Rawżat al-ṣafā fi sīrat al-anbiya' va-'l-muluk va-'l-hulafa' - The Rauzat-us-Safa (Rehatsek), Part 1, Volume 2

Garden of Purity: Containing the Histories of Prophets, Kings and Khalifs [Rehatsek: PHI site]

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MARCH OF FIRÛZ AGAINST KHOSHNAVÂZ, AND THE END OF
FIRÛZ.

When Satan had again induced Firûz to break the treaty of peace with Khoshnavâz, he called Soukher, the Governor of Sejestân, who was a descendant of Minucheher, and giving the administration of the kingdom, together with his two sons, Bellâsh and Qobâd, into his charge, he determined to invade Hayatalah. When his Mobeds and well-wishers threatened him with the consequences entailed by the transgression of covenants, he always replied: ‘I do not want to hear anything.’ Accordingly, he marched against the King of Hayatalah, who in his turn advanced towards him, and dug in the rear of his army a broad and deep fosse, which he covered on the top with light twigs, and then got ready for an encounter. When the armies met, Khoshnavâz bore the document of the treaty of peace on a spear, reading a portion of it to Firûz, but without producing any effect. A short while afterwards champions stepped forth on both sides with their steeds, and the contest began. Khoshnavâz then retreated along a road which he had left near the above-mentioned fosse, but Firûz, pursuing his enemy hotly, was precipitated into it with the majority of his courtiers and attendants. Then Khoshnavâz returned slaughtering and plundering; he also captured the daughter of Firûz, who was one of the most intelligent women of those times:

‘What a wise king to keep away his sons from the war, but to bring his daughters to witness it!’

When the news of this great calamity had reached Soukher, who was the Governor of Erân on the part of Firûz, he collected a large army and marched to Hayatalah, where finally peace was concluded between Soukher and Khoshnavâz, on condition that the latter restored the prisoners and the goods he had taken. This having been done, Soukher returned contented to Persia, where he installed on the throne Bellâsh Bin Firûz, whose brother Qobâd had fled, and had taken refuge with the King of Turkestân. According to one statement, the reign of Firûz lasted twenty-six, and according to another twenty-one, years, and his sobriquet was ‘the valiant.’

REIGN OF BELLÂSH.

When Bellâsh commenced to reign he was just and equitable, and honoured Soukher with many favours. He built the towns of Sâbât and Madâin, and for every man who emigrated from his native place, Bellâsh punished the governor of it, saying: ‘That unfortunate man has left his country on account of thy tyranny.’ In the beginning of the reign of Bellâsh, Qobâd fled from Madâin to the territory of Ma-vara-an-nahr. When he had arrived within the boundaries of Nishapûr, he complained of the intensity of his sexual instinct to Azarmehr Bin Soukher, who was his friend. The latter accordingly selected for him the daughter of one of the grandees of that place, and induced her parents to agree to the match. During the night of the wedding, Qobâd quenched the fire of his passion, and his wife became pregnant; but the next morning he sent her back to her parents with many gifts, and departed to Turkestân. The royal prince travelled until he arrived in the metropolis of the Khâqân, where he remained four years. After that the Khâqân gave him a valiant negro companion, and sent him back to Erân. When he arrived in Nishapûr he inquired for the father of his spouse, and obtained the information that she had been delivered of a son, to whom the royal prince then gave the name of Naushirvân. In the same place the news reached him that his brother Bellâsh had departed this life, and Qobâd, thinking it to be a good foreboding to take Naushirvân with him, conveyed the young prince and his mother with all gentleness to Madâin.

h<4 align=center> REIGN OF QOBÂD BIN FIRÛZ.

When Qobâd had established himself on the throne, he bestowed various favours on Soukher—whom Persian historians call Souqer—and left him in charge of all important matters as hitherto. The consequence of this step, however, was that the Persians began to consult in all affairs Soukher alone, whom they esteemed more than the king, so that nothing but the name of sovereign was left to Qobâd. This state of affairs naturally displeased the monarch, and he revealed his intention of amending it to Shâpur Sapabud, who was a man of great intelligence, and the latter replied: ‘Let the king be comforted, for I shall to-morrow remove this disquietude from his mind.’ Accordingly the next day Shâpur quarrelled on some subject with Soukher, in the presence of Qobâd, which altercation ended with the imprisonment of Soukher, and a few days afterwards he suffered capital punishment by order of the king.

After ten years had elapsed of the reign of Qobâd, a man from Estakhar [Persepolis], named Mazdak, made his appearance, and desired to found a new religion. The details of this affair are as follows: Mazdak, having been presented to Qobâd, introduced himself as a prophet, made a cellar under a fire temple, communicating with the fire by means of an aperture, and secreted a man underground. He stated to Qobâd that his miracle consisted in causing the fire to speak to him. The king went to the temple, and Mazdak, addressing the fire in his presence, received answers. The king was deceived, and, becoming a disciple of Mazdak, made profession of his religion, the tenets of which were as follows: All possessions and females were the common property of the people; sexual intercourse among relatives was made licit in all degrees of consanguinity; but the killing of animals and the eating of their flesh was prohibited. Mazdak preached that all ought to be satisfied with vegetable food, eggs, milk and the like. He put on woollen garments, practised devotions, and gathered around himself many adherents among the destitute and reckless, whose numbers increased so much that they became powerful, and the profligate among them drew rich women into their meshes, and accumulated much property, so that no infant was certain who was his father, and no man could trust in the safety of his property.

It is related that one day Mazdak asked Qobâd to give him the mother of Naushirvân; the king agreed, but his son kissed the hands and feet of Mazdak until he desisted from his request. When the corruptions of Mazdak had greatly spread in the world, the chiefs and grandees of Persia unanimously removed Qobâd from the government, and installed his brother Jâmasp on the throne.

THE CAPTIVITY AND ESCAPE OF QOBÂD, AND HIS REINSTALMENT
ON THE THRONE.

After the grandees of Persia had removed Qobâd from the throne, and had imprisoned him, they intended also to kill Mazdak; but as the number of his faithful adherents was excessive, it became impossible to get hold of him. Therefore they determined first to slay Qobâd, and then to turn their attention to Mazdak with his followers.

Qobâd had a sister, whose beauty was unequalled among the women of Persia; he had, moreover, with the approbation of Mazdak, kept up an extremely intimate connection with her. She was desirous of rescuing Qobâd from captivity by a stratagem, and adorning her person, visited the gaoler of her brother, and besought him to grant her an interview with him. The man, captivated by the fairy-like attractions of the princess, replied that he would allow her to see Qobâd on condition of her complying with his desires. She promised compliance, and was admitted to the presence of her brother, whose company she left after she had enjoyed it for awhile. Coming out, she told the gaoler that she would now be willing to yield to his wishes, but that he must yet excuse her for one night, on account of a certain well-known state to which all women are subject. As connection with a female in her courses was also at that time considered abominable, the gaoler accepted the subterfuge. The princess was allowed again to spend the night with her brother, and when the morn dawned she loaded a servant with bedding [in which her brother was concealed]. When the lady came out, the gaoler inquired about the baggage, but she stated that, as her brother was unwilling to take his rest on a bed on which a menstruating woman had slept, he had ordered it to be taken away, and another to be sent in lieu thereof.

After his escape from prison, Qobâd remained concealed for a time, till the search for him had ceased. Then he proceeded with some of his followers to Hayatalah. Abu Hanifah Dinvari states that when Qobâd arrived during his journey in a village situated between Ahvâz and Esfahân, he alighted in the house of a country gentleman who was a descendant of Feridûn, and there he wedded the mother of Naushirvân and remained three days. On the fourth he hastened to his destination, and arrived in due time in the territory of Hayatalah, where he was obliged to remain several years, whether he liked it or not. At last the governor of that country gave him thirty thousand men, with whom he marched to Erân. When Qobâd had reached the vicinity of Madâin, a tumult took place among the citizens, who said: ‘If a war takes place between the two kings, we do not know what will become of us.’ At last, however, they agreed to obey Qobâd, and went over en masse to his camp, from that of their own sovereign whom they had formerly elected. They waited on Qobâd, who pardoned their transgressions, and even those of his brother. He made Azarmehr Bin Soukher his prime minister, and after repairing all the devastations existing in the country, he fortified the boundaries thereof. During this, the second period of his reign, he did not allow Mazdak nor his followers to be persecuted any more. He was a sovereign fond of building, and laid the foundations of many towns; it is said that Berda’ Kunjah and Miafâraqin were built by him. Towards the end of his reign he invaded Rûm, and came back victorious. He died after a reign of forty-three years. His sobriquet was ‘the well-intentioned’; his brother was surnamed ‘the beloved’; and his other brother, Jâmasp, ‘the proud.’

REIGN OF KESRA BIN QOBÂD [CHOSROES I.], WHO IS KNOWN
BY THE NAME OF NAUSHIRVÂN THE JUST.268

Historians state that Qobâd had many children, but that Naushirvân greatly excelled them all in his good disposition and talents. His intellect was of so high an order that whilst yet a minor, and his father on the throne, experienced and aged men acted in conformity with his advice. It is related that one day Qobâd said to Naushirvân: ‘All good qualities are united in thee, but thou hast one fault, because thou entertainest many suspicions concerning the sincerity of men. I do not tell thee not to act according to thy own opinions, but thou must trust some men, because misplaced suspicions retard the execution of many good works.’ Naushirvân craved pardon, and accepted the suggestion of his father.

It is said that Qobâd made his last will and testament towards the close of his life, and entrusted it to the chief Mobed. He had therein declared Naushirvân to be the heir of his kingdom. At the demise of Qobâd this testament was read to the true heirs, and Naushirvân refused to be invested with the insignia of the government, saying: ‘The affairs of the administration have become confused, and discord has arisen among the people. Whoever attempts in this emergency to govern the realm with justice will incur your displeasure. If I take this duty upon myself, I shall have to offend you; bloodshed will ensue, many families will be ruined, and such a state of things would afflict me.’ The scholars, however, and the grandees pressed him much, assured him that they would obey him in all things, even as far as to sacrifice their lives and property for him. At last Naushirvân yielded to their request, ascended the throne, and spoke as follows: ‘My power extends only to your bodies, and not to your hearts, because no one except the Omnipotent Creator is aware of what passes in the human breast. Therefore I shall judge your acts, and not your intentions. My commands will be based on justice, and not on whims, so that when the affairs of the realm, which are now in a state of disorganization, return again to their normal and pacific condition, by the aid of a just administration, our monarchy will become firmly established, and its transactions will find a permanent memorial in the history of the world.’

Distich:Behold of good acts the reward!
The sway of Kesra is on record!

Compilers of histories have stated that the first sentence of punishment issued by the new government was that of the execution of Mazdak with his followers. Chroniclers inform us that at first Naushirvân treated Mazdak with kindness, and admitted him to his private society. One day, however, an adherent of Mazdak placed violent hands on the wife of a certain man, who immediately laid his complaint before the king. The latter then instructed Mazdak to order the profligate fellow to desist from his nefarious proceedings; but as Mazdak paid not the least attention to this command, Naushirvân ordered him to be beheaded. The execution of Mazdak produced an insurrection among his adherents, whereon the royal mandate went forth to extirpate them all. On that occasion search was made in Madâin and all over the country, and wherever a Mazdakian could be found, he was immediately slain.

Some are of opinion that Kesra pretended to entertain friendship for Mazdak, and requested him to write down the names of his followers, that they might be invested with dresses of honour, and invited to a suitable banquet. Mazdak, having thus been put off his guard, produced a detailed list of his adherents, to whom Kesra afterwards issued invitations, and on the appointed day, when they had assembled, the royal table-deckers conducted them in detachments to a garden where pits had been dug, and in lieu of finding the promised dinner, they were all thrown into the said pits by the royal officers, the same fate overtaking also Mazdak.

In the Kâmel-ut-tovârikh it is related that Munzar Bin Omm-us-saha, from Arabia, whom Qobâd had deprived of his government because he refused to make profession of the religion of Mazdak, had in the beginning of the reign of Naushirvân come to his court to offer his services, and happened to be seated near Mazdak in an audience. On that occasion Naushirvân said: ‘Before I was invested with the insignia of royalty, I had two wishes.’ Mazdak desiring to know what they were, the king replied: ‘One was to reappoint Munzar to his government, and the other to extirpate the Zendiqs.’269 Mazdak asked: ‘How canst thou slay the whole world?’ which words so incensed the king that he ordered Mazdak to be killed, which was done. Then gallows were erected at Naharvân, on which in a single afternoon one hundred thousand Zendiqs suffered the penalty of death by hanging. From that day the king was called Naushirvân, which means ‘renovator of the kingdom.’ When Naushirvân had exterminated Mazdak with his followers, he restored the property taken by them to their owners, and the women to their husbands.

Hâfez Abru has related in his History that when the slaughter of the Mazdakians had surpassed all bounds, Naushirvân feared the population might become extinct. Therefore he spared the lives of the rest of the Mazdakians, but confiscated their possessions and restored them to their rightful owners; if, however, they were not living, their heirs obtained them, and if also these could not be found, the money was applied to the cultivation of such localities as had been devastated at the time Mazdak had enjoyed authority. The king also ordered the cultivators to be provided with agricultural instruments and cattle, as well as seeds, in order to enable them to work in their fields. Those who had emigrated he ordered to return to their birthplaces. He also commanded uneven roads to be levelled, and built strong forts on the boundaries, which he garrisoned with active men for the protection of the highways. He appointed governors and other officials according to the custom of the times of Ardeshir Bâbeg; he also built large and small bridges; he also took so great an interest in the welfare of the people that whenever he discovered any man who had suffered wrong he endeavoured to redress it. It is stated in the Ghoniah ‘that he ordered every bridge that had been cut, every arch which had been broken, and every village that had been destroyed, to be rebuilt, and to be placed in a condition better than it had ever been before; and he facilitated the ways [or intercourse?] of men.’

Abu Hanifah Dinvari has related that Kesra divided his empire into four parts, and that at this time the Khâqân of China, having assembled his troops, marched from his capital on a conquering expedition, and took possession of Farghanah, Samarqand, Bokhâra, and Kush. When this was reported to Kesra he despatched his son Hormuz with a large army against the enemy, but as soon as the Khâqân was informed of the proximity of the troops he abandoned all the countries he had taken, and hastened to the frontiers of Turkestân, so that the saying, ‘Our king took the country and went away,’ became [ironically] applicable to him.

Meanwhile Khâled Bin Jamilah Ghussani invaded the country of Munzar II., whose mother’s name was Omm-us-saha, and who was governor of Hira on the part of Naushirvân. After he had slain many of Munzar’s companions, and taken much property, with horses and camels, Munzar represented his case to Naushirvân, who, being on friendly terms with the Qaisar of Rûm, sent him a letter to the effect that he should order Khâled to pay the blood-ransom for the people he had killed, and to restore to Munzar all the property he had taken, because Khâled was one of the officers of the Qaisar. The latter, however, paid no attention to the letter, which circumstance so kindled the ire of Kesra that he collected an army, numerous as locusts, and marched to conquer the region which was in the possession of the agents of the Qaisar. First he invaded Mesopotamia, which he conquered, and afterwards occupied such cities of Syria as Hams and Aleppo; but when he reached Antioch, which was one of the best of them, Naushirvân was so pleased with its site that he ordered its plan to be taken, and skilled artisans were hired to build a town precisely like it in the vicinity of Madâin. When the new town was completed it was called Rûmiah, and all the inhabitants of Antioch were compelled to take up their abodes therein. The streets, wards, and houses were so arranged that everyone who entered the town could find his house without the least hesitation. It is related that the difference between the two towns amounted to nothing more than that a farmer from old Antioch had a tree in front of his house, whereas none was at his door in the new town.

When this news [of the invasion] had reached the Qaisar he sent one embassy after another to offer apologies and to sue for peace. Naushirvân replied that he would agree on the condition that the Qaisar ransomed all the provinces taken from his viceroys. The Qaisar, being anxious to please Naushirvân, sent him large sums of money as well as costly presents, nevertheless the countries of Syria, Mesopotamia, Hejâz, Tâif, and Yaman, together with Bahrâin and O’mân, remained in the possession of Naushirvân. Abu Hanifah Dinvari states that peace was established in such a manner that the Qaisar annually sent tribute from the provinces Naushirvân had conquered [after they had been restored to him]. The reason why that righteous king conquered the country of Yaman will be narrated in the beginning of the second volume [i.e., second part] if it pleaseth Allah the Most High.

REVOLT OF NUSHIZÂD BIN KESRA AGAINST HIS FATHER,
AND THE TURN OF HIS AFFAIRS.

Ancient chroniclers have narrated that Naushirvân possessed a queen the like of whom in beauty had never existed in this world, and who was of the Christian religion:

Distich:A Christian lady of spiritual mind
To the spirit of God fully inclined.

Kesra entreated her in vain to renounce Christianity, but as he was bewitched by his spouse he acted according to the maxim: ‘You have your religion, and I mine.’270 After some time this lady gave birth to a son of great beauty, called Nushizâd. When this prince had attained the years of discretion he made profession of the religion of his mother, and refused to become an ignicolist, despite of all the entreaties of his father. This obstinacy alienated the affection of Naushirvân from him, so that he imprisoned the refractory youth. When Kesra invaded Syria he fell sick in that country, and this news reaching Nushizâd, he considered it a good opportunity to escape from prison, which he did, and then gathered around himself numerous adherents, but more especially Christians. He succeeded in enlisting an army of thirty thousand men, and of ejecting the officials of his father from the provinces of Fârs and Ahvâz. He also propagated the rumour of Naushirvân’s death in those regions, and marched furthermore to invade E’râq. When Kesra was apprised of this state of affairs he sent the following letter to Râmberzin, who was one of his chief officers in the country of Erân: ‘On the strength of the rumour of my death my son Nushizâd has divided the kingdom into several portions, over each of which he has appointed a man of high position as governor. One portion consists of Khorâsân, Sejestân, and Kermân; the second is Esfahân, Gaillân, Azarbaijân, and Armenia; the third is Fârs and Ahvâz; and the fourth is E’râq, as far as the boundaries of Rûm. After having thus arranged the affairs of the realm, he invaded Turkharestân, conquered Kabulistân, and Choganiân, with the country of Hayatalah. Hearing that I was dead, he acted hastily before ascertaining the truth, and also liberated a number of persons whom I had kept in prison. It is my wish that you extirpate all the evil-disposed persons who are as yet in concealment, and that you be not dismayed by the great number of Christians; they have no great power. If Nushizâd returns to obedience, and again imprisons my captives; if he exterminates the chiefs and nobles who have obeyed him, and if he causes his other vagabonds to depart wherever they like, he is welcome. But if he persists in his obstinacy and disobedience, then Râmberzin is to make haste to attack him, and if he captures him not to injure one hair of his head, but to keep him prisoner with his companions in the locality in which he was caught. He is to be provided with everything he stands in need of, but no man of the army is to be allowed to speak to him, for:

Distich:My heart bears abundant testimony
That the dishonourable fellow is my son.’

Having sealed the letter, he despatched it by a courier to Râmberzin. As soon as the commander-in-chief of Erân had perused the letter of the king he hastened with a powerful army towards Nushizâd. The prince on his part likewise marched with an army, and Shamâs at its head— Shamâs, surnamed Rûmi, being a celebrated warrior of those times and the champion of the troops—against Râmberzin. When the two armies met in battle-array, the right wing attacked the left of Râmberzin, conquered it and made great carnage. Râmberzin then ordered the rest of the army

Distich:To pour forth a shower of arrows,
To transmute the air into a vernal cloud.

On this occasion an arrow struck Nushizâd suddenly in a mortal part, and he forthwith expired. As soon as the army of Nushizâd became aware of the fate of its leader it took to flight. Râmberzin approached the deathbed of Nushizâd with lamentation and weeping. He ordered that no more persons be killed or plundered, and asked the bishop, who had been one of the favourites of Nushizâd, whether the prince had left any injunctions to him. The reply was that the last words of the prince had been these?? ‘Tell my mother to give me a Christian burial.’ But Abu Hanifah Dinvari states that Nushizâd was [not slain, but only] captured in this battle.

After Naushirvân had appointed Munzar Bin Omm-us-saha to govern Arabia, he proceeded to Madâin, and thence despatched a general with a numerous army to Hindustân, who marched as far as Serandip.271 The King of Hindustân then despatched an ambassador with countless presents to Naushirvân to sue for peace, which was concluded on the condition that the country opposite to the shores of O’mân, and adjoining Erân, be surrendered to the viceroy of Naushirvân. After this treaty had been made the sovereign of Persia sent an ambassador, who recalled the army from India.

In some histories it is related that when the sovereignties of Ma-vara-an-nahr, of Khorâsân, of Tabaristân, of Jorjân, of Fârs, of Kermân, of a portion of Hindustân and of E’râq, of Mesopotamia, of O’mân, of Bahrâin, of Yamamah, of Yaman, and of Northern Africa, had been concentrated under the sway of Naushirvân, he occupied himself with regulations concerning the administration of the government. He established equitable laws with reference to the ground-tax, because hitherto one-half, one-third, fourth, fifth, or tenth part of the harvest of a field had been levied. He also fixed the capitation-tax to be paid by Christians and Jews, but exempted every person under twenty or over fifty years of age from all imposts due to the royal treasury. He appointed a high officer to superintend the drilling of the army, and to examine the weapons issued to the men from the royal arsenal. This officer took his position on a rich seat in an extensive plain, and issued a proclamation for all combatants to appear before him. As, however, Naushirvân appeared neither on the first nor on the second day, the names of the soldiers were not registered. On the third day the warriors were again summoned, with the additional remark that not even he whom God the Most High had presented with the diadem and throne should refuse to respond to the call. When Naushirvân heard this remark he likewise came to the place fully armed; his equipment, however, not being complete, because he had no cuirass and bow, the reviewing-officer abstained from entering his name until he had brought them. Then the reviewing-officer assigned to each warrior a stipend of four thousand dirhems, but marked to the name of Kesra four thousand and one dirhems. The parade having come to an end, the reviewing-officer left his seat, paid obeisance to Naushirvân, and spoke as follows: ‘I beseech your majesty not to blame me for what I have done. My object was merely to establish justice and regularity in the army.’ Kesra replied: ‘I shall put up with the severity of any man who aims at the welfare of the realm in the same manner as a patient swallows a bitter draught to recover his health.’

It is related in some trustworthy books that when Naushirvân was fully established in his empire, and all men were awed by his glory and majesty, the kings of the surrounding regions sent embassies with presents to his most exalted court. One of these was the sovereign of China, who possessed a castle encrusted with gems and pearls, and from which two brooks flowed, watering camphor and lignum-aloe trees, the perfume whereof spread to a distance of two farsakhs, and two thousand maids waited on him in his harem. He sent an ambassador to Naushirvân with gifts, among which was a horseman and his charger, inlaid with pearls, the eyes both of the cavalier and his steed consisting of red rubies, and the hilt of the rider’s sword of emeralds with other costly gems. He sent likewise a silken cloth which contained the portrait of the king sitting on his throne in full assembly, dressed in his regalia, and wearing a crown on his head. In his rear stood attendants, each of whom was dressed in a robe of blue silk, embroidered with gold. This gift was offered in a golden casket, borne by a slave-girl, whose stature was concealed by her own hair; whenever she removed it, her countenance shone according to the manner of lightning in a dark night.

The king sent a golden model of a palace, the gates whereof consisted of rubies. Also one thousand mauns of Indian lignum-aloe, which melted in fire like wax. Likewise a ruby bowl, one span in diameter, filled with pearls, and a girl seven spans high, but with eyelashes reaching down to her cheeks; lastly, a couch made of a serpent’s skin, which was more soft to the touch than silk.

During the reign of Kesra, the book, ‘Kalila va Dimna,’272 the game of chess, and the black dye, were also brought from Hindustân to Persia. This dye was such that, when smeared on gray hair, it made the very roots thereof so black that they could not be distinguished from those which were naturally so.

The King of Thibet likewise sent various gifts to Naushirvân, among which were one hundred exquisite gilt coats of mail, and four thousand bags of musk.

It is related that the attainments of Naushirvân in the arts and sciences were unsurpassed by any [former] kings of Persia. He associated with men of learning, and knew their value. In his time the most excellent scholar and philosopher was Buzarjamehr Bin Bukhtagân.

NOTICE CONCERNING BUZARJAMEHR [BARZACHUMEHR] THE
PHILOSOPHER.

Some historians state—but God knows whether they are correct—that one night Naushirvân had a vision in his sleep, in which he saw a tree growing in front of his throne. The king was pleased with this phenomenon, and called for wine, but whilst he was about to take the cup in his hand, a pig arrived and threw it away. Naushirvân was greatly dismayed to see a hog on his couch and drinking from his cup, so that he awoke, and called for his interpreters and soothsayers to explain the dream; but all of them confessed their inability to do so. The king’s mind was, however, so engrossed with this vision that he gave money to several persons for the purpose of discovering an interpreter. One of these individuals, Azâdsurû by name, took a bag of gold by order of Naushirvân, and went in search of an interpreter. He travelled from town to town until he arrived in Merv, where, as his good luck would have it, he alighted at the door of a schoolmaster, whom he immediately asked whether he was dexterous in the interpretation of dreams. The reply was: ‘I have studied the Zend Avesta with a master, but am not acquainted with the science of interpretation.’ One of the disciples of this master, whose name was Buzarjamehr,273 and who was at the same time distinguished by intelligence and acuteness, spoke as follows to Azâdsurû, ‘Relate your story’; but the master interrupted him, and told him to remain silent. Azâdsurû, however, reproved the master for his incivility, and narrated the dream of Naushirvân, whereon Buzarjamehr said:

‘I shall tell it to the king alone.
Be aware! he will place me near the throne.’

Azâdsurû played the part of an intelligent person, gave money and a horse to Buzarjamehr, and both departed to the royal court. On their journey they first happened to alight near a tree, whereon Buzarjamehr wrapped himself up in his night-blanket, and fell asleep. After awhile Azâdsurû perceived a black snake approaching from the desert towards Buzarjamehr, whose sheet it removed from his face, which it kissed, as well as the feet of the philosopher, and then crawled up the tree.

Distich:When the snake up the tree did creep,
The babe was awakened from his sleep.

Azâdsurû was naturally astonished at this circumstance, but mounted his horse again, and travelled with his companion day and night until they arrived at the royal court, where Azâdsurû made his report, and Buzarjamehr was summoned to the royal presence. The philosopher, having been asked to explain the dream, declared that there was a young man in the royal harem enjoying illicit intercourse with one of the ladies, and represented that if his majesty was desirous to clear up this matter, the maids ought to be ordered to pass one by one before him. This was done, but the presence of the youth could not be discovered, as he had disguised himself in a female garb. Now Kesra became excited, but the philosopher nevertheless insisted that all the girls should be divested of their garments to verify his interpretation. Accordingly each was ordered to remove a portion of her dress, and

Verses:A youth appeared among them all
Of royal stature, like a cypress tall;
His body as a willow trembled,
All his hopes of sweet life fled.

The daughter of the governor of the harem had introduced this youth secretly from her father’s house, because a tender friendship existed between them since their childhood, and he lived in the harem. When this criminal affair was discovered, Naushirvân asked the girl who the youth was. She asserted, however, that he was her brother, whom she had brought from the country, and that he would not have been allowed to remain if he had been dressed in male garments. Then Naushirvân ordered both the girl and the youth to be capitally punished:

Verses:He suspended them in the harem,
Head downmost, gory soil around them.
To the interpreter gold he gave,
Horses and dresses he gave.

Henceforth Buzarjamehr grew day by day in the favour of the king, till he became wazir at last. Many wise maxims of this philosopher are on record, but historians are at variance, and I will not now delay to narrate them, but with the permission of your [i.e., the Amir’s] most noble and exalted excellency, shall relate some of the adventures of this learned philosopher in the fourth volume. In this place I shall confine myself to the twelve maxims which he enounced in the presence of Kesra and of his Mobeds: It is related that one day Naushirvân convoked a great assembly of Mobeds and scholars, challenging every one present to utter according to his best ability some maxim useful to the sovereign and the people. The king questioned every one, and when the turn of Buzarjamehr arrived, he said that he would enumerate the duties of a king in twelve short sentences, and when Naushirvân asked what they were, he stated them as follows: ‘1. Abstinence from passions, carnal lusts, anger, and whims. 2. Truth in speech, with the keeping of promises and covenants. 3. Consultations on important affairs with learned men. 4. Due honour to nobles, scholars, and authors, according to their merits. 5. Appointment of judges, investigation of affairs, and the requital of the good and the wicked according to their deserts. 6. Examination of prisoners so that the guilty may be punished and the innocent liberated. 7. The safety of roads, bazars, and seas for the benefit of the people. 8. Legal punishments of criminals, and observance of the customs of the people concerning mourning. 9. Preparation of arms and of all equipments for war. 10. Love towards children and relatives, and providing for them. 11. Keeping spies to inform the king of what is going on in the country. 12. Maintenance of wazirs, courtiers, and of bodyguards.’ Then Naushirvân ordered these sentences to be written with golden letters, and it is said that they are a synopsis of the art of government.

VARIOUS STORIES, AND A RECORD OF THE SAYINGS OF
NAUSHIRVÂN.

It is related that Ebn Rûmi,274 surnamed Ashkal by the ancients, but now called Shughâl, arrived towards the end of the reign of Naushirvân from Turkestân, and made his appearance in the country of E’râq. At first the people were frightened, and trembled when they heard the voice of Shughâl [jackal]; but Naushirvân was only astonished, and asked a Mobed for the cause of the apparition of such a wild beast in his country. The Mobed replied that he had learnt from records of ancient times that whenever injustice predominated above equity in any country, wild animals invaded it. Naushirvân, struck by this information, secretly assembled thirteen persons in whom he placed full confidence, and ordered them to roam in disguise all about the country, and to make inquiries concerning the officials and agents of his government. They obeyed, and discovered that many revenue officials and scribes had committed misdemeanours. They thereon presented their report to Kesra, who immediately despatched a company of men to strike off the heads of ninety officials who had been convicted of tyranny and extortion. After this summary justice the king was satisfied, and the wolf adopted the sheep for his sister.275

It is related that on a certain occasion Naushirvân became displeased with an officer, and told him not to show his face at court. As it was customary with the sovereigns of Persia to hold once a year a general audience, the just-mentioned officer likewise made his appearance on that day at the public banquet given by Naushirvân, and threw down his table-cloth among the nobles of the court. They supposed that a reconciliation had taken place between him and the king, and therefore offered no opposition. Watching his opportunity, this officer took hold of a golden dish weighing one thousand mithqâls, but his theft was perceived by no one except by Naushirvân himself. The officer was allowed to depart to his house, but when the table-decker counted the royal plate, he found one dish wanting. Accordingly he placed the screw of torture upon his subordinates, but the king said: ‘Let these poor wights alone, because he who has taken the dish will not return it, and he who has seen the theft committed will not reveal it.’ The next year, on the day of the annual public levée, the same officer came again to pay obeisance to the king. As soon as the eye of Naushirvân caught sight of the man, he beckoned to him, and whispered into his ear: ‘Have you spent the amount of the past, that you have again presented yourself this year?’ The officer then prostrated himself at the feet of Naushirvân, and began to make excuses; the righteous sovereign, however, pardoned his crime, and again received him into his service.

It is said that once an ambassador from the Qaisar arrived with gifts for Naushirvân, and having contemplated the dome of the Ayovân [name of a famous palace] of Kesra, greatly admired the height, ornamentation, and elegance of that edifice; but casting a glance on the irregularity of the open ground in front of the Ayovân, he asked for the reason of this incongruity. He was then told that the want of regularity must be ascribed to the following circumstance: An old woman possessed some land in that direction, and the king entreated her to sell him her house in order to make his grounds regular, but she persistently refused. Therefore the king left the property of the hag undisturbed. With reference to this statement the envoy of the Qaisar replied: ‘Irregularities attributable to justice are better than straight lines resulting from tyranny.’

Chroniclers have narrated of a Mobed having reported to Kesra that a certain commandant of the army had fallen asleep in the desert, and had been robbed of his clothes by a thief, and that he was now asking for permission to search for him. Naushirvân replied: ‘I maintain commandants to take care of the army, but as this commandant needs a guard to take care of him, I dispense with his services.’—A certain individual had written a statement that there was a man whose wealth exceeded that of the king’s treasury, but Naushirvân endorsed the petition as follows: ‘If that man, or anyone else, possesses so large an amount of property, and injures no one, he is welcome to it.’—Another man wrote to him that the people are blessing the sovereign [ironically], because his treasury was empty, on account of his having given away all its contents as presents. To this complaint he replied as follows: ‘All the wealth accumulating in the treasury is the property of meritorious individuals, and if I do not bestow it upon them, it will be my fault.’—A person submitted a petition to the effect that as the king was constantly moving about with a number of persons, enemies were likewise on the alert, and possibly his majesty would be hurt by the ‘evil eye.’ Naushirvân wrote the following endorsement: ‘Justice is the guardian of a righteous king.’ —Another writing, in which it had been stated that a certain man had given away three millions of dirhems as alms, was endorsed by the king as follows: ‘Whatever sum is given to worthy persons is to be considered as if it had been disbursed for our own expenses.’

It is related that when one day Kesra was sitting on the throne of power, and dispensing justice to the poor and oppressed, a philosopher said: ‘I am anxious to know what has induced your majesty to perform those exalted acts?’ The king replied: ‘Once, when I was in the vigour of youth on a hunting expedition, I saw a pedestrian who broke the leg of a dog, by throwing a stone at it. Shortly afterwards a rider passed near the pedestrian, whose leg was in turn broken by a kick from the horse. The horseman rode further, but at last the leg of his horse was also fractured as the animal stepped into a mouse-hole. These events startled me, and the tongue of the circumstances suggested to me the idea that: “Whoever acts unjustly will be punished.” And from that time I took warning.’

One of his sayings is: ‘The most excellent king is not independent of his wazir, nor the wisest woman of her husband, nor the best horse of the whip, nor the finest sword of polishing.’ He also said: ‘A windy day is for sleeping, a cloudy day for hunting, and a rainy one for drinking, but a sunny day is good for carrying on business.’

It is said that none of the sons of Kesra were on the maternal side of royal blood, except Hormuz, whose mother was the daughter of the Khâqân of China. All his other children were the progeny of his own subjects or by slave-girls.

When forty-eight years of the reign of Naushirvân had elapsed, he was struck with a mortal disease; he then filled the ears of his son Hormuz with advice, and bequeathed to him his diadem and throne:

Verses:I heard that in his last agony,
Naushirvân spoke thus to his son Hormuz:
Bridle your temper, be of lowly mind,
And do not be a slave to comfort.

In a chronicle several distichs occur concerning Naushirvân, some of which are here inserted:

Verses:Be aware that among the perfect kings,
Not one was like Naushirvân the Just,
Liberal, righteous, prudent and learned,
A sage, a shrewd and a virtuous man.

REIGN OF HORMUZ BIN NAUSHIRVÂN.276

As Hormuz was of most noble descent, and possessed also many talents, Naushirvân disregarded the seniority of his other sons, and appointed him his successor. Hormuz treated the nobles and general community well in the beginning, and left the Amirs and officials of Naushirvân in their positions, and said:

Verses:‘The opinion of my father was better than mine,
And he knew the people better than I;’
This lasted as long as his Faith was right,
And all went by the wish of the king.
But he was excitable, his temper changed,
He acted counter to his usage and habit,
And began to slay the rich and the poor.

Hormuz then followed the advice of low-minded persons, degraded the judges from their stations, and said: ‘It would not do that my slaves should govern me.’ It is related that during his reign—which lasted twelve years according to one statement—he killed thirteen thousand nobles, grandees, and scholars of Persia, so that he alienated the minds of the people from himself. When the rumour of his cruelty had spread far and wide among Turks and Tâjiks, the kings of the adjacent countries began to entertain hostile feelings towards him. Among these was the Qaisar of Rûm, who invaded Erân with eighty thousand men, and when he had reached Nassibîn he made the restoration of all the countries which Naushirvân had taken from him the condition of his departure. The Circassians had passed beyond Darband, reached the heart of Azarbaijân, and plundered Armenia. A’bbâs Ahûl [the monoculous] and O’mar Azraq [the blue] had arrived from Arabia on the banks of the Euphrates and devastated the plains. The son of the Khâqân of China, who was the maternal uncle of Hormuz, passed, after the demise of his father, with an army of three millions, but according to another statement of four millions, across the Jaihûn, made Hirat and Bâdghuis his encamping grounds, and sent messengers to Hormuz commanding him to construct bridges and to repair the highways, as he intended to march to Rûm. All these rumours having been brought to the notice of Hormuz at Madâin, cowed him so far that he repented of having killed so many of his subjects, and invited the rest of the people to hold a consultation with him. One of his courtiers, who was the most intelligent man of those times, addressed him as follows: ‘O king! our true foe is the sovereign of Turkestân, because all his thoughts are concentrated on the conquest of Erân. As for the Qaisar, his object is to recover the countries of which Naushirvân had deprived him; but he is a Christian and a religious man, so that if you abandon these provinces to him, he will depart to his own country. The inhabitants of Kharaz and the Circassians have invaded our country for the sake of pillage, but if you send a message to the people of Azarbaijân to make common cause with us against them, they will, for fear of losing the plunder which they have gathered, quit the country without coming to blows.’ Hormuz, being comforted by this advice, acted up to it, and after he had got rid of all his other antagonists, he consulted his best men on the measures to be adopted against the Khâqân. On that occasion one of the members of the assembly stated that his father would be able to give valuable advice concerning this matter, but that his great age prevented him from taking part in the consultations. Hormuz replied: ‘I know your father well, because in the reign of Kesra he had brought my mother from Turkestân to Erân. But state the object of your speech.’ The man continued: ‘When my father heard yesterday that the king is in want of someone whom he might send to wage war against the Khâqân, he said: “I have something to say in this matter which I must tell to the king.”’ Hormuz accordingly had an interview with the old man, who spoke as follows: ‘At the time when the just king [i.e., Naushirvân] sent me to Turkestân to bring the daughter of the Khâqân, and the latter had received me in a handsome manner, and had also become acquainted with the object of my embassy, he ordered all his daughters to be introduced to me, that I might select one, and convey her to Madâin. But your grandmother, unwilling to be separated from her daughter, ordered dancing-girls to be dressed up, and to be shown to me, but placed her own daughter among them without any ornaments. As soon, however, as my eyes alighted on that pure jewel, I discovered her resemblance to the chief lady of the harem, and immediately selected her. The distress of the chief lady was of no avail, and the Khâqân sent for an astrologer to ascertain the fate of the august princess. After an attentive examination of her case the astrologer stated that it appeared from the position of the celestial bodies, the lady would by the sovereign of Persia become mother of a son of short stature, large head, and wide eyes, who would inherit the kingdom after his father, but that afterwards a man from this country would invade his kingdom. The said happy child of destiny will, however, send against him an individual of high stature, with a broad forehead, curled hair, corpulent, of a tawny complexion, with knit eyebrows, thin and badly-formed limbs, to attack him, to slay his king, to destroy his army, and to ravage his possessions. The Khâqân having thus been informed of the decrees of fate, sent his daughter with royal presents under my protection to Madâin.’ After the old man had done speaking, he expired in that very assembly. The king, with all present, were astonished at the event, and several persons immediately were despatched to search for the individual described in the above statement of the old man; and some time afterwards information was brought to the king that the individual in question was no other than Behrâm Chubîn, a commander and noble prince of Rei, who had from the time of Naushirvân and till the reign of Hormuz been Governor of Armenia and of Azarbaijân, and who was distinguished among the warriors of Persia by his bravery and perfect chivalry. After due consultation with his councillors, Hormuz appointed Behrâm Chubîn to be commander-in-chief for the war against the Khâqân of China, whose name was Sawah Shâh.

CAMPAIGN OF BEHRÂM CHUBÎN AGAINST, AND VICTORY OVER, SAWAH SHÂH; DEFECTION OF BEHRÂM CHUBÎN FROM HIS SOVEREIGN HORMUZ, AND THE MISFORTUNES OF THE LATTER.

Hormuz summoned Behrâm Chubîn from Armenia, and ordered him to collect an army numerous as locusts, wherewith to march against Sawah Shâh. Behrâm then picked out twelve thousand celebrated warriors, who were between forty and fifty years of age, and when Hormuz asked whether he intended with so small a number to attack a man whose army consisted of three millions, Behrâm’s reply was that the disadvantages entailed by a very large army are greater than the profit; he also mentioned numerous generals who had with armies like his own vanquished opponents commanding numberless hosts.

After Behrâm had performed great marches, and had arrived in Khorâsân, Sawah Shâh sent him letters in which he promised him money and honours if he agreed to side with him. Behrâm, however, refused to become a traitor, and a desultory war ensued, in which Behrâm happened to shoot the King of Turkestân dead with an arrow: but this exploit did not put an end to the struggle, and the son of Sawah Shâh marched at the head of his army against Behrâm, and valiantly fought several battles, but was made prisoner at last.

According to the author of the Ghoniah—and the responsibility rests with him—Behrâm had, besides the son of Sawah Shâh, captured also two hundred and fifty thousand camels, together with all the cash, arms, gold and silver vessels, and camp-equipage of the army of the Turks, all of which he sent to Madâin. Hormuz considered this to be a great event, and extolled the prowess of Behrâm; but Yazdânbakhsh the wazir, who was an enemy of the general, told the king that what he had sent was merely the ear of the cow. These words so affected Hormuz that they induced him to send a yoke and a woman’s spindle [as marks of ignominy] to Behrâm. When these two gifts had reached the general, he placed the yoke on his own neck, and the spindle in front of himself. This exhibition displeased the officers so much that they swore allegiance to Behrâm, and agreed to revolt from Hormuz. The general, however, devised a stratagem, and coined money with the name of Khosru Parviz, the son of Hormuz, which he sent into the country in all directions. This proceeding excited the ire of Hormuz against Parviz, who, becoming afraid of his father, departed to Armenia and Azarbaijân. After the flight of Khosru, Hormuz imprisoned Panduiah and Bastâm, who were the maternal uncles of Khosru. They escaped, however, from prison, and conspired with a number of soldiers, who succeeded in taking possession of the person of Hormuz and depriving him of his eyesight. As soon as this news reached Khosru, he hastened with the speed of the wind and of lightning to the metropolis of Naushirvân. Arriving at Madâin, he placed the crown on his head, excused and justified himself to Hormuz, who believed his words, and entreated him to avenge him upon those who had injured him. This Khosru promised to do, after settling accounts with Behrâm.

BEHRÂM CHUBÎN ATTACKS KHOSRU AND PUTS HIM TO FLIGHT. THE ROYAL PRINCE ESCAPES TO RÛM, COMES BACK AGAIN, AND TRIUMPHS OVER THE ENEMIES OF HIS GOVERNMENT.

When Behrâm heard of the calamity of Hormuz, he became anxious to remove Khosru, and proceeded to Madâin to attack him. Khosru also made haste to encounter him, and the two armies met on the banks of the Nahirvân. After mutual recriminations a battle was fought, but in consequence of some treachery the forces of Khosru turned tail on the battle-field and returned to Madâin. By the advice of Hormuz, Khosru started to Rûm, but after travelling a short distance, Panduiah and Bastâm insisted that the interests of the king required them to return in order to liberate his mind from any apprehensions concerning Hormuz [by murdering him]. Although Khosru tried to dissuade them from their evil intentions, all his entreaties proved of no avail. Accordingly they both returned and strangled Hormuz with a bow-string; then they retraced their steps and overtook Khosru the same evening, but their fear of being pursued made them travel day and night, until they reached a certain monastery, where they halted to take some rest. Here they ascertained that they would soon be overtaken by the army of Behrâm, wherefore Panduiah hit upon the ruse of dressing himself in the garments of Khosru, and sending him off in the direction of Rûm. Having donned the royal garb, Panduiah showed himself on the terrace of the convent, so that when the officers of Behrâm, who were approaching, perceived him, they mistook him for the prince. Panduiah, however, went down, exchanged the royal dress for his own, and again making his appearance on the terrace, shouted: ‘Let the commander of the army come here, I have something to tell him.’ Then Behrâm Siâwashâm came forward, and both parties recognising each other, Panduiah addressed him as follows: ‘The king sends thee his greetings, and requests thee to respite him till sunset, because he has had no rest since three days.’ Behrâm Siâwashân replied: ‘I am an old servant, and consent to the request of the king.’ When the appointed time had expired, Panduiah came again upon the terrace and said to Behrâm: ‘Parviz acknowledges that thou hast acted well towards him, but he wishes to enjoy this night’s rest, and will accompany you in the morning.’ Behrâm again consented, and ordered the soldiers to remain on the watch till morning. At daybreak, however, Behrâm, having got ready to depart with his army, shouted: ‘It is time to come out.’ Panduiah, however, delayed, and Behrâm was impatient. At last Panduiah came out from the monastery when the sun was high, and confessed his stratagem to Behrâm. The whole army was greatly astonished at this news, and Behrâm Siâwashân took Panduiah to Behrâm Chubîn to explain the matter; the latter, however, made him prisoner, and entrusted him to the keeping of Behrâm Siâwashân.

It is related that when Khosru Parviz left the monastery, he hastened on the wings of celerity towards Rûm, but alighted during his journey in the house of Ayâs Bin Qobaissah Tâyi, who furnished him with provisions and horses, and overwhelmed him with all kinds of favours. After duly performing the journey, Khosru arrived in the metropolis of the Qaisar, who honoured him with an interview.

The Qaisar was so pleased with the arrival of Khosru, that he presented him with one hundred beautiful Turkish boys, and with twenty girls—who were all royal princesses captured in war—with golden diadems, one hundred costly pearls, one thousand gold dinârs, and a golden table encrusted with ornaments, and having in its centre a bowl of onyx-stone, filled with sapphires and rubies, as well as with other precious gems. He gave him also one thousand pieces of gold-brocade, together with many other presents. Marriage was also celebrated between Khosru and Mariam, the daughter of the Qaisar; and after the lapse of eighteen months, which Khosru had spent in Rûm, the Qaisar despatched his son Benâtûs with seventy thousand men, but according to another tradition with one hundred thousand, each of whom was able to challenge and to fight thousands, and they were ordered to march in his retinue against the enemy.

Parviz arrived with great pomp in Azarbaijân, and Panduiah, who had escaped from the custody of Behrâm, and was living in the country of Azarbaijân, joined him with a large army. These events disquieted Behrâm to such a degree that he marched with an army from Madâin to encounter Parviz. When the two armies had sufficiently approached each other three Turkish boys came forth from the army of Behrâm, halted in the centre of the plain, and challenged Parviz to single combat, saying: ‘Come out, and each of us will fight thee separately.’ Parviz complied with the summons, although Benâtûs had greatly dissuaded him. The three pugnacious Turks assailed Parviz one after the other, but were all slain by him. The soldiers of Persia, as well as of Rûm [Byzantines] were amazed at the prowess of the king; they applauded, and all alighted from their horses to kiss the ground with the lips of civility. In this act also Benâtûs, the son of the Qaisar, participated, alighting from his steed, and kissing the stirrup of Parviz. One of the above-mentioned many men, each of whom was surnamed Hezâr-merd [a thousand men], asked: ‘O king! How couldst thou, in spite of thy bravery, flee from thy officer?’ Khosru, being displeased with this question, gave no reply. This same Hezâr-merd then asked Parviz to point out Behrâm, as he was desirous to fight him. Behrâm, who happened to be in front of his army, mounted on a piebald charger, was accordingly singled out by Parviz. The Hezâr-merd attacked Behrâm and fought a while with him, until Behrâm at last aimed such a blow at the head of his antagonist that he split his whole body in two, and the sword struck the knob of his saddle. Khosru chuckled at this event, but the Rûmis, who were distressed thereby, inquired about the cause of the laughter of Parviz, who replied: ‘He blamed me for retreating from my own officer.’ Then he ordered the corpse of the man to be embalmed, and sent to the Qaisar, with an account of the whole affair.

In short, when the evening had set in, a great portion of the army which had formerly been in the service of Hormuz, remembering the obligations of gratitude, went over to the camp of Khosru, and Behrâm fled so precipitately that he did not halt until he had arrived at the court of the Khâqân. As he was a man of well-known bravery, and had performed great deeds, he grew daily in the favour of the Khâqân. At the instigation of Parviz, however, the chief lady of the Khâqân’s harem got the brave man assassinated, for which crime the Khâqân divorced her.

REIGN OF KHOSRU PARVIZ [CHOSROES II.].

In the Kâmel-ut-tovârikh it is stated that the word Parviz means ‘victorious’; but the author of the Mufâtih-ul-u’lûm renders the words Khosru Parviz by ‘glorious king.’ He was distinguished among the sovereigns of Persia by his majesty, his administration of justice, intellect, foresight, great armies, treasures and possessions; by the security of highways, and by his firmness of purpose.

After he had vanquished Behrâm, and established himself on the throne, he rewarded the Byzantines [Rûmis] with extraordinary sums of money, and sent them back. He also fulfilled all the conditions agreed upon between them when he departed from the Qaisar. He then applied himself to establish a firm government. He treated all his subjects kindly, but, obeying his father’s injunction, slew his maternal uncles Panduiah and Bastâm. When fourteen years had elapsed the Rûmis acted treacherously towards the Qaisar and his son Benâtûs, killing them both. The other son of the Qaisar asked aid from Khosru, who sent him with a brave army into the country of Rûm and Syria. When the Persians entered Filistîn and Jerusalem they made all the Christians and others prisoners; they, moreover, obtained possession of the cross which had been kept in a golden box concealed under ground, and sent it to Khosru. They were in the same manner victorious in the city of Alexandria and in the country of Nubia. They marched to the vicinity of Constantinople, and the devastation made by the Persian army was great. But despite of all these efforts of the Erânians the Rûmis would not pay allegiance to the son of the Qaisar, who was a royal prince of great intellectual powers and much experience:

Distich:Government is not in skill,
It is only in heaven’s will.

It is narrated that the Rûmis had elected an individual named Harqal [Heraclius] to be their governor and sovereign. He was a righteous and God-fearing monarch, and when he perceived what havoc the Persians had committed in Rûm by their slaughter and pillage, he implored the King of kings to deliver the Rûmis from this calamity. The arrow of his prayers struck the target of response, and during several consecutive nights he was favoured with a vision, in which he saw Khosru brought before him with a chain round his neck, and heard a voice saying to him: ‘Make haste to fight Parviz, because victory will be on thy side.’ On the strength of this true vision Harqal collected an army, marched from Constantinople to Nassibîn, and Khosru sent one of his generals with twelve thousand men to attack him. Harqal met the Persians and killed six thousand of them, with all the officers of Parviz. Allah— whose name be extolled—has said: ‘Have not the Greeks [i.e., Byzantines] been conquered [by the Persians] in the nearest part of the earth, but after their conquering they will be conquered in some years, etc.?’277 The occasion for the revelation of this verse, and an account of some events concerning Khosru and Harqal, will be recorded in the second volume [second part] if it pleaseth Allah the Most High.

THE COSTLY AND RARE THINGS WHICH KHOSRU POSSESSED AND BY WHICH HE WAS DISTINGUISHED ABOVE THE KINGS OF PERSIA AND OTHERS.

Historians have related that Parviz possessed a throne named Taqdis, which was extremely high. In the construction of it one hundred and twenty masters, each of whom had thirty assistants, were engaged for two years by turns, without any intermission of the work. This throne contained one hundred and forty thousand nails, each of which weighed from sixty to a hundred mithqâls. It was divided into several parts, so that at each season the king sat on a different side. It was encrusted with precious gems, and one thousand golden balls were suspended from it, each of which weighed five hundred mithqâls. On this throne the twelve signs of the zodiac, the seven planets, with various dials, and several other things were delineated.

He possessed thirty thousand gold-embroidered saddles, and one hundred treasuries, each of which had its own special name. Thus, for instance, one of them was called ‘treasure brought by the wind,’ because the King of Rûm had for his own purposes loaded one thousand ships [!] with various costly things to be conveyed to a stronghold; but the winds drove the vessels to a place in charge of the agents of Khosru, who took possession of the treasures.

In his harem he kept twelve thousand girls of great beauty. He had twelve hundred elephants. He possessed a quantity of gold-bullion, which was so pliable that it could be moulded into any shape required without the aid of fires. In his stables five thousand horses were fed on oats, and twelve thousand camels were carrying the baggage of the king when he was moving about. The horse named Shabdiz, which excelled the wind in fleetness, is well known and celebrated. He possessed other rare things, the like of which could not be found in the whole world, and so many of them are mentioned in historical works that common sense refuses to give credit to the marvellous accounts.

Among his other peculiarities his connection with Shirin is worthy to be briefly noticed in this place. In some chronicles it is related that at first Shirin was a girl in the service of one of the grandees of Persia, and that in his youth Khosru occasionally visited the said grandee’s house, where he became acquainted with Shirin, and dallied with her. The master of the house warned Shirin not to have anything to do with Khosru; but she would not be restrained, until one day Khosru presented her with his ring, and her master having been informed of the fact ordered one of his attendants to drown her in the river Euphrates. When the man had brought her as far as the banks of the stream the girl besought him to spare her life. He replied that he could not act contrary to the orders of his master, but told her that he would throw her into the water at a spot where she could again get out; and this he did. After Shirin had thus escaped from a watery grave she presented herself at the cell of a hermit, who lived in the vicinity, and insinuated to him her wish to dedicate herself to the service of God, and to become the servant of the hermit. She remained for some time in that place until one day Parviz happened to pass that way, after having attained the royal dignity. Shirin then requested one of the officers who accompanied him to inform him of her whereabouts, and gave him the above-mentioned ring as a token to confirm her statement. As soon as the king had obtained this information he despatched a number of eunuchs and female attendants to the hermitage, who conveyed Shirin with great pomp in a litter to Madâin. This statement agrees, however, neither with the Shâhnâmah nor with Tabari.

It is said that a woman, in order to be a perfect beauty, must be endowed with forty qualities, and that in those times they were not concentrated in any female, except in Shirin. It is related that after Khosru had been killed his son Shiruiah coveted Shirin, and that when his attentions to her had passed all bounds she induced him by a stratagem to allow the door of the Dukhma [mausoleum] of Parviz to be opened. As soon as she entered the place she swallowed a violent poison, which immediately took effect, and killed her on the spot.

THE END OF KHOSRU PARVIZ.

Towards the close of his life Khosru Parviz—like many others whose fortunes are predestined to decline—exchanged his laudable qualities for reprehensible ones, by tearing up the letter which the prophet (the benediction of Allah be on him) had sent him—as will afterwards be narrated by the favour of Allah—and by imprisoning a great multitude of soldiers who had fled from the boundaries of Rûm and had come to Madâin. He also became extremely suspicious, because astrologers had predicted that in a short time one of his sons would beget a scion, from whom the kingdom would pass over to strangers. He therefore retained his sons in his palace, lest they might have intercourse with women, and he imagined that he could thus nullify the decrees of fate. He had also killed No’mân Bin Munzar, and appointed Ayâs Bin Qobaissah Tâyi to govern Arabia, because he had aided him in his flight to Rûm. To these crimes he added other wicked deeds, which so exasperated the civil and military officers of his government that they deposed him by common consent in the ninth year of the Hegira, and installed on the throne of royalty his son Qobâd, who is known by the name of Shiruiah. Parviz was removed from the capital, and imprisoned in the house of a high officer of the army, where he was guarded by five hundred soldiers. His reign lasted thirty-eight years.278

REIGN OF SHIRUIAH [SIROES].

After the grandees of Persia had raised Shiruiah to the royal throne, they represented to him that they had deposed Parviz on account of his evil deeds, and that they now intended to kill him; moreover, that in case Shiruiah refused to grant his assent, they would deliver Parviz from captivity, and would surrender Shiruiah into his power. The king asked for delay, and sent a man to his father to enumerate his transgressions, and to bring a reply, if he had any to make; the intention of Shiruiah being to adduce evidence for exculpating him. The messenger returned with answers calculated to silence the accusers; but as the amirs and nobles were obstinate, they proved of no avail, and Khosru was slain.

The sentence was executed as follows: The grandees waited successively on Shiruiah, and reiterated their desire that he should issue orders for the murder of his father. He assented, but everyone whom he asked to commit the act demurred. At last Shiruiah beckoned to the son of Mardanshâh, whose father had been unjustly slain by Khosru, and commanded him to take his revenge. The son of Mardanshâh obeyed, and had an interview with Khosru, who said: ‘I have killed thy father without a cause, and whoever spares the murderer of his own father is an unnatural son.’ Then the son of Mardanshâh slew Khosru, and reported the matter to Shiruiah, who scratched his face, tore his hair, lamented and groaned, but afterwards attended with his grandees and nobles at the funeral of Khosru. After he had, however, returned from the cemetery, he immediately issued orders for the execution of the son of Mardanshâh, saying: ‘Whoever spares the murderer of his father is an unnatural son.’

Shiruiah was a just prince, who loved his subjects; but according to tradition, he killed at least fifteen of his brothers—all of whom were distinguished by knowledge and education—at the instigation of his wazir Firuz. On that occasion [of slaughter?] the plague broke out, and carried off countless numbers of the people.

It is related that on the second day after the slaughter of the descendants of Kesra, Purândukht and Azarmidukht, the sisters of Shiruiah, said to him: ‘Greediness for power had induced thee to murder thy father and brothers. No doubt God will avenge them on thee.’ When Shiruiah heard these words, he wept, and throwing his diadem on the ground, became depressed and melancholy. At last a mortal disease befell him, and he was in the sixth month of his reign gathered to his fathers and brothers.

REIGN OF ARDESHIR BIN SHIRUIAH.

He ascended the throne of his father at the age of seven years. When one of the grandees of Persia, whose name was Shehriâr, who had the frontiers of the country in his charge, and who was distinguished in station above his peers, had heard of this event, he became enraged, because Ardeshir had been raised to the throne without consulting him. Accordingly he marched with an army to Madâin, slew Ardeshir and many others, on the plea of their having been concerned in the deposition and murder of Khosru. As the latter had left no male heir, he himself ascended the throne. There is a difference of opinion about the duration of the reign of Ardeshir, which is in the ‘Meadows of God’279 stated to have lasted fifteen months, and in the Kâmel-ut-tovârikh he is said to have reigned six months; but the [true] knowledge is with Allah.

REIGN OF SHEHRIÂR.

He is also called Farâin, but in the Shâhnâmah he is named Bakrâz. When his authority had become paramount, the army of Erân was unwilling to pay him allegiance. Therefore three brothers of the garrison of Estakhar [Persepolis] conspired to slay him, and whilst he was on a ride, one of them pierced him with a lance from the rear, throwing him to the ground. According to one tradition, his reign lasted forty days, and according to another twenty; but Abu Hanifah Dinvari states that, after he had reigned one year, the Persians, disliking to be governed by an individual not of the royal dynasty, attacked and killed him. Then they placed on the throne Juvân Shir [young lion], the son of Parviz, whom he had by Kazdamah, the sister of Behrâm Chubîn. One year afterwards Juvân Shir died, and the throne lapsed to Purândukht.

REIGN OF PURÂNDUKHT, DAUGHTER OF KHOSRU
PARVIZ.280

She was an intelligent woman, who spread out the carpet of justice and equity, and erected bridges. She raised one of the murderers of Shehriâr to the wizirate, and sent back to the Qaisar as a gift the wood of the cross which had been brought from Rûm in the time of Khosru, and requested him to kill any partizans of Shehriâr who might be in his country. The Qaisar, being highly pleased with the wood of the cross, became a friend. Then Purândukht punished many persons by death who had been implicated in the death of her father. After a reign of one year and four months she hastened to the next world.

REIGN OF CHASHINDAH.281

Some have said that he was a distant cousin of Parviz, that he was a dependant of Purândukht, that his name was Firûz, and Chashindah was only his sobriquet. His head was very large, and when he placed the crown on it, he said, ‘This crown is extremely small.’ From this utterance the wise and the noble prognosticated that his reign would be short. Ebn Athir says, ‘His reign lasted less than one month, and the soldiers killed him because they disliked his behaviour.’ In some histories it is related that when he said the above words the great men of the country exclaimed: ‘This man is not worthy to reign.’ As he had first of all uttered the word tang [tight, narrow], they removed the diadem from his head and placed it on another. In the Târikh of Hâfez Abru it is stated that after Chashindah, Khosru Bin Qobâd Bin Naushirvân became king, but this assertion is contrary to the tradition of all the historians, because most of them insert the reign of Azarmidukht after that of Chashindah.

REIGN OF AZARMIDUKHT, DAUGHTER OF KHOSRU
PARVIZ.282

She was a most intelligent and beautiful woman. She reigned in person, and would appoint no wazir. At that time Farrakhzâd, who had from the time of Khosru till then been governor of Khorâsân, left his son in charge of his administration, and paid a visit to Madâin, where he fell in love with the queen, and sent a person to make proposals of marriage to her. Azarmidukht sent a reply that, although it is a blemish to marry, the said lord ought nevertheless to come on a certain night to the palace, if his affection was sincere, so that his wishes might be gratified, because she was likewise desirous of an interview. At the same time she ordered the officer on guard immediately to inform her of the arrival of Farrakhzâd. When the hour of the meeting was near at hand, Farrakhzâd went to the bath, washed his body, swallowed some exhilarating medicine, of which rubies were an ingredient, and hastened joyfully to the rendezvous. The officer of the watch quickly informed the queen of the presence of the unfortunate man, whereon she ordered that slave of lust immediately to be beheaded, and his body to be thrown before the gate of the castle. The nobles and high officers of the army being amazed at this spectacle, asked the amir on guard for the reason of this punishment, but his reply was that the queen had not ordered this man to be executed before he deserved it. They were then made aware of what the crime of the Amir of Khorâsân had been. As soon, however, as his son heard this news, he brought his army to Madâin, vanquished Azarmidukht, and slew her.

REIGN OF KESRA BIN ARDESHIR.

It is recorded in the Târikh of Hâfez Abru that after the reign of Azarmidukht, the Persians were in search of a man of royal blood, until they heard that one was living in Ahvâz, Kesra by name, and a descendant of Ardeshir Bâbeg. Accordingly they seated the poor fellow on the throne, but as he was too ignorant and weak to reign, the soldiers were disappointed in their hopes, and killed him without any guilt of his own.

REIGN OF FARRAKHZÂD BIN KHOSRU.283

After the murder of Kesra, the Persians again searched for a royal prince, and a son of Parviz was discovered living at Nassibîn, where he had fled for fear of Shiruiah. This the Persians considered to be a lucky circumstance, and brought Farrakhzâd to Madâin, where they seated him on the royal throne. The beginning of his reign was auspicious, because he acted justly towards everybody. One month only had, however, elapsed of his reign, when one of his slaves poured a deadly poison into his beverage, and thus brought his life to conclusion.

REIGN OF YAZDEJERD BIN SHEHRIÂR.284

At the time when Khosru Parviz was keeping his sons in confinement on account of the prediction of the astrologers, in order to prevent them from having intercourse with females, as has already been stated above, Shehriâr Bin Khosru sent a man to Shirin, and complained that his impulse of sexuality was distressing him. Therefore she sent him a girl of noble birth—who had on account of some crime been apprenticed to a barber—in a male dress, under the pretence of shaving him. Shehriâr had intercourse with her, and she became enceinte with Yazdejerd. The infant to whom she gave birth was brought up in the harem of the king from his birth till the age of five years. One day Khosru happened to perceive the boy and asked whose child he was, and the attendants said, ‘He is the son of Shehriâr.’ As, however, the astrologers had predicted that the last king of the Sasanian dynasty, from whom the kingdom would pass over to strangers [i.e., to the Arabs], would have a blemish on his body, Khosrû ordered Yazdejerd to be stripped, and on discovering that fault on his knee, intended to kill him, but Shirin interfered. Then Khosru exclaimed: ‘Take the wretch away from the palace, that I may never see him.’ Accordingly Shirin had the boy transferred to the country to avoid the anger of Parviz.

When the professors of Islâm had become victorious on the frontiers of Persia, and Farrakhzâd had departed to the regions of non-existence, the lords of the government brought Yazdejerd from Estakhar to Madâin, and placed the royal crown on his head. During his reign many battles were fought between the Arabs and the Persians. When at last the Moslems were approaching Madâin, Yazdejerd fled from the sword of Sa’d Bin Woqâs to the Persian E’râq, thence to Khorâsân, and was finally killed at Merv. The standards of the infidels were turned down, and those of Islâm rose upwards. The whole affairs of Yazdejerd will be described285 in the history of the divinely-guided Khalifahs (the benediction of Allah be upon them all) in the course of the second volume, if it pleaseth Allah the Most High.

It is not hidden to the minds of the enlightened that the author’s object in the composition of this work—which contains accounts of the prophets, the histories of kings and philosophers—was chiefly to fulfil a duty towards God, and to gain royal favours, by always secretly, as well as publicly, treading the paths of verity, and abstaining from evil ways in prosperity and distress. Our efforts were constant in exalting the teachers and the doctrines of our religion, and we spared no pains in reproving whatever is evil and wicked, so as to open the portals of mercy to the inhabitants of the world, and to enable the rich and the poor to taste the sweet beverage of virtue at the fountain-head of justice and beneficence.

We are grateful for the blessings of God, by whose favour the country of Khorâsân in general, and the metropolis of Hirat in particular, have always been adorned by the presence of ecclesiastical and secular doctors, and that he who is without an equal in the world is most distinguished by his extraordinary attainments in all branches of knowledge, so that in whatever assembly a philosopher expounds tenets, he profits by his instructive conversation, and divines request him to open the flood-gates of his religious acquirements. His breast is a repository of the treasures of certainty, and his gentle heart a receptacle of the enigmas of subtlety. We mean the most righteous and just Amir, who is possessed of the highest qualities of an exalted mind, the establisher of justice and equity, the destroyer of the foundations of tyranny, the confidant of his royal majesty, the curator of the state, whom the poor and the rich delight to obey, the administrator of the shining and brilliant religion, the Amir A’li Shir, may Allah the Most High exalt his dignity and perpetuate his government.

INDEX.
A.

A’ALI [ELI], 40-42

Aaron. See Harûn

Abdâls, note 32

Abdullah Bin Ahmad Bin Khalil, 228

Abiadh, his story, 202-206

Absalom, 67. See Shalûm

Abu Ala’llâi Moussuli, 228

Abu Hanifah Dinvari, the historian, 359, 371, 375, 376, 378, 402

Abu Harira, 93

Adam, 229, 265

Adultery, 14, 18

Æsculapius, 287. See Asqlabios

Aflatûn [Plato], 265, 276, 277, 281-285, 288, 302

Aflûn, the idol, 214, 216, 223, 224

Afrasiâb, 232-234

Afritun, a disciple of Socrates, 274, 275.

Ahasuerus, 239

Ahl Kitâb, The, note 3

Aisha [Jesse], 46-48

Aiûb [Job], 38

Akhlâqi Nassiri, The, 284

Alexander the Great, ix., 238, 240. See Eskandar.

Ali Bin Abu Tâleb, 11, 61, 101

Ali Bin Ka’b, 12

Amalekites, The, 17, 44

Amir Ali Shir, 229, 265, 407

Amrulqais, 290

Anaksaghoras [Anaxagoras], 299

Ankâs, 299

Ant, Story of the, 80-83

Antaqia [Antioch], 184, 187

Antioch, 184. See Antaqia

Aomiros [Homer], 290

Aoria [Uriah], 62, 63, 65, 66, 71

Apostles, The, 162, 165, 169, 170, 177, 178, 183

Apostleship, 228

Aqlides [Euclid], 300

Arabic authors, note 113

Arâis, The, 21, 32

Arbil, wife of Vâjub, King of Ba’lbec, 27

Archæmenian or Kaiânian dynasty, 239

Ardeshir Bâbegân, the first Sasanian king, 326-329

Ariha [Jericho], 15-17, 35

Aristotle, 243, 265, 284-287, 300

Ark of tranquillity, Story of the, 8. Its construction, 9. Opinions about it, 10

Armia [Jeremiah], 11, 121, 127-129, 146

Artaxerxes Longimanus, 237, 239. See Behmen

Asaf, Solomon’s minister, 86, 90, 92-94, 96

Asfilsûf the philosopher, 267

Ashbaa’, sister of the Virgin Mary, 147, 148

Ashkânian Kings of Persia, 320-326; for list of them see table of contents, vii.

Asia, Fara’ûn’s daughter, 4. The murder of her maid, 5

Asia, Fara’ûn’s wife, 5. Her murder, 6. Her torments and the alleviation of her sufferings, 6

Asqlabios the first [Æsculapius], 281, 287, 293

Asqlabios the second [Æsculapius] 287, 288, 293

Asûl Lama’a, The, 38

Atheniah [Athens], 267, 274, 281, 282, 285, 293

B.

Babel [Babylon], 121, 125

Babylon, 121, 139. See Babel

Bakhtanassar [Nebuchadnezzar], 76, 77, 120, 122, 124-138, 144, 237, 238

B’al, 26, 27

Bala’m, or Bala’âm, 17-19

Ba’lbek, 26, 27

Balqa, 17, 18

Balqis, Story of [Queen of Sheba], 83-92

Balûq, King of Balqa, 17-19

Banqas, King of Maqdoniah, 294, 297

Barssissa the hermit, his record, 202-207

Barûk the King, 20, 22

Bashar, or Bashir, 38

Bâsolûs the philosopher, 292

Batolimos [Ptolemy], 291, 292

Baz, King of the Maghrab, 294-297

Bedr, Battle of, 45; note 57

Behâristan, The, note 111

Behmen [Artaxerxes Longimanus], 237-239

Behrâm Chubîn, the General, 391-396

Behrâm Gûr, 351, 354-362

Beit-ul-lahm [Bethlehem], 159, 161

Boqrât [Hippocrates], 277, 287-289

Bujarjamehr the philosopher, 381-384

C.

Caleb. See Kalûb.

Cambyses, 234. See Kai Kâoos

Certificate of security, 39; note 47

Chain, Story of the, 59, 60

Chess, The game of, 381

Christendom, Rise of, ix., x.

Christianity, ix., x.

Christian literature and stories, ix., x.

Chugân, The game of, 331, 343; notes 257, 264

Companion of the Fish, 112. See Yûnas

Companions of the Cave [the seven sleepers], 190-202

Constantinople, 345, 397. See Qostantiniah

Cyrus, 235, 239. See Kai Khusrau

D.

Dâniâl the Greater, 125-128, 130, 133

Dâniâl, the son of Hazqil, 11, 127, 128, 130-132, 134, 135-139

Damascus, 161

Dârâh [Darius II.], 238

Dârâh the Less [Darius III.], 238, 239

Daraz Dast, or Longhanded, 237. See Behmen

Darius Hystaspes, 236, 239. See Gushtasp

Daûd [David], son of Aisha [Jesse], 46. His record, 46-61. His sling, stones and staff, 46. His selection by Shamuil, 47, 48. His hearing the stones speak, 48. His offer to fight Jalût, 49. His fight and victory, 50, 51. His difficulties with Tâlut, 51, 52. His attempted murder, 52. His flight and concealment, 53, 54. His succession, 57. His pleasing voice, 57. Why he learnt a profession, 58. His occupations, 58, 59. His prayer and its answer, 59. His judgment, 60, 61. His trial and temptation, 61, 62. Story of Aoria [Uriah] and his wife, 62, 63. Dâud’s marriage with the latter, 64. His interview with two men and the story of the sheep and the ewe, 64. His repentance, 65. His visit to the tomb of Aoria and interview with him, 65, 66. His troubles with Shalûm [Absalom], 67, 78. His choice of the famine, or the conquest, or the plague, 68, 69. The commencement of the building of the temple, 69, 70. His death, 71. His appreciation of Solomon’s judgment, 71-75.

David, 46. See Dâud

Deqianus [Decius?], note 224; 191-195, 197, 200

Diogenes the cynic, 279. See Diujânos

Diujânos Kalbi [Diogenes], 279-281

Dreams of Nebuchadnezzar, 130, 131, 134, 135

E.

Eblis [Satan], 57, 202, 203, 224

Ebn A’bbâs the historian, 25, 100, 115, 150, 157, 179, 188, 200, 202, 206

Ebn Athir the historian, 339, 349, 352, 356, 364, 403

Ebn Hanân, 228

Ebn Qotaiba, 353

Ebrahim [Abraham], 68, 229

Eclipse of the sun, 233

Editor’s note about David Shea’s translation of the ‘Early Kings of Persia,’ and brief sketch of that work, 230-239

Edris [Enoch], 26, 33, 266, 267

Elghâzâr the Emâm, 2

Eli the high priest, 40. See A’ali

Eliâs [Elijah], his record, 26-32. His exhortations, 27, 28, 31. His miracle, 30. His appointing Elisa’ his successor, 32. His ascent to heaven, 32. His personal description, etc., 34. Story about his being met in the desert, 32-34

Elijah, 26. See Elias

Elisa’ [Elisha], 31, 32. His record, 34-38. His call to follow Eliâs, 35. His miracles, 35-37. His death, 38

Elisha, 34. See Elisa’

Emâm Muhammad Edris Shâfa’i, 301

Emâm Mûsa Bin Jafer, 140. His replies to the Christian monk, 140-143

Emâm Nâtuq, 11

E’mrân Bin Mâthân, the father of the Virgin Mary, 146

Enoch. See Edris.

Ephesus, 190, 191, 196, 197, 200

Esfendiar [Xerxes?], 237

Eskandar [Alexander the Great], his birth, 240, 241. His accession to the throne, 242, 243. The consolidation of his kingdom at home, 244. His correspondence with Dârâ the Less, 245, 246. His war with Dârâ, 247. The two battles, 247, 248. Dârâ’s death and funeral, 248, 249. Eskandar marches to India, 250. His battle with Fûr [Porus], 250, 251. The latter’s defeat, 251. Eskandar’s interview with the Brahmans, 252. His dealings with Kyd, the Indian king, 253. The presents received from the latter, 254. His interview with the philosopher sent by Kyd, 254-256. His march to China, 256; and his return westwards, 257. His consultation with Aristotle how to deal with the Persian princes, 257. Some stories about him, 258-260. His death, 261; and funeral, 262, 263. His personal appearance and character, 263. About his name, 264. His connection with Aristotle, 286, 287

Esrâil [Israel], Children of, 1, 2, 4, 9, 13, 15-20, 22, 26, 35-40, 68-70, 120, 122

Estakhar [Persepolis], 81, 327, 369, 406

Euclid, 300. See Aqlides

Ezekiel’s vision, note 28

Ezra, 139. See O’zair

F.

Fara’ûn [Pharaoh], 4-6

Fate and predestination, 144-146

Feridoon, a Peshdâdian king, 232, 234

Filqûs [Philip, Prince of Rûm], 238, 241-243

Firdausi the poet, 232, 301

Fithagorath [Pythagoras], 268-271, 281

G.

Galen the physician, 293. See Jâlinus

Gavah the blacksmith, 231, 232, note *

Georgius the martyr, 214-225. See Jarjis

Ghoniah, The, 264, 375, 392

Gibbon the historian, ix., x.; notes 255, 256, 263, 268, 278

Goliath, 44. See Jalût

Gospel, The, 229

Greece, 284. See Yonân

Greeks, The, 281, 290. See Yonâni

Gurshâsf, the last Peshdâdian king, 233

Gushtasp [Darius Hystaspes], 236, 237, 239

H.

Habib the carpenter, 186, 187

Hafez Abru the historian, 321, 339, 364, 374, 403, 405

Hafiz the poet, note 200

Hamdullah Mustoufi the historian, 321, 322

Hanna, wife of E’mrân, and mother of the Virgin Mary, 146, 147

Hanna, wife of Helkan, and mother of Shamu’il [Samuel], 40, 41

Hantalah the righteous, 188

Harqal [Heraclius], 397

Harûn [Aaron], his personal description, etc., 3. His tomb, 4. His knowledge of the entire Mosaic law, 11, 144

Hasan Bossri the author, 98, 177, 187

House, The holy, 76, 77, 121

Hazkil, the prophet [Ezekiel], 23-26. Resuscitates many corpses, 25. His tomb, 26. Remarks about him, 38.

Hezekiah the king, 120. See Sadiqa

Hippocrates, 277, 287. See Boqrât.

Homer, 290. See Aomiros

Hormuz Bin Shâpûr, a Sasanian king, 334, 335

Houshung, a Peshdâdian king, 230

Hyksos, or shepherd kings, 234

I.

Ibn Hishâm the historian, xi.

Ibn Ishâk the historian, xi. See Muhammad Bin Esahâq

I’sa [Jesus], his knowledge of the entire Mosaic Law, 11. In heaven, 33. His companionship with Yahia [John the Baptist], 151. His relationship to him, 155. His record, 156-183. His naming before birth, 156. His miraculous conception, 157. His birth, 159. His conduct as a babe in the womb, 156. His speech as an infant in the cradle, 160. His going to Damascus, 161. His discovery of a theft there, 161. His coming to Jerusalem and selection of the Apostles, 162. His characteristics and habits, 163. Some miracles, 164. His resuscitating Sâm [Shem], the son of Noah, 165-169. His supplying the multitude with food, 169-171. His flight from Jerusalem, 172. Some of his miracles, 172-177. The years of his mission, 178. His elevation on the gibbet and ascent to heaven, 178-182. His future coming, 182, 183. As founder of a religion, 229

Isaiah, 120. See Sha’ia

Israel, Children of. See Esrâil

J.

Jaber the alchemist, 12

Jâlinus the physician [Galen], 190, 191, 293-298, 302

Jalût [Goliath], 44. His war with Tâlut, or Saul, 44-46, 48. His fight with David, 49-51. His death, 51

Jâmi the poet, note 111

Jâmi ’Aa’zim, The, 6, 228

Jarjis the martyr [Georgius], his record and his miracles, 214-225

Jarih the monk, 206-209

Jebrâil [Gabriel], 88, 114, 117, 228

Jamsheed, the Peshdâdian king, 231, 234

Jeremiah the prophet, 121. See Armia

Jericho, 15. See Ariha

Jesus, 156. See I’sa

Jewish literature and stories, ix., x.

Joab, 63. See Thoâb

Johnson, Mr. Edwin, ix., x.

John the Baptist, 146. See Yahia

Jonah, 112. See Yûnas

Joseph the carpenter, 158. See Yusuf

Joshua. See Yoshua’

Judaism, x.

Judas Iscariot, 179 See Jûda

Judgment, The sudden, 13, 16

K.

Ka’b-ullâkhbâr the traditionist, 81, 120, 162; note 192

Kaiânian dynasty, 230, 234-239

Kai Kâoos [Cambyses?], 234-236, 239

Kai Khusrau [Cyrus?], 235, 236, 239

Kaikobad, the first Kaiânian king, 234

Kaiomars, or Kaiomarth, the first Peshdâdian king, 230, 363

Kaliath [Goliath], 44. See Jalût

Kalila va Dimna, 301, 381; note 272

Kalûb [Caleb], 1, 21-23.

Kama Shastra Society, note 111

Kâmel-ut-tovârikh, The, 374, 396, 402

Kermâni the poet, note 111

Khaled Bin Senân, 227

Khizer, 33, 34

Khodaifa, 122

Khoshnavâg, King of Hayatalah, 363, 365-367

Khosru Parviz, a Sasanian king, 392-401, 403-406

Knowledge, Excellency of, 301, 302

Korân, The, ix., x. See Qurân

L.

Labâb-ut-tafâsir, The, 8, 11

Lapwing, The, 83-86

Lohorasp [Hystaspes?], a Kaiânian king, 236, 237, 239

Loqmân the philosopher, his record, 104-111. Stories about him, 105-107; and his son, 108-110. His death, 111. His moral maxims, 111

M

Maa’rif Hassibi, The, 178, 182, 227

Madâin, 328, 348, 355, 368

Madinah, 81

Maghâzi, The, 122, 138

Mahdi, The, 122; note 131

Malcolm’s ‘History of Persia,’ 235, 237

Mâni, the Zendiqand painter, 333, 336, 337

Mariam [the Virgin Mary], 146. Her birth, 147. Her dedication, 147. Her bringing up, 148. Her conception and pregnancy, 157, 158. Her giving birth to I’sa [Jesus], 159. Accusations against her, 160. Her going to Egypt or Damascus, 161. Her travelling with I’sa, 172, 173

Mary 146. See Mariam

Masih [Messiah], 158, 159

Masu’di the historian, 256, 333, 336, 341; note 279

Mazdak, the false prophet, 369-371, 373, 374

Meadows of Gold by Masu’di, 341, 343, 345, 402

Mekkah, 81

Merwân the Omayide, 33

Messiah, The, 156, 158. See Masih

Minucheher, a Peshdâdian king, 232, 233

Mithana, 192

Moa’viah, son of Abu Sofiân, 201, 202

Moqatul, 12

Mosaic Law, 1, 4. Description of the, 11. The reading of it, 27, 35

Moses. See Musâ

Mosque, The farther, i.e., the temple at Jerusalem, 76, 77

Mousul, King of, 214

Mufâtih, The, 325, 326, 348, 356, 364, 396

Muhammad Bin Esa’hâq, 122, 124, 200

Muhammad the Apostle, xi., xii., 162, 179, 228, 229

Muluk-ut-toûaif [kings of the nations], or the Ashkânian dynasty of Persia, 257, 320, 321, 324, 325, 330

Munâhaj-us-sâlakeen, The, 6

Mundhir Bin A’mru, 87, 89

Muntahab-ul-ma’arif, The, 39, 120

Muntazim, The, 21

Mûsa [Moses], his final numbering of the children of Esrâil, 1; and exposition of the Mosaic Law, 1. His copy of it, 1. His appointment of Joshua as his successor, 1. His final exhortations, 2. His death, 2. His personal description, etc., 3. His staff and its properties, 6. His knowledge of the entire Mosaic Law, 11. His miracles, 12-14. As founder of a religion, 229

Murder of Yahia [John the Baptist], 153

N.

Nassir-ud-din Tûsi the author, 284

Nathan, note 80

Naushirvân, a Sasanian king, 368, 372-388

Nauzer, a Peshdâdian king, 233

Nebuchadnezzar, 77. See Bakhtanassar

Nigaristân, The, xi.

Nimrud, 76

No’mân Bin Amrulqais, 352, 353

Nuh [Noah], 229

O.

Omar the Khalifah, 138, 213

Oriental Translation Fund, Old, 230; note 242

Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, xi

O’zair [Ezra], 139-146

P.

Parables and stories, 303-319

Parmenides the physician, 288

Parviz, 392. See Khosru Parviz

Pentateuch, The, 229

Persian portraits, note 272

Peshdâdian dynasty, 230-234

Pharoah. See Fara’ûn

Philip of Macedon, 238. See Filqûs

Philosophers, Biographies of, 265-300

Pit, Lords or contrivers of the, 209; notes 213, 237

Plato, 265, 276, 281. See Aflatûn

Predestination, 144-146

Prophecy, 228

Prophecy about Jesus and Muhammad, 123; notes 132, 162

Prophets, Number of, 228, 229

Psalms, The, 57, 224, 229, 266

Ptolemy, 291. See Batolimos

Pythagoras, 268. See Fithaghorath

Q.

Qazvini, author of the ‘Wonders of Countries,’ notes, 7, 246, and 265

Qostantiniah [Constantinople], 345, 347, 362

Qotaiba, 121

Qurân, The [Korân], 229

R.

Rakim, Al, 190; notes 198, 194,

Rehatsek, Edward, xi., xii. [224

Rock, Story of the, 7, 8

Roushang [Roxana], 239, 240

Roxana, 239, 240

S.

Saba [Sheba], 83

Sa’di the poet, notes 111, 205

Sadiqa [Hezekiah], 120, 121, 123, 124

Sadr-ud-din Esfahâni, 39

Sakhar the demon, 97, 99, 100

Sâm [Shem], 165, 168, 169

Samnâr the architect, 352, 353

Samuel, 40. See Shamuil

Sanjârib [Sennacherib], 121-127

Sâqratis, 300

Sasanian Kings of Persia, 326-406. See list of them in table of contents, vii., viii.

Satan, 57, 202, 205, 206. See Eblis

Saul, 43, 44. See Tâlut

Sealship, 228, 229

Seas, The two, 11

Security of Zulkefl, 38, 39

Sennacherib, 121. See Sanjârib

Seth, 265. See Sheth

Seven Sleepers, The, note 224. See Companions of the Cave

Shaharruzi the historian, 104, 242.

Shâhnamâh, The, 399, 402 [265

Sha’ia [Isaiah], 120, 123, 124, 153

Shalûm [Absalom], 67, 68

Shamsûn the hermit, 225, 226

Shamuil [Samuel], his record, 40-44. His serving A’ali [Eli], 41. His hearing the allocution of the Almighty, 41, 42. His assumption of the government and prophetic dignity, 42. His selection of Saul as king, 43. His anointing him with oil, 44. His visit to Jesse, 47. His selection of David, 47. What he did and said to him, 48. His protests against Saul’s persecution of David, 51. His tomb visited by Saul and the old woman, 55. His resurrection, 55. His advice to Saul, 56; and return to his grave, 56

Shâpûr Bin Ardeshir, a Sasanian king, 330-334

Sharastani, 190; note 223

Shâuk [Saul], 43, 44. See Tâlut

Shea, David, his translation of the ‘Early Kings of Persia,’ note 242; 230-239

Sheba, 83. See Saba

Sheba, Queen of, 83. See Balqis

Sheth [Seth], 265, 266

Shima’un [Simon Peter], 165-167, 179, 180, 183-187, 191; notes 213 and 214

Shirin, wife of Khosru Parviz, 302, 399, 405, 406

Socrates, 271. See Soqrât

Solmân the Persian, 168, 169

Solomon, 71. See Sulimân

Solon the philosopher, 267

Soqrât [Socrates], 271-279, 281

Son of Bakhtanassar [Nebuchadnezzar], 135, 137, 138

Stories and parables, 303-319

Sulimân [Solomon], 64, 68, 70, 71. His record, 71-76. Story of the woman and the false witnesses, 72, 73. Of the two women and the infant, 73, 74. Of the son of blood, 74. Of the dispute about the land and the sheep, 74, 75. About his wonderful carpet, 75, 76. The size of his kingdom, 76. His building of the Holy House or Farther Mosque, 76, 77. His knowledge of the language of birds, 78. His banquet to the animals, etc., 79, 80. His journey to Yaman by Madinah and Mekkah, 81. His dealings with the ants, 82. The story of him and Balqis, Queen of Sheba, 83-92. The trial of Solomon, 93-101. His wanderings, 98. His restoration to the throne, 100. His decease, 102, 103

Sun, Retrogradation of the, 19, 101.

Swallows, The, 128.

T.

Tabari the historian, ix., x.; 11, 202, 348, 349, 356, 364, 399

Tables, The, 1. Story of, 10, 11

Tâlut [Saul], 10. His appointment as king, 43, 44. His war with Goliath, 44-46. His proclamation, 49. His interview with David, 49. His mistrust and persecution of David, 51. His attempt to murder him, 52. His repentance, 53. His further persecution and repentance, 54. His interview with the old woman and the deceased Samuel, 55. The latter’s instructions, 56. Death of Saul and his sons, 56

Tamlikha, a Companion of the Cave, 194, 196-199, 201

Târikh Guzidah, 321, 323-325

Târikh Hukmâ, 104, 257, 263, 282, 287

Târikh Ja’fari, 321, 323, 324, 364

Târikh Moa’jum, 257, 340, 346, 350

Tehmuras, a Peshdâdian king, 231

Tha’alebi the historian, 21

Thales the Miletian, 298. See Thâlis

Thâlis [Thales], 298, 299

Thoâb [Joab], 63, 67, 68

Tûmân [Thomas?], 165-167, 184-187

U.

U’lâma, The, 147, 179, 189, 190, 229, 337

Uriah, 62. See Aoria

Uvlu-l-a’zm, 3, 112, 113; notes 118, 228, 229

V.

Vâjub [Ahab?], 26-29

W.

Wife of Zakria [Zachariah], and mother of Yahia [John the Baptist], 149-151

Wisdom, Excellency of, 301, 302

Wuhub Bin Muniah, 25, 57, 58, 65, 71, 81, 95, 136, 153, 184, 264

X.

Xerxes, 237. See Esfendiar

Y.

Yahia [John the Baptist], 146, 149-151, 153-155

Yahia the Apostle, 178, 184-187

Yaman, 81, 83, 209

Ya’qûb the Apostle, 165, 166, 178

Yonân [Greece], 284

Yonâni [Greeks], 281, 285, 290, 291

Yoshua’ [Joshua], 1. His appointment as Moses’ successor, 2. His final interview with Moses, 2. His knowledge of the entire Mosaic Law, 11. His story, 15-21. Capture of Jericho, 16; and other towns, 17-20. His death, 21. His personal description, miracles, etc., 21

Yûda [Judas Iscariot], 179, 180

Yûnas [Jonah], the Companion of the Fish, 29, 112-120

Yûnas the Jew, 188, 189

Yusuf [Joseph], the carpenter, 158. The questions put by him to Mariam [Mary], 158. His departure with her to Syria, 159; and to Damascus, 161

Z.

Zachariah, 146. See Zakria

Zakria [Zachariah], 146-154

Zaub, a Peshdâdian king, 233

Zinôn Bin Tâlôghôras the philosopher, 290, 291

Zi Qratâs [Zenocrates?], 299

Zohak the Arab, 231, 232, 234

Zulkefl the Prophet, 38-40

Zulqarneen [greater two-horned], 76, 240

Zulqarneen [lesser two-horned], 240, 264. See Eskandar

Zunnuwâs, a king, 209-213

Reigned from A.D. 530 to 578. See account of him in Gibbon’s ‘Roman Empire’ as Chosroes I. (ch. xlii.).

↩
Here, not the readers of Zend [Avesta], but heretics, are meant.

↩
Qurân, ch. cix. 6.

↩
A corruption of the Sanskrit expression Suvarnadvipa, ‘gold-island,’ generally supposed to be Ceylon, but according to European authors Sumatra.

↩
The Sanskrit original of which is the Pancha Tantra. About these works and their translations see ‘Persian Portraits’ [Bernard Quaritch, London], 1887, pp. 91-97.

↩
Our author uses the Arabic form of the name, but the Persian is Barzachu-mehr, ‘Bright as the sun.’

↩
Curiously enough, the jackal is here called ‘son of the Greek,’ for his cunning.

↩
This is a figure of speech to designate mutual confidence and general safety, just as some natives of India are wont to say that under the British government the lion and the sheep are drinking from the same brook together.

↩
He reigned from A.D. 578 to 590. See Gibbon, ch. xlvi.

↩
Qurân, ch. xxx. 1, 2, and beginning of 3. See notes on these verses in Sale’s and other translations of the Qurân.

↩
This is quite correct, because he reigned from A.D. 590 to 628. See Gibbon, ch. xlvi.

↩
This celebrated work of Masu’di was edited in Arabic, with a French translation, by Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille.

↩
Had a very short reign to A.D. 630.

↩
Two months, January and February, 631; also called Chahinendah.

↩
She reigned in March and April, A.D. 631. Her name is also spelt Arzemidukht.

↩
Reigned during July and August, A.D. 631.

↩
He began to reign on June 16, A.D. 632, and was killed in 652, between March 21 and August 23.

↩
See ‘The Subjugation of Persia by the Moslems, and Extinction of the Sasanian Dynasty,’ by E. Rehatsek. Journal of the Bombay Br. R. A. S., Vol. XI., pp. 147-218. Printed 1875.↩

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