Taẕkirah al-vaqi'at - Memoirs of Humāyūn

Of other causes of dissension between Shâh Tahmâsp and his Majesty Humãyùn. A. H. 951.—A. D. 1544.

THE subjects which caused the dissension between the two sovereigns were these: first, some of the disaffected nobility of Hindûstân, who, although servants of the King, had taken part with the Prince Kamrân, and who had afterwards gone on the pilgrimage to Mecca, returned from thence by the route of Persia, viz. Rûshen Beg Kukeh (foster brother), Khuajê Ghâzy Diwân, and Sultân Muhammed (the spearman), all of whom having obtained access to the Persian monarch, insinuated that Humâyûn had not talents for a king; in consequence of which his brothers had not supported him: they also proposed that, if Shâh Tahmãsp would imprison his guest, and entrust them with an army, they would soon take Candahar,^* and deliver it over to his Majesty.

The second cause of ill will was this; some of the Turkoman officers said to their monarch, “that Sultân Baber, the father of Humâyûn, had very unjustly put to death one of their countrymen, named Jennum Beg, and that if his Majesty should order any of them to assist Humayun in the recovery of his dominions, he would probably murder them in the same treacherous manner.” But there was a third, and more powerful cause of offence, of a long standing, which was this: soon after Humayun had defeated Bahader-Shâh, of Gujeràt (A. D. 1535), and had returned to his capital, Agra, he was one day amusing himself with divining arrows.^* He wrote his own name on twelve of the first class of arrows, and the name of Shah Tahmasp on twelve of the second class; and this anecdote was by some means communicated to the Persian monarch. In consequence, while the two Kings were one day seated together, Shah Tahmasp said to Humayun, “be so good as explain the reason of your selecting arrows of the second class for me on such an occasion;” the King frankly replied, “the fact is, that I then looked to the extent of our mutual dominions; and as Persia at that time was only of half the extent of the kingdom of Hindustan, I therefore considered you as inferior to myself.” Tahmâsp then said, in an ill natured manner, “it was a consequence of your foolish vanity, that you could not properly govern those extensive dominions; you were therefore driven away by the villagers, and left your wife and family captives:” the King replied, “we are all under the controul of fate, and must willingly submit to the decrees of the Almighty.” With this answer the Persian monarch appeared satisfied.

“God if omnipotent over all his works, but the greater part of mankind do not understand.”

Some time after this conversation, the Persian monarch consulted with his brother, Bahram Myrza, respecting the destruction (helakyt) of the King Humayun. On hearing this proposal, the Myrza was so much afflicted that he shed tears; he afterwards went to his sister, and said to her, “the King Humayun has sought refuge with the Seffy family, and has long partaken with me of the same salt, and our brother has now made me such and such proposals.”^*

When the Princess heard this discourse she also began to weep. Just at this time the Persian monarch entered his sister’s apartment; on which Bahram Myrza made his salutation and retired. The monarch then sat down, and asked the Princess the cause of her crying; she replied, “I am lamenting our adverse fate.” He asked, “what more prosperity can you wish for, than that you now enjoy?” she answered, “I am constantly employed in prayers for your welfare: are you not already encompassed by enemies? and are you not engaged in contest with the Turks, the Uzbegs, the Georgians, and the Russians? and I hear you are now about to raise up other enemies by your intentions of injuring Muhammed Humâyûn, whose son and brothers will one day seek revenge. If you will not support him, at least permit him to go away, that he may apply for assistance somewhere else.” The Persian monarch was much affected by the address of his sister, and said, “my Chiefs have been giving me unworthy advice; but what you have suggested is certainly more dignified and praiseworthy.”

Shortly after this, Shãh Tahmasp sent the King an invitation to visit him at his hunting encampment; he went, and arrived about mid-day, and remained till late in the evening; during which time the Persian monarch behaved with the greatest kindness; and as our King was about to take leave, said, “Keep your mind at ease, for I shall very soon send you to your own country in a proper manner. Cazy Jehan will mention certain subjects, to which I request you will pay attention;” on which the King offered up prayers for the prosperity of his Majesty.

The two monarchs then mounted to return to their tents; but after riding some distance our King was obliged to alight, having no other attendants with him than his groom. When he had been some time absent, and as it was very dark, Shâh Tahmâsp was alarmed, and said, “what is become of Humãyûn? I fear some of my Turkomans^* may hurt him;” and immediately ordered one of the two torchbearers that were before him to go in search of the King. The Kurchy, carrying the lighted torch, wandered about, and kept calling in the Turky language. At length the King heard his voice, and sent the groom to say he was coming. Several of the Persian attendants then came, and said their master was enquiring most particulary for him: the King then joined the Persian monarch, and they rode together till they came to some tents, when Sháh Tahmasp asked whose tents they were; and on being informed they were the King’s, he then shook his Majesty by the hand, wished him a good night, and went to his own pavilion.

About midnight the King complained of being very hungry; on which some of the Persian servants who were in attendance went and informed Sháh Tahmasp of the circumstance, who immediately ordered that a supper should be sent to him. Nine dishes were very shortly brought, and his Majesty regaled himself most heartily, and afterwards went to bed.

The next day the Persian monarch went to visit a valley, or pass in that neighbourhood, but we halted; his Majesty therefore took that opportunity of assembling his Hindustany servants, and informed us of the very great kindness of Shah Tahmasp, and of the various conversation he had had with him; he added, “Cazy Jehan will speak to you also on a certain subject (conversion).” On hearing this discourse all the servants raised their hands in prayer for his Majesty, and were all highly delighted at his prospects. He then ordered us to attend him when he went to join the Persian monarch.

The next morning his Majesty again joined the hunters, who had formed an enclosure of wild animals in the vicinity of the ruins of Persepolis; and so numerous were the deer that they had not room to escape; so that frequently the two Kings having seized the horns of a stag, pulled him out of the enclosure and let him go; in short, the whole day passed in hunting and shooting, and in the evening the party returned to the tents, which were then pitched among the aforesaid ruins.

All this time Shãh Tahmàsp was considering of the best mode of giving a sumptuous entertainment to the King: in consequence of which he had given orders to his officers to make a selection of every thing that might be requisite for the purpose.

On the fifth day after his Majesty’s arrival at Persepolis, he was informed that Shah Tahmasp had passed judgment on the conduct of Rushen Beg, Khuaje Ghazy, and Sultan Muhammed, who had endeavoured to sow dissension between the monarchs, as was formerly related (see page 100), and had ordered these persons to be confined.

“He who digs a pit for his neighbour shall fall into it himself.”

In short, Shah Tahmasp commanded that some of the longest ropes should be taken from the tents, and that these three culprits should be let down into the caverns or pits, called the prison of the Diwan of Soliman, before described; but if the ropes were not long enough to reach the bottom they (the culprits) might be hauled up again.

When this circumstance was communicated to the prisoners, Rushen Beg wrote a petition to the King, acknowledging his crime, expressing his contrition, and imploring him in the name of his mother, whose milk he had sucked,^* to pardon and intercede for him. In consequence of which, the good-natured King wrote, and implored the Persian monarch, by the tomb of his father Ismael, to release the prisoners. When Shah Tahmãsp read the letter he was astonished, and said, “doubtless Muhammed Humayun is a man of the greatest forbearance and clemency, thus to intercede for wretches who have endeavoured to do him the greatest injury.” He therefore gave orders that the prisoners should be delivered over to his Majesty, that he might do with them as he pleased.

About a week after this affair, Shah Tahmasp sent an invitation to the King to come to the entertainment prepared for him. Three hundred tents had been fetched for this occasion, and twelve bands of military music stationed in different places, all of which struck up when his Majesty advanced; and the whole of the ground was covered with the imperial carpets. On the first day there was a great profusion of every kind of eatables, and dresses of honour were conferred on the King, and on all the guests.

On the second day Shah Tahmasp, having seated the King close to him, told him that the tents, and every thing he saw, were at his service, and desired him to mention any thing else that he wished for; he also told him, that he had ordered his son to attend him, with 12,000 chosen cavalry, to restore him to his dominions; he further said, “upon your arrival at Systan, you shall yourself muster these troops, and be convinced of their efficiency.”

The Persian monarch then rose, and placing his right hand on his breast, added, “O, Humayun, if I have been deficient in aught, I trust to your generosity to excuse it.”

On the third day the monarchs amused themselves in shooting with bows and arrows; but when night came on, a great company was assembled, and various kinds of wine and liquors were introduced; before each of the guests was placed a bottle and a goblet, that he might help himself; so that there was no occasion for servants to attend (in order that they need not be under any restraint).

As it had been determined that the camp was to break up next day, his Majesty rose early in the morning, but before his departure went to pay his respects to the Persian monarch, and found him seated in the open air on a small carpet, doubled up; and when his Majesty alighted from his horse, as there was no place for him to sit down, a Moghul, Muhammed Kushky, having cut off the cover of his quiver, spread it for his Majesty to sit on.

The King, pleased with this attention, said to him, “who are you?” to which he replied, “I am a Moghul;” the King said, “you may continue in my service;” the man replied, “I am unworthy of it; but my master is already in your Majesty’s service; whenever you shall promote him, I will then become your devoted servant.”

After taken leave of Shah Tahmasp, the King proceeded towards Tabriz, and halted at a station four coss from Persepolis; but as the Persian monarch had intimated that he expected a feast from him in the Hindustany manner of cookery, preparations were in consequence now made for this ceremony, a number of public singers were collected, and various kinds of liquors procured. The Persian monarch, and the guests having been seated, and the cup having repeatedly passed round, a tray of the fruit called the Royal Sachek (species unknown), was produced; on which Shah Tahmasp said, “who is to divide the Sacheks?” the King replied, “whoever your Majesty shall order:” Tahmasp directed the chief eunuch to do so. The Khuajeh then placed a whole one before the Persian monarch, a whole one before the King, and half a one before each of the other guests,^* (or a plate full before each of the monarchs.) After this ceremony various kinds of food and drink were presented, and every body heartily participated; but Shah Tahmasp was more pleased with the dish of rice and peas (Dal Khuske) than any of the others, it being a mode of cookery unknown in Persia. After dinner both monarchs made a short march.

The next morning the Persian monarch ordered that the King’s tents should remain at that station, but that his Majesty might accompany him to the next stage. In consequence of which the King rode ten coss with Shah Tahmasp, and remained with him that night in his pavilion, during which time it rained very hard.

Account of the taking leave of the two monarchs, and the departure of the King for Candahar. A. H. 951-2.—A. D. 1544-5.

The next morning, as soon as the rain had ceased, Shah Tahmasp stood up, and said, “Now, Humayun, you may go, and the blessing of God be with you!” he then presented him with two apples and a knife, and placing a ring on the King’s finger, gave him his dismissal. He then commanded that the Prince Bahram should accompany his Majesty to the stage where his tents were pitched.

The King having made his obeisance, mounted his horse, and, being accompanied by the Prince and a number of people, proceeded on his journey. When they came within sight of the tents, the Prince requested his dismissal; upon which the King, having cut an apple in two, gave one piece to Bahram and eat the other himself: he then drew from his pocket a diamond ring, and gave it to the Prince, saying, “this ring was a keepsake of my mother’s, preserve it in remembrance of me; such is my friendship for you, that I would willingly remain with you all my life; but my reputation is at stake, and obliges me to leave you.” The Prince replied, “be assured that I will keep the ring in remembrance of your friendship; depart in confidence of success in all your undertakings.”

That day the King made a short march, and in three more days reached Tabriz.^* We remained there five days, during which time his Majesty visited the bazar of Cæsarea and the dome of Syria, so called from the materials of which it is built, having been brought from Syria. In going through the market he saw two Turks, who having saluted him, he said, in Turkish, “give my compliments to your sovereign;” they replied, in the same language, “most certainly we will.” The King then proceeded towards Ardebyl,^* and in four nights reached that city, and remained there a whole week. The objects of coming to Ardebyl were, first, to visit the tombs of Shaikh Seffy,^† upon whom be the peace of God! and of Shah Ismael; at the gate of which there is a chain, by getting inside of which any culprit is saved from the pursuit of the officers of justice, whatever may have been his crime: the other object was to perform the ceremony of betrothing a niece of the Persian monarch, the daughter of Masum Beg, who had been promised to him.^‡

After this ceremony his Majesty proceeded to Derya Kulzan (the Caspian sea), over which there is constantly, a thick fog or mist. Having satisfied his curiosity, he returned to Ardebyl; from thence he came to Kherdebyl, from thence to Tarun, thence to Serkhab, and from thence, after several marches, reached Cazvin.

It so happened that the Persian monarch, who had been making an excursion in the country, returned the same day to Cazvin, and seeing the King’s tents, asked to whom they belonged; when told they were the encampment of King Humayun, he said, “what! has he not yet left this country?” He then ordered Mehter Khyaly to come and desire that his Majesty would make a march of twelve ferseng (leagues.) In consequence of this message the King made several marches, and had nearly reached the fort of Aris, when four horsemen were seen on the Desert, who came up and killed Yakub the Suferchy (butler.) As soon as the King was informed of the circumstance, he ordered the men to be pursued; but when our people came up with them, they said, “why are you following us? we have but acted by Shah Tahmasp’s orders.”

Now the reason of the murder of Yakub was this: there had been a quarrel between him and the chamberlain, Hussyn Aly Aka, in consequence of the Persian monarch having one day sent to the King a present of several swords, one of which Hussyn Aly took for himself; Yakub having obtained information of this dishonesty, mentioned it to his Majesty, in revenge for which the Aka complained to his master, Shah Tahmasp, that Yakub had spoken disrespectfully of the Persian cap.^* This was the real cause of the murder of poor. Yakub, which much annoyed his Majesty.

After this the King continued his march to Sebzvar, and at this place ordered that the Begum, with all the heavy baggage, should proceed by the route of Tebesh, (or Tubbus of the map,) while he should go to Meshehed, and again visit the tomb of the Imam Aly, son of Musa, “upon whom be the grace of God!” His Majesty accordingly marched to Meshehed, and received back the bow, together with the string, which he had suspended on the tomb; by which circumstance he was much gratified, it being a proof that the Imam or his servants were auspicious to his affairs.

During the period of seven days that his Majesty remained at the holy sanctuary, it snowed the greater part of the time.

At length the snow having ceased, the King marched to Ravut Terk, and from thence to Lengur, where is situated the tomb of Shah-Casim-Anvar; from thence to the fort of Kah or Gah, where one of the twelve holy Imams disappeared. It is said that even to this day, the sounds of drums and trumpets are heard from the tomb; and every person who has any wish ungratified, has only to repair thither, and having offered up his petition in a pious and humble manner, the Lord God causes it to be fulfilled. After remaining there one night, his Majesty proceeded to Tebesh (or Tubbus), and from thence after several marches entered Systan.

The King re-enters his own dominions, and takes the fortresses of Bost and Candahar, &c. A. H. 951-2.—A. D. 1544-5.

Having entered the province of Systan, his Majesty halted for fifteen days; the reason of which was, that when he took leave of the Persian monarch, the latter had told him that on his arrival in Systan, the army sent to restore him to his dominions would assemble there for his inspection. In consequence of these orders, the chiefs having assembled from different quarters, the King took a muster of the troops, and fouud that instead of 12,000 there were actually 14,000 cavalry present at the review.

After the business of the muster had been settled, the King said to the Persian chiefs, “at the distance of about thirty miles from hence is the fortress of Bost,^* commonly called Medain, and formerly the residence of Nushirvan the Just, which is now commanded by Myr Khelj, one of the officers of Myrza, Askery: I wish you to proceed thither, and summon him to give up the fort; if he does not, you must take it by force, and even put him and the garrison to death.” The chiefs replied, “this is contrary to the orders we received from our monarch;” the King said, “I will write to Shah Tahmasp on the subject.”

But on the arrival of the King in the vicinity of Bost, Myr Khelj having suspended a scimitar on his neck, came out, paid his respects, and was graciously received; from thence his Majesty marched towards Candahar; and on his arrival there sent Byram Beg as his ambassador to the Prince Kamran at Kabul. But as Myrza Askery, who commanded the fortress of Candahar, would not give it up, the consequence of which was a severe contest, and several officers were killed; so that the King finding he could not take the fort by assault, gave orders to lay regular siege to it, and to erect batteries against it.

During this time Alek or Aleg Myrza, a cousin of the King’s, who had been confined by the Prince Kamran, and had been given in charge to Shere Afgun, persuaded his keeper to escape with him, and they both arrived in safety at the royal camp.

One day while the King was examining the progress of the siege, having climbed a hill, he saw a part of the building in the fort where the council chamber of the Prince was situated, and gave orders that a great gun should be pointed against it; when the gun was discharged, the shot struck the lattice work of the council chamber, which caused a great uproar in the place, and frightened the garrison exceedingly.

About this time the Prince Kamran wrote a letter from Kabul to Khuandzadeh, sister of the late Emperor Baber, requesting her to intercede with the King for Myrza Askery; in consequence of which the aforesaid lady wrote to his Majesty begging he would pardon Askery; which being granted, the Myrza came out of the fort, and had the honour of paying his respects (kuddum busy).

In short as soon as Candahar was taken, the Persian chiefs claimed the treasure for their master, Shah Tahmasp;^* or, if this was refused, they demanded the Prince Askery should be sent to him. The King would not acknowledge the justness of the claim, but said the money should be sent as an offering of friendship. He therefore went into the fort accompanied by some of the Persians and all his own attendants; amongst whom was the humble servant Jouher Aftabchy; and, shortly after alighting at Myrza Askery’s house, gave orders that the treasury should be opened, and the money brought out and examined: he then, in presence of the son of the Persian monarch, of Shah Kuly Khan, governor of Kerman, of the general Bedagh Khan, of Hussyn Sultan, governor of Senjab, and of Ahmed Sultan, governor of Systan, directed that the chests should be locked and sealed with his own and the seals of the above-mentioned chiefs; and having made over the treasure to them, came out of the fort (leaving them in possession.)

The Persian chiefs then deliberated, not only upon sending off the treasure to Persia, but also of seizing Myrza Askery, and sending him as a hostage to Shah Tahmasp for their own safe return.

On hearing this report the King ordered a muster of all his own troops; and many of the Hindustanies having by this time joined him, they all passed in review. This event alarmed the Persians, and they said among themselves, “the intentions of the King towards us are not good; as his father Baber delivered over Nejem Beg into the hands of the Uzbegs, who put him to death, he probably means to do us some mischief.” They therefore sent off the treasure to the distance of twelve coss, and by continued marches delivered it in safety to Shah Tahmasp, who was so much gratified by the circumstance, that he sent an honorary dress and a rich dagger to his Majesty, which were duly received and honoured.

After the fort had been made over to the Persians, the King left the vicinity of Candahar, and encamped for a month at Khuljeh Bagh; but the Persian officers being jealous of the King’s remaining so long in their neighbourhood, took measures to prevent our camp being supplied with provisions.

On hearing of this circumstance, his Majesty called a council of his officers to deliberate on what measures were best to be taken. The council were of opinion, that the first object was to procure a supply of horses to mount our men; and as it was known that the Persian garrison of Candahar had sold their horses to some merchants who were encamped with them outside the walls of the fort, it would be advisable to seize them. In consequence of this advice the King, preceded by several officers, returned by a forced march to Candahar, seized seventeen hundred horses, and immediately returned to his camp, which he reached at midnight.

The next morning he had all the horses brought out, and marked with the royal stamp; after which he called for the merchants, and gave them his bond to repay the price the first opportunity. He then selected one hundred and fifty horses for the Princes Hindal and Yadgar Myrza, and divided the remainder among the troops, according to their respective ranks.

Account of the death of the Persian Prince, of the recapture of Candahar, and of the King’s journey to Kabul. A. H. 952.—A. D. 1545.

After the division of the horses, the King was making preparation to march towards Kabul, when private information was brought to him that the young Persian Prince^* had died in Candahar. He immediately called a council of his chiefs, when it was resolved to endeavour to recover that fortress. The King asked how it could possibly be done? Hajy Muhammed Khan Kuky replied, “leave the business to me, and I will engage to do it.” The King having agreed, gave him his blessing. The Hajy then marched with a select body of troops at midnight; and having arrived at Candahar, just as they were opening the gates of the town in the morning, took the Persians by surprise and entered the place; but the general, Bedagh Khan, took refuge in the citadel.

When the King arrived within a few miles of Candahar he was met by a servant of Hajy Muhammed, who informed him of his master’s success, and congratulated his Majesty on the capture of the town. On entering the city the King took up his residence in the Akshai bastion, and sent a message to the Persian general, asking him why he had endeavoured to conceal the death of the young prince; that his father had given the boy to him; that he considered the boy as his own son, and had he been informed, should immediately have come to perform the funeral ceremonies: he added, “I will not allow you to go out of the gate, nor will I permit you to visit me, as I fear my Moghuls may injure you; but you may go away unmolested on my part.” In consequence of this hint, Bedagh Khan, during the night, had part of the wall at the back of the fort thrown down, and marched quietly off.

The King then divided the district of Candahar among his principal officers; but as the Persians had collected the revenues for the Rubby or spring quarter, he permitted them to take only the remaining three quarters, with which they were satisfied.

After this he sent the Begum with all her attendants into the fort, which he left under charge of Byram Khãn, and then proceeded towards Kabul.

During the course of the journey to Kabul, his Majesty received letters from several of the chiefs of Kamran Myrza, expressing their loyalty, and encouraging him to proceed. When we reached the town of Tyry, which is situated in the Hezareh mountains, and was the Jagyr of Aleg Myrza, the Prince Hindal and Terdy Beg came and paid their respects to his Majesty.

At this place information was brought that the Prince Kamran had marched from Kabul, and had taken possession of the passes: on hearing this, the King ordered the troops to put on their armour, and proceeded towards Kabul. It was shortly after reported that Casim Berlas, the Prince’s general, had advanced as far as the pass of the Ass (Hemar) with the intention of giving battle; on which his Majesty ordered Hajy Muhammed to advance with a considerable force and disperse the rebels. The royal troops having reached the aforesaid pass, attacked the rebels with such vigour, that they in a short time took to flight, and, by the blessing of God, his Majesty obtained a complete victory. The King then advanced to the pass, and was congratulated by all the officers on his success.

About this time several of the chiefs interceded with his Majesty to pardon the Prince Kamran: the King replied, “let us go on, and see how matters are likely to end; I will then decide:” he then ordered the drum of march to be beaten, and proceeded on his journey. During this time Allah Kuly waited on his Majesty, and, in tears, represented that his father, Hyder Sultan, had been called to the Divine mercy. On hearing this the King embraced him, and said, “Please God, I will in future be your father, and will take care of you; be not afflicted, but act as a man.” With this consolation the young man returned home. The King then continued his march to Khoujeh Bastan, which was three coss beyond the place where the battle had occurred.

At this place he was met by two holy men, who said they were come to make peace between the King and his brother. On hearing this his Majesty alighted, and embraced them in the most affectionate manner; he afterwards joined them in the morning prayers, and then civilly dismissed them. On departing, they said, “we are most anxious to effect a peace; if the Prince Kamran will attend to our advice, we will return by mid-day; but if we do not return, your Majesty will act as you think proper.” The holy men could not prevail on the Prince to submit, and therefore returned to Kabul; so that when the prescribed time had elapsed without their appearance, his Majesty ordered Rosheng, the keeper of the wardrobe, to go with the following message to his brother, “We are travellers, you are resident; if you will wait on us, it will be according to rule; but if not, we will come to you.” Rosheng was graciously received by the Prince, and delivered the message word for word; but as the Myrzã was then performing his ablutions, he merely said, “that he was coming.”

Rosheng however discovered that the followers of Kamran were in a very perturbed state, and that many of them were making their escape to Kabul; he, therefore, came away without waiting to take leave, and reported all he had seen to his Majesty. On hearing these circumstances, the King ordered a body of seven hundred lancers, under the command of the Prince Hindal, to advance; and seizing a spear in his own hand, rode on in the midst of them. After a short time he was met by a deputation of Kamran’s chiefs, who came to beg forgiveness, and offer their services.

Account of the flight of Kamran Myrza towards Bhiker, the taking of Kabul, and of the war between his Majesty and Soliman Myrza. A. H. 952.—A. D. 1545.

Whilst his Majesty thus advanced in formidable array towards Kabul, the Prince Kamran being terrified, first retreated to that fortress, and having collected all his family, then proceeded towards Hindustan.

As soon as the Prince had effected his escape, Caraja Khan, the governor, waited on the King; and requested him to enter the fort, which, although it was then night, he did, and alighted at the Diwan, or council room. As his Majesty had not eaten any thing the whole day, he was very hungry, and sent a message by Vasil, the chamberlain, and myself, to Rayke Begum, widow of the late emperor, to request if she had any provisions prepared to send him some.

We went and delivered the message with the King’s compliments; the Begum made her acknowledgements, and immediately gave us some beef broth, and a curry made of the same meat with vegetables. Having carried them to the council room, the chamberlain spread the tablecloth, and laid the supper before his Majesty; but no sooner had he put his spoon into the dishes and found that it was beef, than he drew back his hand, and said aloud, “Oh unfortunate Kamran! was this the mode of your own existence? and did you feed the Asylum of Chastity on the flesh of cows? what! could you not afford to keep a few goats for her subsistence? this is not fit food even for the devout persons who wait on the tomb of our father.^* What! could not we, his four sons, support his relict as he did?” His Majesty then swallowed a cup full of Sherbet, and did not break his fast till next day.

In short, all the officers and chiefs of the Prince Kamran waited on his Majesty, and were all received in the most gracious manner; after which he ordered the town crier to be sent round the city to proclaim pardon and safety to all the inhabitants. He then made a division of the district in Jagyrs to all his chiefs according to their respective ranks.

As soon as the King found himself peaceably established in Kabul, he sent a Firman to Myrza Soliman of Badukhshan,^* the contents of which were, “I am informed, that in consequence of your friendship for me, my brother, Kamran, has caused you a great deal of trouble. Now, thank God, the posture of affairs is changed; and as I wish to prove my affection, I request you will favour me with a visit, as I have a longing desire to see you.” The Myrza however would not accept this kind invitation, but wrote back, “that Kamran had exacted from him a solemn vow, that he would not visit his Majesty till he first had a battle with him.”

As the King was then employed in preparation for the circumcision of his son, Muhammed Akber, he at that time took no notice of this insult, but ordered Caraja Beg and some other chiefs to proceed to Candahar, and convoy from thence the Queen, Hemyd Banu Begum, that she might be present on this joyful occasion. During this time his Majesty employed himself in sporting on the river Baran,^† and on his return encamped in a large garden called Suret Khane, where grand preparations had been made for this indispensable ceremony. The Queen having arrived, the royal throne was raised, and a number of stools were placed near it for the Princes and Nobility. The King then mounted the throne, and all the grandees were seated according to their respective ranks. The Prince Akber was then brought in, and circumcised according to the Mussulman law; after which dresses of honour were conferred on all the chiefs, and a sumptuous entertainment was given to them and all their attendants.

The King soon after found himself at leisure to think of Myrza Soliman’s affair: in consequence of which he appointed Myr Muhammed Aly to be governor of Kabul, and marched out to the fort of Zuffer, where he mustered his forces, and thence proceeded to Anderab. The Myrza Soliman having at the same time advanced, the contending armies met at the village of Tyrgerãn, and a battle took place; but, through the Divine favour, we gained the victory, and the Myrza was compelled to flee.

After this event his Majesty marched to Keshem, where he remained for three months. Immediately on quitting Keshem he was taken ill, and was for one day in so dangerous a state that he was insensible, and several of the chiefs prepared to desert. During this time Caraja Khan fearing a rebellion, confined the Prince Askery in his house. But the Queen, although greatly distressed, personally attended the King, and having squeezed some pomegranates, poured the juice into his mouth, which, through the grace of God, restored him to his senses: he then opened his eyes, and asked the Queen what was the state of affairs; she told him, that every body was in the greatest anxiety and perturbation. He therefore sent for Caraja Khan, and said to him, “I feel much better; go and comfort my people.” On this the Khan came out, and informed the chiefs that his Majesty was again quite sensible. In a few days the King recovered, and returned to the fort of Zuffer, whence he despatched Mehter Vasil, and some other officers, to bring from Kabul the tents and arms requisite for marching into Hindustan.

An Account of the return of the Prince Kamran from Bhiker, and of his retaking Kabul by surprise. A. H. 953.—A. D. 1546.

Whilst the King was encamped at Zuffer, the Prince Kamran having made forced marches from Bhiker, first took the fort of Tyry, and put out the eyes of the governor; he then took Ghizni, and slew its governor; afterwards he proceeded rapidly to Kabul, and having found the governor and other officers off their guard, took the place by surprise, and either blinded or put them to death; after which he again got possession of the Prince Muhammed Akber.

On hearing of these lamentable events, the King made peace with Myrza Soliman, and gave him the fort of Zuffer; but Kundez, which was formerly included in the district of Zuffer, he separated from it, and gave it to the Prince Hindal: he then encouraged his army, and proceeded towards Kabul; but several of the chiefs deserted, and joined Kamran.

When his Majesty had reached Talican it snowed heavily for several days, which compelled him to halt at that place for some time; but when the weather cleared up he again marched, and having arrived at Kundez, was hospitably entertained by the Prince Hindal.

At this time Caraja Khan represented to his Majesty, that, in consequence of the desertion of the chiefs, many of the soldiers were wavering in their minds, and that it was requisite to encourage them. His Majesty therefore went amongst the men, spoke kindly to them, and held out hopes to them of better days; and even I, the humble servant, successfully used my influence with some of the soldiers.

In short, the King having taken the route of the Chehar der (four gates), proceeded towards Kabul: it was then the depth of winter, and such a quantity of snow had fallen that the roads were quite blocked up; we were therefore obliged to ram the snow well down; after which the horses and camels were enabled to move on. When we reached the station of Charehkaran, news arrived that the Prince Kamran was resolved to risk the consequences of another engagement; we therefore marched on to Ama Khuatun. Here the men were ordered to put on their armour, and we advanced in battle array till we came to Auret Chalak. Here his Majesty alighted, and having finished his ablutions and prayers, performed some of the ceremonies used in discovering omens, which he found to be auspicious; he, therefore, again mounted his horse, and advanced. When we reached the villages of the Afghans, Shyr Afgun made his appearance at the head of the advance guard of the rebels, and was immediately attacked by a detachment under the command of the Prince Hindal. Whilst the two parties were warmly engaged, his Majesty, perceiving that the young Prince was nearly left alone, was about to proceed in person to his assistance; but Caraja Khan requested that his Majesty would keep in the rear, and allowed him to attack the enemy; the King consented; and Caraja having charged the rebels, engaged in single combat with Shyr Afgun: three cuts had been given on either side, when the rebel chief making a violent lunge at his assailant, fell from his horse; Caraja then rode over him, took him prisoner, and brought him to his Majesty, who gave orders that he should be taken care of; but Caraja represented that the prisoner was a deserter and a rebel, and, therefore, ought to be put to death: in consequence of this remonstrance he was beheaded, and the rest of his party fled. The King then lauded Prince Hindal, and thanked the soldiers.

Shortly after this event information was brought that the Prince Kamran was again endeavouring to escape from Kabul; his Majesty, therefore, gave orders that small parties should be placed on every side of the fort to prevent his egress; spies were also sent into the town to obtain intelligence. The King then went and alighted at the tent of Caraja Khan, when mutual tokens of friendship were exchanged.

At this time the Prince Kamran sent a message to Caraja, “that he wished to speak to him; and that if he did not come, he should put his son, Sirdar Beg, to death.” Caraja represented the circumstance to the King, who said, “if he does, I will be your son;” to which the other replied, “I consider each hair of your Majesty’s head worth the life of a son.”

The next morning, as soon as the sun rose, the King placed his troops all round the fort, and took post himself at the Eagle’s Mount (Kuh Akabyn), whence he had a good view of the fortress, after which he ordered the great guns to be opened against it; but Kamran having threatened to expose the young Prince Akber to the fire of the cannon, his Majesty forbade their being used, but directed the troops to preserve a strict blockade.

Note.—The long contest between the King and Prince Kamran is very tiresome; but as it led to a horrid catastrophe it cannot be properly abridged.

Account of the escape of the Prince Kamran from Kabul, and of his Majesty again taking possession of it, with other occurrences of the time. A. H. 954.—A. D. 1547.

After the fortress of Kabul had been besieged in this manner for three months, the Prince Kamran, taking the advantage of a dark night, effected his escape, and took the route of Zuffer. The King then gained possession of Kabul, but sent the Prince Hindal in pursuit of his brother: he shortly came up with the refugee, and was astonished to find him mounted on the back of a man:^* he was about to seize Kamran, who cried out, “if you make me your prisoner the King will certainly take my life, and what will you gain by that?” The Prince was much affected at seeing his brother in that deplorable situation, presented him with a horse, and turned back.

The King, having been much incensed against the inhabitants of Kabul for allowing themselves to be surprised by the rebels, permitted his troops to plunder them for a whole night; after which a crier was sent round the town to order them to desist, and that any person found plundering after that hour should be punished.

The Prince Kamran having arrived at Zuffer, attempted to take it, but was repulsed by Soliman; he therefore went and took refuge with the Uzbegs, who having assisted him with troops, he returned and laid siege to Kundez, now garrisoned by the Prince Hindal; but having written a note to Hindal, which fell into the hands of the Uzbegs, they suspected a collusion between the brothers, and effected their retreat; thus Kamran succeeded in getting possession of Talican and Zuffer.

About this time an unfortunate difference took place between his Majesty and Caraja Khan, the circumstances of which were nearly these: one day Caraja having urged the King to confer ten Tumans (the trifling sum of ten pounds) on a certain officer, his Majesty consented; in consequence of which Caraja wrote the Perwaneh (order) on the treasury; but when it was presented, the Diwan, Kuajeh Ghazy, refused payment, and represented to the King, “that as he was answerable for the expenses of the army, he, therefore, could not allow any other person to interfere.” The officer having carried back the Perwaneh to Caraja, the latter remonstrated with the King, who not taking any notice of the affair, a coolness ensued between them, and Caraja endeavoured to seduce several other chiefs to desert with him to the Prince Kamran.^* His Majesty having received a hint of these circumstances, and being very desirous of a reconciliation, ordered his son Akber to go to Caraja and the other chiefs to make friends of them, and bring them back with him; but the eunuch, Amber, represented that such a mission for the Prince would be derogatory to the royal dignity, and, perhaps, that they might seize the boy as a hostage. The King, therefore, sent a message by another person to Caraja, requesting him to overlook what had passed, and to feel assured that he had the greatest regard for him. Caraja replied, “if such is the case, let him deliver over the Diwan to me, that I may take satisfaction.” The King sent back another message to him, saying, “you are my vizier and deputy; the Diwan is under your controul, and on some other opportunity you can call him to account.” Caraja would not be reconciled; but, having persuaded two other chiefs and a party of Moghuls to accompany him, marched off in full armour.

When intelligence of this unlucky affair was brought to the King, he ordered out a party of cavalry, and pursued the deserters in person: he came up with them at a place called Ashter Keram, when a skirmish took place; but Caraja soon fled, and joined the Prince Kamran; on which his Majesty returned to Kabul.

He then sent a message to Meha Sultan Myrza (probably a cousin of the late emperor) to ask his advice. The Myrza replied, “Kamran is now puffed up with pride by the junction of Caraja and the other chiefs; but whichever of you first pass the mountain of Hindu Kush will be successful.” The King immediately said, “Pride must have a fall; if it please God, I will first cross the mountain, and be victorious.” He then offered up prayers for his success, and on Tuesday having mounted, he proceeded to the station of Auret Jalak, and despatched a messenger to Ghizneh to summon Hajy Muhammed Keshky to join him; who, contrary to the wishes of the other disaffected chiefs, waited on his Majesty.

The King seeks for an auspicious omen, and in consequence lays siege to the fort of Talican, &c. A. H. 955.—A. D. 1548.

It was the custom of his Majesty always to keep a Cock in the Ewry, for the purpose of awaking the servants early in the morning: it was a beautiful white bird, and the King used frequently to feed it with raisins: one day, while his Majesty was standing in the Ewry, he said to himself, “if it is the will of fortune to favour me, the cock will mount upon my shoulder, and evince his delight;” in an instant the bird flew on the king’s shoulder, and began to crow; on which his Majesty was much pleased, took the cock in his hands, and put a silver ring on its neck.

The next day we marched to Cara Bag, thence to Keram, thence to Gul Behar, thence to Penj sheher,^* which is situated in a delightful valley, abounding with all kinds of luxuries, the inhabitants of which are nearly connected with the unbelievers, who wear black clothes (Syahposhan); but it is considered as a dependency upon Kabul. From this place we again marched, and entered the mountains called Hindu Kush (the Hindu slayer); the next day we got through the pass, and encamped on the banks of the river Bengy.

At this place a messenger arrived from the Prince Hindal, bringing a letter and a present of some fine melons. The next day we marched after morning prayer, and continued our journey till after sun-set, when intelligence was brought that the Prince Hindal was arrived. The Prince was about to dismount to pay his respects, but the King requested he would not take the trouble; in short, they embraced on horseback, and the King spoke to him in the most affectionate manner. During their discourse his Majesty enquired what was become of their brother Kamran, and the other insurgents? the Prince replied, “that they were in possession of the fort of Zuffer.” After travelling a great part of the night, we halted on the bank of the river Helcana.

During the next day, the Prince Kamran, having made a forced march of fifty miles from Zuffer, arrived, when a watch of the night had passed, in front of our encampment, where he drew up in battle array. As soon as the day broke, the King ordered his troops to form into line, and oppose the enemy.

When Kamran saw our army drawn out, he made a violent charge, but was strenuously opposed by Hajy Muhammed Khan, who was posted on the left of the King, but who was obliged to give away. I have heard that on that occasion the Prince Kamran with his own hand clove the skull of one of the Hajy’s followers from the top of his head to the nose; in short, that division was routed, and Kamran’s followers having obtained much booty, retired with it to the fort of Talican, of which they had previously gained possession. On hearing of this event, his Majesty enquired what they had done with the library, and was informed that it was quite safe.

In short, after the rout of our left division, the King, having ordered his own standard to be unfurled, and the kettle drums to be beaten, advanced in person against Kamran, who being thereby terrified, made his retreat to Talican. His Majesty then advanced close under the walls of the fort, and gave orders to put to death every follower of Kamran that should be taken prisoner; but after several of them had been killed, he had compassion on the remainder, and let them go.

The King then encamped in a grove at a short distance from the fort, and wrote the following note to the Prince: “Oh, my unkind brother, what are you doing? every murder that is committed on either side, you will be answerable for at the Day of Judgement: come, and make peace, that mankind may be no longer oppressed by our contest.” He then called a messenger, named Nesyb, the astrologer, and told him to carry the note to the Prince Kamran. When the messenger came to the fort, and told his errand, he was allowed to enter, and he delivered the note. After the Prince had read it, he remained silent; on which Nesyb requested an answer: the Prince then repeated the following well known verse;

“He shall obtain the bride of the kingdom who embraces her across the edge of the sharp sword.”

Nesyb then made his obeisance, came away, and reported the circumstance to his Majesty.

The King then gave orders to station the troops round the fort, and to erect batteries at several places, and on this occasion ordered me (the author) to erect one of them before he returned to that spot. His Majesty was employed the whole night in fixing the batteries, after which he gave orders for the guns to be mounted. For nearly two months a fire was kept up against the fortress; at length Kamran being reduced to great extremities, made it known that if the King would send his Almoner into the fort, he might there proclaim him as the rightful sovereign.

In consequence of this information, on the first Friday, Mulana Abdal Baky, the Sudder, went into the fort, and read the Khutbeh in his Majesty’s name.

On the following day Caraja Khan, and the other chiefs who had deserted, came with quivers and swords tied about their necks, and threw themselves at his Majesty’s feet, who was pleased to pardon them. On that night the Prince Kamran made his escape from the fort, and halted on the bank of the river Bengy. Here he was attacked by the troops of Myrza Ibrahim Hussyn, son of Soliman, King of Badukhshan, and taken prisoner. On hearing this circumstance, his Majesty sent an agent to Hussyn to demand his prisoner; he also sent an honorary dress and several presents to Kamran, all of which he respectfully received; and having put on the dress, agreed to wait on the King, who in the mean time took possession of Talican.

Of the arrival of the Prince Kamran, the division of the country, and of the King’s return to Kabul. A. H. 955.—A. D. 1548.

When the King was informed of the intentions of Kamran he was much pleased, and gave orders that the chains should be taken off Myrza Askery, who had remained in confinement since the indisposition of his Majesty. When the Prince Kamran approached, orders were given to all the chiefs to go out and meet him; tents were also pitched for his reception, and the bands of music stationed at the proper plaçes to give notice of his arrival. On his first entering the camp, he was carried to the tent of Prince Hindal; but without giving him time to sit down, he was informed he might proceed to the tent of audience, as the King was ready to receive him. As soon as he stepped on the carpet of the royal pavilion, he took a handkerchief from one of the attendants and tied it round his own neck (as an acknowledgement of his crimes); his Majesty, on seeing this, said, “oh my dear brother, there is no necessity for this, throw off the handkerchief.” The Prince then made three salutations, after which the King embraced him, and caused him to sit down on his right hand. After he had made some excuses the King arose, and said, “what has taken place was a ceremonious meeting, now let us meet as brothers;” they then reciprocally embraced each other: upon which the trumpets sounded, and the whole assembly were much delighted: a cup of sherbet was then brought, half of which was drank by the King, the other half by the Prince; they then entered into familiar conversation. After which the Princes Hindal and Askery were seated on the same carpet with them, and the four brothers eat salt together;^* they then offered up prayers for his Majesty’s prosperity. The feast was prolonged for two days, which were passed in every kind of rejoicing.

On the following day the King marched from Talican, with his three brothers, to the fountains of Ashek Meshek, where they remained for a week; during which time the king made a division of the country between them and the other chiefs. The districts of Kulab he assigned to the Princes Kamran and Askery, burthened with a pension to Chaker Beg, one of the generals of Kamran. The forts of Talican and Zuffer, with their dependencies, were given to Myrza Soliman, and that of Candahar to the Prince Hindal. After this division they all took the vow of fealty, and were dismissed to their respective governments; and the king, having first taken the fort of Purian, which belonged to the Syahposhans, gave it in charge of Mulk Aly, and then returned to Kabul.

Some time after this it was reported to the king that a dispute had taken place between the Prince Kamran and Chaker Beg; that the former had left the country of Kulab,^* but had previously inflicted a severe chastisement on the latter. In consequence of this information, his Majesty sent Myrza Shah Sultan to reprimand Chaker Beg, but forwarded a letter to the Prince, inviting him to come to Kabul, and that he would bestow on him a more valuable district. The Myrza went and delivered the letter, but the Prince said, “I have now abandoned the affairs of this world, and have no wish for any further employment in it.” Although this was his verbal answer, his heart was still full of deceit, and he meditated some other schemes.

The King, ignorant of his brother’s plans, resolved upon conquering the province of Balkh, with an intention of making it over to Kamran. With this view he marched, accompanied by the Prince Hindal, Myrza Soliman, and a number of other chiefs towards Balkh, expecting that his brother would join him on the route, but in this hope he was disappointed.

When the army reached the fort of Aybek, which was garrisoned by the troops of Pyr Khan, the Uzbeg chiefs, the king laid siege to it; in a few days took it; and having found there the family of the Prince Kamran, sent them to Kabul: of the Uzbeg prisoners, some he released, and some of them he kept in the camp: one of the chiefs, named Atabeg Beg, he took into his own service, who strongly advised him not to proceed against Balkh, as he would thereby rouse the whole tribe of Uzbegs against him; but the king would not listen to his advice, and marched on. When the army arrived in the neighbourhood of Balkh, some of the Uzbegs came out of the fort, and engaged us, but in a short time were driven back. On this occasion the Prince Hindal followed them as far as the stone bridge, and sent a message to his Majesty, “that if he would support him, they might then take the city by storm;” but the king refused, saying, “he would attack the place next morning.”

During the night intelligence was brought that the faithless Kamran had made a sudden march with an intention of again surprising Kabul. On hearing of this news, the chiefs and soldiers, whose families had been left in that fortress, were quite dismayed, which circumstance compelled the king to retreat in great haste; and being pursued by the Uzbegs, we were thrown into great disorder, and the troops suffered exceedingly, but reached Kabul in time to avert Kamran’s evil intentions.^*

Battle of Kipchak, in which the King was severely wounded. A. H. 957.—A. D. 1550.

The King having again entered the city of Kabul remained there for three months, when intelligence was brought to him that the Prince Kamran was still wandering about the country with bad intentions. His Majesty therefore having collected a few of his troops marched from Kabul. On the first day he halted at Cara Bag; the next he proceeded to Charehkaran, and on the third reached the bank of the river Baran: he continued his march to the pass of Kipchak, and came to a river, over which he swam his horse. On this occasion not one of the chiefs followed him, but went up the bank till they found a ford; on which his Majesty, being angry, said, “Oh ye blockheads! when Shah Ismael of Persia threw his handkerchief down a precipice, twelve thousand of his followers immediately precipitated themselves after it, and were dashed to pieces: you have allowed me your king, to pass the river alone, and not a single soldier has followed me; what good can I expect from such troops?”

The king then consulted with Caraja Khan what was next to be done: the Khan replied, “there are several passes in this part of the country; I advise your Majesty to secure them, by which means we may seize the Prince Kamran, and put an end to all further commotion and disturbance.”

In consequence of this advice the king sent off Hajy Muhammed, his foster brother, with a division of the army to secure the pass of Syrtun, while he with the remainder of the troops crossed the pass of Kipchak, and encamped about a coss on the other side of it.

While in this situation, intelligence was brought that the Prince Kamran was in the rear of his Majesty, and was forcing the pass. On this the King re-entered the pass, and in a few hours was opposed by the Prince: in a short time several of the loyal chiefs were cut down; the horse of Muhammed Amyn was also rendered unserviceable; but the King presented him with one of his own led horses, and said to him, “as I know your father is one of Kamran’s confidential followers, you had better go and join him;” Amyn replied, “I care not for my father; I will never quit your Majesty.”

About this time one of the scoundrels of the enemy approached the King, and struck him on the head with his sword, and was about to repeat the blow, when his Majesty looking at him, said, “you wretch! how dare you?” upon which the fellow desisted, and some other officers coming up, led the King out of the battle; but he was so severely wounded, that he became weak from loss of blood, and therefore threw off his Jubba,^* and gave it in charge of an Abyssinian servant; but the servant being obliged to make his escape from the battle, threw away the Jubba, which having been found by some of Kamran’s followers, it was brought to the Prince, who immediately proclaimed that the King was killed.

At this time there only remained with his Majesty eleven persons, including servants, and the author of these pages. We therefore took him out of the battle; and as his own horse was unquiet, we mounted him on a small ambling steed, two of the chiefs supporting him on either side, and endeavouring to console him by anecdotes of former Princes who had suffered similar adversity, and encouraged him to exert himself, as it was probable the enemy might pursue him. On hearing this, he resumed his fortitude, and proceeded towards the pass of Syrtun.^* On the march we were joined by some of the chiefs, and at nightfall reached the entrance of Syrtun. As it was then very cold, and his Majesty suffered much from weakness, a sheep-skin cloak was brought and put on him.

In the morning we reached the top of the pass; and as it was then getting warm, the King dismounted on the bank of the river, performed his ablutions, and washed his wound; but as there was no carpet for prayer to be found, the humble servant, Jouher, brought the cover of a stool of scarlet cloth, and spread it for his Majesty, who knelt thereon, and performed his devotions, and sat down facing the Kibleh (Mecca).

While in this situation Sultan Muhammed came up, and having made his salutation, walked round the king, and said, “he was willing to offer his own life for the preservation of his Majesty’s.”

The king then enquired if he had any news of the other division of the army? he replied, “that Hajy Muhammed, with his division, was coming, and would very shortly join him: just as his Majesty had again mounted his horse the Hajy arrived, followed by three hundred well equipped cavalry, had the honour of paying his respects, and of congratulating the king on his narrow escape.

The king was at this time suspicious of Sultan Muhammed and some other chiefs; he therefore resolved upon returning to Kabul. After riding for some time, we arrived at Zohakmaran; his Majesty then dismounted under a tree, and calling for pen and ink, he wrote a letter to his family, explaining the circumstances of the battle, and his fortunate escape: several of the followers also wrote to their families. He then sent off the letters by Hajy Muhammed and Shah Muhammed, with orders that as soon as they had delivered them at Kabul, they should proceed to Ghizneh, and secure that fortress against the attacks of the Prince Kamran.

Having despatched these officers, the king again mounted, and rode on to Purwan, where he alighted. At this place the only tent that could be procured was a small Shamianeh (canopy), sufficient only to skreen one person; under this his Majesty lay down and slept. In the morning the author of these pages awoke his Majesty, and told him it was the hour of morning prayer. He said, “my boy, as I am so severely wounded, I cannot bear to purify myself with cold water;” I represented that I had got some warm water ready for him: he then arose, performed his ablutions, and said his prayers. He afterwards mounted his horse, but had not ridden far when he complained that the clotted blood on his clothes hurt him, and asked of the servants if they had no Jameh (coat) they could lend him: Behader Khan replied, “he had a Jameh, but it was one his Majesty had discarded and given to him, and he had worn it;” the king said, “never mind that, bring it:” he then put it on, and gave the dress which was stained with blood to his humble servant Jouher, the Aftabchy, and said, “take care of this dress, and only wear it on holy days.”

From Purwan we proceeded to Kehemrud, where Taher Muhammed had the honour of paying his respects; he had pitched an old tent for the king, and had prepared an entertainment for him; but the blockhead did not bring any present, not even a spare dress. His Majesty ordered his followers to partake of the dinner, but went himself to the edge of a fountain, where they pitched an old tent, grimed with smoke and soot, for him; but as there was no necessary tent, the humble servant went and procured two hurdles, which he fixed up as a privy. At this time an old woman came and offered his Majesty a pair of silk trowsers; he said, “although these are not proper for a man to wear, yet, as my own are defiled with blood, I will put them on.” He then enquired what the woman had for her support; and on being informed, wrote an order to the Collector not to demand any tribute from her in future.

Intelligence was now brought that a caravan of three hundred horses had arrived; the king therefore ordered two of the chiefs to bring the horses to him to look at: they went and returned, saying, “there were seventeen hundred more horses come;” his Majesty said, “I will go and settle the business myself:” he then mounted, and having given orders to secure the end of the pass, which prevented the merchants from attempting to escape, they respectfully waited on the king, and the senior of them having presented a bow and nine arrows, offered up prayers for his success. After that the horses were valued, and his Majesty gave the owners his bond for the amount saying, “if it please God to give me the victory, I will immediately pay you.”

The next day we marched to Alenjek, which was then the residence of one of the wandering tribes, and remained there for seven days, during which period the chief of the tribe daily presented his Majesty with sixty goats or sheep, and sixty skins of buttermilk, which was distributed among the followers: the king also gave one or more of the horses to each of them.

We then marched, and encamped on the banks of the river Bengy. Soon after we were halted, a person came and called out, “O, people of the caravan! can you give me any information respecting the king Humayun?” On hearing this, his Majesty desired that no answer should be given; but that they should enquire who he was, who had sent him, and what news he brought: the man replied, “that he was sent by Besal Alenky, of the tribe of Beshy; that it was reported there had been a battle between the king and the Prince Kamran; that the former had been wounded, and compelled to retreat; that the king’s Jubba had been found in the jungle, and had been brought to the Prince, who was thereby convinced that the king was no more.”

His Majesty then ordered the man to be brought to him, and asked him, “do you know me?” the man replied, “yes, I do;” the king said, “go and give my compliments to Besal Alenky, and tell him, when I come back this way to wait on me.”

About mid-day his Majesty said to Hajy Muhammed, his foster brother, “as we have a number of spare horses with us, I wish you to search for a ford; go, and when you have found it, return and take me with you.” The aforesaid person went, and having found a ford, sent a message by his servant that he had done so, then crossed the river, and requested the king to follow; but as he did not return himself as he was ordered, his Majesty began to suspect that he also had deserted: he, however, mounted his horse, and seeing me, made a signal for me to follow him; after which we were joined by Allah Kuly Khan. Nearly a watch of the night had passed when we crossed the river, and were there met by Hajy Muhammed, and the remainder of the night was spent in conversation.

Account of Myrza Kamran again getting prossession of Kabul, and of the young Akber, &c. A. H. 957.—A. D. 1551.

The next morning the king, having mounted his horse, rode to Aulia Khenja: here the Prince Hindal also arrived, paid his respects, and offered to the King all the insignia of nobility which he used; after which we again marched, and reached the fort of Anderab, where the king fixed his residence. We must now return to the affairs of the Prince Kamran, who after the battle encamped at Charkeran; the next morning he made a long march, and appeared before Kabul. It must be recollected that when his Majesty left Kabul he bestowed the government on Casim Aly, who had formerly been a servant of Kamran’s; but, notwithstanding this circumstance, he for some time refused to give up the fortress, till assured by Kamran that the King was dead, who in proof thereof produced the Jubba or coat of mail; in consequence of which the Prince was allowed to enter the fort, and again take possession of the young Akber. This news was brought to the King at Anderab, but he was at the same time comforted by the junction of Soliman Myrza, of Badukhshan, and several other chiefs. After remaining a month and twenty days at Anderab, intelligence was brought that the Prince Kamran had left Kabul, and had entered the mountains of Hindu Kush, and was laying the country waste. The king then determined on marching to oppose the rebels; but he first assembled all his chiefs, and proposed to them to take the oath of allegiance; Hajy Muhammed Khan said, “it was also incumbent on his Majesty to take the oath of confederacy;” the Prince Hindal said, “such a proceeding was highly improper;” but the king said, “if the chiefs wished it, he would take the oath to satisfy them.” In short, the oaths were ratified on both sides; and to give the ceremony more solemnity, the king fasted all that day.

On Thursday the king marched from Anderab, and encamped on the skirts of the mountain Hindu Kush; the next day he marched to Penjchereh (now Penjsheher), thence to Shutergurden, where he found his brother Kamran drawn up to oppose him.

The king, anxious to avoid bloodshed, called Shah Sultan, and sent him with a message to the Prince, saying, “that the district of Kabul was not worthy of contending for; let us leave our families in the fort, and let us join and invade Hindustan through the Lumghanat.” The Prince was inclined to accept these terms, but the scoundrel Caraja dissuaded him, saying, “we will rather be hung on the gates of Kabul than give it up.” Shah Sultan returned with a negative to his proposition, and gave information against Caraja.

On this the king called a council of all his chiefs and deliberated on what were the measures most proper to be pursued. After the council broke up, his Majesty gave orders that the troops should next morning put on their armour, mount their horses, and proceed to engage the enemy: Myrza Soliman commanded the right wing, and the Prince Hindal the left; the advance was led by Hajy Muhammed (the king’s foster brother): but when the army arrived within a short distance of the rebels, Hajy Muhammed, who was suspected of intriguing with Kamran, objected to engage on that day, and requested the king to postpone the contest till the following one.

His Majesty at first consented to this proposal, and gave orders for the army to halt, and encamp; but several of the other chiefs came up, and opposed this measure, saying, “the tents were a long way in the rear, that the day should not be lost, and we ought to engage.” The king then agreed that, as soon as he had performed his usual prayers, they should advance.

Defeat of the Prince Kamran, and the death of his counsellor Caraja Khan. A. H. 958.—A. D. 1551-2.

The army of Kamran was drawn up on a high hill; but his Majesty having ordered his matchlockmen to open a fire on them, the scoundrel (carabukht) Caraja made a charge with his cavalry on our left wing, and threw them into disorder; he again charged our right wing, when by the decree “of the Almighty, the disposer of all events,” a ball struck him, and he fell lifeless on the plain: some of our soldiers seeing the wretch fall, immediately galloped up, cut off his head, and brought it to the king, who said, “it should be hung on the gate of Kabul, to make good the words of the traitor.” Soon after this the Prince Kamran fled in great dismay, and was pursued by the Prince Hindal. The Myrza Ibrahim was ordered immediately to proceed to Kabul, and Myrza Soliman to remain with his Majesty; but the king marched the next day, and on the second day again entered Kabul in triumph. But previous to the king’s entering the fortress, he was met by the young Prince Akber; his Majesty embraced the child, kissed his forehead and eyebrows, returned thanks to the Almighty for his favour, and, in fact, renewed the meeting of the Patriarch Jacob and his son Joseph.

After a short time intelligence was brought that the Prince Kamran was still loitering between Kabul and the river Sind; his Majesty, therefore, marched in that direction; but when he arrived at Chekry was informed that the Prince had taken refuge with the Afghan chief, Muhammed Khelyl; he, therefore, resolved to push on to the territory of that chief. On arriving at a place called Cheperha, fearing the night attacks of the Afghans, he gave orders to erect a redoubt, in order to defend the army against any sudden attack: having fixed on a spot for the fort, the people were employed in erecting it.

During this interval, while the king and his brother Hindal were returning to the camp, three deer passed by them, one of which was shot by Abu al Mualy, the second escaped, but the Prince transfixed with an arrow the third; it fell on its side, raised its large eyes to heaven, and expired: the attendants were astonished at its motions, and said, “this antelope appears to have laid its complaint before the redresser af all wrongs, may it turn out well!” the Prince then proceeded and joind his Majesty.

The following night the Prince Kamran induced the Afghans to make an attack upon our camp: the king was in the redoubt; but the Prince Hindal was actually going the rounds of the camp, and keeping the people on the alert, when the assault commenced: having no other arms but the very bow and arrow with which he had shot the antelope, he opposed the enemy; but in the furious onset of the Afghans he was soon cut down, and thus became a martyr in defence of his Majesty.

The Afghans were, however, repelled; but when the affair was over, and his Majesty enquired for his brother Hindal, no person had the courage to reply. He then mounted the highest place of the ground, and called out the name of his brother; but, although surrounded by at least three hundred persons, no one answered. He then ordered Abdal Vehab to go and search for the Prince; the messenger went; but when returning was shot by one of our matchlock men, who took him for an Afghan; thus by mistake he was also added to the number of martyrs. After that Abdal Hy was sent, and brought back the melancholy intelligence.

On hearing it the king instantly retreated to his tent, where he was overwhelmed with grief, but the chiefs endeavoured to console him, by saying that the Prince was blessed and happy in having thus fallen a martyr in the service of his Majesty, for whose long life they joined in offering up their anxious prayers. From this place we marched, and took post in the fort of Bysut, but the Afghans surrounded us on all sides; and whenever they caught hold of any of the Moghuls, plundered and put them to death; they even reproached us for not coming out to fight them.

Account of the defeat of the Afghans—of the flight of Prince Kamran—of his taking refuge with Sultan Adam, the Ghicker chief—of his being given up to the King, by whose orders he was blinded. A. H. 960-1.—A. D. 1552-3.

After we had been for some days pent up in the fort, our chiefs began to murmur at our want of exertion; on which the king ordered out some spies to bring intelligence of the situation of the enemy; they returned with information that the Afghan chiefs were enjoying themselves with their respective clans; that they had no fears from his Majesty, and that they had agreed that the Prince Kamran should spend a week with each of the clans (cabyleh) in succession.

On hearing this report, his Majesty, the Prince Akber, and the general Abu al Mualy, perfumed their heads, bathed, and said their Friday prayers, to be prepared for death; and on the following morning, having mounted their horses, they sallied out with all their troops on the Afghans, who although at least amounting to twelve thousand were shortly dispersed, and left an immense number of cattle and sheep in our hands, with some of their women and children; but the Prince Kamran again made his escape, re-entered Hindustan, and sought refuge with Selim (son and successor of the usurper Shyr Shah).

After this victory the king returned to Kabul, made great rejoicings, and bestowed largesses on all the chiefs.

The following year (A. H. 962, A. D. 1554) his Majesty meditated the invasion of Hindustan, and therefore took measures to secure the fortress of Candahar (against the Persians) previous to setting out. About this time the king received letters from Sultan Adam, chief of the Ghickers, stating, “that the Prince Kamran was now in his territory, and that if his Majesty would take the trouble of coming there, he would give him up.”

In consequence of this information the King immediately marched; and having entered the country of Bungish, first seized and put to death a pretended prophet, who was leading mankind astray by teaching them a false religion; after which he proceeded to Dhencut (Deencote of the maps); he then crossed the Nilab (Indus), and, after repeated marches, entered the territory of Sultan Adam. When arrived within ten coss of the residence of this chief, he was met by an ambassador, who requested him to proceed; he therefore, about mid-day reached Pirhala:^* his Majesty then ordered tents to be pitched for the meeting between him and the Prince Kamran; but the ambassador returned, and said, “that the Prince insisted upon the king’s coming further to meet him.” On hearing this his Majesty was surprised, and said, “after I have taken the trouble of coming so far, and have prepared accommodation for the interview, it is strange that he should delay the visit;” but to gratify him the tents were sent on another stage. At this place the ambassador again returned, and said, “the Prince was not yet satisfied, and requested the king would still advance;” his Majesty replied, “after evening prayers I will do so.”

About this time the Ghicker chief, Sultan Adam, attended by two others, came and paid their respects. The king said, “Sultan Adam, you have taken a long time to perform this ceremony;” the Chief replied, “I should certainly have done myself the honour of waiting on your Majesty at the Nilab, but I had a guest in my house, whom I could not leave (Kamran);” the king replied, “you have done right, that was of more consequence.”

Sultan Adam again repeated the Prince’s request that the king would move on; his Majesty hesitated for some time; but the Chief said, “the Prince Kamran is my prisoner; you may do as you like.” On this the king advanced to the banks of the river (Rud Ab), and sat there on a bed or couch. After about an hour of the night had passed the Prince arrived, and advanced with great humility; the King, however, received him graciously, and pointed to him to sit down on the bed on his right hand; his Majesty then sat down on the bed also, having the young Prince Akber on his left hand; Sultan Adam, Abu al Mualy, and the other chiefs, were also seated in due order. After some time his Majesty called for a water melon, one-third of which he himself took, and divided it with his brother; another third he gave between Akber and Abu al Mualy, and the remaining third between Terdy Beg and Sultan Adam. After this the Prince Kamran made an apology in the name of several other chiefs for not having waited on the king, but said they would do so next morning. His Majesty replied, “very well, let them do so;” but Sultan Adam said, “as your Majesty has taken the trouble of coming so far, it will be more respectful for them to wait on you immediately:” he, therefore, sent off a messenger for them; and the chiefs having been introduced, were graciously received. The king then enquired if the tents were all pitched; and being informed that they were, having first distributed pawn to all the visitors, he mounted his horse and rode to the encampment. Preparations having been made for an entertainment, and public singers assembled, the whole night was passed in jollity and carousing. Early in the morning, the king having said his prayers, lay down to rest; the Prince Kamran retired to his own tent, and did the same. The next night was also passed in festivity.

On the following day the King’s officers demanded of him what he meant to do with the Prince Kamran? he replied, “let us first satisfy the Ghicker chief, after which I will do whatever is deemed proper.”

On the third day a grand entertainment was expressly given to Sultan Adam; he was clothed in a dress of honour; the standard, kettle-drums, and all other insignia of royalty were conferred upon him; after which he was graciously dismissed.

On the next day the business of Myrza Kamran was taken into consideration; and it was resolved in the first place to remove all his servants from him. Then the king ordered five of his own people, viz. Khenjer Beg, Arif Beg, Aly Dust, Sudy Muhammed, and his humble servant Jouher, to attend upon the Prince; and he said to me, “my boy, do you know where you are sent?” I said, “yes; and I know your Majesty’s (wishes):” he replied, “your business is to take care of the interior of the tent; you are desired not to sleep for a moment.” In obedience to the king’s orders, I waited on the Prince about the hour of the second prayer; he asked for a carpet, for the purpose of kneeling on: I brought one, and spread it for him. In the evening he performed his devotions inside the tent. After that, he said, “boy,^* what is your name?” I replied, “my name is Jouher;” he asked, “do you know the art of champooing (khademy)?” I replied, “yes, a little;” I then began to champoo him. He asked, “how long have you been in the king’s service?” I replied, “I have been nineteen years in his Majesty’s employ;” he said, “you are an old servant;” I replied, “yes:” he then asked me, “if I had ever been in the service of the Prince Askery;” I answered, “no:” he then said, “I have fasted six days, during this holy month of Ramzan; can you be my deputy for the remainder of the month;” I replied, “I can, but your highness will do it yourself; keep up your courage; do not allow melancholy anticipations to take possession of your heart:” he then said, “do you think they will kill me?” I replied, “princes only understand the motives or intentions of princes; but this I am certain of, that no man should commit suicide; and I know that his Majesty is a very compassionate personage.” The night passed in this kind of melancholy discourse.

Early in the morning the king marched towards Hindustan, but before his departure determined that the Prince should be blinded, and gave orders accordingly; but the attendants on the Prince disputed among themselves who was to perform the cruel act. Sultan Aly, the paymaster, ordered Aly Dust to do it; the other replied, “you will not pay a Shah Rukhy (3s. 6d.) to any person without the King’s directions; therefore, why should I commit this deed without a personal order from his Majesty? perhaps to-morrow the King may say, ‘why did you put out the eyes of my brother?’ what answer could I give? depend upon it I will not do it by your order.’ Thus they continued to quarrel for some time: at length, I said, “I will go and inform the king.” On which I, with two others, galloped after his Majesty: when we came up with him, Aly Dust said, in the Jagtay Turky language, “no one will perform the business.” The king replied in the same language, abused him, and said, “why don’t you do it yourself?”

After receiving this command, we returned to the Prince, and Ghulam Aly represented to him in a respectful and a condoling manner that he had received positive orders to blind him; the Prince replied, “I would rather you would at once kill me;” Ghulam Aly said, “we dare not exceed our orders:” he then twisted a handkerchief up as a ball for thrusting into the mouth, and he with the Ferash seizing the Prince by the hands, pulled him out of the tent, laid him down and thrust a lancet (Neshter) into his eyes (such was the will of God). This they repeated at least fifty times; but he bore the torture in a manly manner, and did not utter a single groan, except when one of the men who was sitting on his knees pressed him; he then said, “why do you sit upon my knees? what is the use of adding to my pain?” This was all he said, and acted with great courage, till they squeezed some (lemon) juice and salt into the sockets of his eyes; he then could not forbear, and called out, “O Lord, O Lord, my God, whatever sins I may have committed have been amply punished in this world, have compassion on me in the next.”^*

After some time he was placed on horseback, and we proceeded to a grove planted by the Emperor Firoz Shah, where, it being very hot, we alighted; and after a short period again mounted, and arrived in the camp, when the Prince was lodged in the tent of Myr Cassim.

The Author of these pages seeing the Prince in such pain and distress, could no longer remain with him; I therefore went to my own tent, and sat down in a very melancholy mood: the king having seen me, sent Jan Muhammed, the librarian, to ask me “if the business I had been employed on was finished, and why I had returned without orders?” the humble servant represented, “that the business I had been sent on was quite completed;” his Majesty then said, “he need not go back, let him get the water ready for me to bathe.”

The next day we marched, and entered the territory of the chief, Piraneh Januah. The aforesaid Piraneh came and paid his respects to the King; but Sultan Adam having requested that the country might be given to him, it was so; his Majesty then entered the country of Raja Sunker, plundered about fifty of the villages, and took a number of captives; but these were released upon paying a certain ransom, by which the army gained considerable wealth.

The king now resolved on going to Cashmire; but the chiefs said, “this is not a proper season for going to such a country as Cashmire;” the king was, however, obstinate, and Abu al Mualy shot one of the refractory Moghul chiefs with an arrow, and ordered the others to march; on which several of the nobles seeing the determination of his Majesty, went and complained to Sultan Adam, who immediately came to the king, and falling at his feet, requested him to forgo his intention, assuring him that Islam Khan Sur^* was advancing into the Punjab, and that the Afghans, who had for some time abandoned the fort of Rhotas and crossed the Behut river, had returned and again taken possession of that district; he, therefore, advised his Majesty to return for the present to Kabul and Candahar, and having there recruited his army, he might next year come back and enter Hindustan or Cashmire; but in the mean time to place the river Sind between him and his enemies, and trust to Providence for the furtherance of his wishes.

Return of the King to Kabul, and of his granting permission to the Prince Kamran to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, &c. A. H. 961.—A. D. 1553.

Sultan Adam having represented to his Majesty that the inhabitants of that part of the country were suffering much from the presence of his army, requested that he would issue orders for them to march immediately to the westward. In consequence of this representation, the public crier^* was sent round to proclaim the orders, and we accordingly marched to the banks of the Nilab. At this place the king gave permission for the Prince Kamran to proceed (by way of Tattah) to the pilgrimage of Mecca:^† after which we crossed the river, and having reached Pyshavur, the king gave orders for erecting a fortress at that place; and although the chiefs grumbled at keeping the army longer in the field, his Majesty persevered, and the foundation of the fortress having been marked out that very day, it was finished in a week; and as the grain was still standing in the fields, he ordered it to be cut down, and stored in the fort. The Khutbeh was then read in due form, and the command of the place was given to Sekunder Khan, an Uzbeg, and a dress of honour conferred on him.

After the second prayers the army again marched, and his Majesty soon after happily arrived at Kabul: he took up his residence in the upper fort, and passed the new year’s day in great festivity and rejoicing.

Some time after this the king marched to Candahar, and remained there for three months; he then returned towards Kabul; Byram Khan accompanied him as far as the river Turung, which is half way between Ghizneh and Candahar, and then returned to his garrison; but previous to his departure it was settled that, as soon as the winter should be over, he would come to Kabul, and from thence attend his Majesty on the invasion of India.

About this period Hajy Muhammed (the foster brother) who commanded in Ghizneh was dissatisfied; and, although the king took measures to reconcile him he was not contented, and a coldness continued between them; but when his Majesty made an excursion through the Lungham district, the Hajy broke the kettle-drums, standards, and other insignia of nobility which had been conferred on him, as a proof of his disrespect. On hearing this, the king sent and confined the Hajy and his brother, Shah Muhammed, and said to them, with great temper, “do you write out a list of all your merits, and I will write your demerits, and let us see which preponderate; if your claims on me are more weighty than your transgressions against me, I will forgive you; but, if the contrary, I will not only dismiss you from my service, but put you to death.” In short, they made out a list of their claims on the king, and he wrote an account of their faults; and, as the latter predominated, he ordered them both first to be confined, and afterwards to be slain.

His Majesty then returned to Kabul, but frequently went to amuse himself in hawking and fishing on the river Baran and in other places with his companions. During this period he sent letters to Samerkund, Bokhara, and other towns, inviting the chiefs and warriors to accompany him on his invasion of Hindustan: to some of the chiefs he sent presents, and letters explanatory of his intentions, with prayers for their combined success.

Account of the King’s invasion of Hindustan, and of his regaining that empire. A. H. 962.—A. D. 1554-5.

“O, wise man! the sphere of fortune is always revolving: it is constantly interchanging grief and happiness. Pleasure does not endure for ever, neither does pain continue to the end of time.”

When every thing was arranged for the king’s departure he quitted Kabul, and marched to Jellalabad; he there embarked on a raft;^* and was pleasantly floated down the river to Pyshavur. Here he halted for two days, and sent off an express to Sultan Adam, the Ghicker chief, informing him of his proceedings and further intentions. After that, by repeated marches the royal army reached the western bank of the Nilab (Indus). It was on the last day of the month when the army crossed the river; and just as his Majesty passed over, I, the humble servant, saw the new moon, and immediately congratulated his Majesty on this auspicious event; also of his having crossed the river, and having re-entered the kingdom of Hindustan at the moment of the new moon’s appearance; the king replied, “God be praised, may it be propitious!” This he repeated three times. Amen.

After the troops had all passed the river, we continued our march day after day till we entered the district of Pirhala. At this place his Majesty said to his humble servant, “go, and have the Prince Akber bathed and dressed, and bring him hither.” In obedience to the royal order, I went and delivered the message to the Prince, who said, “I cannot bathe, nor appear naked before you.”^* I replied, “if your Royal Highness pleases, I will call your valet, Refyk;” he said, “call him.” After having bathed (in private) he put on a new dress, and I accompanied him to the king. When we arrived his Majesty was sitting, facing the setting moon; he ordered the Prince to sit down opposite him; he then read some verses of the Koran, and at the end of each verse breathed on the Prince, and was so delighted and happy, it might be said that he had then acquired all the good fortune of this world, and the blessings of the next. His Majesty then continued his journey, and when we arrived at the distance of four coss from the Pirhala he alighted.

The next day the king gave an order for a mustering of every description of his followers, and said he would commence with the Ewry department. In compliance with this order the humble servant Jouher, and the other persons belonging to the department, having dressed and armed ourselves, stood in a rank before the king, who having looked at us was much pleased, and said, “I consider this review as an auspicious omen;” on which, we all offered up prayers for his Majesty’s success and happiness. Amen, Amen.

We then marched towards the river Chunab; and when we had arrived within four coss of its bank, we came to a hill or high ground, on which the king directed his tents to be pitched, and the dinner to be served. After dinner he ordered the Khan Khanan, Byram Khan, and some other chiefs with their troops to proceed towards Jallindhar, and ascertain whether the Afghans were still in these districts; if they were found, the chiefs were to return and inform his Majesty; but if not, they were to push on, cross the river Sutlege, and enter the district of Sirhind. His Majesty at the same time directed his secretary, his chamberlain, and several of the domestics to proceed to Lahore, and make preparations for his arrival in that city. On this, a servant named Herbay, came and said, “that Lahore was his birthplace, that all his family were there, and that if his Majesty would grant him permission, he would go on and make inquiries respecting them;” the king replied, “if you go, who is to carry my water bottle?” the paymaster and the chief eunuch replied, “his brother, Futteh Allah, will carry the bottle.” His Majesty did not approve this arrangement, but said, “he may go, but I will give the bottle to another person:” he then ordered me to take charge of it.

The aforesaid Herbay having gone some distance, said to himself, “if the bottle is once given in charge to another attendant, God knows whether I shall ever get it back again.”^* Having thus reflected, he repented of what he had done, and during the night returned; but as the bottle had been entrusted to me, I thought it requisite to ask the king’s permission before I gave it up. I therefore said to his Majesty, “is it your royal pleasure, that I shall continue in the Abdar Khaneh (water house), or in the Ewry?” he replied, “you are to remain in the latter, but remember you are always to keep a china cup, a jug with a lid, and the water bottle in your own possession; you are not to allow any other person to offer me water to drink without your seal being affixed; don’t permit the bottle to remain empty during the night; when you give me to drink, pour the water into the china cup, and on the march have the bottle on the horse with you.” Thus his Majesty kindly instructed me; but, as mankind is ever liable to error, the next morning, when we were about to march, Herbay having returned, asked me for the bottle, and I gave it to him; when we were all mounted, and the king saw the bottle in the hands of Herbay, he was very angry, and when he alighted gave me two blows on the side of the head, and said, “whenever I again confer an employment on you, beware not to resign it to any body.” With this reprimand he graciously forgaye me.

The chiefs that had been sent towards Jallindhar having crossed the Sutlege, and passed through Machwareh, entered the district of Sirhind, where they plundered all the property of the Afghan chief, Tatar Khan. The king in the mean time having arrived at Kullanur (Callanore of the maps), halted there for some days; during which time his Majesty and Abu al Mualy agreed to enter the northern range of hills; the chiefs, however, were not satisfied to do so, but being afraid to tell their opinion to the king, they employed me (Jouher) to explain to him, that it was highly impolitic to lose time by making excursions, when more important business was in hand. I did so; but concluded by saying, “they were willing to obey his orders;” the king replied, “very well, I will go back to Lahore.” The order was immediately given, and we set out for that city.

When the king arrived within ten coss of Lahore, all the Syeds and principal people of the city, led by Shykh Abd Allah, came out to meet his Majesty; but as there were two parties in the place, headed by Mukhdum-al-Mulk and Myan-Hajy-Mehdy (religious persons), he had some difficulty in reconciling them.

The king then entered the city in state, and a few days afterwards made a division of the appointments of the province among his followers: to the humble servant Jouher was assigned the collection of the Pergunnah of Hybetpur; but previous to my departure his Majesty called me, and said, “young man, listen to this story as a piece of advice.” A Moghul having received an appointment,^* began his supposed duty by snatching a blanket from the shoulders of a citizen, and upon the man’s remonstrating, said, “you scoundrel, don’t you know that I have been sent by Government to collect.” On receiving this hint, I said, “I am aware of my own unfitness for public employment, but trust that through your Majesty’s favour, and having had the honour for so many years of pouring water on the royal hands, I shall not discredit the appointment to which I have been nominated;” the king replied, “good produces good, and evil causes evil.” I then made my obeisance.

When arrived in the Pergunnah, I found that it had been the custom of the Afghan farmers to give their wives or children in pledge to the Hindu bankers for money advanced on account of the collections; therefore, the first thing I did was to collect all the grain that had been hidden in dry wells and other places, and having sold it, paid the bankers, and liberated the families of the peasants. On hearing of this affair his Majesty was much pleased, and promoted me to the collectorship of the villages belonging to the Afghan chief, Tatar Khan Lody.^*

Of the battle between Omer Khan^† Ghicker and the imperial general Abu al Mualy. A. H. 962.—A. D. 1555.

Information having been brought to the king that Omar Khan Ghicker having collected a very large force at Fyruzpur, which is situated at the junction of the Beyah and Sutlege rivers, with an intention of joining the Afghan Emperor Sekunder, his Majesty called a council of his officers, in which it was determined to attack the Ghickers. In consequence of this resolution, a detachment under the command of Shah Abu al Mualy was sent against them. The contending parties met in the Pergunnah of Chuhy: the enemy were about twelve thousand in number, while the royal forces consisted only of eight hundred cavalry, and a very furious battle took place; the Afghan general charged with such impetuosity on Abu al Mualy, that he nearly fell from his horse, and would have been slain, were it not that a brave Moghul soldier having placed a small drum on his head instead of a helmet, called out the war cry Allah Akber (God is greatest), and rushed on Omer Khan with such violence as to unhorse him;^* on seeing which the Afghans took to flight. This was his Majesty’s first victory since his re-entering Hindustan, and if the disproportion of the numbers is taken into account, it will be evident that we were indebted to the grace of God for our success.

When the letters announcing this victory were received, his Majesty answered them, with hearty thanks to the army, and a promise of promotion to all who had distinguished themselves on the occasion; he also ordered that all the Afghan prisoners should be collected, and sent to him; but a chief, named Ferhad Khan, having represented to his Majesty that he had promised not to detain any prisoners, he commanded that they should all be released.

An account of the victory gained by the royal army at Machwareh. A. H. 962.—A. D. 1555.

Soon after this time letters were received from the Khan Khanan, Byram Khan, then at Sirhind, stating that the enemy who had at first retreated were now advancing in very great force against him, under the command of the Afghan generals, Tatar Khan and Hybet Khan, and requested orders for his conduct: his Majesty replied, “have you not heard that my young general, Shah Abu al Mualy, with only eight hundred horse, has defeated twelve thousand of the enemy, why should you ask for further orders? do as he did.” On receipt of this reprimand, all the chiefs resolved to exert themselves to the utmost.

About this time the Afghans, being puffed up with pride and self-sufficiency, marked out a ford across the Sutlege, opposite to the town of Machwareh, with an intention of crossing the river and of annihilating our small army; but Byram Khan, trusting in the divine protection, and the good fortune of his Majesty, crossed the river by the very ford the Afghans had marked out, and the enemy having in their retreat set fire to some villages enabled our troops by the light of the fires to pierce them with our arrows: thus by the grace of God we obtained a second victory.

After this success our army advanced to Sirhind; from thence the Khan Khanan sent letters to inform his Majesty that Sultan Sekunder, the Afghan emperor, was advancing with an army of eighty thousand horse, while his forces amounted only to seven or eight hundred. As it was impossible for him to contend against so great a superiority, he requested the king would advance to his assistance, or allow him to retreat and form a junction. On receipt of these letters his Majesty wrote, “be patient only for two days, and I will join you.” Accordingly the king crossed the Sutlege at Machwareh, and on the next day joined the army at Sirhind.

The Afghan Emperor advanced at the same time, and encamped opposite our army; he then said to his courtiers, what presumption it is in the king Humayun to oppose our army of eighty thousand horse with only five thousand!”

It now becomes requisite to mention an event in which I was personally concerned. It has been stated, that when the king took possession of Lahore, he appointed collectors to each of the districts of that province: thus when our army had crossed the river Sutlege, we were left without any military support; in consequence of which a body of four hundred Afghans entered the province of Lahore, and began to plunder all around. When this intelligence reached the collectors,^* we consulted together on what was to be done. I advised that we should assemble every man bearing arms that we could, and trusting to the good fortune of his Majesty and the divine favour, advance against the plunderers. This measure being agreed to, we appointed Jellal Sunbuly, a brave and active young man, to lead our advanced guard, and having assembled about four hundred men, we crossed the river Zengy-sar during the night; and at the dawn of day having taken the Afghans by surprise, and led on by the gallant Jellal Sunbuly, we made a vigorous attack on them, and through the good fortune of his Majesty, completely defeated them, and took five of their chiefs prisoners.

We then wrote an account of these transactions to the king, and said, “your slaves have gained a victory over the enemy, and hope it will be a harbinger of your Majesty’s conquest of the Afghan Emperor;” in answer to this letter we received a most gracious firman, approving our conduct, and desiring us to keep the prisoners till the end of the war, when their fate should be decided.

Of the victory gained by the King at Sirhind,^* and the flight of the Afghan Emperor, Sekunder Sur. A. H. 962.—A. D. 1555.

The contending armies having continued for nearly a month encamped opposite each other, his Majesty said, “we must employ the same means against the Afghan Emperor that I did against Sultan Behader of Gujerat, that is, to cut off his supplies of grain and other provisions.” In consequence of this determination, Terdy Beg Khan was ordered with his division to effect this measure. He accordingly marched, and having fallen in with a brother of the Emperor Sekunder Sur, slew him, took all his insignia of nobility, and sent them to his Majesty.

After this event the two armies drew up opposite each other; his Majesty retained the command of one division, the second division was led by the Khan Khanan (Lord of Lords), the third by Shah Abu al Mualy, and the fourth by Sekunder Khan, the Uzbeg. The Afghan Emperor considering that the strongest part of our line was that commanded by the Khan Khanan, made a furious attack upon it; but the Khan having thrown up an entrenchment in his front, merely stood on the defensive. During this time his Majesty was employed in prayer, and a report having been brought that the Khan Khanan was killed, he sent off a special messenger to ascertain the truth; and when informed that the report was groundless, returned thanks to God for it. He then ordered Shah Abu al Mualy and Terdy Beg to wheel round the Afghans and make an attack on their rear, while they were engaged in front. By the favour of the Almighty, who in a moment can convert a beggar to a king, and change a king into a beggar, and his Majesty’s good fortune, this manœuvre was skilfully executed, and in a short time the Afghan army took to flight, and his Majesty obtained a decisive victory.

(Here follows a number of verses from the poet Nekhsheby.)

After this victory his Majesty proceeded towards Dehly; but it having been ascertained that the Emperor Sekunder had taken refuge in the northern hills of the Penjab, orders were given to Shah Abu al Mualy to march to Jallindher and watch the motions of the fugitive; but the aforesaid chief not content with literally obeying his orders, afterwards proceeded to Lahore, where he took upon himself the command of the province, thereby superseding the officers left in charge by his Majesty.^*

As I had received positive orders from the king to procure intelligence of every thing that was going on, even as far distant as Candahar and Kabul, I therefore sent spies into the camp of the Afghan Emperor, who brought me information that Sekunder having seized upon all the treasure he could find, was recruiting his army by employing a number of archers, and every idle person he could collect, and was encamped in the vicinity of the fortress of Mankut. I, therefore, communicated this information to Shah Abu al Mualy, who having consulted with his chiefs, resolved on marching against the Afghans.

But, as I was aware of the inferiority of our numbers, I conjured the chiefs not to think of moving until provided with (Arabeh) carriages: they listened to my advice, and I immediately ordered a quantity of timber which had been brought for repairing the fort to be sawn up, and made into coarse carriages; I further said, here are a number of old chains will answer for some of the hooks and links, the remainder may be made of raw leather, which in fact is better for fastening the carriages together than iron: in short, we made a number of these carriages sufficient to surround the troops, and prevent the enemy from charging on them. Then the humble servant Jouher, in order to forward his Majesty’s service, procured 300 bows, 300 quivers full of arrows, 300 spears, 250 shields, 50 maunds of gunpowder, and 30 maunds of lead for bullets. I also presented the General Abu al Mualy with a coat of mail, and other equipments, with all of which he was much pleased, and spoke very highly of my useful exertions; he even said, “I did not suppose that you had been a person of so much ability; whenever I shall see the king, I will not fail to recommend you in the strongest manner.” He then distributed the above-mentioned articles to such of the troops as required them.

About this time nearly five hundred Moghul soldiers came from beyond the river Oxus to seek for employment; but as very few of them were armed, the General consulted me what he should do with them; I said, “give each of them a bow and a quiver of arrows, and advance them a small sum of money to support them for a month, by which time the business with the Afghans will be settled.” He took my advice, and having advanced the money to the Moghuls, they joined the army as volunteers.

After this the General advanced by easy marches towards the Emperor Sekunder, and every night surrounded his camp, with the carriages chained or tied together with leathern ropes, or with entrenchments.

It so happened, that during Abu al Mualy’s residence at Lahore, he had frequently talked in a very presumptuous and independent manner, which raised suspicions against him, of which the officers in charge of the district thought proper to acquaint the king, and advised him either to return in person, or to nominate some other General to the command. In pursuance of this information his Majesty immediately appointed the Prince Muhammed Akber^* and Byram Khan to command the army against the Emperor Sekunder; in consequence of which, upon their arrival at Sirhind, a number of the chiefs quitted Abu al Mualy’s army and joined the Prince, which of course put an end to the General’s operations against Sekunder, and his own ambitious projects. Abu al Mualy therefore wrote a complaint against these chiefs to the king, in which he mentioned that he had reduced the Afghan Emperor to great straits, and should certainly have captured him, had not the chiefs before mentioned deserted him. He at the same time sent an Arzy (representation) to the Prince and Byram Khan, stating his grievances, and urging them to advance and finish the business, as the enemy were now cooped up at the foot of the hills, but that he should leave the army and return to Lahore.^† Byram Khan also informed his Majesty of all these particulars, said he would immediately proceed with the army to the Penjab, but should order Abu al Mualy to return to the royal presence. Having obtained copies of the king’s answers to these petitions, I subjoin them.

To Abu al Mualy he wrote:

“The representation of that fortunate son was duly received, and what you wrote respecting the misconduct of certain chiefs was understood. Please God, when they rejoin me, I will order their conduct to be enquired into, and punish them according to their deserts; do you return to me immediately.”

To the Khan Khanan he wrote:

“Be it known to my faithful Generalissimo Byram Khan, Khan Khanan, that letters have been received from our (adopted) son Abu al Mualy,^* stating that he had cleared the country of the enemy; why don’t you advance more quickly to his assistance?”

On the very day that Abu al Mualy received the king’s letter, an ambassador (Aylchy) of the Khan Khanan arrived at Lahore, and said to the General, “you have come here without any good reason, you must proceed immediately to the king;” the General replied, “I will set off instantly; call the other chiefs who came with me.” Ishmael Sultan said, “we have marched fourteen coss this morning, and are much tired; besides, it is now evening, and heavy rain is coming on; if approved, we will set off early in the morning.” This being agreed on, they consulted who was to entertain the Khan Khanan’s ambassador, and determined that Jouher was the proper person, as being one of the officers of Lahore. In consequence, I took the agent to my house, and entertained him in a most hospitable manner. The next morning, accompanied by Abu al Mualy and the other chiefs, he set off to join his Majesty.

Account of the death of his Majesty, who now dwells in Paradise, and the ascending the Throne by his Majesty Jellal addyn Akber. A. H. 963.—A. D. 1556.

When Shah Abu al Mualy quitted Lahore, he only marched the first day as far as the king’s palace, there he halted for two days; he then proceeded and reached Calanore, where he was met by the Prince Akber and the Khan Khanan, attended by a number of chiefs, and reciprocal visits were interchanged, and a reconciliation took place; but while the armies were encamped here, the melancholy intelligence arrived that the king Humayun had drunk of the last cup from the hands of the Angel of Death.

“Every soul shall taste of death; death is decreed to every man; and when it arrives, he can neither hasten it, nor delay it a single hour. From God we came, and to him we must return.”

This event happened at Dehly on the 11th of the month Rubby al Avul, A. H. 963, January 21st, A. D. 1556.^*

(Here follows a number of Persian verses; then a long dream of the Author portending this melancholy event.)

He concludes with prayers that the whole habitable world may be subjected to the descendants of the great Emperor Timur, Saheb Keran, and be dependent on the kingdom of Delhy for ever.

He hopes that the liberal and enlightened persons of the age will excuse and pardon the imperfections and errors of his work, and prays that the readers of it may be preserved from all misfortunes.

Copied by Nazir, son of Talib Husseny, in the month of Jemad al Avul, of the year of the reign 19. (Name omitted.)

As very little of the history of Shah Tahmasp is generally known, I have, by permission of the Committee of the Oriental Translation Fund, reprinted the English part of a chapter of the Aalem Aray Abbassy, published by me as an Appendix to the Descriptive Catalogue of the Library of Tippoo Sultan of Mysore in the year 1809, (now out of print,) as throwing a considerable light on the reign of that Persian monarch.

Book I. contains the genealogy of the Persian kings of the Seffy dynasty, traced to Aly, the son-in-law of Muhammed; and the history of Shah Ismael, the first monarch of that race, who commenced his reign, A. D. 1499; also the Life of his son Shah Tahmasp, with memoirs of the learned and other illustrious men who flourished during their reigns.

Book II. The History of Persia from the death of Shah Tahmasp in 1575 to the accession of Shah Abbas.

Book III. Memoirs of the first thirty-three years of the reign of Shah Abbas the Great, who ruled Persia with an iron hand for forty-five years.

Author, Sekunder Humneshyny (the companion, A. D. 1616) dedicated to Shah Abbas.

An Account of the Arrival of Ambassadors from different Monarchs, at the Foot of the Imperial Throne of Shah Tahmasp.^*

When his Majesty, who now resides in Paradise, had settled all the internal commotions of his kingdom, and had concluded a permanent peace with all his neighbours, he resided tranquilly for twenty years at the royal city of Cazvin, without ever moving to any (considerable) distance from it.

During the whole period in which the royal throne was adorned by his Majesty’s presence, the standards of his prosperity daily rose higher, and the eagle of his good fortune at length ascended to the sky. Various Kings sent eloquent ambassadors to his court, entrusted with costly presents and valuable curiosities, as offerings to his Majesty. Of the most potent sovereigns of the world, and rulers of independent kingdoms, who frequently sent embassies to his Majesty, the first was, the chief of the Emperors of the age, the greatest of the Kings of the dynasty of Othman, the Sovereign of Rum, Soleyman the Magnificent,^† who, after being engaged for many years in war with his Majesty, sent the most confidential and principal of his ministers, Mohammed Pasha, with letters, to solicit peace. In return for which compliment, Mir Shems Addeen Khan was sent with an embassy from Persia; to whom the Emperor Soleyman was pleased to say, “From the commencement of the prosperity of the house of Othman to the present moment, although Kings from all quarters of the world have sent ambassadors to us, we have never (before) sent an embassy to any one, nor have we ever done more than merely sent a messenger with letters from our ministers.” And, in fact, it never had been customary with the Othmans to send ambassadors, until Sinan Beg, one of the chief confidants (of Soleyman), who, being taken prisoner by the Persians, and afterwards released, as we have before related, was sent, on the conclusion of peace between the two Empires, by Sultan Soleyman, to demand the Turkish Prince, Sultan Bayezid.^* This ambassador arrived at the Gate of Paradise, Cazvin, A. H. 966, (A. D. 1558); when, having obtained the honour of an audience, he assured his Majesty of the friendship of his master, and stated the objects of his embassy. During the conference, his Majesty observed, “As it is not customary for the Othman princes to send ambassadors to foreign courts, how does it happen that the Grand Signior has now sent you, a pious Mussulman, on this business?”^† The answer which Sinan Beg gave to this question was a very sensible one, and much approved. He observed that it certainly was contrary to their customs to send ambassadors to strangers; but as the strictest intimacy and friendship now subsisted between the two States, and all animosity and jealousy was prefectly eradicated, an exchange of embassies between such friends was by no means inconsistent with their rules and regulations. His Majesty applauded the speaker, and said,—

After the return of Sinan Beg, two ambassadors of the Grand Signior,^* viz. Aly Pasha and Hussen Agha, arrived, attended by an escort of 300, and having in their train altogether 708 persons. They were honoured the first day by an audience in the garden of Saadet Abad, when they presented a letter, replete with expressions of friendship, written entirely by Soleyman himself.

On the second day they were again honoured by an audience at the palace, when they delivered their presents, consisting of various valuable and curious articles; such as, instruments and vessels inlaid with gold and precious stones, daggers, scymitars, cloths of different kinds, and rarities from the several countries of Europe. All these articles were displayed to the royal view, in front of the lofty gallery of the palace, called the Chehel Situm (Forty Pillars). His Majesty, having (some time after) conferred honours on all the members of the embassy according to their respective ranks, gave them their audience of leave.^*

In the year of the Hejira 969, (A. D. 1561,) Khosrau Pasha, a person of the highest rank among the Othmans, accompanied by Aly Agha Capujy Bashi, arrived, and presented letters, written in the most friendly and cociliatory style, from the Emperor Soleyman. The consequences of this embassy have been related in our account of the Prince Bayezid.^† After this a fourth embassy, at the head of which was Asbeg Beg, a confidential person of the Grand Signior’s, arrived at the Heavenly Court, bringing with him numerous presents from the Turkish Emperor for his Majesty of Persia. The most valuable of these were, forty Syrian and Arabian horses, each of which rivalled the others in goodness and swiftness. Every horse bore a saddle studded with gold, silver, and precious stones, and covered with housings of embroidered cloth. There was also the sum of 500,000 Falory^‡ ashrafies, equal, in the currency of Persia, to 50,000 royal Iraky tomans,^* besides various rarities and curiosities; the whole of which his Majesty, whose generous mind is as capacious as the ocean, distributed amongst the princes, nobles, governors, and officers, according to their respective ranks; excepting some articles which he sent to different princes; viz. to the Uzbeg chiefs; to Pir Mohammed Khan, of Balkh; to Abd Allah Khan, of Bokhara; to Abu Saed Khan, of Khuarizm; and to Abul Mohammed Khan, and Jajim Khan, of Urgenj. He also sent a portion of the Othman presents to his mother.^†

After the death of Soleyman, and the accession of Sultan Selim (the Second) to all his father’s dominions, this Prince, in the year 975, (A. D. 1567,) sent a splendid embassy, under Mohammed Agha, to the court of Cazvin. The letter which he brought was written in the most affectionate terms, and in the style of a dutiful son to his father. The subject of it was, soliciting a confirmation and renewal of the treaty of peace, and assurances of eternal friendship. During the course of the following year, the Persian ambassador, Masum Beg Sufavy, having undertaken the pilgrimage of Mecca, was, with his son Khan Mirza and all his retinue, murdered on the road; and thus obtained the honour of martyrdom. The Turks threw the blame of this disgraceful action on the savage Arabian robbers of the Desert; and Sultan Selim sent an ambassador, named Aly Agha, to make his excuses, and to exculpate him from having any share in it. His Majesty, regarding the good of his people, and reflecting on the miseries that a war would bring on the Mussulmans, admitted of these excuses, and disturbed not the chain of friendship.

From the descendants of Jengiz Khan of the tribe of Uzbeg, there arrived, in the year 948, (A. D. 1541,) Adineh Behadur,^* an ambassador sent by Kusken Cara Sultan, the Sovereign of Balkh and its dependencies.

From Abd al Aziz Khan, son of Obeid Khan, King of Bokhara, arrived Khodavurdy Behadur, for the purpose of removing all cause of former enmity, and to establish the bonds of friendship. Frequent embassies also arrived from the Sultan of Khuarizm and Urgunj. From the Princes of the Dekhan often came ambassadors, especially from Nizam Shah, the ruler of Ahmednagur Puttun, and Cutb Shah,^† the ruler of Golcondah and Hyderabad, (both of whom claimed the honour of being Shiahs,) with professions of friendship, and assurances of their great respect for Aly, the other Imams,^‡ and their descendants;^§ on all of whom be the grace of God!

Aly Aadil Shah, the ruler of Bijapor, also frequently sent embassies with assurances of friendship and attachment, accompanied by valuable presents and curiosities. This Prince also informed his Majesty, that he had ordered the Khutbeh^ǁ of the Shiahs to be read in all the mosques through his dominions, in the illustrious name of his Majesty the King of Persia. This circumstance gave much satisfaction; and the ambassadors were gratified by dresses of honour, crowns inlaid (with precious stones), horses with rich saddles, swords, &c. &c.

In the year 971, (A. D. 1563,) Sultan Mahmud Khan, the ruler of Sind and Bikr, sent Abul Mukarim, as his ambassador, with professions of fidelity, and a representation of his family attachment and ancient claims, together with many curiosities and pious offerings. During the year 958, (A. D. 1544,) there arrived ambassadors from the descendants of Shiban the Turkoman chief; also several envoys from the Kings of different countries of Europe; bringing letters containing professions of friendship, together with numerous presents. Although the latter class were strangers to the Mohammedan religion, yet, as they were known by some of the persons connected with the court to be sovereigns of consequence and repute, the envoys were graciously received.^*

Again, in the year 982, (A. D. 1574,) an ambassador of consequence and repute, having a retinue of fifty persons besides servants, arrived at the Imperial court, sent by the King of Portugal, in order to strengthen the foundations of friendship and good faith. This person brought with him some very incomparable presents, and such curiosities as have been very seldom seen at any Mohammedan court; but the ambassadors having been guilty of some action contrary to the Mussulman religion, and the prohibition of the use of mosques, which had been issued by the Christians (in India), prevented their being honoured with any proofs of the royal favour. Nor did they obtain leave to depart during the lifetime of his Majesty; but soon after the accession of Sultan Mohammed (who dwells in Paradise), they received their dismission, and returned in haste to their own country.^*

AALUM KHAN, Sultan Behadur’s principal officer, duped by the Moghuls, 6-7

Abdul Rasid, second son of Shyr Khan, 3

Abdar Khaneh (water house), 163

Abhypur, plains of, Humayun encamped in, 29

Abu Beka, Myrza, 4

Abul Fazil referred to, 69 f. note.

Abyssinian force, 9

Adam, Sultan, Prince Kamran takes shelter in the territory of, 151

Advertisement to the Second Part, 81-85

Afghan farmers, custom of pledging wives and children to Hindu money-lenders prevalent among, 165

Afghans of Joanpur, rebellion of, 3

Agra, capital of the Moghul Emperors, 3, 8; palace of, 11

Ahmadabad, 9

Aka (superintendent), 48

Akber (Badraddyn Mahammed), Prince, birth of, 65; circumcision ceremony of, 122

Akber Nameh referred to, 67 f. note.

Ala Kuly, the chief engineer, 5

Aleg Myrza, 9

Alkum Myrza, Governor of Sehwan, 46

Allah Akber, (God is Greatest), war cry, 166

Alur, 27 f. note.

Amerkote, position of, 55 f. note. Humayun arrives at, 62

Amerkote, Rana of, see Pursaud.

Aris, fort of, 111

Aroul, Raja of, 30

Aru, village, 50

Askery, Prince, 8; Sumbal district conferred on, 11; Prince Akber carried to Candahar by, 77

Ayeen Akbery referred to, 20

Aylchy (ambassador), 174

Baber, Emperor, 28; garden of, at Futtypur Sikry, 34

Baber’s Memoirs referred to, 8, 26, 136 f. notes.

Badukhshan, 122; King of, 134

Balkh, 136, 137

Bayazid, the Afghan, rebellion of, 3

Beef, Humayun’s great aversion for, 121

Beg Myrek, government of Chunar vested upon, 14

Behader, Sultan, 4; defeat of, by Humayun, 5; flight of, to Cambay, 6; treaty with the Portuguese made by, 9

Behera, King arrives at, 39

Behyle, King arrives at, 43

Bejke, Myr, 25

Belgram, 9; district of, 10

Benares, Shyr Khan takes possession of, 18

Bengal, 10; Gour, capital of, besieged by Shyr Khan, 11; Khan Khanan Ludy takes the command of, 19

Bengy, river, 131, 134, 143

Beshy, tribe, 143

Bher Kund (Jar-Kund), district of, 15

Bheker (Baker), King arrives at, 42, 45

Bokhara, 159

Bost, fortress of, 113

Buja, Raja of Benares, 15

Bukshu Lenga, a powerful Zeminder, 41, 52

Bulouches, Humayun hospitably received by the, 77-78

Buluchians, 41

Burhanpur, district of, 4

Buxar, battle of, 12 f. note.

Byke Begum, King’s concubine, 19

Byn, the Afghan, rebellion of, 3

Byram Beg (Khan Khanan), 69, 70, 74, 76; Shah Tahmasp’s improper conduct towards, 91

Cæsaria, bazar of, 110

Callinger, 3

Calpy, 26, 27

Cambay, 6

Candahar, Prince Hindal marches towards, 45; district of, 75; Prince Akber taken to, 77; Humayun takes the fort of, 114; Persians take possession of, 115; retaken by Humayun, 117

Canouge, 9; battle of, 30-32

Carmanian horses, 93

Cashmire, 157

Catalogue of Tipoo Sultan’s Library referred to, 9 f. note.

Cazvin, King invited to come at, 88; King royally received at, 91

Chehar der (four gates), route of the, 125

Chekaw, 70.

Chetur, fortress of, 4

China plate, 65; cup, 163

Chobdar (wand bearer), 57

Chowsar, village of, 22; Shyr Khan surprises Humayun at, 25

Chenab river, 162

Chunar, fortress of, Humayun invests the, 3; Humayun takes possession of, 12-161; Shyr Khan besieges the, 18, 21; ceded to Shyr Khan by Humayun, 23

Chuneh, village, 34; Humayun arrives at, 35

Chunpanyr, fortress of, 5; capital of Gujerat, ib.

Colgong, 17, 21

Cossacks, 4, 66

Couch Behar, 10

Cutch, Raja of, 67

Derya Kulzan (the Caspian Sea), 110

Dilder Begum, mother of Prince Hindal, 44

Diwan, council room, 120

Dow’s History of Hindostan referred to, 26, 69 f. notes.

Edinburgh Gazetteer referred to, 12, 15, 39, 41, 52 f. notes.

Eunuchs, 20

Ewer department, 62, 163

Feroz Shah, Emperor, 156

Feryd Gur, Myr, Humayun pursued by, 26

Feryd Sekergunjy, the Saint, 23

Futtypur Kundavy (Gundava), 73

Futtypur Sikry, 34

Fyruzpur, battle of, 165-66

Georgians, 102

Gicker, tribe, 151

Goompty, river, battle of, 3

Gour, capital of Bengal, Shyr Khan besieges, 11; Humayun takes possession of, 17

Gujerat, 4, 5

Gul Baluch, King halted at, 41

Gundwal (Bayah) river, 37

Gurk Aly, 25

Gurm Syr (warm climate), district of, 78 et note.

Hajypur, 22 f. note.

Haram, 18

Hazareh, village, 29

Helcana, 131

Hemyd Banu, Begum, married to Humayun, 44-45

Herut, city of, 86

Hindal, Prince, 9; Humayun forgives, 28; desertion of, 39; displeasure of, for the marriage of Humayun with Hemyd Banu, for whom he cherished the keenest affections, 45, deserts Humayun in consequence and marches toward Candahar, ib. killed, 149; Humayun’s sorrows for, ib.

Hindoo Kush, mountain, 131, 145

History of Bengal (Stewart’s) referred to, 3, 11 f. note.

Humayun, Emperor, defeat of, at Chowsar, 25; escape of, by swimming across the Ganges, 25-26; Shah Tahmasp’s ignoble conduct towards, 95-97; Tahmasp’s attempt on the life of, 102-103; Shah’s reconciliation with, 103-108; departure of, from Persia, 109; death of, 175

Hussyn, the Turkoman sent by Humayun to Shyr Khan, 15

Hussyn Kurchy, seizure of the wealth of, 63

Hussyn Shah, Sultan, 42

Imam Aly, son of Musa, tomb of, 87; King pays a visit to the, 111-12

Imam Hussyn, the martyr, 57

Indus, river, 41 f. note.

Islam Khan Sur (Sultan Selim) 157

Ismael Shah of Persia, 138

Jacob, the Patriarch, 148

Jagyrs, 18

Jallindher, King retreats to, 37; referred to, 162, 171

Jameh (coat), 141

Jam, Raja of, 67

Jarkund, district of (in Behar), 11.

Jat troops of the Rana, 66

Jehangyr Kuly, 16

Jelal Khan, son of Shyr Khan, 33; submission of, 3

Jellalabad, 160

Jellal addyn, the Saint, 52 footnote.

Jengyz Khan, 33 f. note.

Jesselmir, 51; district of, 58; forts of, 59

Joanpur, 3; province of, 9; Prince Hindal takes possession of, 10 besieged by Shyr Khan, 21

Joseph, son of Jacob, 148

Joudpur, 53

Jougy, pond of, 55

Jouher Aftabchy, the AUTHOR of the Memoirs of Humayun, the Ewar-bearer to the Emperor, 51, 73, 65, 74; attends Prince Akber at Candahar, 77; rejoins the King at Herat, ib.; referred to, 87, 90, 114; Prince Kamran placed in charge of, 154 seqq.; promotion of and salutary advices by Humayun to, 164-65; apologises to the reader for the errors and imperfections of his composition, 176-77

Jumna, river, 26 f. note.

Jûn, 64, 66, 67

Jungel, 51

Kabul, contest between Humayun and Prince Kamran for, 120, 124, 126-27, 145, 147

Kamran, Prince, suspected treachery of, 37-38; marches towards Kabul, 39; the person and property of Kelun Beg, the Governor of Behera seized by, 40; Byram Beg sent to, 113; Humayun takes Kabul from, 120; Kabul recovered by, 124; Humayun takes Kabul for the second time, 126-27 but again recovered by, 145; Humayun takes it for the third time, 147; makes his escape and subsequently captured by Humayun, 152; made blind by order of Humayun, 155-56; permitted to proceed to Mecca, 158

Kasim Hussyn, 22

Kasim Kerachy, 27

Keber Beg, 42

Keruty (water bottle), 51, 162 f. note.

Khan Khanan Ludy, command of Bengal vested on 19; Shyr Khan seizes and confines, ib.

Khelyl Shykh sent to Shyr Khan to sue for peace, 23; warns Humayun of Shyr’s treacherous intentions, 24

Khoda bundeh, Sultan Mahammad, founder of the Shiahs in Persia, the dome of, 95

Khorasan, 78; the province of, 86

Khuandzadeh, sister of Emperor Baber, 114

Khuas Khan, 24

Khushab, King retreats at, 40

Khutbeh, 133

Kibleh (Mecca), 140

Kipchak, battle of, 138-40

Kurra, province of, 9

Lahore, King arrives at, 37

Leilet al Kudder, the celebrated horse presented to King by the Governor of Seistan, 79

Lodi, Mahmud, rebellion of, 3

Lyly, the large gun, 5

Machwareh, battle of, 167

Mahammad, Sultan, son of Shah Tahmasp, 86

Maldeo, Raja, 53, 54, 55, 56; hostilities of, 58-59; affairs settled by the son of, 61

Malwa, province of, 5

Manikpur, province of, 5

Marian Mukany, the Queen, 96

Mary, Queen of Scots, 128 f. note.

Mary, Virgin, 44 f. note

Meshed-Sheryf, King invited to proceed to, 86; King arrives at, 87

Moghul Emperors, the practice of giving entertainments to the ladies of the court by the, 44 f. note.

Moghal merchant, story of a, 54

Mohrs, 63

Monaim Beg, 47

Mongier assaulted and burnt by Shyr Khan, 19; King advances to the vicinity of, 21

Mujenun, the large gun, 5

Mundu, fortress of, 5

Muneah, 16, 22

Murad Bagh (garden of desire), 86

Murry, a village, 4

Musek (leathern bag), 26

Muvyd Beg, 21, 22

Nasir, Myrza, 33

Negro force, the, 9

Nilab (the Indus), 151, 152, 158, 160

Nishapur, King arrives at, 88

Nizam addyn Aulia, 26

Ouch, 41, 51, 52; position of, 52 f. note.

Oude, 10

Oxus, river, 172

Oxydracæ, 41 f. note.

Pat, town, 42; King arrives at, 44

Pattala, 42 f. note.

Pawn (pân?) 153

Pelhudy, village, 54

Penj Sheher, 131; (Penj Cherreh), 146

Perbeham, Raja, King receives generous help from, 26, 30

Perhem, fruit-tree, 53

Persepolis, ruins of, 97, 104

Perwaneh (order), 128, 129

Portugueses of Surat, 9

Pursaud, Rana of Amerkote, hospitable conduct of, towards Humayun, 62-63; Shah Hussyn tries to win over, 68; disruption of, with the Moghuls, Pute, 30

Pylpur, village, 54

Pyr Zadeh (reverend), 42

Queen Marian Mukany, 96

Queen of Scots, Mary, 128 f. note.

Raju, King’s porter, treacherous conduct of, 55

Ravy, river, 39

Rayke Begum, widow of the late Emperor, 121

Refra addyn, Syed, 33

Rennell’s (Major) Map referred to, 131 f. note.

Rhotas, fortress of, 11

Royal Sachek (fruit), 108

Rûmy Khan, the engineer, 5, 11; poisoned, 14

Rushen Beg, King’s foster-brother, 47

Russians, 102

Rutay (Runay) village, 72

Samarkand, 159

Sambal, district of, conferred on Prince Askery, 11

Sehwan, district, 42, 45

Seistan, the Persian province position of, 79 f. note; King enters in, 79

Sekunder (Sur Emperor), 165; defeat of, at Sirhind, 67-70; flight of, 171; preparations for another contest made by, ib.; Moghul General surrounds the camp of, 172; Prince Akber and Byram Beg Khan Khanan sent against, 173

Selim (Sur Emperor), son and successor of Shyr Shah, 150

Semum, 74

Shah Hussyn, hostilities of, 68 et seq.; tries to win over the Rana, 68; fresh hostilities of, 69-71; Humayun agreed to the peaceful proposal of, 71; fresh feud of, 73

Shah Mahammad, 26

Shahrukhy (silver coin, worth about 3s. 6d.) 65, 72, 155

Shah Tahmasp, King of Persia, Humayun sends Byram Beg at the palace of, 90; reception of Humayun at the court of, 94; outrageous conduct of, 95-97; hunting excursion of, 98-99; various causes of Humayun’s dissension with, 100-102; the nefarious plan of destroying Humayun abandoned through the intervention of the brother and sister of, 102-103; Humayun again taken into good graces of, 103-108; he bids farewell to, 109

Shamianeh (screen), 141

Shyr Khan, 3; rebellion of, 11; Humayun’s camp surprised by, 24-25

Sikrygurhy, pass of, 16

Silhet, district of, 20 f. note.

Sind, Ameers of, 52 f. note.

Sinde, river, 46, 47, 148

Sirhind, King’s retreat at, 36; district of, 161, 163, 167; concentration of Emperor Sekunder’s vast army at, 167-68; battle of and defeat of Emperor Sekunder at, 169-70

Soane, river, 16, 22

Soliman, Diwan of (prison), 105

Soliman, Throne of (ruins of Persepolis), Humayun pays a visit to, 97-98

Soliman, Myrza, chief of Badukhshan, 80

Stone Palace, 27

Sudna, Raja of, 67

Suferchy (butler), 94

Suja ad Dowla, 22 f. note.

Sunker (fruit-tree), 53

Sutlege, river, 36, 162, 163

Symech, Raja of, 67

Syria, dome of, 110

Systan, King comes in, 112

Tabriz, 107; position of, 109 f. note.

Tatta, 42

Terdy Beg, 7

Terryagurhy, pass of, 16

Tetta Beg, 25

Timur, 33 f. note.

Tukhti Soliman (the ruins of Persepolis) Humayun visits the, 98

Tuman (coin worth about £1), 98, 128

Tupchack horses, 70

Uzbeg, tribe, 76, 102

Yadgar, Prince, 8; wounded by the peasants, 33; Humayun deserted by, 39; intrigues with Shah Hussyn, 49-50; deceived and expelled by Shah Hussyn, 72-73

Yehy, Sufy, Saint, the tomb of, 22

Zahid Beg, Humayun’s courtier, condemned to death, 18-19; flies to Agra, 19

Zahir, Myr, 42

Zeman, Sultan Mahammad, 8; rebellion of, 9

Zer Afshân (scattering gold), garden, 27, 29