung Khan had quitted the country of Kupchak to invade Persia and Azurbijan, and that he had arrived near Durbund. For this reason, in the beginning of the year 736 Hejri, the sultan returned to Persia and halted at Shirwan, near three months, where, from the heat of the weather and the noxious quality of the air of that place, he was attacked by a fatal disease. On the fifteenth day after his attack, being in great danger, he went to the bath, which so much increased his malady that he died. His death occurred at Beelkan on the 13th RubbielAkhir 736, and his body was carried to Sultania and buried in a dome built by himself for its reception: he was only thirty-two years of age, and had reigned nineteen years. It is said, that Sultan Aboo Saeed, towards the end of his life, saw the daughter of Damishk Khwajeh, Dil Shad Khatoon, a most beautiful woman, who was residing with her aunt, Baghdad Khatoon, and that he fell in love with her and married her; also, that Baghdad Khatoon, from jealousy, poisoned the sultan.

The reign of Arpa Khan, the son of Soosa, who was the fifth in descent from Areek Boka Khan, the son of Tooli Khan.

As Sultan Aboo Saeed had no offspring, Arpa Khan was raised to the throne. This prince had originally joined Sultan Aboo Saeed in Khorasan from Tooran, and was raised to the throne by the exertions of the vuzeer, Ghiaus-ud-deen Mahummud, with the concurrence of the ameers. When Arpa Khan was seated on the throne he put Baghdad Khatoon to death, under the imputation that she had poisoned Sultan Aboo Saeed, and that she maintained an intimacy or correspondence with Sultan Mahummud Ourung: he then marched with an army, and encamped on the banks of the river Kur, to oppose Sultan Mahummud Ourung, whom he, after several actions, ultimately defeated. When Ameer Ali Padshah, the son of Chichuk Noyaun Awirat (who was the toghai of Sultan Aboo Saeed, and governor of Diarbeker, and at that time also the tashi of Baghdad Khatoon at Durbund), heard of the death of Aboo Saeed, and the succession of Arpa Khan, the son of Soosa, he was greatly afflicted, and having assembled the tribe of Awirat addressed them to the following effect: “Know, that however true it may be that Arpa Khan is descended from Tooli Khan, yet, as he is an old enemy to the tribe of Awirat and the children of Tungoo Noyaun, it is not to our advantage to allow him to reign as king.” Accordingly, he immediately raised the standard of rebellion, and set up as king, in Baghdad, Moosa Khan, the son of Ali, the son of Baidoo, the son of Toraghi, the son of Hulako Khan, the son of Tooli, and having assembled all the Moghools residing in that vicinity, marched with an immense army to depose Arpa Khan. Arpa Khan, also, on being informed of this rebellion, by the advice of his vuzeer, assembled a large force, and marched to meet his enemies; and on Tuesday the 17th Ramzan 736, the contending armies met in the fields of Chughatoo, otherwise Yughtoo, and a battle ensued, but many of the ameers of Arpa Khan deserted him during the engagement, and joined Moosa Khan, the affections of most men being inclined towards the descendants of Hulako Khan. From this treachery Arpa Khan was defeated, and his army dissipated, and his vuzeer, Khwajeh Ghiaus-ud-deen, although he exerted himself bravely in the fight, yet at length seeing the day was lost, also fled. Ameer Ali Padshah, the son of Chichuk Noyaun Awirat, however, lost no time in sending in pursuit of them, and they were both taken, and put to death. This happened on the 21st Ramzan 736 Hejri. The reign of Arpa Khan lasted about seven months: he was succeeded by Moosa Khan, the son of Ali, &c.

The reign of Moosa Khan, the son of Ali, the son of Baidoo, &c.

After the death of Arpa Khan, in the month of Shawul 736, Moosa Khan ascended the throne of the Khans, in the town of Oojan, and confided the direction of state affairs to Ameer Ali Padshah, the son of Chichuk Noyaun Awirat. About that time Shaikh Hussun Elkani, the son of Ameer Hussain Goorkan, the son of Akbooka, the son of Sungtoor, the son of Elkan Jullair, who was the cousin of Sultan Aboo Saeed and who had been appointed to the government of Room, having heard of the death of Sultan Aboo Saeed, the succession of Arpa Khan, his subsequent defeat and death, and the accession of Moosa Khan; raised to the throne in the country of Room, Mahummud, the son of Bool Kutlugh, the son of Ans Timoor, the son of Itiarche, the son of Moongar Timoor, the son of Hulako, the son of Tooli, the son of Chungeez Khan; and marched with the troops of Room and Georgia towards Tubreez to support him, and Moosa Khan and Ameer Ali Padshah also marched to meet them.

On the 14th Zi Huj of the same year, the armies met at the town of Nowshehr, and Ameer Ali Padshah sent a message to Ameer Shaik Hussun Elkani, to the following effect: “That friendship had formerly subsisted between them— that two kings were contending for the throne, and what reason had they, either of them, to interfere in their quarrel? That it would be the best policy, therefore, that each of them, Ameer Ali and Ameer Shaikh Hussun, should retire with their dependants to an eminence near the field of contention, and allow the rival kings to fight their battle by themselves.” Ameer Shaik Hussun the elder,* agreed to this proposal, and with two thousand horse retired to an eminence near the field of battle, and the armies engaged, and a plentiful harvest of infidels was reaped. The armies of Room and Georgia were defeated, the Awirat tribe was victorious, and pursued the fugitives. After the battle, and the flight of Mahummud Khan, Ameer Ali Padshah alighted on the river to perform his ablutions, and his troops threw off their armour, and followed his example. Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder, when he saw them thus occupied, descended from the eminence on which he had taken post with his two thousand horse fresh and untired, and charged them; and in this charge Ameer Ali Padshah was killed. Moosa Khan, on seeing this, fled; and Mahummud Khan, who had before fled, now returned, and rejoined Ameer Shaikh Hussun. Ameer Hussun despatched Kara Hussun, his naib, or deputy, and Ameer Akurpukh Oighoor, in pursuit of the fugitives, and then marched towards Tubreez.

The twelfth khan, Mahummud, the son of Boo, or Bool Toghluk.—In some Towarikhs, or histories, the genealogy of Mahummud Khan is stated in this way: Mahummud, the son of Tajo, the son of Banoo Cheen, the son of Hulako,—but however the line be traced, there is no doubt but that he was descended from Hulako. Mahummud Khan, after the death of Ameer Ali Padshah Awirat, about the end of the year 736, with the aid of Shaikh Hussun Elkani Jullair, was seated on the throne at Oujan, and the direction of affairs of state was delivered into the hands of Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun. Ameer Peer Hussein, the grandson of Ameer Choban Suldooz, was sent by the sultan to Sultania to bring thence Dilshad Khatoon, the daughter of Dumiskh Khwajeh and the favourite wife of Aboo Saeed, whom on her arrival he married; he also took the descendants of Khwajeh Ghiaus-ud-deen, the son of Khwajeh Rusheed-ud-deen, under his protection. Verses.— “A man’s actions, whether good or bad, will always meet retribution.”

It is related, that during the reign of Mahummud Khan, the son of Boo Toghluk, the poet Owhud-ud-deen, of Isfahan, flourished. The sultan died a natural death, and was buried at Maraghah.

The thirteenth khan, Toghaie Timoor, the son of Soori, the son of Baba Bahadoor, the son of Abookan, the son of Alkan, the son of Toori, the son of Joje, the son of Kybad, the son of Yusookai Bahadoor. —Toghaie Timoor Khan was descended from Kybad the son of Yusookai Bahadoor, and the brother of Chungeez Khan. It is said, that Toghaie Timoor was in Mazinderan when Ameer Akurpukh Oighoor was sent in pursuit of Moosa Khan, and from an enmity which subsisted between him and Kara Hussun, he went to Sultania to Ameer Peer Hussein, the grandson of Ameer Choban Suldooz, who had married Oghlan Khatoon, the niece of Ameer Akurpukhoighoor; when he arrived there, and related what had happened, they together marched to Khorasan, and in concert with the ameers of that country, and by the united exertions of Ameer Shaikh Ali Koshchi (who was governor of some cities of Khorasan), Ameer Ali Jafur, Ameer Arghoon Shah (the son of Ameer Nowroze, the son of the great Ameer Arghoon Agha), and the ameers who had fled from Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun the elder, brought Toghaie Timoor from Mazinderan, and installed him Khan in Khorasan and read the khotba, and struck money in his name. In the year 737, the Moghools who were in Khorasan assembled and marched to Tubreez, and when they arrived in the limits of Azurbijan, Moosa Khan, who was residing with the Awirat tribes, joined them, and an agreement was made between them, that if they were successful, Khorasan should belong to Toghaie Timoor, and Irak and Azurbijan to Moosa Khan. When Mahummud Khan and Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun Elkani the elder, became aware of this agreement and confederacy, they assembled a large army and marched to attack the confederates, and on the 6th Zi Huj 737, the armies met each other in the plains of Gurm Rood, and a battle was fought; Toghaie Timoor Khan fled to Khorasan before the battle commenced, and Moosa Khan, although he remained some time on the field, at length followed his example. Shortly after this battle, Moosa Khan fell into the hands of the troops of Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun Elkani, and was put to death on the 10th Zi Huj of the same year.

Some account of Ameer Shaikh Hussun, the son of Ameer Timoor Tash, the son of Ameer Choban Suldooz.

This man is called Shaikh Hussun Kochick, the younger, or the less. It is related that Shaikh Hussun the younger resided in the country of Room, and in the year 738 Hejri, from a desire to obtain authority and rule, he procured a Turkish slave named Kurachuri, who was extremely like his father, Timoor Tash, and gave out that his father Timoor Tash, who, after the death of Ameer Choban Suldooz, retired to Egypt, had returned thence; and in order that the people might believe this he gave his mother in marriage to Kurachuri, and walked in procession by the side of his horse. A large force consequently assembled to assist them, and Shaikh Hussun, the less or junior, having prepared his warlike stores, marched towards Azurbijan, and Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, or the senior, and Mahummud Khan, on being informed of this disturbance, marched by Nukchevan to oppose them. On the 20th Zi Huj of the same year, in the neighbourhood of Alatak, the armies of Room and Irak came in contact, and a bloody battle ensued. Shaikh Hussun, the junior, gained the day, and Mahummud Khan fell into the hands of his enemies, and was put to death in the flower of his youth. Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, the greater, retired to Tubreez. At this period Karachuri, who had become Timoor Tash, being desirous to establish himself independent, attempted to assassinate Shaikh Hussun the younger, and stabbed him with a knife; the wound, however, was not mortal, and Shaikh Hussun the younger fled to Georgia, and made publicly known who his pretended father really was, and then retired to the protection of Saki Begum, the daughter of Ooljaitoo Sultan. The pseudo Timoor Tash, however, after Hussun’s flight, still continued his march to Tubreez to attack Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, the elder; he was, however, defeated, and retired, accompanied by the Awirat tribe to Baghdad, and Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder also marched from Tubreez to Sultania.

The fourteenth Khan, Saki Beg, the daughter of Ooljaitoo Sultan.

When Ameer Shaikh Hussun, junior, came to Tubreez from Georgia, sixteen of the family of the Chobanians assembled before him, and demanded a king of the race of Hulako Khan. The ameers of the Huzaras said that Saki Beg, the daughter of Ooljaitoo Sultan, the sister of Sultan Aboo Saeed, was with them, and as no male of the family of Hulako remained, the right to the throne was hers, and accordingly the Princess Saki Beg, in the year 739 Hejri, by the aid of Ameer Shaikh Hussun, the less (the grandson of of Ameer Choban Suldooz), was seated on the throne, and having assembled a large army, marched towards Sultania. Ameer Shaikh Hussun Elkani the senior, on hearing of this movement, retired to Kazvin, but again advanced with an intention to oppose his enemies, but before a battle was fought a kind of composition was effected, and Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, the senior, having visited the Princess Saki Beg,* acknowledged her right to the throne, and both the Ameers Shaikh Hussun embraced each other, and made peace on the following terms:—That, that winter Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, senior, should remain at Sultania, and the Princess Saki Beg at Karabaugh; and that in the spring they should assemble a kooriltaie and make arrangements for the future. In consequence, Princess Saki Beg and Ameer Shaikh Hussun, the younger, marched to Iran and Azurbijan, and the senior Shaikh Hussun, to Sultania. In Rujub of the same year, which was the commencement of spring, Toghaie Timoor again assembled a large army to invade Irak and Azurbijan, and marched towards Tubreez; when Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, the elder, became aware of this, he proceeded to meet him and they met at the town of Saweh. Ameer Shaikh Hussun, the younger, with Ameer Syoorghan, accompanied the Princess Saki Beg from Iran to Owjan. At this time the tribe of Awirat seized Karachuri, the false Timoor Tash, and brought him to the princess, who immediately ordered him to be beheaded. After this, Toghaie Timoor Khan, without the knowledge of Shaikh Hussun Noyaun, the elder, despatched Agurpukh, who was the nurse* of Sultan Aboo Saeed, to Ameer Shaikh Hussun, the lesser, with a message, that between his father and Ameer Suldooz, Hussun’s grandfather, firm friendship had existed, and that when an order was issued to put his father Soorikoori to death, Ameer Choban Suldooz had resisted it, and that he could not be so ungrateful as to forget so great a benefit; and that for this cause he could not, in honour, at this day, admit that any injury should be offered to the house of the Chobanians: that it would be advisable, therefore, to do away any cause of enmity that subsisted. Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger, when he heard this, was much pleased, and with deceit in his heart, said, that whatever the Padshah proposed, was undoubtedly for the benefit of religion, the kingdom, and people; and having made rich presents to Agurpukh Begi and his companions, he, in private, desired him to offer his duty to the king, and tell him that he had no controlling authority in the kingdom, and that on the part of Shaikh Hussun the elder, who was his father-in-law, he entertained great apprehensions, although he as yet had done nothing overtly to justify them; that it would be good policy, therefore, for Toghaie Timoor Khan to allow him to take Shaikh Hussun the elder out of the way; and that, after his death, he would give Dilshad Khatoon and Saki Begum to the king, and all his family would then unite in his service. When Agurpukh Beg returned and delivered this message to Toghaie Timoor, the weak-minded king allowed himself to be seduced by the hopes of obtaining the Princess Saki Begum (the daughter of Ooljaitoo Sultan), and he therefore, with many promises, returned a very favourable answer, and required that some agreement on the premises should be entered into between them. Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger replied that he was firm in his purpose, but that the best way would be for the king, in confirmation of this treaty, to give a writing, signed by himself, to the Chobanians, inviting them to attack or remove the Elkanians, and put to death Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder, and all his connexions and dependants, and make over the supreme control, the viceroyalty of the kingdom, and tribes, to the Chobanians. When the messenger reached Toghaie Timoor with these propositions, he being led away by the desire of possessing the two fair princesses, Saki Begum and Dilshad Khatoon, without reflecting on what might be the issue of his compliance, he wrote out the agreement, exactly as Shaikh Hussun the younger had prescribed, and signed his name at the bottom of it, and then despatched it by a messenger to Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger. The shaikh no sooner received the letter than he mounted his horse, and, in company with Peer Hussein Chobani and Ameer Ali Tulpeen, proceeded to the encampment of Shaikh Hussun the elder, and sent to call one of his servants, to whom he gave the agreement, and desired him to tell Shaikh Hussun the elder, that Shaikh Hussun Timoor Tash was waiting without, and presented his duty to him, and the following message: That although Shaikh Hussun the elder had separated from him, and had introduced a stranger to rule in the country, who had no claim to the succession, and was besides the enemy of the house of Hulako,—that although he had expended treasures on armies to support that stranger, and had hazarded his life and fortune in his defence,— yet that very man in return for all his services had written the agreement he now sent him, in his, Shaikh Hussun’s absence, indulging himself in these visionary projects, and in public professing himself his friend; that although Shaikh Hussun the elder considered him, Shaikh Hussun the younger, his enemy, yet he would not allow such undisguised treachery to be concerted against him, or that any injury should befal him; that he warned him therefore to take care of himself. Having delivered this artful message, he retired laughing to his encampment, and again prepared for war: he, however, told his officers and people, that by the grace of God all necessity for war was at an end, and the sedition of Toghaie Timoor quelled. His officers said in reply, that it was now four months since preparations for war had been in operation, and asked how was it possible they should be laid aside so easily, and all at once all quarrels cease? Shaikh Hussun the younger then said, you will see the proof of what I say this night.—When Shaikh Hussun the elder received the document and message sent to him by Shaikh Hussun the younger, he was violently agitated, and awaking from his slumber of negligence, and rising from his couch, ordered his troops to get under arms, and then sent a messenger for Arghoon Shah, the son of Nowroze Ghazi, the son of Arghoon Agha, who was the deputy of Toghaie Timoor Khan, and when he arrived, threw the paper before him. When Arghoon Shah had read the paper, Shaikh Hussun the elder asked him if that was the writing of the Padshah, and he said yes. The shaikh then said, “What evil have I done to him, that he should entertain such treacherous intentions against me and my family?” As Arghoon Shah was ignorant of this matter, no information of it having reached him, he fell on his knees, and after lauding the kindness and friendship of Shaikh Hussun, he said he was entirely ignorant of the agreement, but that he thought it might be traced to the wiles and fraud of the younger Shaikh Hussun; for that Toghaie Timoor, although he was a king, yet still he was a plain simple Moghool, and not able to contend with the insidious arts of the Chobanians. That if Ameer Hussun would grant permission, he and the whole of the troops of Khorasan would either devote themselves to death before him, or root out the tribe of the Chobanians. When Shaikh Hussun heard these wise and manly words from Arghoon Shah, he said, “May God forgive the sins of your predecessors;” and having embraced him, said, “Thou art the grandson of the great Arghoon, and he, by the authority of Mangoo Khan, was chief of all the tribes of Hulako Khan. It is also written in the regulations of Hulako, that he was always guided by the advice of Ameer Arghoon, and as you also are as faithful and trustworthy, carry this writing to the traitor Toghaie Timoor, and ask why, without any cause of enmity, he entertains such villainous designs against me?” Arghoon Shah accordingly carried the agreement to Toghaie Timoor, and made him aware of what had occurred. Toghaie Timoor, on learning the artifice of Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger, placing the finger of astonishment between the teeth of thought, at last said, “I did not believe the Chobanians capable of such exceeding fraud and villany; but as it is, having between two horses fallen to the ground, it is not wise to remain here;” and, accordingly, at night he ordered his adherents to saddle their horses, and, accompanied by them, fled towards Khorasan; and it is said, that as his authority was no longer received in Irak, he contented himself with the government of part of Khorasan, until the year 753, when he was murdered at Asturabad by Khwaja Yahya, the chief of the Abdalans, who, after the death of Aboo Saeed, had in some measure distinguished themselves above other tribes. Of these, Toghaie Timoor had claimed allegiance, and they had professed obedience to him; but on being introduced to him, treacherously cut him down with an axe, and afterwards plundered his camp and the whole province of Mazinderan. But to return. The day after the flight of Toghaie Timoor from Maragha to Khorasan, Shaikh Hussun the elder, with his ameers, repaired to the camp of the Chobanians, and having visited the Princess Saki Begum, he kissed her hand, and made excuses for his conduct; and in company with her proceeded to Owjan, having first dismissed his troops. When they mounted their horses, the Princess Saki Begum and Ameer Shaikh Hussun Noyaun the elder rode side by side, and Shaikh Hussun the younger on the flank, or in the front of the cavalcade, to preserve order. When they arrived at Owjan, and Saki Begum alighted, the elder Shaikh Hussun departed, and encamped two fursungs from Owjan, and some of the ameers retired to Tubreez. At this time the younger Shaikh Hussun rebelled, and quitted the camp of the Princess Saki Begum, which he plundered; and he also removed Saki Begum from the sovereignty of Persia, and raised to the throne a man named Suliman, whom he declared to be descended from Hulako Khan. When Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder heard of this, he raised to the throne, on his part, Jehan Timoor, the son of Alafreng, a man really descended from Hulako Khan.

The fifteenth Khan, Jehan Timoor Khan, the son of Alafring, the son of Gunjatoo Khan, the son of Abakai Khan, the son of Hulako Khan, &c.

After the return of Toghaie Timoor Khan to Khorasan, Shaikh Hussun the elder professed his obedience to Saki Begum, and was by her received into great favour; Shaikh Hussun the younger, alarmed and displeased at this friendship, seized an opportunity, and deposed Saki Begum also from the sovereignty, and raised a certain Suliman to the throne of the Khans. Ameer Shaikh Hussun also, following his example in this mockery of authority, raised to the throne a Choban ameer named Jehan Timoor, and marched to Baghdad, when he took possession of most of the countries of Irak Arabia, and struck money, and repeated the khotbu in his, Jehan Timoor’s, name.

The sixteenth Khan, Suliman, the son of Mahummud, the son of Sukneh, the son of Bishmoot, the son of Hulako, &c.

Some writers do not admit this person to have been descended from Bishmoot, because, they say, Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger raised him to the throne merely for political purposes. About the end of the year 739, Ameer Hussun the younger, by force, married the Princess Saki Begum, and seated her on the throne, and they together left Owjan and proceeded to Tubreez, and Shaikh Hussun the elder retired to Baghdad, where he remained.

In the month of Shawal 740, Saki Begum, with Ameer Hussun the younger, went to Owjan, where a great multitude assembled under their standard. At this period Shaikh Hussun the elder, with Jehan Timoor Khan, marched to invade Azurbijan; and Suliman Khan and the younger Hussun marched to oppose them. In the neighbourhood, therefore, of Chughatoo, (otherwise Yughtoo,) a battle was fought, and the troops from Baghdad were defeated. When Shaikh Hussun returned to Baghdad, he deposed Jehan Timoor, an ignorant man, as unfit to reign, and none of the descendants of Hulako remained, except Suliman Khan.

Some account of Aboo Shaikh Ali Gawun, the son of Soori, the son of Baba Bahadoor, the son of Aboo Kan, the son of Eel Kan, the son of Toori, the son of Joji, the son of Kybad, the son of Yusookai Bahadoor, the father of Chungeez.

This Baba Bahadoor was the grandfather of Shaikh Ali Gawun and Toghaie Timoor Khan; and in the year 705 Hejri, accompanied by ten thousand families, the dependents of Kaidoo Khan, the son of Ghazi Ooghool, the son of Ooktaie Khan, the son of Chungeez, he wandered or marched to Khorasan, and resided there; and, according to the custom of the Eels, joined Sultan Mahummud Ooljaitoo Khan Khodabundah, or Khurbundeh, and was afterwards put to death; his descendants resided near Jorjan, where Toghaie Timoor was also brought up. The Ameers of Irak and Khorasan, who entertained apprehensions of Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder, raised Toghaie Timoor to the throne, and marched to Irak; however, things did not turn out consistent with their expectations, as has been before related. In the year 741, Ameer Shaikh Ali Kowun, or Gowan, the son of Soori, by the orders of his brother, Toghaie Timoor, marched to conquer Irak and Azurbijan; and on this side, Mullik Ashruf, the son of Timoor Tash, the son of Choban Suldooz, by orders of his brother, Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger, marched to oppose him. Ameer Shaikh Ali Kawun was defeated, and after returning to his brother Toghaie Timoor, was killed in a battle with the tribe of the Seri Abdalans; and in the year 753, Toghaie Timoor was slain by the hand of Kwajeh Yuhya Surabdar, as has been before mentioned. But to return to our narrative. Ameer Hussun the younger, after the defeat of Shaikh Ali Kawun, marched towards Diarbekir and Room, and ravaged those countries to the utmost of his power: and returned thence in safety and in health, and in the beginning of the year 744, he despatched Suliman Khan, and Yakoob Shah, and other ameers to Room, but they were defeated and obliged to return. On their arrival, Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger placed Yakoob Shah in confinement, for having misbehaved in the battle between him and the troops of Room; and one of the khans of Shaikh Hussun the younger, called Arab Mullik, who entertained a friendship for Yakoob Shah, being alarmed at his confinement, and apprehensive he might be executed, associated two or three women with him, and on the night of the 27th Rujub of the same year (744 Hejri), gained admission to Shaikh Hussun the younger, and murdered him by violently twisting his generative parts, as it is stated in the lines of the poet Khwajeh Suliman Seeawujeh: (the lines omitted for a very good reason.) These wretches, the next day, with their associates, secretly left the palace, and the murder was concealed until the third day; when the ameers and chiefs of the kingdom became acquainted with it, and after a long search, Arab Mullik and his confederates were seized and put to death.

An account of Mullik Ashruf, the son of Timoor Tash, the son of Choban Suldooz.

At the period of the murder of his brother, Ameer Shaikh Hussun the younger, Mullik Ashruf was with his uncle, Ameer Yaghi Basti, the son of Ameer Choban Suldooz, in the vicinity of Sherauz, and on hearing of the death of his brother, he marched towards Tubreez. At this time Ameer Syoorghan, who was a prisoner at Kara Hissar, a fort in the territory of Room, broke out from his prison, and killed the governor of the fort, and afterwards joined Mullik Ashruf and Ameer Yaghi Basti. Suliman Khan seeing the ameers had assembled, and being apprehensive of them, marched towards Diarbekir. For some time the ameers agreed, but at length quarrelled, and Ameer Yaghi Basti and Ameer Syoorghan one night quitted Tubreez, and proceeded towards Jou. Mullik Ashruf pursued them, and overtook them in the field of Aghbabad, and a battle was fought, in which Ameer Syoorghan and Yaghi Basti were defeated. Mullik Ashruf then encamped at the town of Babul, and raised a certain Nowshirwan to the throne of the Khans.

The Reign of Nowshirwan Khan.

When Mullik Ashruf, the son of Timoor Tash, had raised Nowshirwan to the throne, he issued an order that he should be called the Just.* He afterwards went to Gunjeh to provide against the machinations of his enemies, where Kazi Mohiud-din Burda also arrived, with propositions of peace from Yaghi Basti and Syoorghan. The Mullik agreed to the terms; but Syoorghan could not be prevailed on to place confidence in him, and in the end was killed by Ameer Eelkan, the son of Shaikh Hussun the elder. Yaghi Basti having joined his nephew, they went to Tubreez together, and when they arrived there, Mullik Ashruf made away with his uncle, in a way that no one ever became acquainted with the manner of his death. After this, being now independent, he began to oppress the people so much, that every one who had the means fled from Iran and Azurbijan to other countries for safety.

In the spring of 748, Mullik Ashruf marched towards Baghdad to attack Ameer Shaikh Hussun the elder. The Shaikh shut himself up in the city, and the Mullik, after besieging him a few days, despairing of success, returned to Tubreez. In the month of Mahurrum 751, he marched an army to Isfahan, which city he besieged for fifty days, at the expiration of which time, the besieged being reduced to extremity, and without hopes of relief, they agreed to read the khotba and strike money in the name of Nowshirwan the Just; they were, besides, compelled to pay twenty millions of dinars and 100,000 in valuable articles of property to Mullik Ashruf, to induce him to return to his own country. In 758, Jani Beg Khan, the son of Mahummud Sultan Ourung,* a Mussulman and a just prince, having often heard of the tyranny of Mullik Ashruf, marched from Kupchak by the route of Durbund towards Azurbijan, and having arrived there, defeated Mullik Ashruf and put him to death; and leaving his son Perowi Beg Sultan in Tubreez, returned to his own country. After a short time, Prince Perowi Beg, hearing that his father was dead, was obliged to quit Azurbijan and return to Kupchak, and a man named Ajijook obtained the supreme authority there, and renewed the black oppressions of Mullik Ashruf.

The death of Shaikh Hussun the elder, and the accession of his son, Shaikh Awees Khan.

In the year 757 Hejri, Ameer Shaikh Hussun Elkani Jullair the elder died at Baghdad, and was succeeded by his son, Sultan Shaikh Awees.

Sultan Awees Bahadoor Khan, the son of Shaikh Hussun the elder, the son of Ameer Hussun Goorkan, the son of Akbooka, the son of Sungtoor, the son of Elkan Jullair, after the death of his father, succeeded to the throne, and in the year 759 Hejri, marched to invade Azurbijan, and Ajijook advanced to meet him as far as the Meenai mountains, where he was defeated, and returned to Tubreez. Sultan Awees pursued him thither, and when he arrived there, Ajijook fled to Nukhchiwan. The sultan took possession of the palace of Rushidi, and in the month of Rumzan of the same year he put to death forty-seven rebellious chiefs of the party of Mullik Ashruf, and, in consequence, many other chiefs and ameers joined Ajijook at Karabaugh. Sultan Awees, therefore, despatched Ameer Ali Tulpin to attack him; but Ameer Ali, on account of some enmity subsisting between him and the sultan, knowingly and willingly allowed himself to be defeated, or rather disgracefully fled from Ajijook, and his army being dispersed, the sultan retired to Baghdad. In the spring of 760 Hejri, Ameer Mahummud Muzuffur marched an army to Azurbijan, and defeated Ajijook, and resided some time in Tubreez; but hearing of the advance of Sultan Awees, he returned to his own country, and the sultan, on his arrival at Tubreez, having apprehended Ajijook, beheaded him. In the year 765, Khwajeh Moorjan, who was governor of Baghdad on the part of Sultan Awees, rebelled, and the sultan marched thither to chastise him. Khwajeh Moorjan was defeated in a battle fought near Baghdad, and was obliged to throw open the gates of that city and submit to the mercy of his master, but the sultan spared his life. The sultan passed eleven months enjoying himself in the delightful city of Baghdad, and after that period proceeded by Diarbekir to Mosul, which city he besieged and took; he then marched to Mardin, and thence by the Desert of Moosh and Kara Kaleesa, to Tubreez, where he passed the winter; and in the month of Teer went to Baghdad, and again, next spring, returned to Tubreez.

In the year 772 Hejri, Sultan Awees marched to oppose Ameer Wuli, who, after the assassination of Toghaie Timoor, had conquered Mazinderan; the armies met in the vicinity of Rai, and a battle was fought, in which Ameer Wuli was defeated, and the sultan pursued him to Sumnan; the sultan then returned, and about the end of the month of Rubbi-ul-avul 776 he was attacked by a fatal disease. His ameers and Kazi Shaikh Ali Kumkhani attended the last moments of this just prince, and requested him to declare his will: in reply, he said, “Let the sovereignty remain with Hussein, and the government of Baghdad with Shaikh Hussun.” The ameers said, “Shaikh Hussun is the elder brother, and will not submit to this arrangement.” The sultan said, “You know best;” and the ameers assuming this as a permission to do as they pleased, confined Shaikh Hussun. After this, Sultan Awees Jullair lost the power of speech, and on the night of Jumadi-il-avul 776, departed this life; on the same night, the ameers put Shaikh Hussun to death in the Dumishk palace, and the body of Sultan Awees was carried to Shirwan and buried there.

The reign of Sultan Hussein, the son of Sultan Awees, the son of Shaikh Hussun the elder, the son of Ameer Hussun Goorkan, &c.

Sultan Hussein ascended the throne with the unanimous consent of the ameers, and with great rejoicing, on the 12th Jumadi-il-avul 776. In the spring of 779, Sultan Hussein marched with a force to the fort or castle of Akhus, which was in the possession of Kara Mahummud Toorkman: a peace was, however, concluded, and Kara Mahummud afterwards visited the Sultan and was received with great favour. In the year 780, certain ameers of Sultan Hussein, as Israil, Abdulkadur and Rehman Shah, &c., from the tyranny of Adil Agha, were driven to rebellion, and marched towards Baghdad. Adil Agha, by the orders of the sultan, marched from Sultania to oppose them, and overtook them near the Aub-i Goorkan,* and most of the rebels fell in the action which ensued: Adil after this returned. In this year, at Baghdad, several of the ameers of Ameer Ismael, the son of Ameer Zukria (who was the governor of Baghdad on the part of the sultan), were put to death; and Shaikh Ali, the son of Shaikh Hussun, the son of Sultan Awees Jullair, was raised to the throne there. When this intelligence reached Sultan Hussein, he despatched a friendly letter to him, and allowed him to retain possession of the government, because there appeared no person in the service of the Prince Shaikh Ali, who was likely to transgress against the rules of government or relax the discipline of the troops: Peer Ali Badook, however, who was a servant of Shaikh Ali’s father, and at that time governor of Shuster on the part of Shah Shuja, was sent for by Shaikh Ali, but he on his arrival acted with great independence in matters of government, and, regarding both territory and revenue did some injury, as he reduced the countries of Irak Arabia into his possession. Sultan Hussein Jullair and Adil Agha, when they heard of this encroachment, marched to Baghdad with a large army, and Shahzada Shaikh Ali and Peer Ali Badook, being unable to oppose their force, abandoned Baghdad, and returned to Shuster: Sultan Hussein then entered Baghdad, and gave himself up to pleasure, while Adil Agha was sent in pursuit of Prince Shaikh Ali. After Shuster* had been besieged some time, Shaikh Ali made peace, on condition that he should retain the government of Shuster and not interfere with the government of Baghdad; after this arrangement, Adil Agha returned to Baghdad, and thence, with most of his army, to Sultania. In the middle of the same winter, however, Prince Shaikh Ali and Peer Ali Badook, at the request of some of the people of Baghdad, marched towards that city; and Sultan Hussein despatched Mahmood Ooka and Omr Kupchak to oppose them: but these two brave officers were taken prisoners by Peer Ali Badook, and their army destroyed. Sultan Hussein Jullair on hearing this fled to Tubreez, and with great difficulty reached that city. In the commencement of the year 784, Adil Agha was besieging the fort, or city of Rai, and Sultan Hussein Jullair had despatched his army to his aid, and had left himself completely bare of troops. At this time Sultan Ahmud, the son of Sultan Awees Jullair, and the brother of Sultan Hussein (than whom, a more bloodthirsty man did not exist), rebelled, and retired from Tubreez to Ardibil; and although Sultan Hussein sent messengers to him and requested him to return, he refused; and having collected an army, on the 11th of Suffur, 784 marched to Tubreez and, like a sudden calamity,* entered the city, and having seized his brother, Sultan Hussein, who endeavoured to conceal himself, put him to death. It is said that Sultan Hussein was a very handsome man, but much addicted to pleasure and irregularities of all kinds.

The reign of Sultan Ahmud, the son of Sultan Awees, the son of Sultan Ameer Shaikh Hussun Jullair, the elder, &c.

Sultan Ahmud, after murdering his brother, Sultan Hussein, ascended the throne; and another of his brothers, Sultan Bayuzeed, fled, and joined Adil Agha, and was by him raised to the throne. Sultan Ahmud, whose power was as yet unstable, was, therefore, obliged to flee towards Muzeed. Adil Aga, on this occurrence, immediately returned to Tubreez, and thence pursued Sultan Ahmud, but on the road some of his ameers disagreed with him, and he was obliged to return to Sultania. Sultan Ahmud, on this, returned to Tubreez; and soon after intelligence arrived that Prince Shaikh Ali, the son of Shaikh Hussein, the son of Sultan Awees, and Peer Ali Badook, were marching towards Tubreez to attack him. Sultan Ahmud immediately marched to oppose them, and in the neighbourhood of the Hustrood, or Seven Rivers, the two armies met and a battle was fought. Omr Kupchak, who commanded the left wing of the army of Sultan Ahmud Jullair, abandoned his post, leaving his position bare, and joined Prince Shaikh Ali; in consequence, Sultan Ahmud retired from the field of battle, and fled, by the route of Khooee, to Nukhchewan, where he joined Kara Mahummud Turkman, and Kara Mahummud being determined to assist Sultan Ahmud, they, with five thousand troops, marched to attack Prince Shaikh Ali and Peer Ali Badook. This time victory favoured the arms of Sultan Ahmud, for both Prince Shaikh Ali and Peer Ali Badook were slain in the engagement which followed their meeting, and the Turkmans returned to their Yooruts* with an immense spoil. Sultan Ahmud after this proceeded to Tubreez, and between him and Adil Agha many battles were fought; but during this struggle, the great and warlike Ameer Timoor Goorkan† invaded Irak and Azurbijan, and raised a difficulty to the operations of both.

The race of Hulako was finished in Suliman Khan, the son of Mahummud, the son of Sukneh, the son of Bishmoot, the son of Hulako Khan.

An account of Ameer Shaikh Hussun Goorkan the elder, the son of Akbooka, the son of Sungtoor, the son of Elkan Jullair, has been inserted for this reason, that the said Ameer Shaikh Hussun is derived from Hulako Khan, by his mother, she being the sister of Ooljaitoo Sultan, the son of Arghoon Khan, the son of Abakai Khan, the son of Hulako. The reason also why Ameer Hussain is called Goorkan is this: in the Moghool language a son-in-law is called Goorkan; For these reasons some account of him has been given, but the time has now arrived when the wings of our pen must expand and take their flight from the affairs of Persia to those of Tooraun, and present a history of the reign of Prince Chughtaie and his descendants.

The dynasty of Chughtaie Khan, the Son of Chungeez Khan, in the country of Tooraun.

Historians relate that the princes of the race of Chughtaie, who have ascended the throne of Tooraun to the present time, are in number twenty-eight. The first khan is Chughtaie Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan. Chughtaie Khan was the second son of Chungeez, and much beloved by his father; and it is also related, that he was a brave and liberal prince, and well acquainted with the arcana of government. Chungeez Khan, when he divided his possessions among his sons, gave to Chughtaie the dominion of the country of Tooraun; that is, from the frontier of Kashghur to the territory of Oighoor, and even to the river Jihoon, which is the boundary between Iran and Tooraun, with the addition of Balkh, Budukhshan, Kabul, Ghizni, and the country to the banks of the Indus: these countries, with the troops necessary to preserve them, and his son Chughtaie, Chungeez Khan delivered over to the care of Kurachar Noyaun (the son of Sooghoo Chichun, the son of Eeroomjee Birlas, the son of Kacholi Bahadoor, the son of Toomneh Khan), the descendant of his great uncle.

Chungeez Khan also recommended his son to his care with the greater earnestness, for this reason, that he himself owed all his good fortune to the aid and instruction of this brave Noyaun. It is proper to observe that, although Chungeez exceeded in his recommendation of Chughtaie Khan to Kurachar, yet he did not fail to impress the necessity of a strict conformity to Kurachar’s opinion on his son, and the well-known character of Kurachar Noyaun, and the opinion of his father, operated still more strongly on Chughtaie Khan to confide in his fidelity: he never, therefore, attempted any measure without first receiving his advice, from which he never deviated; and from the penetration and advice of this Noyaun, Chughtaie Khan became the first king of his age in wisdom and valour. “The country from the Land of the Deer to the Valley of the Naimans, was bestowed by Chungeez on his son Chughtaie,” who made Paish Baligh* his capital. Here he maintained the customs of yurgho and yasook with great severity, and suffered no details in those rules or arts of government to escape him, to that degree that in the spring and summer he ordered no one should sit in the water, and that no one should wash his hands in a river, or draw water from a river, except in a gold or silver vessel; also, that clothes washed should not be spread out on the ground to dry: all these things being in opposition to the customs of the Moghools; for the practice of them is said to produce thunder and lightning: for in the greater part of their country, from the beginning of spring to the end of summer, rain falls heavily, and the thunder-storms are dreadful: “they placed their fingers in their ears at the horrible roar of the thunder-storms of Huzurilmoot, and the lightning was near to destroy their sight, whenever it flashed in their eyes.”* Chughtaie Khan preserved the peace of his districts, and the discipline of his army so well, that no necessity existed for guards on his highways or roads; and by the prudent management and the advice of Kurachar Noyaun, he always preserved the friendship of Ooktaie Khan, so that their brotherly love increased to a perfect unity of views and sentiments, and they passed their lives together in pleasure and gladness. From this concord their countries were well governed, and their power and authority firmly established. “When the kaan and khan were united, all disaffection and enmity fled; the blessing of this concord established both the kaan and khan.” It is said that Chughtaie Khan was fond of pleasure and hunting, and that most of his time was spent in these pursuits; and Ameer Kurachar Noyaun occupied himself with the affairs of state, and consulted the welfare of his people and ameers, in all matters, with great effect.

Among the extraordinary events of that period, is the rise of Mahmood Tarabi, who, in the beginning of the year 603, commenced a series of impostures in the town of Tarab, three fursungs from the city of Bokhara. This man assumed the appearance of great sanctity, by fasting and prayer, and pretended that angels or genii attended his orders, and were subject to his command. When this claim to distinction fell into the mouths of the multitude, all the sick and lame of the country surrounding, resorted to him for relief, and one or two of these persons who were cured by the mercy of God, and not by him, increased his fame to that degree, that multitudes of people from all countries repaired to him, and became his servants; his fame and authority, therefore, increased so much daily that the princes and ameers in that neighbourhood became afraid of him, and despatched an account of him to Khojund, and to Mahmood Beg, the son of the chief of Yulwaj, and they themselves, under the veil of devotion and friendship, visited the Shaikh Mahmood Tarabi, and humbly requested that he would sanctify the city of Bokhara by his presence, that the sick people thereof, by the blessing of his footsteps, might recover from their diseases and be restored to health. Under this pretence they persuaded him to leave Tarab, and proceed towards Bokhara, but with the intention to put him to death at a bridge on the road thither. Tarabi, however, by his penetration or the excellence of his intelligence, discovered their intentions, and when he arrived near the bridge, he said to the darogha who accompanied him, “Cast out thy foolish intention from thy brain, or thine eyes shall be torn from thy head without the intervention of the hands of man.” As the darogha and the ameers had kept their design in their own breasts, and had made it known to no one, they were much frightened at these words, and refrained from their purpose. The Shaikh Mahmood Tarabi, therefore, arrived in the city of Bokhara in safety, and alighted at a house, where the whole population resorted to him, so that it became impossible for any one to enter or quit his house; and as his friends would not leave him without his blessing, the shaikh, for the comfort and consolation of those without, now and then mounted the terrace of the house, and taking a little water in his mouth, squirted it over them, when all those who were sprinkled with it retired with great joy. The ameers and darogha, however much they desired to remove him out of the way, yet from the multitudes that surrounded him and his house could find no opportunity; when Shaikh Tarabi, however, became aware that the ameers intended to put him to death, he alone and secretly left the house, and mounting a horse that was standing at his door, fled to the tull or mount of Bahufuz, and having ascended that eminence, halted there. When it became known to the people of the city that the shaikh had disappeared, the multitude set up a loud cry that the shaikh had flown to the mount of Bahufuz at one flight, and the people, unable to contain themselves, all left the city and proceeded to join him. In the evening he harangued the multitude, and said, “Worthy people and true believers, why should we delay any longer to purify the world from the existence of these villains? (meaning the darogha and ameers); let every man provide himself with such arms (arrows, swords, bludgeons, &c.) as he can obtain, and fight valiantly to the utmost of his strength; let us not leave one of these traitors alive.” After this oration the people armed themselves, and carried the Shaikh back to the city of Bokhara, and the darogha and ameers all fled. The next day happened to be Friday, and the khotba was read in the name of Shaikh Mahmood Tarabi; the religious men and chief persons of Bokhara were also assembled, and some were killed, and some were beaten, and the shaikh having again wheedled and coaxed the mob, told them that “God had provided arms for them;” it happened that just at that time a karwan had arrived at Bokhara from Sheerauz, and had brought four khurwars, or loads, of swords for sale; this coincidence confirmed the people in their confidence in the supernatural agency of the Shaikh. He then ordered them to seize the tents and equipment of the ameers, and commenced his reign with all the pomp and circumstance of royalty; he also assembled an army, and the mob went to the houses of the rich and seized whatever they thought proper, and carried it to Shaikh Mahmood, who divided the spoil, thus taken, among his troops. The darogha and ameers, however, who had abandoned the city, soon collected a force from the Moghool tribes, and returned, and the shaikh with his troops and chiefs also lest the city to oppose them. When the two armies met and formed against each other a battle followed, but the Moghool troops alarmed at the fame of the shaikh’s miracles (which were all false), did not much exert themselves in the fight, until, by accident or directed by fate, an arrow struck the forehead of the hypocritical Shaikh Mahmood, and he fell mortally wounded and died immediately. None of his troops were, however, aware of his death; for at that time a terrible storm arose, and such clouds of dust and sand that the troops could not see each other, and the Moghools, attributing this to the miraculous powers of the shaikh, fled from the field of battle, the followers of the shaikh pursuing them; near ten thousand men were killed in this affray. After the victory, and when the troops of the shaikh returned from slaughter and plunder, to their astonishment they could discover no traces of the shaikh himself; they said, however, “Our shaikh has become invisible, as he formerly told us he would, and until he makes his re-appearance in the world let us appoint his brethren, Mahummud and Ali, governors in his place;” the whole of the multitude, therefore, made them their chiefs, and submitted to their orders. It is said that when this intelligence, forwarded by the ameers of Bokhara to Mahmood Beg, the son of Hajeb Yulwaj Bokhari, who resided at Khojund, reached that place, Mahmood Beg despatched the account of these events to Kurachar Noyaun, and by his orders, Eeldoor Noyaun and Chichun Koorchi with a large army were sent to reduce the rebels; and after seven days, during which the latter were employed in plundering the city and country, the Moghool army arrived at Bokhara. The brothers of Shaikh Torabi with their troops on this again quitted the city, and disposing themselves in array, engaged the Moghools with great courage. In the battle which followed, twenty-one thousand men were slain; the brothers of the shaikh were also killed, and the rest of their army dispersed; this disturbance, therefore, was quelled. The Moghool army, notwithstanding, desired much to plunder the people of Bokhara; however, God protected them, and the chiefs of Bokhara having made a valuable present to Ildoor Noyaun and Chichun Koorchi, entreated that they would put a stop to the ravage and murder committed by the Moghools until a reference was made to Kurachar Noyaun, and that then whatever might be his pleasure should be carried into effect. All the ameers agreed to this, and a yullaochee was sent with the reference, and the ameers and troops, in the hope that the answer would be conformable to the toreh, or custom of the Moghools, collected a tribute, and refrained from further plunder. When the reference was received by the Noyaun he instantly forgave the offences of the people of Bokhara, and forwarded in answer a firman of Chughtaie Khan, directing the Moghool troops to return and abstain from all plunder and injury of the inhabitants of Bokhara; thus, from the protection and aid of this brave and worthy Noyaun, the people of Bokhara and its environs were saved from the rebellion of the Torabians, and also from the slaughter and ravages of the Moghools.

When the period of the life of Chughtaie Khan approached, he confided the execution of his will and the care of his children to Kurachar Noyaun, and, it is said, died in the month of Zikad 630 Hejri, seven months previous to the death of Ooktaie Khan. After his death thirty kings of his children or relations reigned in the territory of Tooraun. Chughtaie Khan had eleven sons; of these, ten were living at the time of his death; the son who died previously was named Baikun, and those living were Yusoo Munga, Munookan, Baidar, Sarian, Toolkan, Bozi, Boolkan, Noori, Kamkar, and Tokzar Khan.

The second khan was Kara Hulako Khan,* the son of Baikun, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

In some histories it is written that, on the death of Chughtaie Khan, Kurachar Noyaun exerted himself so effectually in the arrangement of the affairs of the kingdom of Tooraun, and in providing for the welfare both of the peasantry and the soldiery, that nothing equal to his management existed either before or since (verses): “He was liberal, and such a lover of strict justice, that no one oppressed others without the severest punishment: except the ringlets of the ladies all was at rest, and no uneasiness or disturbance arose, except those caused by the eyes of beauty.”†

Some years after the death of Chughtaie Khan, Kurachar Noyaun, for political purposes, raised to the throne Kara Hulako Khan, the son of Baikun, the son of Chughtaie Khan. After Kara Hulako had reigned some time, and his fame had spread to all quarters, at the instigation of Kyook Khan, the son of Ooktaie Khan, who represented that a grandson could not with propriety be preferred to a son, and that agreeably to the custom of the world an uncle stood in the place of a father, Kurachar Noyaun deposed Kara Hulako Khan, and in the year 643 Hejri placed Yussoo Munga Khan, the son of Chughtaie Khan, on the throne. After some years, however, Yussoo Munga Khan died, and Kurachur Noyaun again raised to the throne, in his stead, Kara Hulako.

The restoration of Kara Hulako Khan.

After the death of Yussoo Munga Khan, Hulako reascended the throne; and in the year 652 Hejri, during his reign, Kurachar Noyaun departed this life. He was the son of Sooghoochichun, the son of Eeroomchi Berlas, the son of Kuchooli Bahadoor, the son of Toomneh Khan, the son of Baisunghur Khan, the son of Kaidoo Khan, the son of Dootmeen Khan, the son of Booka Khan, the son of Boozunjur Khan, the son of Alunkooa, the daughter of Choyumneh Khan, the son of Yuldooz, the son of Munguli Khwajeh, the son of Timoor Tash, of the race of Kyaun, the son of Eel Khan, of the children of Moghool Khan, of the descendants of Turk, the son of the prophet Japhet. Kurachur Noyaun was eighty-nine years of age when he died: he had ten sons; the six eldest were Eechul, Eeldooz, Yusooteh, Lala, Shuraut, and Yussoo Munga Khan.

The fifth khan, or Arghooneh Khatoon, the daughter of Toor Eelchee Goor Khan, and the wife of Kara Hulako Khan.—The pedigree of this lady is as follows: Arghooneh Khatoon, the daughter of Toor Eelchee, the son of Areek Boka Khan, the son of Tooli, the son of Chungeez. —This lady was the wife of Kara Hulako, and had a son by him, named Mobarik Shah, and after the death of her husband from the youth of her son, she assumed the supreme authority in his behalf. She was a very virtuous woman, and acted with great kindness to Mussulmans, whose lives and properties she protected to the utmost of her power.

The sixth khan, Balighu, the son of Paidar, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

This khan is called Balika, and Alko by some historians, he was a soldier-like man and fond of war. The ameer-ul-omra of Balighu, was Ameer Eechul Noyaun, the son of Kurachar Noyaun; Balighu was a just sovereign, and a very handsome man, and governed his kingdom in a way answering to the rules of Feridoon and Jumsheed. In the beginning there existed a great friendship between Balighu Khan and Areek Boka Khan, the son of Tooli Khan, the son of Chungeez, that is at the time the latter ascended the throne of Karakorum. At that time Areek Boka summoned Balighu with his troops to defend Toorkistan. When Alika or Balighu, the son of Paidar, arrived at the Aloos of Chughtaie, a great force assembled round him, and he assumed great authority, and seized the treasure which was sent from Iran to the capital of the Kaans, and in consequence there arose a quarrel between him and Areek Boka Khan, which ended in war. The first time Areek Boka Khan marched to attack Balighu Khan, a battle was fought, in which Balighu Khan was worsted; but when Areek Boka and his army returned to their own country, Balighu Khan again assembled his forces, and Ameer Eechul Noyaun also joined him with a large army; on the junction, therefore, of the Chughtayan Ooloos, he advanced to attack Areek Boka Khan, who was not backward in marching with his army to oppose him. The hostile armies at length met, and after the requisite arrangements on both sides, a battle followed; on this occasion Balighu himself led to the onset, and his enemies being unable to withstand him, retired, and Areek Boka, astonished and alarmed at Balighu’s bravery, and at his desperate charges, was also obliged to accompany his army in their flight. After the battle, Musaood Beg, the son of Mahummud Beg, the chief of Yulwaj Bokhari, the vuzeer of Areek Boka Khan, entered the service of Balighu Khan, by whom he was much esteemed, and raised to high office and authority. When the victorious Balighu returned to the Chughtayan aloos, in the year 658 Hejri, he ascended the throne in Paish Baligh, and married Arghooneh Khatoon, the daughter of Areek Boka Khan, and the widow of Kara Hulako Khan; he had reigned only four years when he died; he had two sons, one named Doba and the other Kyaun.

The seventh khan, Mobarik Shah, the son of Kara Hulako Khan.

When Mobarik Shah had arrived at years of discretion, he was raised to the throne by the aid of Ameer Eechul, the son of Ameer Kurachar Noyaun Birlas (who removed or poisoned Balighu Khan, in the year 662 Hejri). It is related that Mobarik Shah was a good king, and very mild, learned, and liberal; the tribe or aloos of Chughtaie Khan, during the reign of Mobarik Shah, by the agency and bravery of Ameer Eechul Noyaun Birlas, was placed in a most prosperous condition; the country well peopled and in the enjoyment of perfect tranquillity.

The reign of the eighth khan, Borak, the son of Sookur, the son of Kamgar, the son of Chughtaie, the son of Chungeez Khan.

On the death of Mobarik Shah in the year 663 Hejri, Borak Khan was raised to the throne, with the concurrence of all the princes, ameers, and ladies of the royal family; the office of his cup-bearer was held by Ameer Eechul Noyaun; the princes and ameers of the Chughtayan race performed the customary genuflections (the kowtow), and the troops and subjects of Borak Khan devoted themselves to his service. In his time Ameer Eechul Noyaun Birlas proceeded to Azurbijan to Tokzur Ooghul the son of Chughtaie Khan. When Borak Khan had established himself on the throne a quarrel arose between him and Kaidoo Khan, the son of Ghazi Ooghul, the son of Ooktaie Khan, and after many battles fought between them, they made peace on the following conditions:—that Kaidoo should give up to Borak the countries of Irak and Khorasan, as they were well qualified for both summer and winter quarters. After this, in the year 666, Borak Khan despatched Musaood Beg,* the son of Yulwaj Bokhari, on a mission to Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako, the son of Tooli, then king of Persia, speciously to court his friendship, but in secret to act as a spy and collect information respecting the state of that kingdom, and also regarding Tokzur Ooghul, the brother of Borak Khan, who was in Goorjistan, or Georgia, and to whom Eechul Noyaun went to obtain intelgence respecting the advance of the Chughtayan army. Musaood Beg, agreeably to the orders of Borak Khan, proceeded on his mission; and to provide against accidents, at every stage placed relays of horses, and men to take care of them. When the news of the arrival of Musaood Beg reached Tubreez, Khwajeh Shums-ud-deen the dewan went out to meet him, and alighted from his horse to pay him respect; Musaood Beg, however, did not alight, and in addition to this insult he said contemptuously, “Art thou the Sahib Dewan?— thy name certainly sounds better than the names of the others.” The dewan, greatly offended, made no answer to this interrogation.

When Musaood Beg visited the king he took his place above all the ameers of Iran; but seeing he was looked on with suspicion and dislike by the chiefs of the state, on the third day he demanded permission from Abakai Khan to return home; on his quitting the presence, he immediately mounted his horse and proceeded on his journey, and assisted by the relays of fresh men and horses he had left on the road, he made such haste that in four days and nights he reached and crossed the Jihoon. The ameers of Tubreez, when they saw that Musaood Beg had departed, reported to the sultan that he came as a spy, and that it was not safe to allow him to return. The sultan, therefore, immediately despatched horsemen after him to bring him back wherever they found him: he had, however, so sped on his way that no one overtook him. When Musaood Beg returned to Borak Khan he detailed all he had learned at Tubreez, and Borak Khan immediately assembled a large army, and in the year 667 Hejri marched towards Khorasan, to subdue the kingdom of Iran. When Borak Khan had passed the Jihoon, Mullik Shums-ud-deen Koort arrived as an ambassador, with offers of submission, but changed sides, and was received into the service of Borak Khan, to whom he promised the possession of the throne of Iran. It is related that at that time the governors of Khorasan were the Prince Tubeen Oghul, the son of Hulako Khan and Arghoon Akai Awirat. When the troops of Borak Khan arrived at Nishapoor the armies of Iran and Tooraun met, and a bloody battle followed. In this battle Tubeen Oghul and Arghoon were defeated and obliged to flee to Irak. The following is a description of the battle, as nearly literal as can well be made.

When the booljoonghar, (which in Persian is called yuzak, and in Oighoor Toorki, kurawul), or advance of Borak Khan’s army, saw that of Prince Tubeen Oghul, the only question and answer asked and returned was with the edge of their swords. While the two advanced parties were thus engaged, the brave men of the booroonghar (which in Arabic is called mukdumut il jysh, and in Oighoor Toorki eerawul and munkulai, i. e. the advanced guard), galloped to the assistance of the kurawul and drew breath with their swords.

The munkulaie being now warmly engaged, their shouts reached the skies. On both sides the oonghar and joonghar, or the Mymuneh and Mysureh (the right and left wings), the bravest of the brave among the Moghools of Iran and Tooraun, charged, and intermixed with each other, and the slain fell in heaps—indeed the carnage produced a resemblance of the day of resurrection. The troops of Khorasan cut off the heads of the Moghools, as if they had been so many kites, and they began to waver, when, of a sudden, the ookchoonghar of the Moghools (which is called sakeh), arrived from the rear, and making their spears their standards, pressed their horses on to the charge. At this time also the boostoonghar (which is called Ajnaya and Kumeen, i. e. the rear-guard), of Borak Khan made its appearance, and Borak Khan charged into the midst of the mêlée, and penetrated even to Prince Tubeen Ooghul. This charge and his distinguished bravery decided the victory, and the troops of Khorasan first wavered and then fled.

Prince Tyubeen Ooghul and Arghoon Agha having witnessed the defeat of their army, were of necessity obliged to retire, and they turned their horses’ heads towards Irak.

When these chiefs retreated, the troops of Borak Khan took their fill of slaughter and plunder, as is the custom of conquerors, and Khorasan remained one year under the authority of Borak Khan.

When Abukai Khan, the son of Hulako, who was king of Irak, Iran, Azurbijan, and Khorasan, heard that Borak Khan had taken possession of the province of Khorasan, he saw no remedy but to march an army to oppose and dispossess him. He accordingly marched with a large army from Irak and Azurbijan towards Herat, by the road of Rai; at Rai he was joined by prince Tubeen and Arghoon Agha Awirat, who had proceeded by a different route to Tubreez, and not having found him, had followed his army to Rai. At this place the troops were arranged in order, and then marched to Herat, and halted in a place called Julgae, in the vicinity of which the troops of Borak were encamped; and near the town Ashkgiwan the two armies met, and forming in order of battle, the embers of contention were blown into a flame. Borak Khan took the immediate command of the oonghar or right wing of his army, and fell upon the joonghar, or left, of Abukai Khan, with such vigour that he totally defeated it, and it retired to seek support from the oonghar or right wing; when, however, it arrived near the right wing, the whole of the army of Abukai Khan fell into confusion and fled. At this time Subtaie Noyaun Oighoor, who belonged to the left wing of the army of Abukai Khan, alighted from his horse and sat down on an eminence, and said, “The man whose foot is not firm in the battle, may the God of the heavens and the earth punish him. I take the soul of the great Chungeez Khan to witness that I will devote my life at this spot.” At hearing these words of Subtaie Noyaun, the troops of Abukai Khan, receiving them as a good omen, halted, and those who had before fled returned to the charge. Abukai Khan also made a brave charge at the head of his troops, and was well seconded by them, and Marghawul Bahadoor, who was one of the chief officers of Borak Khan, was killed, and a sanguinary struggle took place over his body for its possession: in fact, since Mars first drew his sword, to prosecute in relentless war the destruction of mankind, such a battle never was fought. It is related that the battle continued with the utmost fury the whole day, and at night the armies separated, and retired to their respective camps. Borak Khan now retreated in the direction of Mawurunneher, and when he arrived at Bokhara he was converted to the Mussulman faith, and received the title of Sultan Ghiaus-ud-deen. A short period after this he was seized with a disease,* and was obliged to be carried about in a litter; in 668 Hejri, he visited Kaidoo Khan, the son of Ghazi Ooghul, the son of Ooktaie Khan, and was poisoned by a cup of sherbet given to him by Kaidoo. The period of his reign was six years. Borak Khan had three sons, Dooda Chichun, Booria, and Hoolao.

The ninth khan, Pyke Khan, the son of Hoola Shiramoon, the son of Sarian, the son of Chughtaie Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan.

Pyk Khan (the son of Hoola Shiramoon) was a prince of such power and greatness, that the revolving heavens reverenced him, and the sun from the throne of his glory passed over him with deference and respect.*

The tenth khan, Toktimoor, the son of Kudaghi, the son of Toori Balkan, the son of Chughtaie Khan. It is related that this prince was a very just and righteous man.

The reign of Dowa Chichun, the son of Borak Khan, the son of Sookur, the son of Kamgar, the son of Chughtaie Khan.—Dowa Chichun Khan was a prince well qualified for the throne. In his reign, the chief ameer and agent, or vuzeer, was Ameer Alungeez Noyaun, the son of Eechul Noyaun, the son of Kurachar Noyaun, the son of Sooghoo Chichun, &c. Dowa Chichun preserved, with Ameer Alungeez Noyaun, the conditions of the treaty made between Kurachar Noyaun and Chungeez Khan, and Kacholi Bahadoor and Kubul Khan, denominated the Al-tumghaie of Toomneh Khan. Agreeably to the articles of this treaty, a written agreement was signed by each, and the rules and customs of their forefathers strictly observed. This prince reigned thirty years, and by the able management of Alungeez Noyaun, the aloos of Chughtaie Khan was preserved in prosperity, peace, and happiness. Dowa Chichun had twelve sons: their names were—Soorghud Ooghul Jyookur, Abookur, Eelkhwajeh, Eelchu Gudaie, Kureejook, Iyoomkun Oghul, Booran, Toormshere, Esau Booka, Kubk, and Gunjuk.

The twelfth khan was Gunjuk, the son of Dowa Chichun Khan.—Historians relate, that Gunjuk Khan, the son of Dowa Chichun Khan, was a very able and just prince, and his reign prosperous. When Gunjuk Khan was firmly established on the throne, he observed that the children of Kaidoo Khan, the son of Ghazi Ooghul, the son of Ooktaie Khan, did not perform the requisite duties of their government, or preserve the boundaries of their territory with the care and firmness necessary, and that they seemed to require his protection. For this reason he despatched an army into their territory, and during the confusion caused by this invasion reduced most of them under his authority, and added them to the aloos of Chughtaie.

The thirteenth khan, Talikoo Khan, the son of Kudaghi, the son of Toori, the son of Baikan, the son of Chughtaie Khan.—This prince was also a man of great ability and power; he was also very just and generous.

At his death, the fourteenth khan, Esun Booka Khan, the son of Dowa Chichun, ascended the throne. He was also celebrated for his justice and hatred of oppression.

The fifteenth khan, Kubuk, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Borak Khan, &c.—Kubuk Khan was also a just prince. In his time the science of government attained great perfection, and his military actions and regulations raised him to the pinnacle of greatness. The fame of his justice reached all parts of the earth. In his time the Kubbutul Islam, or city of Balkh, which had been in ruins, and a field of reeds from the time of Chungeez Khan, was rebuilt. Of the actions of this worthy prince it is related, that one day he was riding out for exercise with his servants, and that in a cave near the road, he discovered a number of human bones. On seeing these, he pulled up his horse and remained in thought some time, and then said to his attendants, “Do you know what these bones have been saying to me?” His attendants, being surprised at the question, remained silent; when he, answering himself, said, “They are the bones of men barbarously murdered, who cry to me for vengeance.” He then, like a king, determined to find out how they came there, and immediately summoned the huzara, to whom the land appertained, and ordered him to examine as to whom these bones, found in his jurisdiction, belonged. The sirdar, or chief of the wehcheh, or tribe, whose yoorut or encampment was near this place, was therefore seized and examined, and it was discovered that three years previous, a karwaun had arrived there from Khorasan, and that this tribe had murdered the whole of the persons composing it, and had seized their property, and that some part was still in their possession. When this fact was established, the khan ordered the murderers to be apprehended, and the property collected, and despatched a messenger to the chief of Khorasan, that he might search for and produce the heirs of the murdered men. On their being found, they were sent to the khan, who immediately delivered up the property he had collected, with the murderers, into their hands. When this prince died he was buried in the country of Koorshi, and a splendid monument was raised over him.

The sixteenth prince was Eelchukdaie, the son of Dowa Chichun Khan, the son of Borak Khan, lineally descended from Chughtaie Khan. Eelchukdaie, the son of Dowa Chichun, was a wise and virtuous prince.

The seventeenth khan, Dowar Timoor, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Borak Khan, &c.— Dowar Khan was a valiant, just, and munificent prince.

The eighteenth khan, Toormeh Shere, the son of Dowa Chichun.—Toormeh Shere was a just and magnificent prince. He was a Mussulman, and in his time the idolatrous doctrine of the plurality of the godhead was burnt up by the ardent rays of the true faith. The aloos or tribe of Chughtaie, in his fortunate period, was enriched by the inestimable wealth of Islam; and independent of the enjoyment of the blessings of this world, was qualified for eternal happiness in the next. In the performance of the duties of the religion of Mohummud, and in the exaltation of the faith of Ahmud, he exerted himself to the utmost. The professors of the Mussulman faith, in his time, enjoyed perfect prosperity. Among the events of his reign is the following: He marched an army to the conquest of Hindoostan, and having penetrated to the gates of Delhi, plundered that country of every thing he could carry away with him. When he encamped with his army at Delhi, the King of that country sent him some valuable presents out of the city as a paishkush by his chief ameers, and offered his submission. The khan therefore marched from Delhi towards Gujurat, and plundered Somnaut and Surat, and returned thence in safety to his own country laden with spoil. Some time after this, his cousin Pooran, the son of Dowar Timoor, who was not a Mussulman, associated with certain Moghools who had not yet been converted to Islamism, assembled an army in Hubbeh, and in the year 728, in the environs of the pleasant town of Kush, at Koozi Mendak, put Toormeh Shere to death, and he was buried in one of the villages of Samurkund.

The nineteenth khan, Arjukam, the son of Ooljaitoo Sultan, who was descended from Tooli Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan.—Pooran Khan, the son of Dowar Timoor Khan, the son of Borak, the great-grandson of Chughtaie Khan, strained every nerve to maintain himself in the sovereignty. He was not, however, successful, although from his power or treachery he put to death many of the princes and ameers of the house of Chughtaie Khan, as Doorchi Khan, the son of Eelchukdaie, and his atabeg Ameer Jadoo, &c.

The twentieth Khan, Jungatoo Khan, the son of Jyoom Keen, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Borak Khan, &c.—Jungatoo Khan was the relief and resource of the oppressed, but in his anger he was dreaded for his severity; at other times he was a pleasant man. He was murdered by his brother.

The twenty-first khan, Yussoo Timoor Khan, the son of Jyoom Keen, the son of Dowa Chichun, &c. &c.—Yussoo Timoor Khan was esteemed a great prince, although he put his brother to death. It is related that after Yussoo Timoor rebelled against his brother Jungatoo Khan, and put him to death, he assumed the sovereignty of Tooran, and behaved in a manner that showed his exaltation could not be permanent, and that he was mad, or something very like it. As an instance of this, it is said he cut off the breasts of his own mother, under pretence that she had advised him to rebel against his brother Jungatoo Khan, and that he had murdered him at her instigation.

The twenty-second khan, Ali Sultan, one of the descendants of Ooktaie Khan Kaan, the son of Chungeez Khan.—Ali Sultan conquered Yussoo Timoor Khan, and without any other claim usurped the throne; this man plundered the treasury of Yussoo Timoor and his forefathers, and in the universal confusion and depredation, the treaty between Kubul Khan and Kacholi Bahadoor, which was denominated the Altumghaie of Toomneh Khan, and the renewed treaty, signed by Chungeez Khan and Kurachar Noyaun, with the last treaty framed between Dowa Chichun and Alungeez Noyaun in conformity to those above-mentioned, were destroyed. In his time it appears the Moghools intermarried with the people of the country.

The twenty-third khan, Mahummud, the son of Poulad Ooghul, the son of Kurjook Khan, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Ghiaus-ud-deen Borak Khan, &c.—Mahummud Khan was worthy of the kingdom, he being a just man; he allayed the troubles and remedied the disorders of the last reign.

The twenty-fourth khan, Kazan Sultan, the son of Yussoor Ooghlan, the son of Oorooktimoor Khan, the son of Toktimoor, the son of Kudaghi, the son of Baikun, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

Kazan Sultan Khan, the son of Yussoor Ooghlan, ascended the throne in Mawurunneher, in the year 733. At that time the king of Persia was Sultan Aboo Saeed, the son of Ooljaitoo Khan, &c. Three years after the death of Sultan Aboo Saeed, other khans of the Chungeez family were seated on the throne of Persia, as Arpa Khan (the son of Soosa), Moosa Khan, Mahummud Khan (the son of Boo Tughluk), Toghaie Timour (the son of Soori), Saki Beg (the daughter of Ooljaitoo Sultan), Jehan Timoor Khan (the son of Alafreng, of the race of Hulako Khan), Suliman Khan and Noushirwan Khan; all these were contemporaries with him. The conquest or reduction of the aloos of Chughtaie Khan, by Ameer Kurghun, took place also in the reign of Kazan Sultan, and that great conqueror Ameer Timoor Goorkan was born in his time; the words “My glad tidings have given to the expecting world what was promised,”* and “The star of victory has risen to its meridian,” were verified. The actions of Kazan Sultan Khan, and the other khans who reigned, after him, over the aloos of Chughtaie, will now be detailed. From the commencement of the reign of Chughtaie Khan, the son of Chungeez, and his children and descendants, to Kazan Sultan, was one hundred and nine years.

The Conquest of the Aloos of Chughtaie, by Meer Kurghun.

When Kazan Sultan, the son of Yussoor Oghlan, ascended the throne he displayed great pride and cruelty, and put a number of his ameers and Noyauns to death, and, for that reason, the remaining chiefs of the aloos of Chughtaie rebelled, and joined Ameer Kurghun against him. Ameer Kurghun assembled an army at the town of Saliserai to oppose Kazan Sultan, who, when he heard of it, marched towards him to attack him. Ameer Kurghun also advanced to meet him; and, in the year 746, the two armies met on the plain of Derehi Zungi, and in the battle which was fought there Meer Kurghun was wounded in the eye by an arrow, and defeated. Kazan Sultan returned after this victory to Koorshi, but in that winter, from the exceeding coldness of the season, most of the* men and cattle of the adherents of Kazan Sultan perished in the snow; and Ameer Kurghun, hearing of his losses, again raised the standard of rebellion, and attacked Kazan Sultan Khan, and in a battle fought between them Sultan Kazan was slain on the field of battle. Ameer Kurghun, however, forbade his sepahees, or soldiers, all plunder and devastation, and treated the family of the slain monarch with great kindness and respect.

The twenty-fifth khan, Danishmundche Khan, descended from Ooktaie Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan.

Danishmundche Khan was raised to the throne by Ameer Kurghun after the death of Kazan Sultan, but as his pedigree was derived from Ooktaie Khan, not from Chughtaie Khan, for that reason, or some other, after reigning two years, he put him to death.

The twenty-sixth khan, Biankuli, the son of Surghud Ooghul, the son of Chichun Khan, the son of Borak Khan, the son of Sookur, the son of Kamgar, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

Ameer Kurghun after he had murdered Danishmundche Khan, raised Biankuli to the throne of the Khans; he then occupied himself in the regulation of the cities and people of his kingdom, and by a specious display of justice and liberality, attracted the affections of all classes of the people. In the year 760 Hejri a certain Kutluk Timoor, the brother-in-law of Ameer Kurghun, from some malice that he bore him, assassinated the worthy ameer while he was out hunting, and then fled to Kundooz: the relations and friends of the ameer, however, pursued him, and having found him at Kundooz they cut him to pieces. After the death of Ameer Kurghun, his son Abdullah took his father’s place, and made Samarkund his capital. He there fell in love with the wife of Biankuli Khan, the son of Surghad Ooghul, and put the unhappy Moghool prince to death and seized his wife.

The twenty-seventh khan, Timoor Shah, the son of Yussoo Timoor Khan, the son of Iyukur, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Borak Khan, &c. &c.

After the murder of Biankuli Khan, Ameer Abdullah, the son of Ameer Kurghun, raised to the throne Timoor Shah, the son of Yussoo Timoor Khan. Ameer Bian Suldooz, however, rebelled, and, in concert with Ameer Haji Birlas, who was descended from Yussoo Munga, the son of Kurachar Noyaun, marched to attack him. The contending armies soon met, and a battle was fought, in which Ameer Bian Suldooz gained the victory, and Ameer Abdullah and Timoor Shah Khan were both slain. Ameer Bian Suldooz then raised the standard of sovereignty in Mawurunneher. He was a mild and good man, but much given to drinking, and, from that cause, great confusion and disorder prevailed in the affairs of the country of Tooraun, and in every city an independent chief of the tribe or aloos arose. Among the principal of these was Ameer Haji Birlas, descended from Yussoo Munga, the son of Kurachar Noyaun. He occupied Kish; Ameer Bayuzeed Jullair seized Khojund; Ameer Ooljaitoo Agha Suldooz, Balkh; and Ameer Khwajeh Burdi, Sharghan; these all strove to be masters. Ameer Hussun, the son of Milan, the son of Kurghun, assembled forces and attacked all parties, and Ameer Khidr Yussoori with his dependents admitted no superior.

The twenty-eighth khan, Toghluk Timoor, the son of Eel Khwajeh, the son of Dowa Chichun, the son of Sultan Ghiaus-ud-deen Borak Khan, &c.— Toghluk Timoor Khan, after the death of Ameer Kurghun, was made chief of the aloos of Hubbeh,* and in the year 761 Hejri, when he heard of the disturbed state of Mawurunneher, he marched thither and reduced most of the ameers before-mentioned to obedience; he then returned to Jineh or Hubbeh. After his return the ameers of Mawurunneher again disagreed, and rebellion again showed itself every where. Toghluk Timoor Khan, therefore, in the year 763, returned to that country and put to death Ameer Bayuzeed Jullair and Bian Suldooz; he after this left his son Ilias Khwajeh in Mawurunneher, and returned to his capital, and was there converted to Islamism, and a great number of his subjects followed his example, as is related in the book called the Mufsulah. He was buried at Almaligh in a mausoleum built by his orders, and known by the name of Altoon.

The twenty-ninth khan, Ilias Khwajeh, the son of Toghluk Timoor Khan, the son of Eel Khwajeh, the son of Dowa Chichun, &c.

Ilias Khwajeh Khan, after the return of his father from Mawurunneher, reigned there two years. In the year 765 a battle was fought between him and Ameer Hussein (the son of Ameer Milan, the son of Kurghun), in conjunction with Ameer Timoor Goorkan (the son of Ameer Toraghi Noyaun, the son of Purkuli, the son of Alungeez Noyaun, the son of Eechul Noyaun, the son of Kurachar Noyaun, &c.), at the town of Kyakeen, in which he was defeated, and fleeing to Hubbeh was there assassinated by Kumr-ud-deen Doghalut, and was buried at Almaligh, by the side of his father, Toghluk Timoor Khan.

The thirtieth khan, is Adil Sultan, the son of Mahummud Khan, the son of Polad, the son of Kurjook, the son of Dowa Chichun, &c., &c.— Adil Sultan Khan was raised to the throne by Ameer Hussein, the son of Milan; he held possession of the countries of Balkh and Budakh-shan. After a short period, from some imputed crime or fault, he was thrown into the river of Chestigan and drowned.

The thirty-first khan, Kamil Shah, the son of Doorchi, the son of Eelchukdai Khan, the son of Dowa Chichun, &c.—When Ameer Hussein, the son of Milan, the son of Kurghun, under the pretence that Adil Sultan Khan entertained enmity towards him, drowned that unfortunate prince, he raised to the throne in the city of Balkh* Kamil Shah Khan, the son of Doorchi. At that time Ameer Timoor Goorkan, (the son of Toraghi, the son of Alungeez Noyaun, the son of Eechul, the son of Kurachar Noyaun) had assembled an army and was encamped at Balkh.

The thirty-second khan, Syoorghunumush, the son of Danishmundchi Khan.—This prince was of the race of Chughtaie Khan, the son of Chungeez Khan. The great Timoor, at whose birth the four trines of the great stars returned twelve times to each trine in conjunction,† and who for that reason was denominated by the learned, the great Timoor Goorkan, at that time resided at Balkh, and governed agreeably to the customs of his forefathers, that is to say, in conformity to the words of the Koran, “Observe my covenant;”‡ also to the covenant which was first made by Kacholi Bahadoor and Kubul Khan, called the Al-tumghaie of Toomneh Khan; and next renewed between Chungeez Khan and Kurachar Noyaun, and the third time renewed and confirmed by Dowa Chichun and Alungeez Noyaun.

According to these three treaties, at the time a war broke out between the great Timoor Goorkan and Ameer Hussein, the son of Milan, Ameer Hussein raised Kamil Shah to the throne in the city of Balkh; Ameer Timoor Goorkan also raised Syoorghunumush Khan, the son of Danishmundchi Khan, of the race of Ooktaie Khan, to the throne, and encamped with a large force at Balkh, Ameer Hussein being within the walls of that city, and the standard of slaughter was raised between them.

In one of the battles fought there, Omr Shaikh Bahadoor, the son of Timoor Goorkan the Great, was wounded in the foot by an arrow, and three days after this occurrence Ameer Hussein, the son of Ameer Milan, the son of Kurghun, was taken prisoner by the troops of the great Timoor and put to death (some mistake, or word left out here) with Kaikhosrou and Kutlakh; when the period of the life of Syoorghunumush Khan had arrived the great Timoor was still living.

The thirty-third khan, Sultan Mahmood, the son of Syoorghunumush, the son of Danishmundchi Khan, of the race of Ooktaie Khan.

On the death of Syoorghunumush Khan the great Ameer Timoor raised to the throne his son Sultan Mahmood, and his name was written at the head of state-papers as long as the great Timoor lived, and to the period when Timoor departed this life at the town of Otrar, on his journey to Khutai, the khani or sovereignty of Sultan Mahmood Khan was undisputed and independent. The great actions performed by Ameer Timoor Goorkan and his conquests are detailed separately in other histories.

This history treats of the four Uluses or tribes of Chungeez Khan, and enumerates the kings, who were the children, or descendants of Turk Khan, the son of Japhet, the son of Noah, on all of whom be peace.

The names of the kings (Khwakeen) of Turkistan, contained in this work, are taken from the compilation made by Sultan Issaed Alugh Beg Mirza the martyr (may God enlighten his tomb), illustrative of the history of the Khans of the four Uluses.

THE END.
Printed by J. L. Cox and Sons, 75, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln’s-Inn-Fields.

The sect of the Shias.

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Or the men of two families.

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From the testimony of Sir George Staunton, and De Guignes, fils, the discovery of gunpowder is to be ascribed originally to the Chinese.

The opinion entertained by some, that it proceeded from the West to the East, is, therefore, gratuitous. There is little doubt but that the articles employed in the composition of gunpowder were used in China for fireworks as early as the second or third century of the Christian era, and the , or naptha, so often mentioned by the early Mahummedan historians, appears to me to have been nothing more than some combustible matter similar to gunpowder, or the Greek fire,—as, for instance, where could Chungeez Khan have found sufficient stores of naptha, or petroleum, for the sieges of such large cities as Balkh, Bokhara, and Samurkand, some of which, the author of this book says, were taken from the destructive effects of this fire.

I believe the Greek fire is allowed to have been borrowed from the Arabians, or Indians, who no doubt derived their knowledge of it from the Chinese.

As I have before stated, naphtha, or combustibles under that name, were used by the Moghools in and about 617 Hejri, at the sieges of Balkh, Bokhara, &c. The fire was thrown into these cities by engines, denominated munjuniki and ghirada, and the nuftundauzan, therefore, may be more correctly translated, fire-workers.

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The astronomer.

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Zeej

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This term is applied to the fortifications, I suppose.

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Alluding to the Oriental custom of tearing the face and hair on occasions of mourning.

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Millut i Beízaie.

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A strange mistake of the author’s.

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Respecting the paper-money issued by the Chinese and Moghool kings, see Marco Polo, 353-4, De Guignes, and Marsden, 677.

The principal motives assigned for the revolt of the Moghool chiefs against Gunjatoo Khan was, his having attempted to establish in his dominions this system of paper-money.

In China the introduction of paper to pass as money had been attempted several times before, but apparently without success. According to Marcp Polo, who saw that current in the reign of Ooktaie Khan, the paper was made of the inner rind of the mulberry-tree, and was cut into small oblong pieces, like that issued by Gunjatoo Khan. These notes were signed by officers specially appointed, and sealed with the Emperor’s seal; the amount for which the notes passed was payable in bullion at the treasury; counterfeiting this paper was made a capital offence. According, also, to Père Gaubil, paper-money had already been current under the Grand Khan Ooktaie, who himself only imitated what had been practised by the dynasty that preceded the Yuen, or the family of Chungeez Khan.

C’est cette année (1234) qu’on fit la monnoie de papier; les billets s’appelloient tchao—le sceau du pon-tchin-se, ou trésorier général de la province étoit emprient dessus, et il y’en avoit de tout valeur; cette monnoie avoit déjà couru sous les princes de Kin.

By Du Halde we are informed also, that its establishment was attempted by the first prince of the dynasty that succeeded the Moghools.

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Aghawai,—as brothers.

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and are used indiscriminately in the Toorki language.

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The meaning of this word not known.

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Sometimes written, Yurghoo.

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The meaning of this word not known.

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The son of Dowachichun, the son of Borak Khan, the son of Sookur, the son of Kamkar, the son of Chughtaie, the son Chungeez Khan.

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The son of Ooruktimoor, the son of Tooktimoor, the son of Kudaghi, the son of Toori, the son of Baikun, the son of Chughtaie Khan.

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For the toman of the Tatars, see Marco Polo, p. 1073, and Marsden’s Notes.

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This is sometimes written Yussoor Oghlan.

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This is written sometimes Begum.

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The husband of Aboo Saeed’s nurse, more likely.

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See what is related of him before.

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This word is sometimes written, Tustur.

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Or camps.

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Tamerlane.

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Baligh, in the Moghul language, signifies a city.

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That is, the son of the eldest son.

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In a former part of this work Musaood Beg is called a Bulloche.

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Called folij, or aflaj.

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An example of the .

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This word is sometimes written .

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Called also Kobutul Islam, and ‘the mother of cities.’

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