At this time, I received intelligence that Amyr Hussyn, with a large army, had passed by Kesh, and was encamped at Saryelāk; I therefore resolved to march with Ky Khuserū, towards him, and make a sudden attack on his army. In consequence of this resolution, Ky Khuserū and I repeated the prayer for success, and set out, leaving Behram Jelayr in the rear to support us.
About this time, I obtained further information that Amyr Hussyn had detached Amyr Musā, with several other chiefs, and twelve thousand horse from Saryelāk, that they had passed Samerkund with the intention of fighting me, that the main body was encamped on the banks of the river Belenghūr, that their advanced division, consisting of three thousand men, were encamped in the plain of Surengerān, under Melk Behader, and that another division of four thousand men, under the command of Jehān Shāh, had been sent to Rebāt Mulk.
At this time, I deliberated on two plans, the first was to leave the road on the left, and proceed to attack Amyr Hussyn, while separated from his principal officers; the second, to march against the several divisions, and cut them off in detail.
Having in conjunction with Ky Khuserū, taken a muster of our forces, we found that we had in all only three thousand horse; I therefore resolved to attack the detached parties, and having proceeded with my own troops, amounting only to one thousand horse, I attacked Jehān Shāh, dispersed his army, and seized a great quantity of plunder before my confederate came up; when he arrived with his division, we halted at the village of Azuk, that our men and horses might be refreshed; when night came on, we agreed to march against the other division of the enemy, commanded by Melk Behader, at Surengerān; I then formed the army into three divisions, I took command of the advanced one, and left Ky Khuserū in charge of the rear one, as a covering party. I then put my foot in the stirrup, and placing my trust in God, advanced towards the enemy; I ordered the Moghul standard to be raised, and gave out that the Moghul army was arrived.
When my three divisions were seen from the vicinity of Surengerān, the peasants informed Melk Behader, that the whole Moghul army was coming, and that Amyr Timūr commanded the advance, and he himself seeing the Moghul standards and colours, had no doubt of the fact; but feeling himself unequal to the contest, gave orders for a retreat, on which his whole army ran off, and during the night, reached Amyr Hussyn’s camp; I pursued them for a considerable distance, and returned victorious to my camp; I then sent intelligence to Ky Khuserū, that I had defeated Amyr Hussyn’s detachments, and that if he would now advance with his Jete forces, we might take Hussyn prisoner; he replied by my messenger, “that the Jetes were not fond of fighting, that they only loved plunder, that it would not be fitting in us as followers of Muhammed, to permit these infidels to plunder and murder the Muselmāns who were in Hussyn’s camp, as it would in the first place be sacrilegious, and secondly it would induce them to desert with the plunder to their own country.” I was satisfied with this hint, and turned my reins toward Rebat Mulk; Ky Khuserū came out to meet me, and we passed the day there in feasting.
Having heard that some of the Jetes had collected a quantity of plunder, and had set off towards home, I sent a party to force them back; I then halted to wait for intelligence respecting the conduct of Amyr Hussyn, after he should have heard of the defeat of his detachments. In a very short period, some of my spies returned and informed me that when the defeated chiefs appeared before Amyr Hussyn, he abused them, and the fire of anger being lighted up, he had severely scolded them, that he had vowed vengeance against me, and that having assembled all his warriors, he was advancing towards me.
On hearing this news, Ky Khuserū and I drew out our troops and advanced towards the enemy: when we arrived at the village of Barsyn, we obtained information that Amyr Hussyn, with a select division of his army, had arrived at Ak Kutel, and was advancing; I immediately ordered the trumpets to be sounded, and my troops to mount. At this time it began to snow, and as the army of Amyr Hussyn had nothing to eat or cover them, but the snow, they were therefore greatly harassed, and could neither advance nor retreat: after some time, not being able to procure shelter, and afraid of being buried in the snow, they dispersed, and made towards their home.
Ky Khuserū and I, with our troops, passed that day in the houses of Barsyn, and the next morning we mounted our horses, and marched towards Tashkund:* at this time I was informed that Behram Jelayr, whom I had left to cover our retreat, (if necessary) had gone back to Tashkund with his Jete followers.
In a short time we were met by my family and dependants that I had left behind, and having entered the city, I took up my winter quarters there. It happened that this winter was so very severe, that even the very birds of the forest came into the town, and entered into the houses; I however enjoyed it extremely, as Timūr Beg, the (Kud Khoda) superintendant of one of the quarters of the city, sent me daily forty eggs, and a large tureen of (Joghrāt) soup; I ever remembered this obligation as a debt of gratitude.
Having now taken up my winter quarters in Tashkund, I sent letters of congratulation to my son Muhammed Jehangyr, whom I had left at Makhān, and to the other persons of my family that I had left at Merve, in Khurasān, and administered comfort to them all.
As the enmity of Amyr Hussyn to me was excessive, in order to avert its evil consequences, I resolved to send an embassy to the Khān of Jetteh, to request assistance, and having mentioned my intention to my chiefs, they all approved of the measure; I therefore dispatched Shumsaddyn with three other officers to carry a number of presents to the Khān, and to solicit his aid.
About this period, news arrived that Amyr Hussyn had fortified the city of Samerkund, had appointed Pulād Bughā to be governor, and had then proceeded to Arheng Seray. I continued tranquilly at Tashkund, waiting for intelligence from my ambassadors, at length Ak Bughā arrived with the information, that the Khān of Jetteh had sent ten thousand horse with the ambassadors to my assistance, and that they would shortly arrive.
When this news reached Amyr Hussyn, he was greatly alarmed, and immediately sent by the hands of his generalissimo, Amyr Musā, a copy of the Korān, addressed to the prelates and learned body of Tashkund, Khujend, and Andijan, imploring them to wait on me, and endeavour by all means in their power, to conciliate me, and stating that Amyr Musā and Mulānā Aālum would bear testimony of his having sworn on the Korān, that he would henceforth be my friend. In consequence of this measure, early in the spring, all the prelates and learned bodies of the three cities having assembled in council on this important business, waited on me, and laid before me the sacred book, on which Amyr Hussyn had taken the oath of reconciliation, and entreated my forgiveness; I replied that the Amyr had frequently before sent Korāns, on which he had taken the oaths of amity, and afterwards forgetting his vows to God, had broken his promises, I therefore had no confidence in his oaths or promises. After the learned body had used many entreaties, Mulānā Aālum proposed that we should consult the Korān; he did so, and this verse came forth, “when two parties of Muselmāns quarrel, do ye make peace between them:” the prelates then said, “in conformity with the orders of God, you must make peace.”* In compliance with this request, I agreed to a reconciliation, but said, “I will first send some confidential persons to Amyr Hussyn, that he may confirm his promises, after which, I will meet him at any place that may be agreed on:” Amyr Musā and the prelates replied, “that they would attend me to Samerkund, and would see the treaty confirmed.” I therefore placed my foot in the stirrup, and accompanied by all the learned body, I crossed the Sihūn, and arrived in the vicinity of Samerkund.
About this time, in order to discover my real intentions, Amyr Hussyn had caused a report to be spread, that he was dead, but this was only one of his stratagems to try me, because if I should impatiently enter Samerkund, it would render me suspected, and would be injurious to my character.
I therefore paid no attention to the report of his death, but while seated on my horse, I resolved to proceed towards the fortress of Shadmān; in consequence of this determination, I turned my face (without alighting) towards the plain of Shadmān, attended by all the prelates. I then sent a letter by the hands of Bukhtē Behader, to Amyr Hussyn, at Sali Seray, to ascertain whether he was dead or alive; in the mean time, I proceeded, and did not draw in my reins till I entered Shadmān, where I waited the return of my messenger, but Amyr Musā stopped at Samerkund.
During this period, a detachment of the army of Amyr Hussyn approached us, and fearlessly began to murder my people; I therefore mounted a rising ground, in the middle of the plain, with a party of my troops, and sent out two other divisions to oppose them; these divisions turned their flanks, while I advanced in their front, and compelled them to make a speedy retreat; we however took some of them, whom I abused and liberated. I then resolved to cross the Kumek river, accompanied by the prelates, and to halt at a fortress in that vicinity, till I could procure further intelligence.
Soon after this affair, Bukhtē Behader returned from Sali Seray, and informed me that Amyr Hussyn was alive and well, that he was much rejoiced on hearing of my approach, and was anxiously looking for my arrival, in order that he might relinquish all animosity, and repeat his oaths of friendship; my messenger further stated, “that while he was in Amyr Hussyn’s presence, his general, Amyr Musā, had arrived, and informed his master, that he had accompanied me as far as Samerkund, where I had heard the dreadful report of his death; that I had in consequence marched to the fortress of Shadmān, while he had gone into Samerkund, to inquire into the grounds of the report.” On receiving the information from Musā, that I had gone towards the fort of Shadmān, Amyr Hussyn became much alarmed, and had despatched a confidential person to me, named Turān Shāh, who would shortly arrive, in order to confirm the amicable promises he had made.
When Turān Shāh came into my presence, and had repeated all that has been related, I was satisfied, and conferred an honorary (Khelāt) dress on him; he however requested that I would again send a confidential person with him to hear Amyr Hussyn repeat his promises, I therefore sent Abās Behader, who was one of my most confidential servants, with instructions, that if he should think Amyr Hussyn was sincere in his protestations, he might then propose we should meet at the tomb of Atā Aly, “blessed be his remains,” and there repeat our promises of perpetual friendship.
When Abās Behader delivered this message to Amyr Hussyn, he sent two of his most confidential generals, viz. Amyr Musā and Aljaitū, to meet me; at the time that these officers were coming into my presence, some of my chiefs represented to me, that these two persons were the main pillars of Hussyn’s power, that we had better bind them, and make a sudden attack on that Prince; I replied, “it is beneath my dignity to be guilty of a breach of promise, or to rebel against God and his holy book;” this silenced them.
When Musā and Aljaitū were introduced, they made a speech on the part of their master: after this, they returned, and having persuaded Amyr Hussyn to mount, he went, attended by several thousand horse, to the tomb of Atā Aly, where I met him, and we sat down to confer; he said, “we will not talk of what has past;” I replied, “a repetition of grievances, would only be the cause of mutual dissatisfaction.” He then said, “if you and I are united, we need not fear the power of any stranger;” this he said as an allusion to some person, (probably the Jetes); I answered, “if the stranger is a friend, he is welcome, and if he is an enemy, he may still remain a stranger.” He then laid his hand on the Korān, and repeated his oath of friendship, I trembling, placed my hand on the sacred volume, and said, “if Amyr Hussyn does not break his promise, I will faithfully preserve mine, but if he shall ever attempt to kill, or imprison, or injure me, I will not be deficient in the preservation of my life, my property, and my honour;” being thus reconciled, we mounted, and sitting on our horses, we bade each other farewell.* After this ceremony, Amyr Hussyn returned to Sali Seray, and I proceeded to Kesh.
Upon my arrival at Kesh, I sent orders to my son Muhammed Jehangyr to leave Makhān, and bring all my family with him to Kesh: I soon after received a letter from Amyr Hussyn, informing me that the Princes of Badukhshān had raised the standard of rebellion, and that it was incumbent on him to proceed against them. I immediately wrote and sent him an answer, wishing him success, I then took up my abode, and enjoyed myself for some time in the city of Kesh.
At length I received information that Melk Hussyn, the (Valy) ruler of Herat, had invaded the territory of Balkh, and plundered the inhabitants of the country. I therefore placed my foot in the stirrup, and having crossed the river at Termuz, I made forced marches, and having come up with the marauders, took from them all their plunder, and restored it to the owners, and wrote to Amyr Hussyn all the particulars: he immediately requested that I would proceed to his assistance in Badukhshān.
Having restored all the plunder to the people of Balkh, I set out for Badukhshān; but when I arrived at Kundez, the Princes having made their apologies to Amyr Hussyn, he was on his return home, and we met at Kundez; we embraced each other on horseback, we thence proceeded to the plain of Askemush, where we encamped; I entered his tent, and all the jealousy and enmity which had existed in our minds during our separation, was entirely removed.
Soon after this time, Amyr Hussyn was informed that Ak Bughā and Pulād Bughā having strengthened the fortress of Cabūl, had raised the standard of rebellion; on receipt of this intelligence, he came to my tent, and entreated that I would accompany him to Cabūl, and that he would divide that country in a brotherly manner with me, and he wrote with his own hand the following agreement; “if it shall please God that we may subdue the country of Cabūl, it shall be divided in a brotherly manner with the friends of Timūr:” having folded this letter, he placed it before me; confiding in his written promise, I made arrangements for subduing Cabulistān, which much gratified Amyr Hussyn.
This Pulād Bughā, and his brother Ak Bughā, had formerly been two of Amyr Hussyn’s most confidential servants; he had appointed them to the command of the province of Cabūl; this elevation turned their heads, and they raised the standard of independence in that region. In order to subdue them, I took the command of the advanced line of our army, while Amyr Hussyn led on the main body; we departed unexpectedly from Arheng Seray, and crossed the Hindū Kūsh mountains,* and by rapid marches, entered the Cabūl territory. When this news reached Ak Bughā, being puffed up with pride, he advanced with an army to meet me; I formed my troops into three divisions, the advance guard was commanded by Jughtai Behader, the second by Shykh Aly Behader, and I in person, brought up the rear; I then gave orders to the advanced division to attack the rebels with vigour, when Jughtai and Ak Bughā met, they exchanged three cuts of the sword, on the fourth cut, Jughtai was wounded, at the fifth cut, Aly Behader joined with his division, and the two armies fought hand to hand; after some hard work, my people began to lose ground, but at this time I came up, and when my warriors saw me, although many of them were severely wounded, they returned to the charge; I then called out to an officer who was standing near me, to take a party and block up the road to the fort, and thereby cut off the retreat of the rebels. At the seventh cut of the sword, Ak Bughā was wounded on the head, which confounded his brain, and he was taken prisoner; his brother Pulād Bughā effected his retreat to the fort, but I encouraged my men to break open the gate with sledges and hammers, which being effected, we entered the citadel, took Pulād prisoner, and I gave quarter to the garrison.
Two days after this event, Amyr Hussyn arrived, and I went out of the fort to meet him; he alighted from his horse, took me in his arms, and congratulated me on my success. As I was greatly incensed against these two rebels, I should have died of vexation if I had not succeeded, I therefore as soon as I was seated in the fort, had ordered them to be brought into my presence, they were brought before me bound; when I saw them, I was convinced by experience, that a Prince should never promote a servant so as to turn his brains, but ought always to keep him between fear and hope, and should appoint a (Kutel) successor as a spy to watch over him. It also came into my mind that no legitimately born person would have acted in the infamous manner these two scoundrels had done; I therefore addressed Bughā, and said to him, “may your face be black, if your mother had been a virtuous woman, you never would have been guilty of such ingratitude to your benefactor, the Amyr Hussyn, who raised you from a low situation to an important command; it has been truly said that ‘a bastard never quits this world till he has injured his patron,’ you are the son of a whore, as you have clearly proved.”
Soon after Amyr Hussyn’s arrival at Cabūl, he appointed agents to all the public offices, quite forgot my services, and never even thanked me; I was ashamed to produce the written agreement he had given me, and when I saw his total want of kindness, I left the retaliation to Providence; but I quitted the fort, mounted my horse, and encamped in the plain.
Amyr Hussyn having made all the requisite arrangements respecting Cabūl, prepared for his departure and while we were seated on horseback, consulted me whether he should make the city of Balkh,* the residence of his government; I told him by no means to think of it; but as the evil star of his destiny was then in the ascendant, he would not listen to advice, but went to Balkh, and having arrived there, he repaired the fort of Hindūan, and compelled the inhabitants of the city to remove thither, I returned to my residence of Kesh, and continued there.
In the year 769, I entered my thirty-third year, and being of a restless disposition, I was much inclined to invade some of the neighbouring countries; but at this time my spies came and informed me that the Jete army was approaching, I considered this a fortunate circumstance, and employed myself in equipping my army; soon after I had received this intelligence, a messenger arrived from Amyr Hussyn, who stated, “that the Jete army, resembling a dark cloud, were advancing, and that a sun-like Timūr, was requisite to disperse it,” and made use of many other flattering expressions. In reply to these fulsome compliments, I produced to the messenger, the agreement written by Amyr Hussyn, for the division of the country of Cabūl, and said, “after having conquered that place, your master did not even thank me for my assistance, much less fulfil his promise of giving it to me.”
When Amyr Hussyn received my message, he immediately sent his general, Musā, to me to say, “that the whole of the country of Cabūl was at my service,” but I did not credit this speech, and replied, “if it shall please God, I will retake the country from the Jetes, without being under any obligation to your master.” I then resolved to allow the Jete army to enter the country.
At this time, Amyr Hussyn sent an order to Musā, to cross the river Sihūn, with all his forces; Musā complied, and having crossed the river, came in sight of the Jetes, who immediately marched from their cantonment, near Tashkund, and made a rapid charge on the army of Musā, the latter being defeated, recrossed the river. When this news reached Amyr Hussyn, he marched from Balkh, and halted in the plains of Kesh: during this time, the Jetes being puffed up by success, continued to advance; on which Amyr Hussyn being greatly alarmed, came to my habitation, and having entered, said to me, “when our enemies the Jetes shall have destroyed me, what do you mean to do;” I replied, “whatever God shall please, I will do;” the Amyr was much affected by my speech, and said, “God grant that you with a strong heart, may mount and take command of the advanced army, and march against the enemy, while I protect the rear, for I see that Providence has written the signs of victory and success on your forehead;” on hearing this, my chiefs were very much incensed, and said, “how long are we to fight the battles, and be killed and wounded in the service of another, and wear the clothes, and eat the morsels of a stranger.”
In the public assembly, Amyr Hussyn wrote out and offered to me an agreement, that Samerkund should be mine as formerly; I replied, “I will not accept Samerkund from you, but if it shall please God, I will take it from the enemy by the power of my sword.”
When Amyr Hussyn saw my magnanimity, and that I would not accept of Samerkund from him, he put on a melancholy countenance, told me of the defeat of his forces, and of the power of the Jetes; although he was apparently sincere in his desire to make friends, the real fact was, that he wished me to be defeated, as Amyr Musā had been, and compelled to retreat.
But I placing my confidence in the aid of the Prophet, and his illustrious companions, determined to fight the Jetes, and having assembled two thousand horse, marched from the plain of Kesh, towards the bank of the river Sihūn. As we went on, it entered my mind, that as there was a great jealousy existed between Kummer Addyn and Hajy Beg, the enemy’s two generals, if I could foment a quarrel between them, I might soon settle the business of the Jetes. It so happened as I had wished, for they openly quarrelled, in consequence of which, one half of the army took the part of Kummer Addyn, and the other half, the part of Hajy Beg, and a regular battle took place between them. When I received this news, I immediately marched to attack the Jete forces; when I approached them, they were alarmed, and fled towards their cantonments; thus by the Almighty aid, I returned victorious and successful. When intelligence of this event reached Amyr Hussyn, he came to meet me, took me in his arms, ordered the carpet of pleasure to be spread, and made great rejoicings.
While thus employed, information was brought that the Princes of Badukhshān had placed their feet on the path of transgression, and had plundered the city of Kundez; this intelligence caused Amyr Hussyn much anxiety, and he turned the face of entreaty towards me, for such was the practice of that Prince, that whenever any misfortune occurred, he cried like a woman, but when successful, he boasted as if he had been a hero: another of his bad qualities was, that he was very envious, in so much, that he envied his own servants, whom he had promoted, whenever they were fortunate, and by his bad conduct to them and folly, caused them to rebel. Thus whenever he had appointed a new governor to a district, he wished to take from the preceding one, every thing he had made, and never allowed any governor to remain more than a year in any country, so that they never had an opportunity of realizing their expences.
It was in this manner he treated the Princes of Badukhshān, who had been very submissive to him, and paid him a large tribute, which this year he had encreased far beyond their power of liquidating, and had even taken Kundez from them, contrary to agreement. In consequence of this oppression, they were incensed, and plundered part of Hussyn’s territory; the Amyr sent an army against them, which was defeated, for the fact was, that many of his officers were so disgusted with his empty professions and conduct, that they united with the Princes of Badukhshān, in a determination to depose Hussyn, and even wrote letters to me on the subject, with complaints against him. When intelligence of these circumstances were communicated to the Amyr, he came during the night to me, and with much supplication, begged that I would preserve him and his government: I shewed him the letters I had received, on reading them, he was astonished and bewildered; I therefore comforted him, and said, “I will bring over the Princes to you, either by war, or by peace; but there are two of your generals who have been always hypocrites, my advice is this, do not trust to them, but let me arrange the army; I will advance against the Princes of Badukhshān, and do you keep one days’ march in the rear:” he having agreed to this measure, we repeated the prayer for success; I then made long marches, and crossed the Jihūn, and encamped in the desert of Keshem, which is part of the territory of Badukhshān.
At this time, I received a letter from Amyr Hussyn, informing me that he had sent his son Jehān Mulk, to join me; I also was informed that the Princes of Badukhshān had taken possession of the summits and passes of the mountains of Hindū Kūsh, and had blocked them up; I therefore sent Jehān Mulk, who by this time had arrived, to force the passes, and clear the country, and then wait for my arrival.
Jehān Mulk immediately marched, and entered the passes of the mountain, and began to ravage and plunder the country; but the Princes of Badukhshān having dismounted their troops, closed up the ends of the passes, and opposed him valiantly; at length, the young man finding himself unable to contend with them, commenced his retreat, losing not only the plunder he had collected, but all his own effects; beside which, four hundred of his father’s soldiers were taken prisoners; in consequence of this misfortune, Jehān Mulk lost all self confidence, and retreated to me for safety.
I now placed my foot in the stirrup, and having arrived near the summit of the mountain, at the first charge I gained possession of the pass, cleared it of the Badukhshians, and took some of them prisoners. The remainder of them continued their retreat to the summit of Jerm, where they took post, and resolved to oppose me; I again mounted my horse, and having ordered the trumpets to sound, proceeded towards the enemy; when they saw my standards, and knew that I was advancing against them in person, they were terrified, and sent an ambassador to beg for mercy.
The next day a number of the respectable inhabitants and prelates of the city of Badukhshān, came and supplicated that I would spare the country, and requested that I would come and take up my abode with them. I therefore had compassion on their feelings, sent them back, and followed them to the city of Badukhshān.
At this place, the great men and officers of the army, and some of the Princes, waited on me, and brought me a number of presents, and returned all the plunder and cattle that had been taken from Jehān Mulk.
In consequence of their conduct, I resolved to remain in the city till I could ratify a peace between the Princes of Badukhshān and Amyr Hussyn. But the Amyr being dissatisfied at my delay, suspected that I was confederating with the Princes against him, he therefore sent an officer to inform me that Shykh Muhammed, son of Byān Seldūz, and Ky Khuserū, had assembled all their clans, had raised the standard of rebellion, and that he being satisfied with the reduction of Badukhshān, was on his return to Sali Seray. On receiving this information, I immediately put my foot in the stirrup, and followed the Amyr.
When I arrived at Sali Seray, which was his capital, I discovered the cause of the enmity of Shykh Muhammed and Ky Khuserū, for when I reached my own cantonment, I received letters from them, (written in the Tūrky language) saying, “we are afraid of the severity and stratagems of Amyr Hussyn, and “are convinced that your Highness being an unsuspicious character, will shortly “fall a prey to his deceit and fraud; we speak with the frankness of Tūrks, and “have repeated with our tongues whatever was in our hearts.”
At the same time, I learned that these two chiefs had written letters to Amyr Hussyn; I therefore shewed him the letters I had received, hoping that he would with the same openness and friendship, shew me those addressed to him, but he kept whatever was in his mind concealed, although I guessed that the contents of the two letters were nearly the same, in order to foment a quarrel between us; but Amyr Hussyn still believed that I was inimical to him, and meant to play him some trick; I further learned that the Amyr had said in a council of his confidential people, “as long as Timūr lives, my sovereignty and dominion is in danger, and that he was resolved to seize me:” I replied to my informant, “it is impossible, for Hussyn has taken his oath on the Korān, and promised never to attempt any thing against me, if he is no longer a Muselmān, the holy book should be taken away from him.
About this time, I also received a letter from Aādil Sultān, whom Amyr Hussyn, supposing him to be a descendant of Jengyz, had raised to the dignity of Khān, informing me that Hussyn certainly planned treachery against me: when I had read this letter, I was convinced that Hussyn having forgotten God, had some evil intentions against me. I however remained quite tranquil, and continued in appearance my friendship towards him, till the quarrel between him and the two before-mentioned chiefs, arose to extremes.
When Hussyn was convinced that Muhammed, son of Seldūz, and Ky Khuserū, were in an actual state of rebellion, he was much alarmed, and placing his foot in the stirrup, we both marched to the bank of the river Jihūn, and encamped there; the next day he directed his generalissimo, Amyr Musā, to cross the river with his troops, and attack the rebels, but the general refused, saying, “he was unequal to the task;” upon which, the Prince being helpless, came to my tent, and said, “I am well convinced that nothing can be effected without your assistance, I therefore entreat that you will take measures for quelling these rebels;” I immediately acquiesced, and having repeated the prayer for success, crossed the river. When the rebel chiefs were informed of this circumstance, they drew up their forces in order of battle. I did not delay an instant, but without giving them time to wait, advanced against them; when I arrived near them, Ky Khuserū said, “Timūr is too fortunate a personage for us to contend with, there is no utility in our drawing the sword against him, it will be better for us to separate, do you go to Khujend, and I will go to Alay,” and they accordingly set off.
When I received intelligence of their motions, I pursued them, but not being able to overtake either, I turned my reins towards Tashkund, and having written a report of all the circumstances, sent it to Amyr Hussyn: on the receipt of my letter, Hussyn being well satisfied, returned to Sali Seray: I amused myself some time in hunting, and then came back to my residence at Kesh.
Soon after this time, I received a letter from Amyr Hussyn, informing that he intended leaving Arheng Seray, and going to reside at Balkh, and asked me to accompany him, saying, “that after we are conjointly seated on the throne of dominion, we will take possession of all Khurasān, and then divide the countries of Turān and Khurasān between us, in a brotherly manner.” At the same time, a friend of mine, who was one of his council, wrote to me, advising me to say, “that I was quite satisfied with my residence at Kesh, and did not wish to change it;” he further cautioned me to be on my guard against Hussyn’s stratagems. From this hint, I was convinced that the Amyr had designs either to kill or confine me, I therefore refused to go to Balkh. This circumstance encreased the animosity between us, and he devised several plans for my destruction, and used many stratagems to get me in his power, but finding he could not succeed, he then endeavoured to disperse my followers, and send my Kushūn and horde into the desert. As his avarice and envy exceeded all bounds, he forgot all his solemn promises and oaths to me, and sent Pulād Bughā and Amyr Khēlyl, who were nearly connected with him, to expel my tribe out of the country, and compel them to remove to the district of Balkh.
The enmity of Amyr Hussyn being thus evident, I delivered him to the vengeance of the holy book, but my twelve chiefs came to me in a body, and having made their salutations, said, “if your Highness wishes to keep the command of your horde and clan, exert yourself; if not, let us go, that we may do the best we can for ourselves; till this day we have worn the sword of manliness, and have often used it in your service; now Pulād Bughā and Khēlyl are come, and wish to treat us as peasants, to tie us hand and neck, and oblige us to remove to Balkh.” Although I endeavoured to comfort them, they would not be satisfied, till I took an oath that I would not do any thing without their advice and concurrence: when I had thus tranquillized them, I said to them, “Amyr Hussyn has sworn on the Korān never to injure me, if he should break his promise, be assured that the sacred volume will throw him into my power;” and it turned out exactly as I said.
When the violence of Amyr Hussyn rose to the extreme, his disposition totally changed, and he became proud, haughty, and arrogant, and did every thing he could to annihilate me; it therefore became requisite to take measures for averting the danger, and of living in safety. I in consequence arranged my army, and placing the foot of courage in the stirrup of resolution, I ordered Pulād Bughā and Amyr Khēlyl, although the agents of, and supported by Amyr Hussyn, to be brought before me, I addressed them as follows; “what has Amyr Hussyn become a renegado, and turned Christian, that he forgets his oath taken on the holy Korān, and has bound round him the sword of vengeance against me, and against my horde and clan? He shall not do so with impunity; three times has he sworn by the sacred volume, and given me solemn promises, and now breaks his vows, and has beaten the drum of enmity, and seeks my life; I have therefore made my preparations, and will shortly pay him a visit.”
I then summoned all the (Oulemā) learned body, and having explained to them all the circumstances above related, demanded their (Futwā) decision, they replied, “as he has been the first to break his promise, and has dared to forswear himself, doubtless he will fall into your Highness’s power.” When Pulād Bughā and Khēlyl heard these words, they trembled, I therefore sent them away that they might inform their master of what they had seen and heard. As soon as this intelligence was communicated to Amyr Hussyn, he beat the drum of discord, and sought an opportunity of seizing me by intrigue, but I placing the foot of determination in the plain of sincerity, boldly declared whatever came into my mind, and said, “as long as Hussyn chose to be my friend, I was his friend, but now that he has chosen to be my enemy, he shall find me an enemy, and placing my trust in the favour of God, I loudly proclaimed, that up to this time, I have been amicably inclined towards him, but he, having broken his oath and promises, seeks to destroy me, I will therefore do every thing in my power to avert his evil designs:” on hearing this speech, my chiefs were all delighted, bound on the sword of unanimity, and prepared their clans for war.
The plan that I proposed for encountering Amyr Hussyn, was this, seeing that my chiefs were unanimous in their determination to oppose Amyr Hussyn, and that they were firmly attached to me. In a fortunate hour I sought for an omen in the Korān, and this verse came forth; “you cannot better testify your gratitude to him, (Muhammed) than by doing good to his relations;” the (Oulemā) prelates said, “the meaning of this verse is, that you should consider the descendants of the Prophet as of your own tribe and friends, and in obedience to this order it is incumbent on your Highness to come forth, for from this expedition, much benefit will arise to the descendants of his holiness.” This prediction of theirs was verified, when, during the war with Hussyn, I took possession of Termūz; the very illustrious and venerable prelate, Abū al Berkāt, who was the chief Syed of that city, came out to meet me, and presented me the drum and standard of Amyr Hussyn, saying, “by the command of the Prophet, whom I have seen in a dream, I have brought you this drum and standard:” I was much pleased by the arrival of Syed Abū al Berkāt, considering it a most auspicious event, and therefore conferred great favours and honours on all the posterity of the Prophet, who dwelt in the city. I made him sit by me, consulted him on all occasions, and did not deviate in the smallest degree from his instructions; nay, I even considered him, as one of the many favours received from Providence, reposed all my confidence in him, both spiritual and temporal, and made him my constant companion, either while marching or halting, and whenever any difficulty occurred, I referred the business to him, and he solved the difficulty.
When he brought me the drum and standard of Amyr Hussyn, which were the insignia of his royalty, the news soon spread through the country, in consequence of which, several of Hussyn’s enemies joined me; the first of these was Shykh Muhammed Seldūz, who having deserted from Amyr Hussyn, was wandering about the desert; when he heard of my opposition to that Prince, he came over to me with all his horde, but as the smoke of vanity had mounted into his brain, he conceived himself one of the greatest of my nobles, and when he was joined by all his horde and partizans, his pride became excessive, he was in short a light-headed man, and a great talker. On the very day that he joined me, he asked me to give him the district of Khutelān, and I gave it to him: but at this time, Amyr Ky Khuserū Khutelāny, whose brother had been put to death by Hussyn, in consequence of which he had deserted, and for some time wandered about the country, at length entered and took possession of Khutelān, and having collected a great number of followers, wrote to me, “if you are deter“mined in your opposition to Hussyn, I will join you:” I sent him an answer,* in which I recapitulated every circumstance of Hussyn’s unprincipled conduct towards me, and concluded by saying, “that I had taken the field with a firm resolution of defeating his projects, and trusted that the Korān by which he had sworn, would avenge his perfidy.”
When Ky Khuserū received my letter, he was much delighted, and joined me with all his troops; when he came into my presence, I took him in my arms, and assured him of my support. I then ordered the drum of march to be beaten, and leaving Termūz, I kept along the bank of the river till I came to Hissarabād, where I halted. At this place, Aljaitū, who was governor of Kundūz, on the part of Hussyn, came and joined me with his troops, and said, “I trust that by the good fortune of your Highness, I shall be delivered for ever from the grasp of this tyrant.”
At this time, I also received a letter from Muhammed Shāh, the (Valy) ruler of Badukhshān, replete with complaints against Amyr Hussyn; I sent him an answer, in which I stated, “that my injuries from Amyr Hussyn, far exceeded “his, that I now considered that tyrant as an unbeliever, and that I was deter“mined to ruin him, therefore if he would join me, (please God) his complaints “should soon be converted into thanksgivings.”
As soon as Muhammed Shāh received my letter, he marched from Badukhshān with a large force, and paid his respects to me.
The people of Badukhshān, and the hordes of Maveralnaher, also sent me petitions full of complaints against Hussyn, and entreating me to send some person to take the the command of them. In compliance with their request, I sent Amyr Jakū to them, and every person who was discontented with Hussyn, assembled round my officer.
When all these valiant chiefs had joined my standard, I considered this assistance as sent to me by the Prince of Prophets, Muhammed, (on whom be blessings) and exulting in the presence of the holy Syed Abū al Berkāt, I sought in the Korān for an omen, and this verse opened, “verily God intends to take away impurity from your house, and to render you pure,” which the learned expounded to me, as relating to the family of the Prophet, whose spirits were purified from the defilement of associating with idolaters and unbelievers, the instant they quitted the body. And that it was applicable to my situation, as I should soon be freed from the impurity of my enemies and adversaries; this circumstance encreased my affection and friendship for the posterity of Muhammed, and I considered the arrival of the holy Syed Abū al Berkāt, as one of the greatest blessings of Providence, and resolved in future, that the Korān and the Syed should be my constant companions, so that in every important transaction, I might consult with them, and ever regulate my conduct by the commands and prohibitions of God.
When I found myself surrounded by a numerous army, consisting of natives of various countries, and by different tribes, I summoned the principal chiefs to council, and laid before them my apprehension that Amyr Hussyn would doubtless endeavour to escape from this desert of difficulties, by some of his innumerable artifices and intrigues, and that I was distrustful of the people of the hordes as being easily alarmed or deceived, and instanced to them the case of Amyr Musā, who from some apprehension, deserted and went back to Samerkund; that it was therefore advisable to summon a general assembly, and let us conjointly take the oath of animosity to Amyr Hussyn, and confirm it on the Korān; the measure was agreed to, and all the chiefs of the hordes and clans, being collected, again took the oath required of them.
The whole of the chiefs of the tribes and hordes having thus bound round them the girdle of fealty to me, the first thing I did was to send off Shykh Behader Aly with a number of warriors, as an advance guard, for at this time I received information that Amyr Hussyn had despatched an army, under the command of Chubān Serbedal, to oppose my progress.
My advanced guard soon fell in with the enemy, and in the first charge, broke and put them to flight, I therefore beat the drum of march, and having crossed the skirts of the mountain of Shadmān, and keeping close to the river, entered the valley of Guz, and encamped near the fort of Azburg.
At this place, I was informed that Amyr Hussyn had sent letters to various of my chiefs, to excite them to mutiny, saying to them, “that they had deviated from the custom and manners of the Tūrks, and of the ancient chiefs of the hordes, clans, and tribes, by paying obedience to any person but their legitimate Sovereign, and according to the Tūrkish canons, our lawful monarch (Khān) must be a descendant of Kubūl and Jengyz Khān, this conduct of yours is an act of injustice to the posterity of these Princes.” When I heard of this circumstance, I immediately summoned all the chiefs, and said to them, “my only object in engaging in a war with Amyr Hussyn, is for the ease and comfort of the Muselmāns, and my other subjects, who are all dissatisfied with him; and with respect to the canons and rules of the Turks, have we not the Prince Syurghumtumush as our Khān, therefore how can any person venture to say that we have deviated from the laws and customs of our ancestors.” I then issued the orders for immediately marching against Amyr Hussyn, in order to put a stop to his attempts of seducing my people.
About this time, Shykh Behader Aly, to whom I had given the charge of my advanced guard, brought bound neck and hand to me, Chubān Serbedāl, the commander of Hussyn’s advance guard, whom he had taken prisoner. I was also joined by Muhammed Khuajē with his troops. I then resolved to move rapidly and attack the city of Balkh, so that if Amyr Hussyn should come out and meet me in the plain, I could not wish for any thing better, but if he should fortify the place and stand a siege, God would soon render it an easy business, in consequence of his breaking of his oath on the Korān.
Soon after this time, I received information that Amyr Hussyn had come out of the fort into the plain; I therefore ordered my chiefs to advance rapidly, and attack his army; I also sent my son Omer Shaikh (then only sixteen years of age) to assault the walls of the town, he advanced so close to the place, that an arrow pierced his foot, and entered the side of his horse; notwithstanding this severe wound, the Prince continued the attack, till Hussyn being alarmed, took refuge in the citadel, and ordered the gates to be barred. My courageous son, in spite of his wound, rode up to the gate of the fort, struck it with an axe, and returned exultingly; the warriors were all delighted with this proof of his courage, and devoted their lives to him.
The next morning I placed my foot in the stirrup, and having drawn out my army, made an attack on the walls of the town; Amyr Hussyn came to the top of the citadel, and displayed his standard, he then resolved to oppose me, and sent out a body of troops to engage me; a severe contest took place, and many brave men were killed on both sides; but Hussyn kept himself like the stone of a ring safe within his enclosure, and beheld from a distance, his defeat and disgrace; he however continued the battle till night, but as soon as it was dark, he sent me the following letter; “from the day that I bound round my loins the “girdle of enmity to thee, I have never enjoyed a moment of happiness, and I “am convinced that all opposition to thee will only increase my misfortunes; “experience has proved that you are aided by Providence, and that good fortune “and prosperity attend you, while calamity and misfortune have seized me by “the neck, and drag me towards you, forgive me, and let me quit this country, “to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca.”
I consented to his request, and wrote to him to send one of his sons, who might enable me to satisfy the minds of all the chiefs of the hordes and tribes that he had injured and disgusted, and that I might exact a promise from them not to injure or molest him. He did send out his eldest son, and I promised the young man, in the presence of all the chiefs, that if Hussyn would come out of the fort, and depart for the sacred territory, I would furnish him with every thing requisite for the journey, and protect him by a guard.
Hussyn would not listen to my advice or promise, but having tied his most valuable jewels in his girdle, he resolved to escape from the fortress in the dress of a (Kulender) pilgrim, and try to reach some place of safety. He therefore, without acquainting his family, changed his dress, and unknown to his servants, came out: at this time the morning dawned, and being afraid of detection, he entered a mosque, and concealed himself in the cupola of the minaret; soon after the (Muazin) crier mounted the minaret, in order to call the people to the first prayers, and as soon as his eyes fell on the Prince, he recognized him; Hussyn offered the Muazin a string of pearls if he would not divulge his secret: the crier being afraid of scandal or suspicion, came to my tent and proclaimed the (Azin) hour of prayer; I ordered him to be brought before me, when he entered, he told me all the circumstances, and shewed me the string of pearls which had been offered to him as a bribe to keep the secret:* I desired the crier to return to Amyr Hussyn, and tell him to conceal himself in the best manner he could, till he might find an opportunity of going away wherever he chose. Hussyn fearing for his life, came down and hid himself in a room under the tower, but his enemies having heard of his retreat, surrounded the mosque, and having found him, brought him to the (Dyvan Khanē) council chamber; I then gave orders that they should deliver him over in charge to Aādil Tuajy,* until the chiefs of all the tribes and hordes should be assembled; that whoever had any complaints against him, might have the affair inquired into.
When I delivered Amyr Hussyn to the charge of the gaoler, I sent him a message, saying, “that as there is a solemn compact between us, and as we have “placed our respective hands on the Korān, vowing never to attempt each other’s “lives, I will not now break my promise, but this calamity which is fallen on “thy head, does not proceed from enmity to thee, it is the vengeance of the “Korān that has overtaken you; I have nothing to do with the business, but I “cannot liberate you from the hands of the chiefs, who are thirsty of your blood, “in retaliation for the injuries they have received.”
When he received my message, he began to entreat and supplicate for mercy, and I endeavoured to comfort him; I therefore ordered all the chiefs to be summoned, and when they were collected, we formed a council; I then sent for Amyr Hussyn, and when he arrived, I addressed him; “Hussyn, it has been the want of good faith, and disrespect to the word of God, which has brought thee into this deplorable situation, and such is ever the consequence of a breach of promise, and the guilt of falsehood.” Syed Abū al Berkāt then quoted the proverb, “a strict regard of truth never injures a man, fidelity to his promise is better than faith.”
I then said aloud in the presence of all the assembled chiefs, “I have given Amyr Hussyn my promise of safety;” but he with that pride and haughtiness, which was habitual to him, said in the Tūrky language, “if I had been in your place, I would not have done so;” I replied, “I thank God that I am not like you, who cannot forgive, and can be guilty of perjury, and dare to offend both God and the Prophet.”
At this moment, Ky Khuserū bent the knee, and demanded vengeance for the blood of his brother, who had been killed by Hussyn; I endeavoured to mitigate his anger, and sent for Shykh Muhammed and the other Cazies and Judges; before their entrance, Muhammed, the ruler of Badukhshān, said in a tremulous voice, “Amyr Hussyn has been the cause of the ruin of my family, and has embittered all the days of my life, by murdering several of the pious Princes of Badukhshān;” Muhammed, the son of Byan Seldūz, also called out, “thousands of the families of my tribe are wandering about the deserts in consequence of Hussyn’s injustice, and he has plundered the greater part of our cattle and property: many others of the chiefs were also very clamorous that he should be put to death. But in consequence of my near connection with him, I found my blood begin to boil, and melancholy rushed on my heart, but I was helpless, because the clamour was universal, and the hearts of the people were turned from him. I then asked the judges, what do you say in respect of putting Amyr Hussyn to death; they replied, “if the heirs of the persons whom Hussyn has murdered, forgive him, it is well, otherwise, by the law of retaliation, he must suffer death.” When the words of the judges had reached the ears of the complainants, one of them who had been in the service of Hussyn, said, “O Prince, this Hussyn has much injured and oppressed mankind, and has been guilty of great violence, and through covetousness, confined and imprisoned one thousand seven hundred men and women, who were liberated on the day you came here;” I said, “perhaps they were kept in confinement till then, that they might not complain against him.” One of the learned body said, “I have read in the heavenly books, that it is more incumbent to destroy a wretch who oppresses or injures mankind, than it is to kill a snake or a scorpion, for the former plots mischief deliberately to the ruin of another, whilst the noxious reptile only stings, when he is afraid of personal injury, and to save himself.” When these words were heard by all the persons in the Assembly, viz. that it was proper to put to death an oppressor or bad man, and the Amyr Aljaitū who had been (Sepah Salār,) Commander in Chief of the army of Hussyn, seeing my melancholy, and that I would not consent to the execution of the Prince, remonstrated with me; I replied, “Amyr Hussyn is my prisoner, he shall not be put to death;” I then rose to leave the Assembly.
The Chiefs immediately called out, Amyr Hussyn has been found guilty by the law, and worthy of death, it is therefore improper that Timūr should delay his punishment. I however requested that they would permit me to postpone it, in hopes that I might by some means save his life.
But as it did not please Providence to permit the continuance of Hussyn’s existence, Amyr Ky Khuserū who sought retaliation for the murder of his brother, with Aljaitū and Muhammed Shāh assaulted the unfortunate Hussyn, and he, washing his hands of life, struck at them with his fists, got out of the Assembly and fled as far as the tomb of Khuajē Akāshā, there these three Chiefs overtook and put him to death, and having returned from thence, they murdered his two sons Khān Saiid and Nurūz Sultān, two other sons named Jehān Mulk and Khelyl Sultān made their escape and fled towards India. I was much affected by this melancholy catastrophe, and went to see his body, repeated the funeral prayers over it and ordered it to be buried with all due respect.
Having then taken possession of all Amyr Hussyn’s treasure, which he had accumulated by so much covetousness and avarice, I divided it among the Chiefs. The next day I called a general assembly, and gave orders for all his followers and attendants to be taken care of, and directed that his women and children should be sent to Samerkund.* It happened that one of the persons who attended the Assembly was cloathed in black. I asked him why he was so, he replied, “I have lost a friend, but it was I who killed him, and for grief have put on mourning.” One of the learned said, “if it had not been his fate to have been killed, how could you kill him, therefore why do you grieve.”
I then addressed the learned body and asked them, “what is the very worst thing in this world,” some of them said one thing, some another. I then continued, “the best thing in this world is a good man, that is a person endued with excellent qualities, consequently the worst thing in this world, must be a bad man, imbued with every vice, who like Amyr Hussyn is a tyrant, miserly, covetous, and ignorant, and who fears not God.” The whole Assembly praised my definition and offered up prayers for my prosperity.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
Account of my mounting the throne of the Sovereignty in the city of Balkh.
WHEN I had thus cleansed the region of Turān from the evil machinations of Amyr Hussyn, there were three other claimants to the succession, each of whom being puffed up with pride in consequence of being the Chief of a great clan, and having numerous followers, was desirous of raising the standard of royalty. The first of these was Shah Muhammed, of Badukhshān, who considered himself as one of the Princes of that country. The second Amyr Ky Khuserū, who called himself son-in-law to the Khān of the Desht Kipchac and was governor of Khutelān. The third Muhammed the son of Byān Seldūz, who was the chief of several thousand families of the horde of Seldūz, when I heard of their various pretensions I clothed myself with patience.
When this news was brought to Syed Abū al Berkāt (the father of blessings), he invited several of the (Khānē Zadehs) young syeds of Termuz, Abū al Mualy and Aly Akber to join him; he then summoned all the claimants to a general council, and when the Assembly was arranged in proper order, he addressed them, “Praise be to God that the whole land of Turān is now cleansed of all disturbers of its tranquillity. If you unite and elect one person as an elder brother, your union will insure prosperity, but if you divide and form different kingdoms, the infidel Jetes will very shortly overwhelm you; whatever is the opinion of each of you, be so good as to state it.” Muhammed Shah who was the head of the Princes of Badukhshān said, “let us divide the country into four portions in a brotherly manner, each ruling his own province, but let us unite in opposing every enemy that dares to invade or oppose us.” Abu al Berkāt replied, “a variety of rulers always occasions quarrels and dissentions, if it were intended by Providence, that there should have been two Monarchs in the same kingdom, there would have been two Gods, one to govern the Heavens, the other the earth; but as there is only one God who is the Lord of all, there must only be one Monarch in the same country, that the proof of unity may be evident and certain.” Muhammed Seldūz said, “it is contrary to our code of laws, that any of us should fill the throne of the Khān, or that the people should be subservient to us; the Prince Syurughtumush Aghlān, is of the posterity of Jengyz, place him on the throne of sovereignty, and let the Amyr Timūr be his deputy and Commander in Chief, and we will be obedient to him.”
Abū al Berkāt replied, “it is contrary to the religion of Muhammed, that his followers should be subservient to you who are infidels; Jengyz was an inhabitant of the desert, who by violence and the force of his sword formerly gained a superiority over the Muselmāns, at present the sword of the Amyr Timūr is not inferior to what Jengyz Khān’s sword was; When you all fled from Hussyn, and concealed yourselves in the desert; it was not till Timūr advanced alone against him, that any of you dared to quit your hiding corners; he did not want your assistance to subdue his enemy, nor does he now want it;” after a long discourse he thus concluded, “I have hitherto spoken to you as Tūrks, but I know that you are Musselmāns and believe in the religion of Muhammed, now it is evident to all the followers of the Prophet, on whom be the grace of God, that he conquered the world from the unbelievers from Polytheists, from Jews, and from Christians, by the force of his victorious sword, therefore he (Muhammed) became sole proprietor of the terrestrial globe, after him the succession fell to the illustrious Khalifs, who with their followers spread the religion of Islam over the face of the earth, after them the property descended to the posterity of the Prophet, who having legally obtained the inheritance, may appoint whomever they choose for their deputy. I, who am the lineal descendant of Hussyn, the Grandson of Muhammed, in conjunction with all the Syeds of Mecca and Medina, do consider and esteem Amyr Timūr as the deputy of the illustrious Khalifs. We therefore do appoint him to be Ruler over all the Muselmāns in the territory of Turān.”
When the Assembly heard that the Muselmāns were unanimous and agreed in their choice, and that the people were inclined to me, Amyr Ky Khuseru said, “let us draw lots for the sovereignty, and let us solemnly promise that we will be obedient on whomsoever the lot shall fall;” in consequence of this proposal, Abū al Berkāt wrote my name, and the name of the other three competitors (on slips of paper) and placed them under the (Musella) carpet for prayer, he then said to them, “thrust your hands under the carpet and take out the lots,” they did so three times, and the lot of sovereignty came forth in my name: they were all ashamed, but they could not deny their agreement.
The next day all the Chiefs of the hordes and tribes came in a body to my tent, and the three competitors also entered and made their obeisance to me, after them came the Amyrs Aljaitū, Sar Bughā and Daoud, and bent their knees; when these illustrious Chiefs had paid their respects, the Assembly congratulated me, and Abū al Berkāt, with the syeds of Termuz offered up prayers for my prosperity. Then the abovementioned chieftains with the twelve chiefs of the hordes stood up and formed half circles to the right and left of my seat; after which Abū al Berkāt thus addressed the Assembly; “O Assembly of Muselmāns, the Prophet hath said, I bequeath to my people two illustrious things; first, the sacred volume; secondly, my descendants; now these bequests are in the hands of the Amyr Timūr, those who obey him shall be fortunate in this world, and happy in the next; but those who disobey him will be unfortunate in this world, and miserable in futurity.” He then took up the Korān which was lying before me, and placed it on the head of each person, saying, “let those who choose to enter (into this covenant) come, and those who choose to fall off, let them fall;” each person replied, “we have heard and do obey;” thus they all agreed to my sovereignty, and inaugurated me.”
In the year 771, I entered my thirty-fifth year of age, on which occasion four of the most revered Syeds, viz. Abū al Berkāt, Abū al Muāly, Zynaddyn, and Aly Akber, having chosen a fortunate hour, took me by the arms, and placed me on the throne of sovereignty: after I was seated on the throne, I opened the Korān, which was my constant companion, to search for an omen whether my government would endure, and this verse came forth, “Say, God is the master of the world, he gives the kingdom to whom he chooses, and takes it away from those he chooses.” The learned body who were standing at the foot of my throne, wrote the interpretation of this verse, and read prayers for the perpetuity of my dominion. In the same manner all the people, both great and low, held up their hands in prayer for my prosperity; after which all the nobles bent their knees and congratulated me; then all the chiefs and officers of the hordes payed their respects; then all the people, whether soldiers or citizens, called out, “may your good fortune endure.”
Previous to the day of my coronation I had formed regulations for my courts; I assigned to the Syeds, to the prelates and learned body a place on my right hand, to my sons and relations and nobles, that they should be seated in a half circle round my throne, the (Kurjyans) life guards were to be placed behind the throne, the commanders of divisions to be in front, facing me, the twelve (Yusuval) aides de camp or orderlies, were to stand three in front, three on each side, and three behind the Kūr,* and the other officers and soldiers to be seated according to their respective ranks. After forming the court in this manner I sent for all the treasure and valuables that I possessed and distributed them amongst the nobles, the officers and soldiers, according to their respective ranks, and I then gave away to the persons assembled, all my ready money, my horses, swords, caps; so that all that remained were the clothes on my back and two horses in my stable, and even of these Amyr Jakū asked for one, which I gave him, by which means all I kept to myself was one horse, one sword, one shield, one spear, one quiver with its bow and arrows.
When the nobles of the hordes and tribes witnessed my liberality and generosity they came and bent their knees, and said, you are well entitled to the throne and sovereignty. At this time one of my confidential servants said to me, “there is not a single article left in your store.” I replied, “if I am a King all the wealth of the world is mine; whatever property my subjects possess is mine, they are merely my repositories; and if I am not a King, whatever I may now have will not remain.”
I then commanded a proclamation to be made, that “all people whether great or low, Tūrks or Persians, Noble or Mean, Officer or Soldier, were in perfect security from me, and I issued edicts through all parts of my dominion, stating that I had pardoned all guilty persons of every description; that all those who had drawn their swords against me, done evil to me, or had excited enmity against me, I now considered as my friends, and that I had eradicated from my bosom all animosity or revenge, that they might feel confident and happy, and whatever property of mine had been stolen or plundered during the disturbances, I freely gave to the possessor; that I forgave all the followers of Amyr Hussyn, and that they might remain secure wherever they were dispersed, and keep whatever property of his they had.”
I then issued orders to all the Chieftains on the boundaries and the Governors of the fortresses of Shadmān, Kunduz, Badukhshān, Andijān, Tūrkistān, Kabulistan, Kāshghur, Tashkund, Khujend and the confines of the Desht Kipchāk and Khuarizm, confirming them in their governments and commands and assuring them that they need not harbour an idea of any change.
When the (Eid) festival of the month of Ramzān arrived, I went to the great Mosque of Balkh and performed my prayers. The Muselmāns invited me to commence the service. I replied that I did not consider myself worthy of acting as (Imam) president. They said we consider your Highness as the successor of the illustrious Khalifs and the (Muruvij) Patron of the Muhammedan religion, the Guardian of the holy land, the Protector of the servants of God, the Respecter of his Saints, it is therefore proper that you should preside.
The (Khētyb) Preacher then mounted the pulpit, and after offering up glory and thanksgiving to God and the Prophet, and praise of the illustrious Khalifs (Khūlfā Rāshidyn*) may Paradise be their dwelling, he commenced the Khutbeh† in my name, in these words, “O Lord, assist the Muselmān armies and camps wherever they are, or wherever they may be, whether in the East or in the West, by the good fortune of the just Sultan, the illustrious Khākān, (title of the Tūrkish Sovereign) the renowned Emperor, the exalted Prince, the Khākān son of the Khākān Amyr Timūr Gūrghān, may God Almighty perpetuate his dominion and government, and extend his beneficence and justice to all Muselmāns.” After the conclusion of this speech all the Nobles and principal persons of Jagtay and the Chiefs of the tribes and hordes came up and congratulated me.
When I quitted the Mosque I placed my foot in the stirrup, and attended by all the Commanders and Officers I proceeded to the (Kytūl) palace, I then politely took leave of them, sent each of them a feast on account of the Eid, and dismissed them to their respective homes.
Some days after I appointed Murād Behader, son of Chūghān Berlās, to be governor of Balkh, and gave him a written code of regulations for his guidance, pointing out to him how he was to behave himself, both to soldiers and subjects and in what style he should live and conduct himself on all occasions.
On the 2d day of the month of Shū,āl, A. H. 771, being then thirty-five years of age, having selected a fortunate moment, I marched from Balkh and proceeded towards the capital, Samerkund; the first day I encamped on the banks of the Jihūn, which was seven Fersukh (twenty-one miles) from Balkh, and enjoyed myself there, till my family and all the heavy baggage of the army came up.
At one of the assemblies Shykh Hussyn Sūfy‡ who had arrived from Khuarizm, came and joined me: I asked him, “how will the Almighty reproach tyrants in the day of Judgment?” he replied, “God hath said to them (by his Prophets) ‘don’t think of me; if you do so, I will curse you;’ this is a sufficient indication of their lot, the tyrant shall be seized both in this world and the next by his injustice.” He then added, “the punishment of an infidel King, provided he is just, shall be less than that of a Muselmān Monarch who is a tyrant; also the torments of a generous unbeliever shall be fewer than those of an avaricious believer.” On hearing these words I determined as long as I lived to make justice and liberality my constant practice.
All my people having now joined the camp, I crossed the river Jihūn and encamped in the plains of Kesh, where I halted for some time and was waited upon by all the Nobles and principal inhabitants of the towns, and by all the Chiefs of the hordes and tribes: whether formerly friends or enemies all came and claimed my protection. From thence I marched to the vicinity of Samerkund and was there met by all the Nobles and persons of note, by all the prelates and learned body of that city, who congratulated me and made offerings (Nesār) for my prosperity.
That very day being Friday, I went to the great Mosque and said my prayers with a very numerous congregation, after which the Khutbeh was read for my success from the pulpit of Samerkund, being now the capital of my empire. But Khuajē Abyd Allah, who was the most celebrated theologist of the age, refused to join in the blessing. Here follows the anecdote related in page 12 of the Omens, &c.
In consequence of this manifestation of the Prophet’s regard, I ordered that another large mosque should be built in Samerkund, also a monastery, and houses for the Dervishes and pious Muselmāns.
After I had mounted the throne in my capital of Samerkund, I formed a council and drew up a code of regulations for my goverment, I then ordered a general proclamation to be made, that whoever had any claims on me should come forward and make them known; and every person that I had been intimate with from the days of my childhood to the present time, I called by his name, and conferred favours on him; and with whomsoever I had been acquainted either as friend or enemy, I acted in a uniform manner to all, and bound them in the ties of gratitude.
I gave injunctions to all my servants, that they were never on any account to change or alter the orders that I should issue; and that if any minister or officer should be guilty of deviation from this rule, he should be punished; because one of the rights of Princes is, that their words and orders should be the law of the land.
I ordered that a code of regulations should be formed for the payment of the officers and soldiers and their allowance of provisions; also rules for conferring titles and the high offices of generals and ministers, which were to be considered as a standing order and guidance of their conduct. In the same manner I directed that regulations* should be written for the holding of public assemblies in peace, and for manœuvring armies in the field during war, and for the conduct of my soldiers towards their fellow subjects.
In the first council I fixed the (Syurghelāt) permanent grants of land for charitable purposes, and I appointed Syed Abd Allah to be the (Sudder) superintendant of this institution, and to be chief magistrate of the Syeds, and I nominated Syed Abd al Rehmān to be the (Shykh al Islam) head of religious affairs, and Syed Zya Addeen, to be the chief judge; and I ordered that on all occasions of ceremony, the Syeds and the (Mushykh and Oulemā) prelates and learned body, should be seated on my right hand.
But there arose a great controversy between them, the Syeds and learned body for precedency, or which should be the nearest to the throne, as the arguments on both sides were very long and noisy, I was much amused with the disputation; I however took care that the Syeds were never to be treated with contempt or abused, and forbade their ever being bound or put to death, and if any person injured them, he was to be severely punished.† One of the holy and learned Syeds named Abū al Muāly, who had frequently opposed my ambition, and had done every thing to injure me, I treated with the greatest respect, which made him ashamed of his past conduct and desirous of my pardon; I therefore for the sake of the Prophet forgave him.
While I was seated in the Assembly, an ambassador (from Syed Aly) the (Valy), ruler of Mazinderan was introduced, and delivered a message from his master; after he had been seated some time, Syed Abū al Berkāt asked who his master was, and of what family; the ambassador immediately traced the Valy’s genealogy to Aly the son-in-law of the Prophet, and acknowledged that he had been sent to learn my character and disposition. I said to him, “well, what do you think of me,” he replied, “I find that you prefer justice to violence, truth to falsehood, virtue to vice, and that you honour and respect the descendants of Muhammed, which is a clear proof that victory and fortune will be the constant attendants of your Highness’s Stirrup, as the supporter of the Muselmān religion.”
I praised the ambassador for his ability and ingenuity, Syed Abū al Berkāt was also lavish in his praise, and pronounced that as long as I persevered in such conduct, I should be triumphant and successful; ignorance, irreligion, vice and tyranny being ever the cause of the ruin of a government.
At this council I gave the government of Samerkund to Amyr Daoud, and conferred the insignia of the standard and kettle drum on Amyr Jakū and several other Chiefs; I made Hussyn Berlās, President of the Council. I gave charge of the large seal to Ayk Timūr, and disposed of all the other appointments among my friends. I also ordered that no revenue or taxes should be collected from the inhabitants of Samerkund, Bokhara, or their dependencies, and issued a public edict that they were to be exempt from all claims.
The first disagreeable circumstance which occurred in the commencement of my reign, was the rebellion of the chief Zindē Khushm, and which required all my exertion to quell. It has been before mentioned, that when Amyr Hussyn was killed, I confirmed all his governors in their posts, one of the most important of these situations, was the government of Shyrghān, held by Zindē Khushm; but as he was suspected by my ministers to be unworthy of confidence, they had advised me to remove him; I replied, “I have promised safety and security for three years to every person, whether friend or enemy, provided they behave properly;” but Zindē Khushm soon raised the standard of opposition by taking under his protection Amyr Musā, formerly Hussyn’s Commander-in-Chief, who had come over to my party; and when I marched against Balkh, had accompanied me the first day’s journey, but had again deserted at the second stage, and fled towards Tūrkistān; but hearing of the death of Amyr Hussyn, he had sent me an apology for his conduct, and solicited my forgiveness, in consequence of which, I sent him an assurance of safety; but as he was a deceitful fellow, and suspicious of others, notwithstanding he had suffered much in wandering about the deserts, and had been frequently routed by my troops, still he had the impudence to refuse the edict I sent him, accompanied by a promise of safety, and his heart not being clean, he again made battle, but being a second time defeated, he fled on foot with his family, and took refuge with Zindē Khushm, who at his instigation, now raised the standard of rebellion, and began to act improperly.
On being informed of this circumstance, I did not take any notice of it, and pretended such ignorance, that I never mentioned either of their names, or said good or bad on the subject. At length my nobles said to me, “it is quite requisite to go and subdue these two rebels;” I replied, “if I proceed against them in person, it will make them of too much importance in the eyes of my subjects; for if they venture to contend with me, and I shall prove victorious, what fame shall I gain, it will be merely said, that I have punished two of Amyr Hussyn’s servants; no, I will summon them to come to court, if they obey it will be all well, if not, they will be guilty of disobedience, and evince their hostility, I shall then find no difficulty in punishing them.”
In consequence of this resolution, I sent an invitation to Zindē Khushm, by the hands of Amyr Aljaitū: on the receipt of my edict, he treated my messenger with great respect, made use of many flattering expressions, and promised immediately to wait on me. Aljaitū therefore returned and informed me of his success, but I told him I feared he had been deceived, which proved to be the case.
Shortly after this circumstance, it happened that Byram Shāh Arlāt, who had deserted from Amyr Hussyn, and had gone into Khurasān, having heard of the death of his late master, and my having mounted the throne, was on his way to pay his respects to me, but Zindē Khushm intercepted him, and under pretence of hospitality, seized and confined him.*
On hearing of this event, I sent another summons to Zindē Khushm, by the hands of Taban Behader, but that impudent scoundrel imprisoned my messenger, on which the fire of my anger being stirred, I ordered that my tents should be pitched on the route to Shyrghān; when Zindē Khushm was informed of this circumstance, he was much alarmed, and shut himself up in the white fort of Shyrghān, but wrote to Amyr Aljaitū to beg for my forgiveness, and sent him a shroud and scymitar to lay before me as emblems of his forlorn condition, and after a few days, he sent his younger brother, Islām and Amyr Musā, (both of whom had behaved treacherously towards me) bound neck and hand to Samerkund.
I immediately pardoned Amyr Musā, and gave him the command of his own tribe, but my ministers remonstrated that it was improper to confer such an honour on a treacherous scoundrel, I replied, “that in consequence of this act of kindness, many of the disaffected and rebellious chiefs would be induced to come in;” in fact the sending Amyr Musā in the manner described, was a stratagem of Zindē Khushm’s to ascertain my disposition, whether it was of a forgiving or revengeful nature; I therefore put confidence in his protestations, and remained quietly in my capital.
The second disturbance that took place in the commencement of my reign was this: notwithstanding my having pardoned the crimes of Zindē Khushm, and drawn the pen of forgiveness over his evil actions, he at the instigation of the disciples and scholars of the prelate Abū al Muāly of Termuz, again placed his foot on the path of insurrection, and endeavoured to excite commotions against my government; he therefore collected an army, and plundered the hordes who resided in the vicinity of Balkh and Termuz.
On hearing of this event, I gave orders to those chiefs who were in attendance, to march immediately with their troops, and without halting on any pretence, to attack Zindē Khushm, and compel him to restore all the plunder he had taken; I also sent off two other detachments to the right and left, to surround him, my victorious army having marched with great expedition, came up with the rear of Zindē Khushm’s troops as they were crossing the Jihūn over a bridge of boats, and caused a number of them to be drowned in the river, and of those, who had crossed and were drawn up on the opposite bank, many were killed or wounded, and all the cattle were retaken.
After this event, Zindē Khushm fled, and was pursued by Arghūn Shāh, nearly as far as Shyrghān; but the rebel having secured himself in the fort, began to fortify it: my general wrote and informed me that he had surrounded the fortress, and requested reinforcements, assuring me that he would soon bring the rebel bound hand and foot to my presence. On receipt of this intelligence, I presented Amyr Jakū with a scymitar, a dress of honour, and a horse, and sent him off with a considerable reinforcement.
Amyr Jakū marched with great expedition, and laid siege to Shyrghān, but as the winter had just set in, he could only blockade the place for three months; at the expiration of this period, the garrison being much in want of provisions, Zindē Khushm requested Amyr Jakū to intercede with me for pardon, and trusting to my mercy, came out of the fort and proceeded to Samerkund; when he approached the city, I ordered all my chiefs to go out and meet him, and to pay him much respect and honour.
When brought to my presence with the sword hung about his neck, he was much downcast, and expected that I would command his being put to death; I however said to him, “Zindē Khushm, I have it now in my power either to kill you, or to keep you in perpetual confinement, but as I consider you a brave young man, I will generously forgive you, provided that contrary to your past behaviour, you will not in future transgress, nor allow yourself to be led away by insidious people, but go to your own tribe and bring them all into subjection to me:” he replied with great warmth, “I will in future devote my life as an offering to your Highness;” I therefore conferred a dress of honour on him, and admitted him into my service. He immediately went across the Sihūn, and in a short period persuaded the horde of Timūr to submit to my authority, and brought their (Kelanters) head men to my court, in reward for which, I again conferred on him the government of Shyrghān,* and gave the command of the horde of Timūr to Kepek Timūr.†
The third disturbance which took place in the commencement of my reign, was the rebellion of Kepek Timūr: this was a person that I had raised from a very low situation, but when he found himself in authority, he soon betrayed the baseness of his origin, and evinced his ingratitude; he even erected the standard of rebellion, and collected a considerable army. I therefore promoted Behram Jelayr, (who had been for some time in disgrace for misconduct at Tashkund, but who had offered to go and bring Kepek Timūr bound hand and neck into my presence) and sent him with Shykh Aly Khetay Behader, and other officers to punish Kepek Timūr.
It so happened that a party of Jelayr’s own tribe were dissatisfied with him, and watched an opportunity to assassinate him, but he having discovered their intentions, was obliged to take refuge with Shykh Aly. About this time the two armies came in sight, but were separated by the river Aishē Khātun: when the royal army had reached the bank of the river, Khetay Behader having taken offence at his superior officer for some imputation against his courage, drew his sword, plunged his horse into the stream, and having crossed alone, pushed on towards Kepek Timūr’s standard, but was immediately surrounded by the soldiers of the rebel, Shykh Aly, and his troops having by this time crossed the river engaged the enemy, who alarmed by the vigour of the attack, were shortly broken, and during the night, fled in every direction. Shykh Aly then made peace with Kepek, and having severely punished the mutineers of Behram Jelayr’s division, returned to me.
The fourth disturbance that occurred was, the invasion of the Jetes: it appeared that during the insurrection of Zindē Khushm and Amyr Musā, they had written to the Khān of the Jetes, that if he would advance with an army into Maveralnaher, they would seize me, and deliver up the country to him; in consequence of which, the stupid Khān collected an army, and advanced towards Maveralnaher: as soon as I received intelligence of this event, I resolved to be before hand with him, I therefore marched from Samerkund, and advanced rapidly as far as Nekah, to meet the Jetes, but when they heard of my advance, they deemed it prudent to retreat.
At this time, four of my chiefs, viz. Zindē Khushm, Amyr Musā, Abūlys, and Abūal Mualy, of Termuz, all of whom were under great obligations to me, entered into a confederacy to assassinate me whilst I was enjoying the amusement of hawking or hunting. Thus one day while I was amusing myself, and had a Falcon on my hand, these four cavaliers attacked my attendants; I immediately placed the small drum I held in my hand, on my head as a helmet, loosed the bird, drew my sword, and called out to them with all my might; when they heard my voice, they were terrified, and attempted to run away, but my attendants seized them: I then gave orders to confine them, and continued my sport.
When I returned to my capital at Samerkund, I summoned a general assembly of all the chiefs, and the learned body, and the Syeds; I then ordered the four prisoners to be brought before the assembly, when they were brought into the court, I addressed the judges and said, “what is the punishment due to a party of confederates who conspire against the life of a Muselmān;” they replied, “the punishment of the law is retaliation, but forgiveness is better, for the first offence.” I then said to Abū Muāly, “you know that I am a Muselmān, and that I am obedient to the law of the Prophet, how is it possible that you who call yourself a descendant of the Prophet, and who have received so many favours from me, should dare to make an attempt against my life? but I pardon you for the sake of his holiness the Prophet.”
I then said to Abūlys, “I also forgive you, because you are a Shykh, (Arabian descent)” and I dismissed him. To Amyr Musā, I said, “you and I are connexions, (by marriage)* and I have made a vow never to destroy any of my relations, I therefore pardon you.” With respect to Zindē Khushm, I conferred his government of Shyrghān upon Myan Timūr, and gave the prisoner into his charge to do as he pleased with him.
The fifth disturbance that took place in my government, was the dispute with Hussyn Sūfy, the ruler of Khuarizm.† As it had been previously represented in my council, that Hussyn Sūfy had shewn signs of hostility by sending troops to plunder part of my territory, I received at this time a representation from the prelates and principal inhabitants of Khuarizm, containing complaints against their ruler, and stating that their country, with the districts of Khyuk and Kāt, had from time immemorial, belonged to the Jagtay family, but that Hussyn Sūfy having found them without a master, had taken possession of the kingdom, and exercised great tyranny and oppression over the inhabitants; it was therefore incumbent on me to deliver them from the hands of the oppressor.
In consequence of this intelligence, I deliberated with myself whether I should immediately march in person to deliver Khuarizm from the grasp of Hussyn Sūfy, or whether I should send an army under the command of another person. The determination that sprung from the east of my heart was this, that I should first turn my reins towards Khurasān; but as my mind was not quite at ease with regard to Badukhshān, I appointed Amyr Jakū to the governments of Kundez, Bukelān, and the boundaries of Kabūl, and sent with him a large army to protect these places.
After having taken the necessary precautions for the defence of my own dominions, I appointed the Amyr Syf Addeen to be governor of Samerkund, and in the year 773, being the second of my reign, and the thirty-seventh A. D. 1371. of my age, I set out with the intention of subduing Khuarizm; when I reached the banks of the Jihūn, I halted, and was there joined by the ambassador of Melk Ghyās Addyn, son and successor of the late Aāzaddyn, ruler of Khurasān, of Ghur, and Ghirjistān, who brought a number of presents from his master to me; in return for which, I conferred a dress of honour, and many gifts on the ambassador, and sent a letter replete with condolence and congratulations to Melk Ghyās Addyn.
At this time it reached my ears that the troops of Hussyn Sūfy had entered the country of Maveralnaher, and had extended their hordes in plundering the inhabitants. I therefore issued orders that my (Keravul) advanced division should immediately march to oppose them, this they did in so vigorous a manner, that at the first charge they put the enemy to flight, and took a great number of them prisoners; those who escaped, took refuge in the fort of Kāt, the governor of which, whose name was Byrem Yusavul, and the Cazy Shykh Muvyd, both of whom shut themselves up in the fortress; my victorious army pursued the runaways, and laid siege to the place.
On receipt of this intelligence, I placed my foot in the stirrup, and proceeding with great celerity, arrived at the ditch of the fort, where I alighted. When my troops saw this action, all the cavalry dismounted and hastened to the attack. Shykh Behader threw a (Kumund) rope with a noose on the battlement, by help of which, he nearly mounted the wall; but at this time the garrison saluted us with a shower of arrows, and one of them cut the rope, so that Behader fell headlong to the bottom of the wall; he soon however recovered his footing, again threw the noose, and being supported by Jehān Pehlwān, they mounted the wall; I then ordered the drums to be beaten, and my troops having made a general assault, mounted the battlements: on seeing this, the governor called out for quarter, I gave him quarter, but all the wealth and property in the fort, became the plunder of the soldiers.
I spent three days in Kāt, I then sent off Ghyās Addyn and Aljaitū, with two divisions, to turn the flanks of Hussyn Sūfy’s army, whilst I sent against him my main body, commanded by Ky Khuserū Khutelāny; I then ordered the drums to strike up, and having mounted my steed, I advanced with rapidity, and entered the plains of Khuarizm. When Hussyn Sūfy saw my victorious army, he sent an ambassador to request my forgiveness, and to say that he would in future place his head on the line of obedience. Although I did not believe him, I nevertheless pardoned him, but in order to try him, I said to Ky Khuserū, “as long as Hussyn keeps possession of the fort of Khuarizm, it is impossible to clear the country of sedition.” In consequence of this hint, Ky Khuserū treacherously sent him a message, advising him not to trust to my promises, nor leave the fort, but if he would draw out his army, and come forth at the head of them, he Ky Khuserū would join him with all his troops.
The Khuarizm Prince fell into the snare laid for him, marched out with a large body of troops, and advanced to the bank of the river Karān, which is at the distance of two Fersukh* from the fort, and drew up in battle array. At this period, Ky Khuserū waited on me and said, “I have outwitted the enemy, and have brought the prey into your toils;” I commanded him instantly to march with his troops, and cut off the communication with the fort: I then ordered my drums to be beaten, and having mounted my horse, proceeded towards the enemy, and while going along, determined on the plan of attack. I commanded Amyr Muvyd to go up the river with his division, and then cross over, and at the same time I sent Khetay Behader down the river, to effect his passage over it, and ordered Ak Timūr to cross with his division in front of the enemy; the three divisions swam their horses over the river, and reached the opposite bank with safety, except Aylchy Behader, who fell off his horse and was drowned. When I spurred my steed to enter the stream, Muhammed Seldūz caught hold of my stirrup, and entreated me not to proceed; he at the same time seized my standard, and rushed into the river. As soon as the divisions to the right and left, saw my standard, they made a desperate charge on the enemy, and a very severe conflict took place between the contending armies, in so much that the men engaged with knives and daggers, and pulled each other by their collars off their horses. Hussyn Sūfy seeing the desperate situation of his troops, fled alone into the fort. My victorious soldiers now laid siege to the fortress, and in a very short time they advanced their batteries so near, as greatly to harass the garrison: during the siege, Hussyn Sūfy was so terrified, that he departed this life.
On the death of Hussyn, he was succeeded by his brother Yusuf Sūfy, who immediately sent out his sword, and expressed his sorrow for the circumstances that had occurred, with protestations of his obedience and attachment to me. He further offered to give his niece, who was a descendant of the Khān of the Jetes, in marriage to one of my sons, so that a family connection might be cemented between us, which should serve as a bond of his fidelity. Having approved of this offer, I gave my consent, on condition that agents on the part of my son Jehangyr should remain in the districts of Khuarizm, to collect the tribute. Having written an edict on the above mentioned subject, I turned the reins of my steed towards Samerkund, and having arrived in that city, I caused the carpets of justice and happiness to be spread.
At this time, I discovered that Amyr Ky Khuserū Khutelāny, had during the siege of Khuarizm, carried on a secret correspondence with Hussyn Sūfy, and had encouraged him to oppose me, by promising to join him. It was in consequence of this negociation, and a renewal of the correspondence, that Yusuf Sūfy ventured to turn out the agents of Jehangyr, and to raise the standard of revolt. This was the sixth disturbance that took place during my reign, and was all owing to the want of loyalty of Ky Khuserū, whose ambitious spirit excited him to aim at the sovereignty; he therefore sent an agent named Shāh Mahmūd, to form a secret treaty with Yusuf Sūfy, by which they agreed to assist each other in my destruction; when I first received intelligence of this plot, I could not believe it, till one of their confidential agents shewed me a written copy of the treaty, I however kept the matter a secret.
A. D. 1372.In the year 774, being then thirty-eight years of age, I quitted Samerkund, under pretence of a hunting expedition, but resolving to make a sudden incursion into the Khuarizm territory, and to take my revenge both on Yusuf Sūfy and the traitor Ky Khuserū; when I arrived in the plain of Kārshy, I gave orders for a general assembly of the nobles and prelates to be summoned, and brought Ky Khuserū before it; I then produced the secret treaty, gave it into his hand, and desired him to read it; when he saw the writing, and his own seal affixed to it, he was ashamed and held down his head; I was much affected on seeing him in this situation, but he himself saved me the pain of passing sentence by saying, “I am guilty, and am deserving of any punishment your Highness may command.” I therefore determined to give the (Toman) horde of Khutelān to Muhammed, the son of Shyr Behram, and as there existed a great enmity between them, I judged that there could not be a greater punishment than to deliver Ky Khuserū over to Muhammed, to do with him as he pleased, and ordered accordingly.* I then arose from the assembly, and having mounted my horse, proceeded towards Khuarizm.
When I had crossed the sandy desert of Khuarizm, Yusuf Sūfy having heard of the fate of his confederate, and of my arrival, sent an ambassador to beseech the chiefs and my son Jehangyr, to intercede for his pardon; he also sent his niece Khān Zadē, who was bethrothed to Jehangyr, with a great retinue, and many presents to wait on me. As the young Princess was very eloquent, and had a charming address, she said to me at our first meeting, “an Emperor is he who pardons equally Kings and beggars, and does not severely criticise their actions, and if they have been guilty of faults, freely forgives them, because when an enemy asks for forgiveness, he should no longer be considered an enemy: also a great monarch, having elevated any person, does not again cast him down, and whatever he gives, does not seek for any return; he does not place implicit reliance on the friendship of any individual, nor does he behold with implacability the enmity of any person, but considers both equally beneath his notice.” She then requested me to pardon her uncle, in return for this speech, I gave the kingdom of Khuarizm for her (Kabyn) marriage dower, to be managed by Yusuf Sūfy, as the agent of my son Jehangyr; I then returned to Samerkund, and shortly after deputed the Amyrs Yadgār Berlās and Aljaitū, to bring the bride Khān Zadē from Khuarizm. These noblemen were received by Yusuf Sūfy with the greatest respect, he professed his willing obedience to me, and gave to each of the ambassadors rich presents, and prepared a sumptuous banquet for them. After a few days he dismissed them with the bride and a suitable equipage.
When the Princess approached Samerkund, I ordered several of the chief ladies of my family, attended by a number of noblemen, to go and meet her, and bring her into the city with the greatest honour and pomp. I also commanded all the chiefs, Syeds, and prelates, to be assembled, and in their presence the marriage ceremony was performed according to the rites of the Muhammedan religion, may the Lord be praised for all his goodness.
In the year 775, being then thirty-nine years of age, I was informed that Kummer Addyn, the slave and commander-in-chief of the army of the Khān of the Jetes, had raised his scymitar and said, “by the force of my sword, I will take the kingdom of Maveralnaher from Amyr Timūr.” On hearing of this, my honour was so roused that I could not sleep, and although the weather at this period was very cold, I nevertheless mounted my steed, and marching with great expedition, I arrived at the caravansery of Kutfān. At this place the cold was excessive, but my troops collected great quantities of wood, lighted fires, and dressed their provisions; unfortunately soon after, the snow began to fall with great violence, and the quadrupeds being much distressed, many of them died. On this my chiefs waited on me, and having bent the knee, represented that numbers of our followers and cattle were perishing from the severity of the winter; it would therefore be better to return to Samerkund.
As I had previously determined to erect huts for the army, and to remain out during the winter, I said to the chiefs, “we ought not to have commenced a campaign at this season of the year, but having done so, it would be very prejudicial to my interest to return, and very beneficial for me, to remain where we are; God be praised, that every requisite is here procurable, and when a King has resolved on any measure, he should not deviate from his purpose; I have determined not to return till I have made Kummer Addyn repent his boasting, or taken him prisoner.” I therefore passed forty days at the (Rebat) caravansery, and when the cold had decreased, I gave the command of the advanced division to the Prince Jehangyr, but sent with him the Amyrs Muhammed Byan Seldūz, and Aādil Shāh Jelayr, at the head of the tribe of Jelayr, and many other troops.*
When the Prince and the illustrious chiefs reached Jarun, they learned that Kummer Addyn, with his army, were encamped at Kuruk Tupē, and were waiting there for reinforcements. On hearing this news, the Prince placing his trust in God, made a forced march, and beat up the Jete camp during the night; Kummer Addyn was much terrified, took to flight, and sought refuge in a pass called the Birkē Ghuryān.
When the day broke, my troops seized a number of the enemy’s followers, and took much plunder, after which they proceeded towards the pass; that day the Jetes defended the pass, but when night came on, they again fled; a number of their soldiers and other infidels became the food of the swords and arrows of the Muselmāns.
As soon as the letters of the Prince Jehangyr reached me, I placed my foot in the stirrup, and marching with great rapidity, joined the advanced division, just after they had seized and plundered Kummer Addyn’s followers.
I immediately ordered Amyr Daoūd, Hussyn Behader, and some other officers to pursue the fugitives, and not give them time to rest, or even draw their breath, and I encamped that night at Payāk; at this place I was grieved to learn that Amyr Hussyn Behader had been drowned in crossing a river, this I considered as an unlucky omen, but ordered the Prince Jehangyr to pursue, and use every endeavour to take the Jete commander prisoner; the Prince in obedience to my commands, pursued him over hill and dale, took all his camels and baggage, and compelled him to wander with only seven persons among the mountains, even his women were all seized, together with all their jewels and ornaments.
The Prince being anxious to secure the fugitive, did not relax in the pursuit, but as the country was full of trees and caves, he dismounted and travelled on foot; at length he reached a spring of water, near to which Kummer Addyn had laid down with his head on a stone, and was only roused by some of my people approaching him; as they were about to seize him, a young man, who was one of his followers, but very much resembled him, called out, “I am Kummer Addyn,” in consequence of which, they quitted the master and seized the servant; the other attendants being seized, also falsely swore that the latter was the personage we were in pursuit of; in the mean time Kummer Addyn escaped and hid himself in a cave.
When my victorious son returned triumphant with his prisoners to my camp, and they were brought into my presence, several of my people who knew Kummer Addyn, declared that the prisoner was not him, although very like him; the youth also acknowledged that being grateful to his master for his salt, he had devoted his life for his (Kummer Addyn’s) preservation. I praised the young man exceedingly, and said, “as you have proved yourself a grateful servant, I forgive you for this meritorious action.”
My people then wished me to return home, but I said, “although we have quenched the fire, we have left the sparks;” I therefore placed my foot in the stirrup, and proceeded to the mountain of Shemāk, from thence we marched to Azbehbary. As the plains of Azbehbary were very beautiful, and the season of spring was just now commencing, I passed two pleasant months in that delightful place, during which time Mubarik Shāh, the governor of that district, had the honour of being introduced, and performed all the duties of a host towards me; in return for his hospitality, I bestowed on him the command of the tribe of Salar Aghlān, and returned to Samerkund.
Of the circumstances that occurred in the year 776, my age being then forty, was the rebellion excited by Amyr Sārbugha and Aādil Shāh; these chiefs compassionating the distressed state of the Jete Commander, Kummer Addyn, went and joined him, and he having obtained a reinforcement from the Khān of Jetteh, proceeded at their instigation to invade Andijān; on their arrival there, they dispersed and plundered the horde of Kuzāk, who were under the protection of the Prince Omer Shykh.* My son thought it advisable to retreat before the enemy into the mountains, to effect this, he drew out his army and shewed himself, he then fell back, and by degrees having enticed them among the fastnesses, he cut off their retreat, and made a number of the Jetes the food of his victorious sword. He (Omer Shykh) then sent an express to inform me of all these circumstances; I immediately gave orders for the army to be assembled, and having placed my foot in the stirrup, set out to join my son. When we reached the village of Atbashy, I received intelligence that Kummer Addyn had again retreated, but this proved to be a stratagem of his, for having collected his dispersed troops, he waited in ambuscade, with a select party. In consequence of the false information I had received, I ordered Shykh Aly, Aktimūr, and two other chiefs, to pursue the Jetes with all their forces; my faithful generals having bent their knees, represented that they would not leave me unprotected, on which I was very angry with them; they in consequence set off with great expedition, but I having repented of my passion, followed them gently, not having with me more than three hundred horse.
When I had lost sight of my army, Kummer Addyn came out from his ambuscade, and approached me; my followers on seeing the enemy, were much alarmed, I however encouraged them, and put on my armour: when my troops saw that I was resolved on death or victory, they became of one heart, and I formed them into six divisions, and waited for the enemy.
Kummer Addyn having drawn out his army, and being desirous of revenge, attacked us, and in the second or third charge, came up close to me; I raised my sword, and gave him such a blow on the helmet that he was stunned; at this instant one of his servants seized his bridle, and led him out of the battle, upon which his army took to flight. After having been joined by my army, I pursued the enemy, and at the end of eight Fersukh, came up with them; I then gave orders to surround Kummer Addyn, but he continued fighting and retreating till only seven of his soldiers remained with him: as his horse was wounded, and he could not procure another, he dismounted, and for some time hid himself among the people on foot; he then threw off his armour, and concealed himself in a hole in a cave. The next morning his horse was brought to me, but we could not find the fugitive; my officers all said he had certainly gone to the other world, I did not coincide with them, and ordered the search to be continued on all sides; but as we could not discover any trace of him, I determined to return to Samerkund.
As I had left my eldest son the Prince Muhammed Jehangyr very ill at Samerkund, my mind was very anxious on his account; one night I dreamt that I was seated in a boat with the Prince, that the boat sunk, and although I endeavoured to catch the hand of my son, I could not effect it, and he was drowned; I was therefore much affected by this dream, nor could I obtain any intelligence of the Prince till after I had crossed the Sihūn.
When I arrived in the vicinity of Samerkund, I saw a number of the nobles, and the principal inhabitants of the city who had come out to meet me, clothed in black; as soon as I saw the procession, I was convinced that the fatal event had taken place, and was much distressed and afflicted: the Imperial Etiquette would not permit me to put on mourning, but I shut myself up for several days, and lamented extremely for two reasons; first, on my son’s account, that so fine a young man of only twenty years of age, should so soon have been called to another world; secondly, on my own account, that such a tree, the support of my empire, should have been broken down. But I comforted myself by reflecting that two verdant branches of my son still flourished, the first, the Prince Peer Muhammed, to whom I gave the title of his father, Jehangyr;* the other, Muhammed Sultān, to both of whom I assigned a high place of honour in my public courts. Amyr Syf Addeen, who had been the preceptor of my son, was so much affected by his loss, that he forsook the world and became a hermit.
In the year 777, and the forty-first of my age, the Jete commander, Kummer Addyn, who had escaped from the whirlpool of death, and had reached the shore of safety, finding by experience, that he could not effect any thing against me, repaired to the court of the Khān of Jetteh, where he collected a large army, and again advanced towards Maveralnaher. At this time, the Amyrs Sar Bughā and Aādil Shāh, who had deserted from me, and joined Kummer Addyn, having wandered for two years among the mountains of Jerahuk, and finding they had no remedy but to return to my court, sent a messenger to me, acknowledging their faults, and requesting my pardon. I therefore sent Khuajē Kukultāsh and Alchy Bughā, to bring them to my presence; when my agents arrived at Atrar, Aādil Shāh being alarmed, again fled and took refuge at Aksumā,† but the Tūrks who inhabited those plains, foolishly plundered all his wealth and property. Sar Bughā, who had been my declared and open enemy, advanced manfully, and came with great sincerity to my court, having his sword suspended round his neck; on entering into my presence, he placed the sword on the ground, and said, “there is the scymitar, and here is my neck, cut away, but still I am hopeful from the generosity of your Highness, for since I quitted your service, I have only experienced disgrace and ill luck, therefore I am returned to you.” I encouraged him, and gave him the command of the horde of Jelayr, and as he was a courageous fellow, I liberally forgave him, and he undertook to be the guide of my forces against the Jetes.
I then sent off an army under the command of my son Omer Shykh, against Kummer Addyn, but I gave him strict injunctions that he was upon all occasions to consult with Sar Bughā. Previous to their marching, Ak Bughā advised, that as the Jetes were as watchful as crows, one division should make a detour, and get in the rear of their camp, while the main body should attack them in front; I therefore gave orders that my son Omer Shykh, accompanied by Sar Bughā, should march directly against the Jete army, whilst Ketay Behader should go round and plunder the horde. Omer Shykh, with the main body, reached the plain of Khuratū (encampment of the Jetes) at the moment that Kummer Addyn was sitting down to dinner; when he saw the victorious army approaching, he was confounded, vaulted on his horse, and turned his face towards the desert, and no one knew whither he was gone, but his whole army dispersed.
Omer Shykh continued to search for the fugitive for some time in the desert, but not being able to discover any trace of him, turned the reins of his steed towards Samerkund, and Khetay Behader having plundered the Jete horde, rejoined the Prince: the victorious army having returned to Samerkund, had the honour to kiss the royal carpet.
My mind being now quite at ease with regard to Kummer Addyn, I was informed that Beg Timūr, the son of Aurūs Khān of Kipchāk, had advanced with an army of five thousand horse into the territory, occupied by the tribe of Jujy, had plundered them of all their property, and compelled their Prince Tuktāmush* Khān, a descendant of the imperial family, to flee towards me for refuge. As Tuktāmush was an acquaintance of mine, he sent a messenger to me with his blessing (Dwa):† I in consequence sent out Tumen Timūr to meet the Prince, with orders to bring him to Samerkund with the greatest honour and respect: I also prepared a great banquet for him, and assembled all the chiefs, the Syeds, and the learned, to meet him, and gave to the whole assembly, abundance to eat and to drink, and conferred dresses of honour, and presents of jewels and horses on every one according to his rank, and having made them all happy, I dismissed them.—Farewell, Farewell.
Here ends the Book called the Tuarikh Mubarik Shāhy, (History of the illustrious Monarch) which contains the Military Regulations of Timūr Shāh Saheb Kerāny, compiled by himself. (See Appendix No. 9.)
Page 133, for Book V. read Book VI.
(Page 1.)
(Page 1.)
(Page 3.)
(Page 7.)
Shykh (Sudder Addyn) Sefy was rendered famous by his posterity; he asserted that he was descended from Aly, son-in-law of Muhammed, and resided in the city of Ardebil, province of Azerbijān, and was reputed as a Saint. Tamerlane held him in such esteem, that at his request he gave him all the captives that he had taken in Asia Minor.
All these captives who owed their lives and liberty to the Shykh, evinced the greatest gratitude to him, and cultivated his friendship by rich presents, and frequently visiting him, in such a manner, that his reputation rose very high; he left several children, who became very powerful.
It was from Shykh Sefy that the royal family of Sophys of Persia were descended.
D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Oriental.
(Page 14.)
Syed Mahmūd, commonly known by the name of Geesū Derāz, (long hair) became a very celebrated Saint in Hindūstan; his tomb yet exists in the vicinity of Kulberga, in the Dekhan, and is still resorted to by numerous Muhammedan pilgrims. He wrote several treatises on Sūfyism, four of which are described in the Catalogue of Tippoo Sultān’s Library, No. 17 to 20.
I take the opportunity of mentioning, that although Muhammed declared that he would have no monks in his religion, yet it abounds with more orders of them under the denomination of Fakeers, Dervishes, and Sūfies, than exist in any Catholic country, and the number of Saints equals that in the Roman Kalendar. The tenets of the Sūfies resemble those of the Mystics and Quietists of Europe. The Shykhs or Presidents of these monasteries are supposed to possess a prescience of events, and some of them the power of performing miracles.
(Page 21.)
The proper title of the 67th Chapter of the Korān, is Al Mūlk, but is more generally known by the name of Tebarek Allezy, and is very much admired by the Muselmāns, the following is the verse given in page 26.
It is not meant by this, that he was the first who bore the name of Timūr, as it occurs previously to this period, in the Moghul history; Arab Shāh says that it means Iron in the Tūrky language; he employs two lines to give the true orthography of the word, but acknowledges that the pronunciation has been changed in the course of time.
(Page 23.)
We are not to understand by this expression, the plurality of worlds of the astronomers, but what the Asiatics term the invisible world of angels, spirits, genii, &c.
(Page 30.)
(Page 154.)
(Page 154.)
(Addenda.)
Continuation of the family of Timūr to the present time, with the contemporary Kings of England.
| Timūr, | Richard II. and Henry IV. | Rulers of Ferghanā, |
| Myran Hussyn, | Henry IV. |
| Muhammed Myrza, | Henry V. |
| Abū Saied, | Henry VI. |
| Omer Shykh, | Edward IV. |
| Moghul Emperors of Hindūstān. | |
| Baber, | Henry VII. |
| Humayūn, | Henry VIII. |
| Akber, | Elizabeth. |
| Jehangyr, | James I. |
| Shāh Jehān, | Charles I. |
| Aalumgyr, | Charles II. |
| Aurungzebe, | |
| Behader Shāh, | William III. |
| Ferrukhsyr, | Anne. |
| Muhammed Shāh, | George I. |
| Aalumgyr II. | George II. |
| Shāh Aalum, | George III. |
| Akber Shāh, | George IV. |
N. B. This is not meant to be a minute statement, but merely to give a general outline of the subject.
SEVERAL months after I had commenced this Translation, I procured from my friend Major William Yule of Edinburgh, many years First Assistant to the Resident (Ambassador) at the Court of Lucknow, an authentic transcript of the Delhy Imperial copy, mentioned in Major Davy’s letter, prefixed to the printed volume of Timūr’s Institutes, and noticed in the Preface of this work, which he, Major Yule, obtained as a special favour from the Emperor, or Great Moghul. I also received from my friend Lieutenant Colonel William Franklin, a second copy of the above work, which had been procured by General Sir David Ochterlony, while Resident at the Court of Delhy, and Commander of the northern provinces of India.
They are both large Quarto volumes, the former is neatly written, but the latter is most correct; they both contain the Memoirs of Timūr till his death, but they are too voluminous for me to undertake the translation of them. I shall however compare them with Petis de la Croix’s version of Sherif Addyn’s History, and if they contain any thing new, will notice it. I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy’s manuscript as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they contain, are extracts from Sherif Addyn’s History; an explanation of some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that Timūr was of the Sūny sect, although there is the strongest evidence that he was a very bigoted Shyā, (follower of Aly) as may be proved by his destruction of the cities of Aleppo and Damascus, the account of which is to be found in the 65th Chapter of Gibbon’s Roman Empire.
In order to enable the Public, and especially the Oriental Translation Committee, to judge whether it may be worth while to employ some younger person to continue these Memoirs, by a translation of the transcript of the Imperial edition, I herewith subjoin the Editor’s Preface to that work, also that part of the Book which has given rise to the report that Timūr had written an account of his own death, which has been erroneously quoted as a proof that the whole composition is a forgery.
HE commences with the usual form of praise of God, and blessings on Muhammed, on the four Khalifs, Abū Beker, Omer, Osman and Aly; he then repeats the account given by Abū Talib Hussyny of discovering the book in the library of Jāfer Pashā, and of its contents.
He then states that the Emperor Shāh Jehān of Hindūstān, having perused the book was not satisfied with it, and ordered him, Muhammed Afzel Bukhāry, to revise it.
“In the year 1047 of the Hejira, and tenth of his Majesty Shāh Jehān’s reign, (A. D. 1637) the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of the servants of the Imperial Court, (Muhammed Afzel Bukhāry) to read and revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimilate it with the Zuffer Nameh,* of the correctness of which no intelligent person can have a doubt, and compare it with some other trust-worthy histories, to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert some occurrences which he had omitted; also to translate the Tūrky and Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several of the dates, which do not agree with the Zuffer Nameh.”
“In submission to the royal order, the least of the servants of his Majesty, having bound round him the girdle of obedience, has exerted himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which Abū Talib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform with the Zuffer Nameh. Thus under the happy auspices of his Imperial Majesty, equal in dignity to Solomon, the Defender of the Faith, and the Protector of Princes, this work has been brought to a conclusion, and now only waits the stamp of approval of his Majesty (the King of the world).”
It appears in Dow’s History of Hindostan, that Muhammed Afzel was the name of the Emperor, Shāh Jehān’s preceptor; he was probably the person employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise of translating all the Tūrky passages, although a native of Bokhārā, where that language was well understood.
The conclusion of the work states the arrival of the Emperor Timūr at Atrar,* on his route to China; of his last illness; of his having assembled all his family, his ministers, and other principal personages, and of his having in their presence made his will, consisting of four clauses.
The two first clauses are to recommend union among his descendants, and loyalty to his nobles; the third clause appoints his grandson Pyr Muhammed Jehāngyr to be his successor and possessor of the kingdom of Samerkund, and that all his descendants should consider Jehāngyr as their superior.† The fourth clause entreats his posterity to observe the rules and regulations that he had written during his reign, and to insert them as an Appendix to his Memoirs; he further desires that they will continue his Memoirs to the last moment of his existence as if written or spoken by himself;
“I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding from my own mouth.” (Appendix 11.)
He repeats his exhortation to his descendants to observe union, “to support the religion of Muhammed, to give currency to the tenets of the Sūnies, and to exert themselves in eradicating every false religion.” (Appendix 12.) He then forbids any one to speak to, or again disturb, him, but leave him to the mercy of God.
Shortly after this exhortation he resigned his soul to his Creator, on Tuesday the 17th of Shabān, A. H. 807, March 19th, A. D. 1405.
PRINTED BY W. NICOL, CLEVELAND ROW, ST. JAMES’S.
AT a Meeting of the Subscribers to the ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND, held on MONDAY, the 14th of JUNE, 1830, at the House of the Royal Asiatic Society,
The Right Honourable Sir GORE OUSELEY, Bart., informed the Meeting, that he was authorized by His Royal Highness the Duke of SUSSEX, to express his sincere regret, that His Majesty’s lamented illness prevented his taking the Chair on this occasion.
The Minutes of the Proceedings of the last Anniversary Meeting were then read by the Secretary, and confirmed.
The Right Honourable Sir GORE OUSELEY, Bart., Chairman of the Oriental Translation Committee, having read the Report of the Committee’s proceedings since the last anniversary, and the Auditor’s Report of the Receipts and Expenditure of the Oriental Translation Fund for the year 1829:
It was moved by the Right Honourable Lord SELSEY, seconded by D. POLLOCK, Esq., and Resolved Unanimously,
“THAT the Committee’s and Auditor’s Reports be approved and printed.”
Some amendments in the Sixth and Ninth Regulations for the Committee having been proposed by Sir ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, and seconded by JAMES ALEXANDER, Esq., M.P.,
It was Resolved Unanimously,
“THAT the proposed amendments in the Regulations be adopted.”
The Right Honourable the Earl AMHERST, then, in His Majesty’s name, and accompanied by appropriate addresses, presented one of the Royal Medals to the Rev. Professor LEE; and the other to the Chairman of the Committee, as the Representative of J. F. DAVIS, Esq.; and one of the Institution’s Medals to Sir WILLIAM OUSELEY, as the Representative of Major DAVID PRICE.
The Chairman having left the Chair,
It was moved by the Right Honourable the Earl of CARLISLE, seconded by Count de LASTEYRIE, Vice-President of the Asiatic Society of Paris, and
Resolved Unanimously,
“THAT the warmest thanks of this Meeting be given to the Right Honourable the “Earl AMHERST, for his able conduct in the Chair.”
WILLIAM HUTTMANN,
Secretary.
THE Members of the Oriental Translation Committee, in offering this their Third Annual Report to the Members of the Royal Family, the Nobility, and the Gentlemen who have so generously patronized and munificently supported this long-wished-for Institution, entertain sanguine hopes that the simple recital of the incidents, labours, and acts of the past year will convince the Subscribers, in a gratifying manner, that the interesting objects for which they have so nobly granted their fostering protection, are in as flourishing a state of progress as they could have hoped for, and will obviate the necessity of their soliciting the attention of the Subscribers to more than a simple statement of Facts.
In the first place, the Committee have the grateful task of announcing to the Subscribers the gracious and munificent act of His Majesty, who, shortly after the last Meeting, with his usual beneficent protection of literature, on being presented with the five Works then printed at their expense, ordered Two Gold Medals, of the value of Twenty-five Guineas each, to be annually bestowed upon those learned Translators who may be considered worthy of this royal gift. A suitable device and motto having been agreed on by the Committee, and submitted by the Chairman to His Majesty, they have now the honour of placing before the Subscribers, for their inspection, the Medal of which the King has graciously condescended to express his approbation.
Although the Committee feel and regret the absence of a most active and zealous colleague, Colonel Fitz-Clarence, they avail themselves of the circumstance of his not being present at this Meeting, to express to the Subscribers, without wounding his modesty, their unqualified admiration of the persevering zeal, successful exertions, and eminent talent with which he has advanced the dearest objects of the Institution, during his sojourn in the “Eternal City;” and they feel confident that the resolution of thanks for, and confirmation of, his acts, which the Committee have unanimously come to, will be joyously re-echoed by the Subscribers.
Although the Colonel suffered much at first from the climate of Rome, which disabled him for all exertion, he made up amply for it, as soon as the state of his health permitted. A copy of the learned Professor Lee’s translation of Ibn Batuta’s Travels, he presented, in person, to his Holiness the Pope; who not only received it most graciously and thankfully, but, to mark his approbation of the establishment of the Oriental Translation Fund, immediately gave orders that the literary treasures of the Vatican library should be thrown open to the Colonel’s researches. To this was added every assistance from the celebrated scholar, Monseigneur Angelo Mai, who, by the well-judged selection of the Papal Government, since sanctioned by the approbation of the European Republic of Letters, had been constituted Librarian; with permission to transcribe any manuscript contained in it, at the wish of the Committee.
To avail himself of the fruits of this most desirable acquisition, and at the same time to fulfil the wishes of the Committee, in establishing a permanent connection with Rome, Colonel Fitz-Clarence exerted his best ingenuity towards selecting such individuals for a “Branch Corresponding Committee at Rome,” as, in addition to their eligibility on the score of excellent character, profound learning, and high attainment in Oriental literature, were sure to be approved of by the Pontifical Government.
It naturally suggested itself to the Colonel that our countryman, the Reverend Dr. Wiseman, an accomplished Orientalist, and the Head of the English College at Rome, who besides his fitness for the office by station and talent, possesses a hearty zeal for the cultivation of Eastern lore, and every other qualification, should be solicited to accept the office of Chairman. In this grand desideratum he has been successful; as also in appointing two learned colleagues to Dr. Wiseman, viz. the Reverend Dr. Cullen, Sub-Rector of the Propagandâ Fide establishment, a gentleman equally well qualified by ability and learning; and an English gentleman, Mr. Lewis, an excellent Arabic scholar, who passes his time in the cultivation of literature, between Rome and Sienna.
Letters from the Committee, confirming the above arrangement, will be immediately forwarded to Rome, similar to those addressed to the Indian Presidencies, which are already before the Subscribers; and we entertain the most sanguine hopes that this appointment will be of the utmost utility to the main objects of the Society, as well as to our Lexicographers and Philologists, for whom we can obtain many lights in colloquial knowledge, from the natives of so many different Eastern countries as are assembled in that city.
It is almost unnecessary to draw the attention of the Subscribers to the very great advantages which this Institution must derive from the meritorious exertions of our zealous colleague at the Roman capital. It will at once suggest itself that Rome possesses many celebrated Orientalists; that its constant and direct communication with many parts of Western Asia, and the influx of learned natives of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Abyssinia, who flock to the Propagandâ Fide, to study for the priesthood, afford great facility for the attainment of the objects of this Society, and that the Vatican and other libraries offer almost inexhaustible means for the cultivation of Eastern literature.
The Committee feel bound in justice to add, that the zeal of Colonel Fitz-Clarence in advancing the objects of the Society, has been fully equalled by the address and talent with which he made the necessary arrangements—secured the sanction and approbation of the Roman Government, and obtained the active and willing co-operation of the various learned bodies in that city, and their erudite members, as also in acquiring the aid of that powerful institution the Propagandâ Fide.
The heads of that college, in a most liberal manner, expressed their willingness to proceed conjointly with us in our desirable undertaking, and placed at our disposal the use of their founts and presses for the Oriental texts of such works as we may wish to publish in the original character; and the assistance of their Professors and Resident Orientalists, for composition and correction. They have also presented the Committee with specimens of their various types; and from Colonel Fitz-Clarence’s calculation, a great saving must accrue in our future publications of voluminous Eastern texts, as contrasted with the expense incurred in England.
The learned Members of the Corresponding Committee at Rome have promised to publish in Italian, in the various periodical works circulated in Italy, a concise Prospectus of the views of our Institution; and it may be expected that ere long we shall receive numerous offers of translations from all quarters of the European continent.
In general, Colonel Fitz-Clarence found that amongst the Oriental scholars, with whom he took pains to become acquainted at Rome, the Syriac and Hebrew were more known than the other Eastern languages. The chairs of Arabic, Syriac, and Hebrew at the Sapienza are well filled by Signors Lance, Motza, and Sarte. The latter gentleman for general Oriental erudition is not to be surpassed in Europe, and he has partly promised to Colonel Fitz-Clarence, a translation from a Syriac manuscript of Abulfarage very shortly, which Dr. Nott, Prebend of Winchester, has most kindly undertaken to translate from Latin into English.
Our active colleague made the acquaintance of Signor Habaschi, a native of the neighbourhood of Barout, originally educated at the Propagandâ Fide, and now a resident agent at Rome for one of the Syrian Bishops; and also of a young German Orientalist, Dr. Kleugh, who has acquired a good knowledge of Arabic during a five years’ residence in Egypt.
Although most of the learned men in official situations at Rome are too much occupied for us to expect from them translations of a voluminous nature, still there is every reason to hope that Dr. Wiseman and Signor Sarte will have the kindness to employ their leisure hours occasionally in translations from Syriac authors. Dr. Kleugh has obligingly undertaken a translation from El Vakedi’s account of the Conquest of Syria, from the Arabic; and Signor Habaschi has had the goodness to promise us a translation of a history of the Circassian dynasty of Mamlukes in Egypt.
Colonel Fitz-Clarence informs the Committee, that he found the Grand Duke of Tuscany very ardent in Oriental research, and employing a learned gentleman at Florence to translate a very valuable work from the Arabic, “The History of the Moors in Spain, by Muhammed al Moghrebi,” into Italian; and the same gentleman has expressed a wish to be employed by this Institution. His Imperial Highness also requested Colonel Fitz-Clarence to enrol his name in the List of Subscribers to the Oriental Translation Fund.
The Subscribers will have learned from the public papers, that an establishment on a very liberal and encouraging plan, for the cultivation of Oriental literature, is nearly completed at St. Petersburg; and certainly since the establishment of the Oriental Translation Fund in England, Eastern learning has been more assiduously cultivated throughout the continent of Europe, than for many years before. This is as it should be, and the Committee feel convinced that the Subscribers will sympathize with them in the gratification which this amiable rivalry excites. The Russian Oriental University is on an extensive scale; almost all the living languages of the East are to be taught in it by natives of the respective countries, assisted by and under the entire management of European Professors.
The Committee have the gratification of informing the Subscribers, that the Corresponding Committee at Calcutta have already transmitted to them a list of subscriptions to the Oriental Translation Fund, and part of a Translation made by Dr. John Tytler of the Khazanat ul Ilm, a Persian system of Mathematics, of which the original is being printed at Calcutta at the expense of the Bengal Government.
The translation of a Tract written by a Buddhist against the Brahminical castes, has also been sent to this Committee by them, accompanied by the information that translations of the “Hedayet ul Islam,” by W. T. Robertson, Esq., and of the “Book of Jasher,” by the Rev. William Adam, have been tendered for their acceptance. On the subject of the latter work, the Committee are making such researches as may enable them to make further communications at a future opportunity.
The following works have been published by the Oriental Translation Fund since the last anniversary, viz.—
The Fortunate Union, a Chinese Romance; translated by Mr. Davis, in 2 vols.
Two Singhalese Poems, descriptive of the Demonology and Masques of Ceylon; translated by Mr. Callaway.
The Adventures of Hatim Taï, a Persian Romance; translated by Mr. Forbes.
The Autobiography of Sheikh Mohammed Ali Hazin, a Persian Poet; translated by Mr. Belfour.
Memoirs of a Malayan Family: written by themselves; translated by Mr. Marsden: and
The Turkish account of the War in Bosnia between the Austrians and Turks; translated by Mr. Fraser.
In addition to these works, which have been delivered to the Subscribers, the Committee have the pleasure of laying before this Meeting three other works, the printing of which is expected to be finished about the end of this month. They are—Professor Neumann’s translation of the Armenian History of Vartan; Professor Rosen’s translation of an Arabic System of Algebra; and Major Stewart’s translation of the Autobiography of the Emperor Tamerlane.
The Committee regret extremely that the printing of the text and a translation of Idrisi’s Geography, is at present suspended, through an accident that happened to the Rev. Mr. Renouard; from the effects of which, however, they are happy to announce, he is now recovering.
Mr. Mitchell’s having been called to Constantinople, has also for a time suspended the printing of his translation of the Maritime Wars of the Turks; but it is expected that it will soon be resumed and completed.
The History of Georgia, that was included among the works preparing for publication, has been withdrawn from the list, in consequence of a translation of it in Russian and French having been recently published at St. Petersburg.
The publication of original texts being one of the objects for which the Oriental Translation Fund was established, the Committee have the pleasure of announcing that, in addition to the text of the Arabic work on Algebra which is already printed, the Persian text of the Autobiography of Sheikh Mohammed Ali Hazin is now in the press; and that Ibn Haukul’s Geography, Haji Khalfa’s Bibliographical Dictionary, the Sheref Nameh, and the History of Mazendaran and Tabaristan, will be accompanied by the Arabic or Persian texts.
The Committee feel much pleasure in informing this Meeting, that a translation of the History of Japan made by Mr. Titsingh, and revised by Mr. Klaproth, will go to press immediately, and will, they confidently expect, be delivered to the Subscribers before the next anniversary.
Professor Erdmann, of Cazan, having sent to the Committee a German poetical translation, accompanied by the Persian original, of a small portion of the Heft Peiker, it is intended that it shall be printed with the translation of that work that is preparing for publication by the Chairman of the Committee, the Right Honourable Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart.
Besides the works in the printed list, announced as preparing for publication, those offered to Colonel Fitz-Clarence in Italy, and those mentioned by the Corresponding Committee at Calcutta, the Committee have the pleasure of stating, that Professor Wilken of Berlin has offered a translation of Ibn Beitar’s Botany; and Professor Moeller of Gotha, a translation of Ibn Koteiba’s History of the Arabians.
Mr. Huttmann, the Secretary to the Committee, also has offered to translate the Chun tsew of Confucius from the Chinese. This work, which still remains untranslated, contains the History of the Kingdom of Loo, of which Confucius was some time prime minister, and is the only one of the works usually attributed to him which he really wrote.
Prince Hubboff, an Armenian, having spent many years in compiling a general history of his native country, which is still in manuscript, and expressed his willingness to allow it to be translated, the Committee have requested the Rev. Mr. Glen, of Astrachan, where the Prince resides, to get it translated into English for this Institution.
For the information of the Subscribers, the Committee have incorporated in this Report the two following Resolutions from their proceedings, which they confidently hope the Subscribers will confirm:—
“Resolved,
“THAT a sum, varying from 20 to 100 Sovereigns, at the discretion of the Committee, “be given to any person who shall point out the translation of a lost Greek or Latin “work which shall be so circumstanced that the Committee may be enabled to obtain it “for translation.”
“Resolved,
“THAT the Committee be empowered to give a premium, not exceeding 100l., at its “discretion, to any person who shall discover Dr. Hyde’s ‘Manuscript Catalogue of “the Names of many Ancient Books lost in the original Greek, and the same now found “translated into Arabic or Syriac;’ and any of his Translations, not now in the British “Museum, which shall be so circumstanced that the Committee may be able to procure “them for publication, if upon examination they should think them deserving of it.”
It is now the pleasing duty of the Committee to recommend the following gentlemen as worthy of the honour of the Subscribers’ approbation, for their exertions in translating; and as the Regulations proposed and confirmed in the last year’s Report will account for the rewards not being adjudged to translations of small extent, however ingeniously performed, it is unnecessary to assure the Subscribers that no invidious or partial distinction has operated on their recommendation.
It will be remembered by the Subscribers, with due appreciation of his liberal motives, that the Reverend Professor Lee, the highly-talented translator of a most interesting work from the Arabic—the Travels of Ibn Batuta—declined last year accepting any mark of their approbation, lest it might diminish the funds of an Institution which is devoted to the attainment of objects most interesting to himself and consonant to his literary pursuits. But since His Majesty has placed two Royal Medals annually at the disposal of the Oriental Translation Fund, the Committee are most happy to find that the Reverend Professor’s objections no longer exist, and they strongly recommend him for the honourable distinction of one of the Royal Medals.
The Committee feel satisfied that the Subscribers will approve of the other Royal Medal being given to J. F. Davis, Esq., for his interesting translations from the Chinese language; and of one of the Institution’s Medals being given to Major Price, the learned translator of the Autobiography of the Emperor Janhangueir.
They also propose that a pecuniary reward of 25l. be offered to C. Fraser, Esq., the able translator of the History of the War in Bosnia; and that 50l. be given to Professor Neumann, for his valuable translation of the History of Vartan; and 100l. to F. C. Belfour, Esq. for his very curious translation of the Life of Sheikh Mohammed Ali Hazin.
Having understood that a misapprehension has arisen in consequence of the placing of a paragraph in the last Annual Report—that the translation of Ferishta’s History of India, by Colonel Briggs, was published with the pecuniary assistance of the Oriental Translation Fund—the Committee think it right to remove this erroneous impression by stating that their object in mentioning their learned colleague’s work was solely for the purpose of calling the attention of the Subscribers to so valuable a desideratum as a complete version of that interesting work. They have now the gratification to announce, that this distinguished Orientalist has kindly undertaken to prepare for publication by the Oriental Translation Fund, a Continuation of the History of India, known as the Seyer ul Mutakherin, of which a translation was published in Calcutta about forty or fifty years ago, by a French Renegade Mussulman named Mustafa, in very indifferent English, and of which the greater part of the impression was lost in its passage to Europe.
The Committee have sincere satisfaction in announcing the following flattering additions to the list of Subscribers to the Oriental Translation Fund since the last anniversary; viz.—
His Majesty the KING OF THE NETHERLANDS, Twenty Guineas.
And the following distinguished Individuals and Institutions Ten Guineas each:
The Committee, in concluding their Report, hope that they may be allowed to offer their congratulations to the Subscribers upon the flourishing state of the Institution which their protection and encouragement has formed and fostered, not only in relation to the state of its funds and on the works already before them, but also on those most important works which are in progress of translation and publication.
It is situated on the N. E. bank of the Sihūn, Lat. 42,40, N. Lon. 64,48, E.
↩The ten thousand Jetes that were coming to his assistance, were Idolaters, and would have done much injury to the Muselmāns.
↩This passage differs from Sherif Addeen’s History, who says, the ceremony was performed by deputies. Petis de la Croix’s History, page 159.
↩This name (Slayer of the Hindūs) was given to these mountains, in consequence of a Hindū army having suffered severely from the cold in these regions; Hindū signifies black.
↩The Bactria of the Greeks, Lat. 36,28, N. Lon. 65,16, E. See Bulkh; Edinburgh Gazetteer.
↩The letter is given in the text, but it is merely a repetition of what has been stated.
↩This differs from Sherif Addeen’s History.
↩I doubt whether this is a proper name, or signifies an officer of the court of justice.
↩In Sherif Addeen’s History, it is stated, that he took four of the ladies himself and divided the others among his Chiefs.
↩The Kūr is a railing which surrounds the throne.
↩The four first Khalifs.
↩Resembles the prayer read in cathedrals before the sermon.
↩This was the celebrated saint mentioned in the Appendix, No. 7. See also Sufy, Richardson’s Persian Dictionary.
↩See Davy’s Institutes, page 231 and Sequel. Also page 305.
↩Here, as in some former instances, the royal author leaves us in doubt of the result.
↩It appears by Sherif Addeen’s History, that he killed him.
↩It is situated 36 degrees, 45 minutes, N. L.
↩This account differs from the History; See Petis de la Croix, page 219.
↩Timūr was married to his sister, Seray Mulk Khanūm, widow of Amyr Hussyn, and daughter of Kezān Khān.
↩It is an extensive kingdom on the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea.
↩Six miles.
↩Here Timūr purposely omits the result, which was the death of the prisoner.
↩This differs considerably from Petis de la Croix’s History.
↩Timūr’s second son.
↩Conqueror of the world.
↩Atrar is the place where Timūr died, it is situated on the Sihūn, in the 44th degree of Latitude; Aksumā is said to have been a castle built on a mountain, overlooking the plains of Kipjak. Petis de la Croix, page 73.
↩He was descended from Jengyz Khān by Tūshy, the eldest son, and succeeded to the throne of Kipchāk, on the death of Aurūs Khān, A. H. 778, A. D. 1376. See Abul Ghazy’s History of the Tartars.
↩Although a suppliant, he still considered himself as superior to Timūr, who never took any other title than (Amyr) commander; the same hauteur is still kept up by the (Delhy) royal family towards the Nuwabs of Hindūstān.
↩This Conclusion is certainly a mistake of the copyist, as I have found in two other MSS. belonging to Colonel Davy, a further continuation of the history, but they both end in the following curious manner.
“Be it known that from this (Majlis) place, (page 284 of Petis de la Croix) to the time of the Emperor’s making his last testament, in the plains of (Khetā) Tartary, together with his Institutes, nearly forty thousand (Byts) lines are deficient or obliterated.”
“If it please God to grant me health and strength, it shall be compleated.” (Appendix No. 10.)
↩The Persian history by Sherif Addyn Aly Yezdy, and the work translated by Petis de la Croix.
↩Atrar was a large town situated two Parasangs or leagues north of the Sihūn, (Jaxartes).
↩This distribution was conformable to the English law, Jehāngyr being the heir of his deceased eldest son, but the throne was taken possession of by Khelyl Sultān, another of Timūr’s grandsons, the son of Mirān Shāh; he died at the end of three years, when Maveralnaher was taken possession of by Shāh Rūkh, the youngest son of Timūr, but the other Princes having also seized upon the different provinces under their command, the mighty empire fell to pieces.
It may be interesting to some persons to know that the dominions of Timūr were visited in the year 1812, by Izzet Allah, an intelligent native of India, whose journal has been published in the Asiatic Researches, from which we learn that the Chinese have extended their conquests as far as the Sihūn or Jaxartes, that the towns of Transoxiana are in possession of different Uzbek chiefs, and the country is occupied by the Nomade Kirghys hordes.
↩