[Challenges to the Reign of Akbar]
The terror which accompanied my father’s renown, without any extraordinary effort, carried all before it on the left of the enemy; but the left wing of the imperial army having been repulsed by Mahommed Hûsseyne Mirza, that chief gained ground considerably on that side, and there stood embattled, in no little confidence of success. Some troops of the advanced guard, however, arriving on the spot, served for some time to keep him in check.
In these circumstances, my father being personally exposed to an incessant discharge of rockets from all quarters, it so happened that one of the rebel sirdars let off a rocket, which by accident taking the direction of one of their own elephants which carried a load of five hundred of these horrible implements of destruction, the whole immediately exploded, one after another, in the direction of their own ranks. These rockets striking at the same time among the other elephants and camels which carried the same destructive projectiles, to the number of a hundred thousand, all exploded in turn; and the elephants in their affright rushing upon their own army, the most tremendous confusion took place, nearly fifty thousand horses being either destroyed or dreadfully mutilated by the rockets. The effects of this fearful explosion were not less destructive among the men, and the whole immediately dispersing in every direction, might be said, to all appearance, to have met with total annihilation.
My father, after proceeding a short distance in advance, suddenly checked his career, discreetly retaining in his hands the reins of strict discipline: while intent on observing the strange discomfiture which was at work among the enemy, who were flying in every direction, as if pursued by an hundred thousand warriors foaming with vengeance. In these circumstances, left with a few only of his personal retinue, my father was attacked by Mahommed Hûsseyne Mirza with his division, and for some time stood opposed to the most imminent personal danger. Maun Sing Derbaury, one of his attendants, combatted successfully in defence of his master; but Rajah Ragudas, another, was killed on the spot; while the faithful Woffadaur, a third, having received three wounds in his arm and hands, was borne from his horse, and compelled to combat on foot for the life of his benefactor.
Fortunately, the assailants seemed still unapprized that they were in presence of the emperor; and it was at such a crisis that three of the enemy’s horsemen were seen making directly for his person. Two of these unaccountably turned aside, and passed on without attacking him; but the third continued to approach until close upon him. My father had seized a javelin from his armour-bearer, and was about to transfix him through the breast, when the man called for mercy, and declared that he came for the express purpose of announcing the splendid opportunity that lay before him; for that, panic-stricken by the exploding of the rockets, the enemy had neither strength nor courage for further resistance: and having thus delivered himself he rode away.
It was afterwards discovered that these three men had actually demanded to be employed against the person of the emperor, whom for some reward they had probably engaged to destroy. But approaching the spot where he fought, two of the assassins, appalled by the majesty of his presence, reined their horses the other way and withdrew: the third with greater boldness advanced close up to the emperor; but observing him couch his lance, and that death was otherwise inevitable, his only resource was to salute him with the annunciation of his victory, an expedient by which he contrived to escape with life.* My father continued to maintain the unequal conflict without shrinking, until the troops of the centre drawing near, gave positive information of the entire discomfiture and dispersion of the rebels. He then gave orders that the imperial troops should pursue to the utmost extremity, and not suffer a man to escape alive.
They now began to collect the spoil, and nearly two thousand elephants, two thousand valuable Parthian horses (horses of Irâk) in mailed caparisons, and fifty thousand* dromedaries, with the small guns on their backs, were led to my father’s presence. Shûjayet Khaun was foremost to congratulate him upon the magnitude of his victory, which could be ascribed alone, he said, to the interposition of Providence, with the influence, perhaps, of his own glorious destiny; for no one, he observed, could have calculated on the presence of the emperor so entirely unexpected, or that the defeat of an enemy’s force so greatly superior should have been so strangely accomplished.
Having made his offering of praise and thanksgiving to the Dispenser of Victory, my father proceeded slowly towards the city of Ahmedabad, and while on his way thither, it was announced to him that Seyf Khaun Koukah had nobly fallen in the battle, and had departed to the mercy of his Creator. For a moment he became deeply affected by the report; but recovering his self-possession, he became sufficiently composed to listen to the particulars of his foster-brother’s fate, who was the brother of Zeyne Khaun.
It is curious to relate, that some days previous to this battle of Ahmedabad, my father had given an entertainment to his Ameirs, at which were present a number of Shanahbein,† or blade-bone soothsayers, of whom he demanded, if their science enabled them to declare to whom, on the impending conflict, the victory would incline. They pronounced without hesitation, that the victory would be with him who was the object of homage, but that one of his most distinguished nobles would fall a martyr in the conflict. That same night Seyf Khaun expressed to my father his earnest hope that this destiny might be his alone, for he was come to die in the cause of his benefactor; and as he wished, so it came to pass. In the course of the battle, he had received two desperate wounds in the face, and he was hastening, covered with blood, to present himself to his sovereign, when intercepted by the division of the enemy under Mahommed Hûsseyne Mirza, he fell, sword in hand, fighting to the last gasp.
Mahommed Hûsseyne Mirza, who had usurped to himself the title and dignity of King of Gûjerat, was led, in his flight from the scene of discomfiture, through a grove or thicket of baubûl trees, the thorns of which being extremely sharp and strong, one of them pierced the foot of his horse, which fell, and the Mirza was constrained to continue his flight on foot. At this moment Guddah Ally Beg, one of those who had the privilege of unreserved access to the presence of my father, overtook and secured the fugitive; so tying his hands behind, lest he might attempt to escape, he placed him on horseback, and brought him to my father. Two other persons, however, claiming the merit of his capture, my father directed his prisoner to decide the point. “Alas!” replied the captive chief, “the emperor’s salt has been my captor:” that is, the guilt of ingratitude for the bounty of my sovereign has led me into the snare. Moved with compassion at his sad reverse, however merited, my father directed that his hands should be unbound from behind, and secured before him. He was then consigned to the custody of Maun Sing Derbaury; but that chief, when he imploringly begged for a draught of water, ungenerously beating him with both hands about the head, my father interposed, and expressing his high displeasure, directed his attendants to relieve the unfortunate man from his own reserve. On this the Mirza seems to have intimated to his conqueror, that it would be advisable not yet to lay aside his precautions, for that, although one of the princes of Gûjerat had been defeated, and was his prisoner, there were three others still at large in the wilderness, who might yet occasion much trouble and alarm.
Slowly continuing his march towards the city, my father now transferred the care of Hûsseyne Mirza to Râi Sing,* whose daughter has at present a place in my domestic establishment, with orders to mount him, with his hands bound, on the back of an elephant, and so convey him into the town. While he was thus proceeding, another body of troops suddenly made its appearance in great force in the midst of the jungle, which although at the moment unknown, was afterwards discovered to be a division of Gûjerat, thirty thousand strong, under Ekhtiaur-ul-Moulk, one of the most powerful chiefs of the province, who now professed to be on his way to do homage at the feet of the emperor.
The imperial troops, naturally enough, becoming alarmed at this fresh display of a hostile force, my father ordered his martial music to strike up once more, and his warriors, mounted on fresh horses, again drew out for battle. In the mean time, Rajah Maun Sing,† Shûjayet Khaun, and Rajah Bugwandas,‡ with some light troops, advanced towards the strangers, and immediately commenced an attack; a volley of arrows, and a fire from nearly five thousand camel-guns, together with a simultaneous discharge of two thousand rockets, being directed at once upon the supposed enemy.
In this situation of affairs, Rajah Bugwandas sent a message to my father, reminding him that it was no longer safe to risk the escape of Mahommed Hûsseyne Mirza, and he therefore entreated his orders to strike off the rebel’s head, as events seemed to have assumed an aspect of rather an alarming tendency. Such, however, was my father’s compassionate disposition, that, notwithstanding the numerous proofs of ingratitude and perfidy on the part of the family, he could not by any argument be prevailed upon to consent to this act of vengeance, however just. It was nevertheless carried to consummation without further ceremony, for the unfortunate Mirza, by a hint from Râi Sing, acting under the directions of Rajah Bugwandas, was suddenly thrown from the back of the elephant to the earth, and his head struck off by Sheir Mahommed.
But to return to Ekhtiaur-ul-Moulk. That chief, when he found it unavoidaable, had dispatched a messenger to assure the emperor, that so far from any hostile design, he was come with no other intention, than of humbly testifying his loyalty at the foot of the throne. The imperial troops having, however, as we have seen, in the confusion of the sudden alarm, commenced the attack, the message could never be delivered, and he now applied his efforts to make his escape towards the hills. He was, however, soon pursued, and finally overtaken by Sohraub Beg the Tûrkomân, who, dismounting from his horse, immediately struck off his head.* Perceiving what had happened, his followers, at least such of them as were well mounted, fled in all directions, although ten thousand of them were thus unnecessarily put to the sword.
After this second victory on the same day, my father entered Ahmedabad without further accident. He remained here for the short period of seven days only; when leaving the province under the government of the Khaun Khanan, the son of Beyram Khaun, he returned to the metropolis.
It was subsequent to this, that the attention of my father was engaged in the conquest of Bengal, and the reduction of the impregnable fortresses of Chittore and Rintumpour, both of which latter undertakings he conducted in person. A chief of the name of Jeimul, who commanded the garrison of Chittore, while viewing the operations of the besiegers through one of the embrasures of the place, he shot through the head with his own hand; and the piece with which he exhibited this proof of his skill as a marksman, to which he gave the name of Droostandauz (straightforward—never to miss), is still in my possession. It must indeed have been a gun of matchless excellence, since my father is known, on good authority, to have killed with it, at different times, of birds and beasts not less than twenty thousand head; which is not less a proof of his singular skill than the goodness of the piece. I am myself not without some skill in the use of this weapon, being exceedingly fond of field sports of every kind, and having frequently with the same piece killed twenty antelopes of a day. I made, however, a vow, that after attaining to the age of fifty, I would never more make use of a fowling-piece, and this was occasioned by the following extraordinary circumstance.
One day being engaged on a hunting party, among a herd of deer or antelopes which we had in view, I perceived one coloured and marked so beautifully, that I singled it out for my own pursuit, strictly forbidding any of my retinue from accompanying me, knowing, indeed, that the animal would be rendered wilder by the appearance of numbers. I discharged my piece, the same Droostandauz, at the creature repeatedly, without perceiving that my shot had any effect. As often as I closed upon the animal it bounded off, as if in entire derision. At last, after a third shot, I had once more approached close to the antelope, when giving a sudden spring, it in an instant disappeared altogether. Either from the sudden spring, or from some cause that I am unable to explain, I fell into a swoon, and remained in a state of total insensibility for the space of two hours; until, indeed, impatient at my non-appearance, my son Khoorum* hastened to the spot in search of me, and applying rose-water to my temples, succeeded at last in restoring me to my faculties. I continued, however, in a state of debility and anxiety of mind for nearly a month; and from that day I solemnly vowed that, after attaining the age of fifty years, I would never make use of my gun in the chase.
Before I dismiss the subject of my royal father, I cannot omit to observe, that in the article of abstinence he was so far scrupulous, that for nearly three months in the year he never tasted animal food; but for the whole of the month in which he was born, he strictly forbid that any animal whatever should be deprived of life. It must however be acknowledged, that he did not keep the fast in the month of Ramzaun; but at the festival at the conclusion, he never failed to repair to the Eidgah, where he performed with due solemnity the double course of prayer, with all the other prescribed acts of devotion: and to compensate for his omission of the general fast, he bestowed their freedom upon three hundred slaves, and distributed fifty thousand rupees among the poor.
Among those who had been most closely attached to me during the period of my minority, was Jummaul-ud-dein Anjû, who had, indeed, in the time of my father, given the strongest proofs of devotion to my interests. He had hitherto held the rank of one thousand, but with the title of Ezz-ud-Dowlah, I now raised him to that of twelve thousand, a dignity never before conferred on any of the Ameirs of my father’s court or my own. I bestowed upon him, at the same time, the insignia of the great drum and standard, a sword set with diamonds, a baldric similarly enriched, and a charger with embroidered and jewelled caparison. Thus did I accumulate upon him an hundred-fold the distinctions which he had held under my father’s government, and still further aggrandized him by investing him with the government of Bahar, with the most ample powers for the exercise of his authority. And yet more, I conferred upon each of his eleven sons the rank of one or two thousand horse, according to circumstances: so that, among all the nobles of my court, none ever attained to such distinction, excepting alone the family of Ettemaud-ud-Dowlah, his children and relatives, to whose hands, indeed, have now been consigned all the cares of my government.
[Regulations, Inheritances, and Appointments]
About this period my attention was engaged in regulating the currency of the empire, for which purpose I issued directions for a new coinage, the silver rupees and mohrs of gold in present circulation among the commercial and other classes having become in the course of time much debased or deteriorated, my object being to give to the new coinage an advantage over the old, and any difference unfavourable, to the new coinage being inadmissible. (Qu.)
Furthermore, having entrusted the funds destined for the support of the general poor to the superintendence of Meiran Sudder Jahaun, I consigned the management of the widows’ fund on the same principle to Hadjy Koukah. About the same period I advanced Zauhid Khaun from the order of fifteen hundred to that of two thousand.
Another regulation which I considered it expedient to introduce about this period was the following: in the time of my father the superintendant of the present department, whenever it was thought fit to distinguish any person by the gift of a horse or elephant, the supply being always furnished from the imperial stables, was known to enjoy an annual profit to the amount of five laks of rupees,* equivalent to fifteen thousand tomauns of Irâk. This practice, which I considered equally absurd and oppressive, I caused to be abolished altogether; and I directed that henceforth the imperial bounty was not to be encumbered with any exaction in the shape of fee, perquisite, or emolument whatever.
It may be proper to mention here the arrival about this period of Sâlbahan from the Dekhan, with the property and effects of the departed Sûltan Danial, the middlemost of my brothers, which he now placed at my disposal. Among these may be enumerated fifteen hundred elephants of the largest class, each of which might be considered cheap at the price of four laks of rupees.† To these must be added eight thousand horses of the best breed of Irâk and Badakhshaun, none of less value than the other, and eight thousand road or despatch camels. These were accompanied with all the appendages, all the requisites of a splendid court, with articles of gold brocade from China and elsewhere, the finest piece-goods of the manufacture of Gûjerat, and other commodities of the most valuable description. His jewels alone were estimated at fifty laks of ashrefies;* the specie in his treasury amounted to six or eight laks more: the whole of which was now brought to account in my presence.
On the same occasion the three hundred women of my brother’s harram were put under my protection. To these I caused it to be explained, that if any were desirous of being disposed of in marriage they were to make it known to me, and they would be betrothed to such of the retainers of my court as I might think fit. It is to be observed, that each of these females possessed a regular allotment of jewels, vestments of gold brocade, utensils of gold and silver, a canopied elephant and horses, as also a separate establishment of handsome eunuchs and beautiful female slaves, and last of all a dower or marriage portion of three laks of rupees; all of which I freely relinquished to be conveyed with them to such of my Ameirs as they chose to espouse: thus at once relieving them from their constitutional wants, and myself from female importunity.
Among my brother’s elephants devolved to me on the occasion was one of which I could not but express the greatest admiration, and to which I gave the name of Indraguj (the elephant of India). It was of a size I never before beheld: such as to get upon its back required a ladder of fourteen steps. It was of a disposition so gentle and tractable, that under its most furious excitements if an infant unwarily threw itself in its way, it would lay hold of it with its trunk and place it out of danger with the utmost care and tenderness. The animal was at the same time of such unparalelled speed and activity, that the fleetest horse was not able tokeep up with it, and such was its courage that it would attack with perfect readiness an hundred of the fiercest of its kind.
Such in other respects, although it may appear in some degree tedious to dwell upon the subject, were indeed the qualities of this noble and intelligent quadruped, that I assigned a band of music to attend upon it, and it was always preceded by a company of forty spearmen. It had for its beverage every morning a Hindustauny maunn of liquor, which is equal to ten maunns of Irâk; and every morning and evening there were boiled for its meals four maunns of rice and two maunns of beef or mutton, with one maunn of oil, or clarified butter.* And this, it is to be remembered, although the elephants which descended to me on the demise of my father, alone amounted to twelve thousand, was the daily allowance allotted to each animal. From among all the others the same elephant was selected for my morning rides, and for this purpose there was always placed upon its back a throne or howdah of solid gold. Four maunns Hindustauny of gold was moreover wrought into rings, chains, and other ornaments, for its neck, breast, and legs: and lastly, its body was painted all over every day with the dust of sandal-wood.
It having been represented to me by certain individuals, that the departed Shah-zadah had, as formerly intimated, made use of force not only in the purchase of his elephants but of almost every other species of property, I caused it to be proclaimed, that if any of the persons thus aggrieved would come forward with their claims I was ready to make a restitution, in behalf of my brother, for any loss they might have sustained in their transactions with him.
I had in my possession a certain fowling-piece, for which I understood that Mirza Rustum had offered to the former owner the sum of twelve thousand rupees and ten horses, without success. As this appeared to me an extravagant consideration, I wrote to that person desiring to know what were the peculiar excellencies of the piece that could have induced such an offer. In reply he informed me, in the first place, that if fired a hundred times successively without intermission, the piece was never inconveniently heated; in the next place, that it was self-igniting, i. e. it was a firelock and not a matchlock; in the third, that a ball discharged from it never missed the mark; lastly, that it carried a ball of five mathkals weight. All these excellencies notwithstanding I made him a present of the gun.
On Saturday the seventeenth of Shavaul, of the year one thousaud and twenty,† I presented my son Khoorum‡ with a necklace of pearl and a diamond jeighah or aigrette, altogether of the value of eight laks of rupees.ǁ In process of time, indeed, Khoorum became the proprietor of jewels to a very extraordinary amount. I only wish that in genius, and virtue, and every good quality, he may surpass all my other children in an equal degree.
On this same day I received from Kauzy Abdullah of Kabûl a written memorial representing the inconvenience and injury to the public revenue that would arise, if my ordinance for the general remission of zekaat throughout the empire should extend to all descriptions of merchants, or such as thought proper to assume that character. It instantly occurred to me that this representation on the part of the worthy Kauzy had its origin, nevertheless, in views of sordid self-interest, and not, as he wished to make it appear, in zeal for the advancement of the revenue. I therefore issued a further decree, ordaining that whatever the question of merchant or no merchant, I peremptorily remitted the duties to all passengers conveying effects through the country without distinction. I caused it to be made known, moreover, that no person serving in my armies was to presume to transgress an order thus publicly repeated; and those employed to guard the passes into the country were charged, as they valued their heads, to beware, a thousand times over to beware, of making the collection of duty or any other object the pretext for oppressing the peaceeble traveller with exactions in any shape whatever.
Seyed Kamaul, the son of Seyed Abdulwahab the Bokharian, had been invested by my father with the government of Dehly, an appointment which he had been permitted to retain for a number of years. In the discharge of this important trust it now however appeared, that he had indulged in practices utterly inconsistent with that integrity which should ever distinguish the character of a just and upright government. For this it was at first my determination to bring him to condign punishment, the love of justice being the predominant principle in my nature. But recollecting the distinction which he enjoyed in my father’s friendship, I was prevailed upon to forgive, without inflicting upon him any other penalty than suspension from his authority.
When I decreed the remission of zekaat (or tenths) throughout Hindustaun, the indulgence was extended to the province of Kabûl and its dependencies, of which latter altogether the revenue amounted in the time of my father to a krour of ashrefies.* Now the province of Kabûl may be considered to bear towards Hindustaun the same relation as Irân to Tûuraun. I was therefore desirous that the natives of Khorassaun and Ma-wer-un-Neher (Transoxiana) should enjoy the same advantages in the bounty of my government, in every respect, as the people of Hindustaun.
I had transferred the jaguir of Assof Khaun to Bauz Bahauder; but as the former stated that he had a claim on his jaguir for an arrear of two laks of rupees, I ordered the transfer to be suspended until such arrear should have been paid up. In the meantime, I directed that the sum of one lak of rupees should be immediately given to Assof Khaun from the imperial treasury, while Bauz Bahauder was enjoined to collect this arrear, and remit the whole to government:— about the same period, I conferred upon Sherreif Khaun the Afghan, who had accompanied my son Parveiz on the expedition against the Rânah of Oudipour, a donation of thirty thousand rupees. On the same day I bestowed the daughter of my great uncle, Hindal Mirza, upon Shah Kûly Khaun Mohurrem. She had been chosen by my father to take care of my son Khoorum.
[Khossrou's Flight]
On the evening of Sunday the eighth of Zilhudje, of the year one thousand and fourteen,* and at the expiration of the second watch of the night, it was that, misled by the counsels of evil-disposed and turbulent men, my son Khossrou became a fugitive from his father’s presence, directing his views towards the territory of the Punjaub.
Soon after the hour just stated, the chiraghtchey, or lamp director of Khossrou’s household, who was attached to the interests of Vezzeir-ul-Moulk, came and reported to that minister, that at the second watch of the night the Shahzâdah had left his quarter in the palace, and that the night-watch had expired without his re-appearance. Vezzeir-ul-Moulk conducted the man immediately to the Ameir-ul-Oomra, who had just quitted my presence and was on his way home, and to whom this extraordinary occurrence was now communicated. The Ameir-ul-Oomra repaired without delay to the palace, and having with some difficulty awakened the eunuchs in Khossrou’s quarter, from them it was soon ascertained that the prince had actually absconded. A further delay of an hour and a half was consumed in making these necessary inquiries, and then the Ameir-ul-Oomra hastened to make known to me the circumstances of an event so extraordinary. I had retired for the night to the interior of my harram, and the minister had desired Khoujah Ekhlauss to inform me that he had something to communicate which demanded instant attention.
Conceiving that some intelligence had arrived either of disturbances in Gûjerat, which was ever the abode of turbulence and sedition, or of some hostile movements peradventure in the south of India, I joined the minister with no other expectation; when I received from him in detail all that he had been able to discover of the Shahzâdah’s unaccountable disappearance. In my first surprise, I demanded in some perturbation what was best to be done; whether I should take horse in person, or despatch my son Khoorum in pursuit of the fugitive. The Ameir-ul-Oomra observed in reply, that if I would favour him with my commands, he entertained not a doubt but that, with God’s assistance and the influence of my imperial fortune, he should be able to bring this untoward event to a termination consistent with my wishes. He demanded, however, with considerable earnestness, what were my orders should matters come to an extremity, and the Shahzâdah appeal to the sword? I replied, that if he perceived that the affair could not be determined without a conflict, he was not to fail in the application of the resources placed at his disposal. In the concerns of sovereign power there is neither child nor kin. The alien who exerts himself in the cause of loyalty, is worth more than a thousand sons or kindred. He that employs his faculties to promote the interests of his benefactor, must command the utmost in the power of his sovereign to bestow. The son who in the presumption of his heart forgets the duty which he owes to his father, and the unnumbered marks of royal bounty so liberally bestowed, is to me, in every sense, a stranger. Though my son be considered the stability of the throne, yet when he betrays his hostile designs, he must be compared to the man who saps the foundation of his house and builds upon the upper story (terrace).
Again, the man who puts the seal to his ingratitude by an open demonstration of enmity, cannot expect that for him I should any more regard the claims of blood or proximity. Nay, have we not, in this respect, in Isslam a distinguished example laid, in the domestic policy of the monarchs of the house of Othman, who for the stability of their royal authority, of all their sons preserve but one, considering it expedient to destroy all the rest. What, then, if for the preservation of the state, if to prevent the disorders that might otherwise interrupt the peace of the world, I should think it necessary to extinguish the mischief, though it shew itself in the bosom of my own family? But independently of these considerations, I should have but little to boast of in capacity for the exercise of the power intrusted to me, if, after such a flagrant proof of his total disregard of filial duty, with my eyes open, I should ever again be tempted to intrust this wretched fugitive with the slightest share of authority. This would indeed be, with mine own hands to consign the power delegated by the Almighty supreme, to those ruinous contingencies to which the world would be exposed, from the baneful effects of profligacy and ignorance. I have never given countenance to an act of violence, even in a matter of the most trifling importance, how then can I pass it over in an affair of such vital consequence as that which now demands our exertions?
These reflections, suggested by a prudent concern for the general tranquillity, may perhaps be considered superfluous to a man of the Ameir-ul-Oomra’s experience and discretion; but he seemed, on the occasion, to have sought advice from a principle of foresight, and more especially to give confidence and stability to men’s minds. When he had, however, proceeded a short distance from my presence, it occurred to me, that although from long and intimate knowledge of my person, his zeal and attachment stood above all question, yet at such a crisis this sudden departure from my presence might furnish to the evil-disposed and disaffected some suspicion against his loyalty; and I could not immediately divest myself of some uneasiness at the thought that his departure was in company with my son Khoorum, who was something younger than Khossrou. I need not observe, that with the generality of mankind the maxim is that the succession should rest in the eldest brother.
At the expiration of the third astronomical hour of the night, at all events, and not long after the Ameir-ul Oomra, whom I considered as a son, and who certainly enjoyed the most intimate share of my confidence, had taken to horse, I also felt myself irresistibly impelled to follow him.* In these circumstances I sent however to recall that minister, giving orders, at the same time, to Sheikh Fereid the Bukhshy to get in readiness all the troops that night on guard in the palace of Agrah. I also instructed Ehttemaum Khaun, who was kotwaul, or superintendant of police of the city, to despatch in every direction the most active messengers, announcing the event to the principal ameirs on the frontiers, and in every city and town through the empire, and requiring their immediate presence under the imperial standard. Those already on the spot received orders to be prepared to attend my person at the shortest notice.
The forty thousand long-tailed horses feeding in my stables were now brought forward, and as many as were required were immediately distributed among the most experienced and bravest of my guards and veterans, even to the number of one and two hundred each to many of the ameirs. I ordered out the whole of the swiftest road-camels of my establishment, to the number of one hundred thousand, and to every soldier who was not possessed of one fit for service was now given a fresh camel, with every other requisite equipment for the march. Every ameir and mûnsebdaur not immediately in attendance was at the same time directed to follow me without delay. Doust Mahommed and Mahommed Beg the Kabulite, whom I had recently dismissed for Kabûl and the Punjaub, and who had encamped some distance beyond Sekundera, now returned with the information that Shahzâdah Khossrou with thirty thousand followers had passed in that direction, and that he was marching with his utmost expedition towards the Punjaub.
After having distributed the fleetest horses and the swiftest going camels in my possession to every man whom I could trust, I mounted my horse; and as it seemed pretty well understood that the fugitive had taken the road to the left, I caused every one whom we met to be examined on the subject, and all agreed that he was certainly proceeding towards the provinces on the Indus.
About daybreak I arrived at Sekundera, three kôsse from Agrah, where has been erected my father’s mausoleum. Here Mirza Hussun, the son of Mirza Shah Rokh, who had been intercepted in attempting to join Shahzâdah Khossrou, was brought to my presence; and as he did not pretend to make any denial of the fact, I ordered him to be mounted on a camel with his hands tied behind him.
On this occasion, doubtless under the influence of my father’s blessed spirit, an omen was displayed in my favour, which, however extraordinary it may appear, I cannot omit noticing in this place; and the more so, because it was something similar to what occurred at a remote period to my grandfather Homayûn. That prince, when about the age of fifteen, was on his way to visit the tomb of his father, the illustrious Bâber, and seeing a certain bird crossing his path, observed to his attendants, that if it were his destiny to succeed to the empire, the arrow which he was about to discharge would reach the bird at which he was taking aim. To his great delight the arrow passed right through the head of the bird, which fell dead at his feet. His conclusion was, that thenceforth, no design of any importance should be undertaken on his part without some such appeal to the decrees of destiny, since he had a firm persuasion that the accomplishment would infallibly correspond with the omen.
But to describe what took place in my own regard. I had mounted my horse on quitting my father’s resting-place, and had not yet proceeded a kôsse on my march, when a man came to meet me who could not have possessed any knowledge of my person, and I demanded his name. He told me in answer that his name was Mûrad Khaujah. “Heaven be praised,” said I, “my desire shall be attained.” A little further on, and not far from the tomb of the Emperor Bâber, we met another man, driving before him an ass loaded with fire-wood, and having a burden of thorns on his own back. I asked of him the same information, and he told me to my great delight that his name was Dowlet Khaujah (‘sir fortune’), and I expressed to those who were in attendance how encouraging it would be if the third person we met should bear the name of Saadet (‘auspicious’). What then must have been the surprise when proceeding a little further on, on the bank of a rivulet to our right, and observing a little boy who was watching a cow grazing hard by, I ventured to ask him also his name; his answer was, my name is Saadet Khaujah (‘sir felix’). A clamour of exultation arose among my attendants, and with feelings of equal gratitude and satisfaction, I from that moment determined that, in conformity with these three very auspicious prognostications, all the affairs of my government should be classed under three heads, to be called Eymaun-o-thalâtha (‘the three signs’).*
The second watch of the day had now expired, and the sun having attained the meridian, I was tempted to avail myself of the appearance of a shady tree to shelter myself against the scorching heat of the atmosphere. At this moment some melancholy reflexions passing through my mind, I could not forbear observing to Khaun-e-Auzem, that with all the accompaniments of imperial splendour, and the absence of all concern for the result, I was nevertheless exposed, and still more so were those who attended me, to many very serious inconveniences, against which we had not had the leisure sufficiently to provide; but what were these to the hardships endured by the unhappy boy who was flying under all the discouragements of guilt and dismay! Alas, what are our inconveniences to the sufferings in body and mind under which he labours? I confessed that my resentment was, however, not a little aggravated by the reflection that hostilities should have arisen at so early a period of my reign, and in such a quarter; that those who had shared for so many years in my toils and solicitude, should have thus exposed themselves to the inflictions of my just revenge. Nevertheless it afforded me some consolation that if I had not averted the imputation of neglect by taking horse at the instant, the wretched fugitive would by this time have gained some frontier ground, and there found himself joined by numbers of the factious and discontented—the perfidious hypocrites by whom he would have been soon surrounded. That I should personally engage in the enterprize was therefore without alternative, if I hoped to secure any reasonable prospect of success.
But to proceed with the narrative of this unnatural revolt. Arriving at a village remarkable for its numerous tanks and delightful groves, I determined there to encamp. It now appeared that when Khossrou reached Muttra, which is one of the most venerated places of Hindû worship (the Keblahgah, in fact), Hussun Beg the Badakhshanian entered the town with a body of his troops, and proceeded to exercise upon the defenceless inhabitants every species of violence and outrage; forcing from every one all the money they could lay hands on, and otherwise perpetrating such acts of profligacy and barbarity, that there remained no security for either sister, wife, or daughter in the whole neighbourhood. In short, such were the atrocities of every description of which these barbarians were guilty, that the unhappy Khossrou, not less alarmed than disgusted at the scenes of licentiousness and havoc of which he was thus compelled to be a witness, broke forth among his attendants, in terms of agony and bitter self-reproach, to the following effect: “Alas,” said he, “whither am I led, and from whom is it that I have been persuaded to separate myself? What is become of the glory which once surrounded my most ordinary enjoyments, that I should now be driven to address by the respected title of Ameir, those who have arisen from the very scum and dregs of society! That I should be compelled thus passively to look on at the enormities committed by such men on the subjects of my father’s government!”
With these expressions upon his lips of repentance, self-reproach, and useless regret, suitable to the desperate lot to which he had abandoned himself, he nevertheless refrained, through folly and a false sense of shame, from recurring to the only remedy by which he could have been saved from ruin. For, as I stand in the presence of God, had the unhappy Khossrou, at this moment of returning shame and remorse, presented himself before me, not only would his offences have been overlooked, but his place in my esteem would have been higher than any thing he had previously enjoyed. Of this he had already experienced the strongest proof, when, after his unfilial conduct during the illness of my father, which I must have suspected to have arisen from hostile views and motives of the most dangerous nature, yet on his bare expression of repentance and a returning sense of duty, I freely banished from my mind every unfavourable impression. With regard to the circumstances of my father’s last illness, and the means by which the duplicity and hostile designs of some turbulent ameirs became known to me on that occasion, I may remark that the influence of my predominant fortune was finally triumphant, and without the slightest effort of human skill God Almighty placed the empire of Hindûstaun at my disposal. The story and the events of which it furnishes the recital are among the extraordinary things of the age in which we live, and the particulars may be learnt with sufficient accuracy in the following relation.
[Akbar's Last Days]
On Monday the nineteenth of the former month of Jummaudy, of the year one thousand and fourteen,* during a paroxysm of his complaint, the inmates of my father’s harram proposed to him, previous to his taking a particular draught (the noush-e-jaun or life draught) to eat of some fruit and other delicacies presented to him. The effect of this indulgence was a violent indigestion, and as his anger was at the same time to a violent degree excited against Amein-ud-dein, whom reproaching in severe terms for his gambling propensities, this combined with the previous malady, produced results so unfavourable, that the whole of the ensuing day was passed in complete abstinence, not a morsel passing his lips. This was on the Tuesday. On the next ensuing, which must have been Wednesday, they administered to him the before-mentioned draught in some broth. Another day he spoke in terms of displeasure to Hakeem Ally, one of his physicians; who endeavoured to appease him [if it be possible to make common sense of the passage] by assuring him, that things done under the influence of alarm were always unavailing, and that his constant solicitude was the application of such remedies as were best calculated to relieve him.
My father, however, not less for the purpose of tranquillizing the alarm of his attendants than that of sustaining the remnant of life, consented to eat of some rue and vetches dressed with oil [the Indian dish called kithery, made of rue and dohl and eaten with ghee or clarified butter]. But such was the debilitated state of his bowels, that what he had eaten could not be digested, and a violent dysentery was the result. Hakeim Muzuffer, another of the physicians, now pronounced that his brother physician had grossly erred in his prescriptions, particularly in allowing melon to his patient, at the commencement of the attack. From a just repugnance to take away from any man his reputation, and perhaps from a disposition to forgive, I determined that Hakeim Ally should not be trodden under foot, at a mere malicious suggestion, or an accusation on the part of Mûzuffer actuated by mere jealousy. “If,” thought I, “God’s destiny and the blunders of the medical class did not sometimes concur, we should never die.” This much, on a feeling of discretion and kindness, I confessed to Hakeim Ally; but on the bottom of my heart all confidence in his skill was extinguished.
During the last ten days of his illness, I attended my father as usual for two or three quarters of time in the latter part of the day; and this I continued to do until Tuesday the fourteenth of the latter Jummaudy, when he became so greatly reduced that I remained with him from the time at which his medicine was administered in the morning for the remaining part of the day. While he was yet in a state to discriminate, he advised me on one occasion to keep away from the palace; at all events, never to enter unattended by my own guards and retainers: and it now occurred to me that it would be prudent not to neglect such advice; that at such a crisis it behoved me in my intercourse with the palace to employ the most guarded circumspection. One day I entered the citadel accordingly attended by my own retinue. The very next day, without consulting their sovereign, they dared to close the gates of the citadel against me, and actually brought forward the ordnance on the towers.
On Thursday the sixteenth, perceiving the pretence of alarm under which these men were screening themselves, I discontinued my visit to the palace altogether; and I then received by Mokurreb Khaun, a note from Maun Sing expressing on his part the expectation that I would concur in their views. On this occasion I must in gratitude observe, that Mokurreb Khaun employed his opportunities within the citadel with unceasing zeal and activity, and without allowing himself the ordinary intervals of repose, to promote my interests, and succeeded in a considerable degree in reclaiming the different Ameirs to a better sense of what was due to me. Of him I shall in this place also further observe, that holding already, under my father’s government, the rank of an Ameir of two thousand, I repeatedly urged him to point out in what way I could be of further service to him; and when my father advanced me to the order of twelve thousand, the first of my own train that I made a mûnsebdaur, or dignitary, was Mokurreb Khaun, on whom, by an additional thousand, I then conferred the order of three thousand horse; but of his sincere and unabated zeal for my service I have ever experienced the very strongest proofs.
How deeply my feelings were agonized at the thoughts of being excluded from the sight of my father, during the period in which I thus abstained from entering the castle of Agrah, I for some time withheld myself from communicating to any man, resigning myself entirely to the will of God. There were, however, a few on whose discretion and experience I could rely, to whom I finally made known the circumstances of pain and grief by which I was oppressed. These were Meiran Sudderjahaun, Meir Rezza-ud-dein the Kazvinian, and Khaujah Weiss of Hamadaun.
These confidential friends took occasion to remind me of what had occurred to Shah Issmâil and Sûltan Hyder Mirza, on the very night of the death of Shah Tahmasp of Persia. Certain of the ameirs had, it seems, entered into a coalition for the sovereignty of Issmâil Mirza, who resided in the citadel of the metropolis; and on the night on which it was their turn to be on guard in the citadel, they entered into a consultation with the sister of Issmâil Mirza, to whom they communicated that there was a design on foot among some other ameirs to seize the persons of the adverse party, and to raise Hyder Mirza to the throne. That same night Shah Tahmasp expired; and Hûsseyne Beg with the ameirs who sought the elevation of Hyder Mirza, receiving the intelligence, brought his brother Mûstafa Mirza immediately against the place, and commenced a most furious assault. At last, conceiving the success of their resistance rather doubtful, the garrison of the citadel, to put an end to the dispute, struck off the head of Sûltan Hyder Mirza and threw it over the walls. Losing courage at the sight, Mûstafa Mirza immediately fled with ten thousand men in his train; by whom he was, however, soon abandoned, with the exception of Hûsseyne Beg and his brothers. But Mûstafa Mirza, not long afterwards, was seized by the same Hûsseyne Beg, and delivered to the new monarch Shah Issmâil, by whom he was finally put to death.
But to resume my particular narrative. Having with the advice of my truest friends discontinued my visits to the castle, I sent my son Parveiz with an apology to my father, stating that I was prevented from attending upon him that day by a severe pain in my head. My father, lifting up his hands in prayer for my health, sent Khaujah Weissy to intreat that if possible I would come to his presence, for that he had no longer any hope of life, particularly under the violent paroxysms of his complaint. “Alas!” said he, “what a time is this that thou hast chosen to be absent from my person, when thou knowest that, on my demise, the succession to the crown is without dispute.” Perceiving the crisis at which matters were arrived, the perfidious ameirs proceeded to swear the Mûssulmans on the Korân and the Hindûs on salt, that they had but one and the same language with themselves in their hypocritical design. Sheikh Fereid the Bokharian, who passed much of his time among these hypocrites, because with all his kindred he was in attendance upon the emperor, was in constant friendly communication with the faithful Mokurreb Khaun; while Mirza Koukah, usually entitled Khaun-e-Auzem, after the Mûssulmans and Hindûs had taken the oaths, sent a message to Shahzâdah Khossrou, my unduteous son, to congratulate him on his approaching elevation. But he desired to know whether father and son were of one mind and one language on the subject, that, as he said, he might not be rendered odious to, or disgraced by one or other of the parties. To these absurd and selfish speculations Khossrou sent for answer, that the succession having been secured to him beyond all question, all these scruples appeared to be quite superfluous.
Both Mirza Koukah and Khossrou thus equally assured, the latter suggested to Rajah Maun Sing, that as there remained in the emperor scarcely a spark of life, it was evident that he would not be able to bear the motion of the sookpal,* and that if he should happen to expire in the removal, a heavy responsibility would rest with some one or other of them: he must therefore caution him to be upon his guard, for that there was not the smallest necessity for conveying the sick monarch out of the castle of Agrah. The argument seemed to have convinced the Rajah: nevertheless, watching the moment when my father should recover from a fit of delirium, he ventured to propose, that as the whole body of the people collected under Shahzâdah Seleim (the memorialist) were besieging the castle, if it were his pleasure it might be as well to remove for a few days to the other side of the Jumnah; and the moment his health was restored, he might return again without obstacle to his palace. The sick monarch demanded, in reply, why this was come to pass? Surely they had not shut the gates of the castle in the face of the Shahzâdah, and thus been the cause of his drawing the troops together? With the assistance of some of his attendants, the emperor turned to the other side on his bed, and Mirza Azziz Koukah, on whose brows be now for ever placed the blushing (rosy) chaplet of falsehood, observing his master reposing in that condition, entered the chamber, and making a sign with both hands, presumed to ask what were his majesty’s commands with respect to Khossrou.
To this the sick monarch replied, “the decree is God’s decree, and of him alone is the sovereignty. For my own part, with one mind I retain a thousand hopes. Surely, in giving a loose to such language in my presence, you have abandoned me to the jaws of death. Nevertheless it may happen that I have still some portion left in this life. If, however, the awful crisis be at hand—if the hour of departure be arrived, can I have forgotten the military promptitude, political sagacity, and other qualities indispensable to the successful exercise of sovereign power, which at Allahabad I witnessed in Seleim Shah? Neither do I find that the love and affection which I have ever borne him has for a moment been diminished. What if, through the misguidings of the evil one, he should for an instant have been led astray from his filial duty, is he not my eldest born, and, as such, the heir to my throne: to that throne which by the institutes of my race belongs to the eldest son, and never descends to him who is in years the younger? But the six months’ wide territory of Bengal I bestow upon Khossrou.”
Having received these assurances from my father’s lips, the specious hypocrites repaired in numerous groups to my presence, in such throngs, indeed, that the people had scarcely room to breathe. What, however, they thought necessary to communicate to me, they made known through Meiran Sudderjahaun Meir Jummaul-ud-dein Hûsseyne Anjû and Eidy Khaujah, and this was to the following effect: “The emperor, our sovereign, in giving to your son Khossrou every augmentation of rank, always instructed him to address your highness by the appellation of Shah-Bhye;* our prayer to your highness therefore is, that your treatment of your son shall be in every respect paternal.” My answer was, that in his conversation with me, my father never addressed me by any other name than that of bâba (child): it cannot, therefore, be denied, that on such occasions I was acknowledged as your future emperor; for the son can never be either brother or father.
By this answer the ameirs appeared to be involved in some perplexity, neither was it in their power to make any thing of a reasonable, much less a satisfactory reply. They seemed penitent of the part they had taken, and acknowledging their folly, cordially resolved on yielding to me, without further opposition, every proof of submission and allegiance; with the exception, however, of Mirza Koukah, who conveyed to me a second time his request for a private and confidential interview. In answer, I sent to apprize him, that in consideration of many important services formerly rendered to my family, I had overlooked a long list of offences, some of them of considerable magnitude; and I had so overlooked them, because men sometimes expose themselves to the bitterness of remorse, without designing to offend. Would to God that I myself had no offence to answer for! “How often,” said I, “have I not surrendered to thee the very inmost recesses of my heart, the repository, as far as thou wert concerned, of every kind feeling, liberality, and indulgence?” What more than this could he desire? Nevertheless, after so many proofs of my benevolence, if, in default of this interview, our intercourse was to cease, I consented to his request.
On Saturday, the eighteenth of the latter Jummaudy,* Sheikh Fereid the Bokharian came to do homage to me, and for thus anticipating his compeers in attention to my interests, he received from me the pre-eminent trust of principal functionary in all affairs, whether civil or military, together with the usual appendages of a scimitar, jeighah, and charger superbly caparisoned, together with one lak of rupees in specie. After him came Rajah Maun Sing, whom I also presented with an enriched kreisse and baldric, a horse and furniture, and otherwise treated with friendship and distinction. The day following Khossrou himself, accompanied by the same Rajah Maun Sing† and Mirza Azziz Koukah, was admitted to my presence; the latter urging me upon the request that the province of Bengal should be bestowed in full sovereignty upon Khossrou, and that Payendah Mahommed Teheghal should be sent to attend or assist him in his government.
Although it must be considered inconsistent with the ordinary maxims of policy to have allowed of the absence of Khossrou from my presence at the very commencement of my reign, obnoxious as he was to the suspicion of such ambitious views, and all about my person concurring in the opinion, I ventured, nevertheless, to comply with this request. I directed, at the same time, that they should embark and cross the Jumnah without entering the castle of Agrah, assuring them that as soon as the impending mournful event should have taken place, they would be permitted to proceed towards Bengal.
At this crisis of anxious suspence, my father sent me one of his dresses, with the turban taken from his own brows, and a message, importing that if I were reconciled to live without beholding the countenance of my father, that father, when I was absent, enjoyed neither peace nor repose. The moment I received the message, I clothed myself in the dress, and in humble duty proceeded into the castle. On Tuesday, the eighth of the month, my father drew his breath with great difficulty; and his dissolution being evidently at hand, he desired that I would despatch some one to summon every ameir, without exception, to his presence: “for I cannot endure,” said he, “that any misunderstanding should subsist between you and those who for so many years have shared in my toil, and been the associates of my glory.” Anxious to comply with his desire, I directed Khaujah Weissy to bring the whole of them to the dying monarch’s sick chamber. Their names, were I separately to enumerate, would render our narrative unnecessarily tedious.
My father, after wistfully regarding them all round, intreated that they would bury in oblivion all the errors of which he could be justly accused,* and proceeded to address them in the following terms, arranged in couplets:
“Remember the repose and safety which blessed my reign,
The splendour and order which adorned my court, O remember.
Remember the crisis of my repentance, of my oft-revolving beads,
The canopy which I prepared for the sanctuary of the Kaabah.
Let the tear of affection shed rubies over my dust.
In your morning orisons turn your thoughts to my soul:
Let your evening invocations irradiate the gloom of night.
Do not forget the anguish of the tear-flowing eye.
When the chill winds shall visit your courts like the autumnal blast,
Think on that cold hand which has so often scattered gold among you.”
He added the following stanza of four lines:
“Didst thou see how the sky shed around its flower-like fascinations?
My soul is on the wing to escape this cage of darkness.
That bosom, which the world was too narrow to contain,
Has scarcely space enough to inspire but half a breath.”
Here I perceived that it might indeed be this mighty monarch’s latest breath, and that the moment was arrived for discharging the last mournful duties of a son. In tears of anguish I approached his couch, and sobbing aloud, I placed my head at my father’s feet. After I had then passed in solemn sorrow thrice round him, the dying monarch, as a sign auspicious to my fortune, beckoned to me to take his favourite scimitar futtah-ul-moulk,† and in his presence to gird it round my waist. Having so done, and again prostrated myself at his feet, I renewed my protestations of duty. So nearly was I indeed exhausted in these paroxysms of sorrow, that I found at last the utmost difficulty in drawing breath.
On the evening of Wednesday,‡ when one watch and four sections of the night were expired, my father’s soul took flight to the realms above. He had, however, previously desired me to send for Mêiran Sudderjahaun, in order to repeat with him the Kelmah shihaudet,* which he said it was his wish to postpone to the last moment, still cherishing the hope that the almighty Disposer of Life might yet bestow some prolongation. On his arrival, I placed Sudderjahaun on both knees by my father’s side, and he commenced reciting the creed of the faithful. At this crisis my father desiring me to draw near, threw his arms about my neck, and addressed me in the following terms:
“My dear boy (bâba), take this my last farewell, for here we never meet again. Beware that thou dost not withdraw thy protecting regards from the secluded in my harram—that thou continue the same allowance for subsistence as was allotted by myself. Although my departure must cast a heavy burden upon thy mind, let not the words that are past be at once forgotten. Many a vow and many a covenant have been exchanged between us—break not the pledge which thou hast given me—forget it not. Beware! Many are the claims which I have upon thy soul. Be they great or be they small, do not thou forget them. Call to thy remembrance my deeds of martial glory. Forget not the exertions of that bounty which distributed so many a jewel. My servants and dependants, when I am gone, do not thou forget, nor the afflicted in the hour of need.— Ponder word for word on all that I have said—do thou bear all in mind; and again, forget me not.”
After expressing himself as above, he directed Sudderjahaun once more to repeat the Kelmah, and he recited the solemn test himself with a voice equally loud and distinct. He then desired the Sudder to continue repeating by his pillow the Sourah neish, and another chapter of the Korân, together with the Adeilah prayer, in order that he might be enabled to render up his soul with as little struggle as possible. Accordingly Sudderjahaun had finished the Sourah neish, and had the last words of the prayer on his lips, when, with no other symptom than a tear-drop in the corner of his eye, my noble father resigned his soul into the hands of his Creator.
[Here follow thirteen couplets, of which we shall content ourselves with giving the sense of the four last.]
“That tall cypress, which was the glory of the garden, have they laid prostrate on the bed of desolation. Ever shifting world! who is exempt from the effect of thy fascinations? Rapid and undistinguishing in thy stroke, the noblest blood has no sparing from thee. From thy snares there is no escape. There is nothing certain but destiny—nothing adequate on the part of man, but resignation.”
The venerated remains of my father were now laid on those boards, equally allotted to the prince and the pauper; whence, after being bathed in every description of perfume, camphor, musk, and roses, a shroud for his vestment, a coffin for his chamber, they were conveyed to their last repose. One foot of the bier was supported on my own shoulder, the three others by my three sons, until we passed the gates of the castle. Hence my sons, and the principal officers of my household, alternately bearing the coffin on their shoulders, proceeded all the way to Secundra, where all that was mortal of the renowned Akbar was consigned to the care of heaven’s treasury. Thus it was, and thus it will be, while this lower world continues to exist.
Seated at the head of his hallowed grave, we mourned for seven days afterwards, observing in every particular the solemn rites of sepulture. I appointed especially twenty readers, to recite by his grave without ceasing, throughout the night, the sacred lessons of the Korân, and I immediately allotted five laks* of five-methkaly ashrefies for the erection of a lofty mausoleum over the tomb. During the seven days of our mourning, I also directed two hundred lungurs (or services) of food, and the same number of services of sweetmeats, to be distributed morning and evening to the poor who might attend. After this, the whole of the ameirs and other distinguished members of my court, who had accompanied in the solemnization of these funeral rites, returned to Agrah; and thus terminated the life of my father, at the age of seventy-five years eleven months and nine days.
I shall here briefly repeat, that at the period of my father’s death the greater part of the ameirs of the empire were combined in a plan adverse in every respect to my accession, and sought, by all the means in their power, to elevate my son Khossrou to the throne of Hindûstaun; designing, in fact, to leave to him the name only, while they retained to themselves the substantial exercise of the imperial authority. But the Supreme Disposer of events was on my side. The influence of the immaculate spirits of the imaums was in my favour. To the aid of no human exertion was I indebted for my crown; and a charge so momentous having been delegated to me by Him alone who knows neither change nor decay, I solemnly resolved, in my transactions with mankind, in the administration of justice, in protecting the defenceless, and in cherishing the poor and needy, to look to Him only to whom I owed my elevation, without the slightest regard to children or kin, or to any description of dependents whatever.
I have heard that one festival morning as he was quitting his bath, some one by accident threw a quantity of ashes on the head of Sheikh Bayezzid. Shaking the filth from his beard, and rubbing his hands across his chin, as if with a feeling of satisfaction, he exclaimed: “my soul, have I then been found thus worthy—has this unlucky face of mine been worth a shower of ashes?—True greatness depends not either on reputation or report—elevation of mind belongs not either to the proud man or the boaster—humility will raise thy head above thine equals—pride will prostrate thee in the dust. The haughty and the arrogant behold head downwards—dost thou wish for distinction, seek it not.”
[Khossrou's Capture]
I shall now return to the circumstances of the pursuit of the fugitive Khossrou. On Tuesday the tenth of Zilhudje,* we encamped at the station of Houdel, Sheikh Fereid the Bokharian still keeping in advance with a body of light cavalry. I was now induced to appoint Meir Moezz-ul-moulk, in consideration of his long and faithful attachment, to take charge of the important castle of Agrah, together with the treasure accumulated therein, in the room of Khaujah Jahaun. I gave orders at the same time that my sons who continued unshaken in fidelity should follow me without delay: for I had lost all confidence in years; and friendship and disunion had with me far greater weight than labour and fatigue, now that dire necessity had forced me into an absence of which I could not see the end, from my friends and all I loved.
On Thursday the twelfth of the same month our camp was at Feridabad, and on Friday the thirteenth† we reached Dehly, where I dismounted in the first instance at the tomb of my grandfather the Emperor Homayûn, doing homage to the immortal spirit of that illustrious monarch. I also gave to the surrounding poor the sum of thirty thousand rupees in alms, distributing both the money and pieces of cloth for vesture with my own hands. I proceeded thence to the grave of Sheikh Nizam-ud-dein Aoulia, intrusting the sum of fifty thousand rupees to Ameir Jamaul-ud-dein Anjû, and twenty thousand more to Hakeim Muzuffer, to be distributed among the indigent classes in the vicinity of the tomb. At this crisis I found it expedient to despatch orders to Ahmedabad, requiring that what was due upon the revenue of Gûjerat should be stated to Rajah Bikramajit; and the balance, after defraying the expenses of the youzbashies (or captains of fifties), specially accounted for to the imperial treasury.
On Saturday the fourteenth of Zilhudje my encampment was the caravanserai of Beirah, which had been burnt down and abandoned by the fugitive Khossrou. Here I advanced Aga Moulla from the class of one thousand and the quota of one hundred and fifty horse, to that of fifteen hundred; and I delivered to Jemeil Beg the Badakhshanian the sum of one lak of five-methkaly ashrefies,‡ to be divided among the men of his tribe, encouraging them at the same time with abundant hopes for the future: for these men were not yet quite at ease from their apprehensions, derived from recent refractory and rebellious proceedings. I further ordered for Rajah Maun Sing the sum of fifty thousand rupees for distribution at Adjmeir, among the derveishes ministering round the resting-place of Mûeyen-ud-dein Chisti, and on Monday the sixteenth of the month we arrived at Pânipet.
This town has always been propitious to the fortune of the house of Teymûr, seeing that my father Akbar obtained two signal and decisive victories in the neighbourhood. The victory of my grandfather Homâyûn over Sûltan Ibrauhim Lody the Afghan, was also achieved on the plains of Pânipet. I shall here relate acircumstance which led to this latter victory.
Sekunder Lody, the son of Behlawel the Afghan and father of Ibrauhim, had appointed Doulet Khaun, the son of Tatar Khaun, governor of Pânipet, and the latter on the death of Sekunder Lody becoming the object of some jealousy and alarm to Ibrauhim, had been summoned to Dehly, the seat of government of the newly established monarch. But suspecting that there was some design in agitation that threatened his safety, Doulet Khaun contrived to evade the summons by delay, and sent his son Dillawer Khaun to appear in his stead. Finding this, Ibrauhim wrote to inform Dillawer, that if his father did not instantly appear at court he would infallibly be overtaken by the same punishment as had already befallen certain other refractory ameirs whom it was unnecessary to name. Dillawer Khaun did not fail to communicate this threatening message to his father; and the latter transmitting for answer that it did not exactly suit him to go to Dehly, immediately fled to Kabûl, where he joined the standard of my grandfather. It was in consideration of certain circumstances derived from this event that I raised Ibrauhim Khaun Gaugur to the highest rank and the title of Dillawey Khaun.*
However this may be, had Seyed Kamaul, the son of Seyed Hamid the Bokharian, been at Pânipet on the present occasion, instead of Dillawer Khaun, the unhappy Khossrou would never have succeeded in continuing his flight beyond that place: for so fatigued, harassed, and exhausted was he with hard riding and severe marches, and so discouraged his followers from the continual alarms of my rapid pursuit, that they were altogether in equal dismay and despair: add to this that my armies were closing round him on every side, in consequence of instructions early despatched by my orders. In the end, nevertheless, Dillawer Khaun Gaugur fully atoned for his error in quitting Pânipet, for hastening by forced marches to Lahour, he prevented that city from falling into the hands of Khossrou, as did Seyed Kamaul also in the subsequent action with Khossrou, as will be hereafter shewn.
At Pânipet, having been furnished with a litter,† through the assistance of the kroury, or collector, Khossrou had been enabled to continue his flight, and Dillawer Khaun proceeding with his utmost expedition from the same place, failed not to apprize all he met with of the force that was approaching under the fugitive. Abdurraihman, the diwan, or chancellor, of the Punjaub, receiving from Dillawer Khaun intelligence of the approach of Khossrou, threw a garrison of eight thousand horse and foot into the castle of Lahour, and proceeded with a considerable body of troops to meet the fugitive prince, at whose feet however he immediately cast himself. For this act of treason and perfidy he received from Khossrou, with the title of Melek Anwar, the appointment of lieutenant-general under his ephemeral government. The perpetration of such a deed of atrocious ingratitude was however visited after the defeat of Khossrou with its just reward: for having been taken prisoner, I caused him to be sewed up in the raw skin of a black-coloured ass, and in that guise he was led about the streets and bazars of Lahour; until, through compassion for a numerous family of defenceless children, I prevailed upon myself to pardon his crimes and spare his life. For offences of this description there is, indeed, but little room for mercy; yet such is the tenderness of my disposition, there are few instances in which I do not rejoice at any sort of feasible plea for the exercise of this benevolent quality. There are, however, two offences in particular which those intrusted with the exercise of sovereign authority can never pardon: treason against the state, and treachery in the harram.
On Tuesday the seventeenth of Zilhudje, while at Karnaul, I conferred upon Aeid or Eidy Khaujah the rank of an ameir of two thousand, and I bestowed upon Sheikh Nozamm of Tahnaser the donation of six thousand rupees. Here it was communicated to me that an ordinary shop-keeper was going about persuading the people that he could shew them the Supreme Being in corporal substance, or in other words that he could exhibit the Creator to mortal vision;* and that he had contrived to impose upon vast numbers by his strange and impious discourses. Having failed in his attempt to seduce my understanding to the same absurd and impious speculation, I banished him from Hindustaun with permission to proceed to Mekkah.
On Thursday the nineteenth of the month,† we encamped at Shahabad, where we experienced the want of water to a very distressing degree. In prayer I lifted up my hands to heaven, and most providentially it so happened that on the selfsame day there occurred a most copious fall of rain, which afforded to the assembled multitude which composed the army the most seasonable and abundant supply of that most valuable of blessings. A just estimate of the value of this most precious of the elements can indeed only be adequately formed in the midst of numerous armies; where instances have frequently occurred, in which men, who on ordinary occasions could scarcely be satisfied to drink of the crystal spring, have been known to swallow deep draughts impregnated with the most loathsome impurities, with as much satisfaction as if it were the very water of life. Nay, to the proudest monarchs on earth occasions have occurred, in which the weight in diamonds has been offered in vain for a draught of the precious beverage.
I can, in fact, adduce an instance in point which occurred immediately to myself, and it happened the first time in which I accompanied my father Akbar on one of his excursions into the valley of Kashmeir. Delighted with scenes of verdure and beauty not to be met with in the plains of Hindustaun, we had entered the mountain pass of Peirentehaul, when I lost sight of my attendants at a moment when I experienced the pressure of hunger in the extreme. In vain I sought for food or fruit, or drink—neither groom, nor cup-bearer, nor slave of any description was to be found in the midst of the multitude which thronged the narrow passes almost to suffocation.
I was, as I have said, labouring under the pressure of extreme hunger, and had made my way through the throng for a short distance, when I observed a few sheep which belonged to Assof Khaun. Instantly dismounting I seized one of the animals by the throat, and causing it to be slaughtered, desired that a kabaub (or fry) might be immediately prepared of the flesh, in order to allay the hunger which devoured me. At the moment I am writing these lines I am arrived at the age of forty years, and I can with truth declare that in the whole course of my life I never experienced such exquisite relish in food as in that simple meal, so opportunely furnished by this carcase of a stray sheep. I thus experienced what it was to be without the means at hand of appeasing hunger and allaying thirst; and my attendants were therefore instructed, whether on a march or on a hunting party, hereafter never to be without the case, canteri, or basket of refreshments. But while we remained in Kashmeir, neither the Khaun Khanan nor myself ever went unprovided with cakes of bread at least about our own persons. I cannot omit to mention that on this occasion it was stated by the Kashmirians that whenever blood was shed within the pass of Peirentehaul, whether of men or other animals, so that loss of life was the result, some awful convulsion of nature invariably ensued. I can only add that I never witnessed any thing that furnished the slightest confirmation of such a fact.
At the same encampment near Shahabad I conferred the office Meir Adil (or minister of justice) on Sheikh Ahmed Lahoury. He had held the same office under me previous to my accession, and I had never forgotten his services: and he had indeed received his education under my patronage; for of youths of this description, whether as journalists, or otherwise employed, I had as my wards or disciples not less than sixty-six in number. All of these were instructed to be governed implicitly by certain rules of duty arranged for their observation. Of these we shall particularize the following:
In the disposal of their time they were never to be the dupes of their adversaries. Always to put their trust in the author of existence; always to commit themselves to the shield and protection of their Creator. Never with their own hands to be the death of any having life, excepting in the field of battle or the chase. Always to reverence the light as the abode of the glory and power of the Supreme Being. To consider all nature as bearing the impression of his Omnipotent Divinity. Always to keep in check the faculties of the mind. Never for a moment to be unmindful of God. In all undertakings to be governed by this impression—to do nothing without having him in remembrance.
In these maxims of mental discipline, my father, whose abode is now in paradise, and who in every thing has been my example and instructor, was preemi-nently perfect, making them ever the stedfast rules of his conduct, whether in his closet or his court. Neither am I myself less persuaded, that to have a sincere remembrance, and a just reliance on him who is the friend of all who serve him, is better than the professional sacrifices made in pretended devotion to him, while the imagination is intoxicated with the absurd vanities of this changeful world. Such, indeed, was the unwearied piety of that excellent prince, that I do not think the world ever furnished the example of its like; for from night to morning he was ever engaged, for the greater part, in meditation on the goodness of his Creator; in telling his praises by his revolving beads, and in prostrations before the throne of his eternal power. In his instructions, also, he never failed to inculcate, that if I were desirous of surmounting the difficulties of life, with ease to myself and satisfaction to others, I would neither rejoice nor place any reliance on any other than Him,* who is the cherishing principle of all creation. [The couplets are omitted which he describes as often repeated to him by his father.]
On Saturday the 21st of Zelhudje,† I encamped at the station of Anwund (or perhaps Anund), where I conferred upon Aeil Beg the Ouzbek the title of Bahauder Khaun, and thence despatched him with fifty-seven Ameirs and Mûnsebdaurs, from the order of one thousand to five thousand inclusive, to the support of Sheikh Fereid, who, with the advanced division, continued to precede us some distance in front. At the same time, I remitted to Sheikh Fereid the sum of ten laks of rupees,* equivalent to three thousand tomauns of Irâk, in order to defray his expenses in entertaining the same Bahauder Khaun, together with Jemmeil Beg the Badakhshanian, Shereif Ammole, and the other dignitaries; thus encouraging them, with an united object in view, to press vigorously upon the rebels, and accelerate those reports of success and victory which they were to transmit to my presence.
On the 24th of the month,† having obtained information that my triumphant banners had made their appearance in pursuit, certain of the most determined of Khossrou’s generals received his permission to give battle. Sheikh Fereid on his part also bravely advanced his standard, at the foot of which he stood prepared for the attack. Bahauder Khaun above mentioned, to whom with my own hand I had devolved the sovereignty of Badakhshaun, and whom I knew to be a veteran and experienced soldier, proceeded to draw out his troops in order of battle; and having formed his army in three columns or divisions, with one of these he advanced directly upon the front of the enemy, while the two other divisions assailed them in flank. The action then commenced, and continued with sufficient obstinacy and considerable slaughter on both sides, until, of Khossrou’s four principal generals, two betook themselves to flight, and the two others, with a thousand prisoners, were delivered alive into my hands. These I condemned to various punishments: some to be flayed alive, some to carry wooden yokes about their necks, others to be drawn through the river, and others to be trampled to death by my elephants. Those who escaped from the field wounded, conveyed themselves, heart-broken and harassed with dismay and terror, to the presence of Khossrou.
This same day reports repeatedly came in regarding the siege of the castle of Lahour, from which it became known that the garrison and the people of the town had embraced the same interest, and entered into engagements of mutual support. In these circumstances Hussun Beg Badakhshany represented to Khossrou that the people of Lahour were throwing open the doors of the imperial treasury, and were squandering the contents by extravagant donatives to the gunners who had made successful use of their pieces, independently of what was due to them as their regular pay; it being the design of this man, by persuading Khossrou to the pillage of Lahour, to involve him in irrevocable hostility, the city being indeed inhabited by men abounding in wealth and property of every description. Too easily misled by these insidious suggestions, and buoyed up by his expectations, that the plunder of the place would give him a treasury full to the skies, Khossrou gave instant orders that the gates should be closed; and the unhappy city was thus, for seven days, delivered up to ruthless and indiscriminate pillage, the children of the wealthy inhabitants being seized on as hostages, and cast into prison.
The blood-stained banditti now set fire to one of the gates of the castle, which, it is here observed, together with the town is entered by twelve principal gates and four sally-ports. In the mean time Dillawer Khaun, with Hûsseyne Beg, who at present holds an employment in my household, Nour-ud-dein Kûly, the Kotwaul (or prefect of police), and others engaged in his support, hastened to defend the gate from within, the enemy not yet having succeeded in setting it on fire, the people from the inside incessantly pouring water upon it. By these means the wood-work of the gate being prevented from taking fire, the confidence of the enemy began to droop; and Nour-ud-dein Kûly, ascending the ramparts of the citadel, opened such a discharge of artillery and rockets from the walls and towers, as must have rendered the situation of the plunderers both hazardous and irksome in a very great degree.
The generals of Khossrou, not less than his troops, now despairing of the capture of the castle, and assailed by accumulating rumours of the approach of the imperial armies, began to perceive the folly of the treasons by which they had so deeply committed themselves; neither could they venture to foresee the moment at which, instead of laying siege to others, they should not be themselves besieged. All was now consternation, in which, nevertheless, setting their minds on battle and death, it was resolved, with one hundred and twelve thousand horse, which they had contrived to collect together, to make at night a bold and simultaneous attack upon my camp.
With this magnificent design in view, on Tuesday the 24th of Zilhudje, between the hours of evening prayer and supper-time, they abandoned the siege of the castle of Lahour, and withdrew from before the city altogether. On the evening of Thursday the 26th,* while at the serâi of Rhaujush Ally, intelligence was brought to me, that after raising the siege of Lahour, Khossrou, with about twenty thousand men, had gone off no one knew whither; and this awakening the greatest anxiety lest he might, after all, be able to elude my pursuit, I instantly gave orders to march, although there was at the time a heavy and incessant fall of rain. The same day I crossed the river of Goundwaul, and encamped at Dowaul.
It was on Thursday the 26th, about noon, that Sheikh Fereid succeeded in interrupting the march of Khossrou, and thus found himself at last in presence of the enemy. At this moment, at Sûltanpour, I had just seated myself, and was about to eat of some parched wheat, which was brought me by Moezz-ul-moulk, when intelligence was communicated to me of the situation of Sheikh Fereid, and that he was actually engaged with the troops of Khossrou. Having swallowed a single mouthful for good luck, I instantly called for and mounted my horse, and consigning myself entirely to the protection of God’s providence, without suffering myself to be delayed by any concern for an array of battle, or being able to furnish myself at the moment with any other arms than my sword and a javelin, I gave the reins to my horse, and hastened towards the scene of the conflict. I had however about my person more than ten thousand horse, although none were apprised that they were that day to be led to battle. Neither was it indeed in strict conformity with the rules of military discipline, to engage in conflict with numbers so inferior, however favoured by Providence, the troops being, in fact, much disheartened by the contemplation of their manifest disparity. I endeavoured to remove these impressions, by directing the Bukhshies to order the whole army forward to our support without delay, and making generally known the crisis at which we were arrived. By the time I reached Goundwaul, accordingly, my force had amounted to twenty thousand horse and fifty thousand camel-mounted gunners or matchlockmen, all of whom I now forwarded to the support of Sheikh Fereid.
Things were at this perilous crisis when I thought it advisable to despatch Meir Jummaul-ud-dein Hûsseyne with a message to Khossrou, intreating that he would retrace his steps in time, and to beware of the awful responsibility to which he was exposing himself for the blood of such untold thousands of God’s creatures. From this, though himself well-inclined to repair to my presence, he was however withheld by the counsels of the desperate and turbulent profligates by whom he was surrounded; and the reply which he conveyed to me through Jummaul-ud-dein imported, that having proceeded so far, there was no alternative but the sword; and that God Almighty would doubtless give the crown to that head which he knew to be most worthy of the empire.
When this presumptuous reply from Khossrou was communicated to me by Meir Jummaul-ud-dein, I sent to announce to Sheikh Fereid that there was no longer room for deliberation, and that he was at once to attack the main body of the rebels. These orders were carried into execution without a moment’s delay. The attack commenced on one side from Bahauder Khaun the Ouzbek, at the head of thirty thousand horse in cotton mail, and twenty thousand camel-mounted matchlockmen; while Sheikh Fereid with a body-guard of chosen warriors rushed upon the enemy on the other. The army of Khossrou, on this occasion, consisted altogether of two hundred thousand horse and camel-mounted matchlockmen; the former clad in the same description of quilted mail as worn by the troops of Bahauder Khaun. The battle commenced at the close of the second watch of the day, and continued until sunset. The providence of God and the fortune of the empire being on my side, the result was a triumphant day for me: for when thirty thousand of the enemy had bitten the dust, the remainder discontinued all resistance and quitted the field in dismay.
Bahauder Khaun came, as it happened, to the very spot where Khossrou, having dismounted from his horse, had seated himself on a litter, conceiving that in the tumult and confusion of the pursuit he might possibly be able to escape without being known. Bahauder Khaun caused him however to be immediately surrounded by his troops, and Sheikh Fereid arriving also on the spot, Khossrou no longer perceiving the smallest outlet for escape, and that he must be overtaken without alternative, quitted the singhassun (or covered litter) on which he lay concealed, and announced to Sheikh Fereid that all further force was unnecessary, as he was, of his own accord, on the way to throw himself at his father’s feet.
I call God to witness, that while at Goundwaul, at this perilous crisis, I experienced some strong forebodings that Khossrou was coming to my presence; but Jummaul-ud-dein Hûsseyne did not hesitate to express considerable doubt that Sheikh Fereid would that night be able to repulse the enemy, since, as he said, he had with his own eyes ascertained that Khossrou had with him a force of more than two hundred thousand fighting men. In this sort of discussion we were engaged when it was announced that Sheikh Fereid was victorious, and that Khossrou was his prisoner. Still incredulous of the joyful event, Jummaul-ud-dein dismounted from his horse, and throwing himself at my feet, persisted in the declaration, that although my imperial fortune indicated all that was propitious, still he could not yet give credit to the report. Every doubt was removed, however, a little afterwards, when Khossrou on his litter, accompanied by his general of artillery, was conducted into my presence.
Both Sheikh Fereid and Bahauder Khaun had conducted themselves on this trying occasion with distinguished ability and valour, and I immediately advanced the latter to the order of five thousand, with the insignia of the drum and standard, and a present of horses with enriched caparisons, conferring upon him, moreover, the government of Kandahaur. Sheikh Fereid had previously possessed the rank of an Ameir of two thousand, and I now promoted him to that of four thousand. Seyf Khaun, the son of Seyed Mahmoud, had also greatly distinguished himself, having received not less than seventeen wounds in different parts of the body. Seyed Jullaul received a mortal wound in the upper region of the heart, of which he died a few days afterwards. He was of a distinguished family among the Afghans.
Seyed Hullaul and his brother, two of Khossrou’s generals, terror-stricken by the din of the imperial kettle-drums, fled in consternation from the field at the very commencement of the action. Nearly four hundred heads of tribes, Owimauk, were sent to perdition in the conflict, and about seven hundred were brought from different quarters prisoners to my presence. The jewel-chest of Khossrou, containing jewels to the value of nearly two krour of five-methkaly ashrefies,* fell into the hands of some persons who were never discovered.
In the course of the same Thursday I entered the castle of Lahour, where I took up my abode in the royal pavilion built by my father on this principal tower, from which to view the combats of elephants. Seated in the pavilion, having directed a number of sharp stakes to be set up in the bed of the Rauvy, I caused the seven hundred traitors who had conspired with Khossrou against my authority to be impaled alive upon them. Than this there cannot exist a more excruciating punishment, since the wretches exposed frequently linger a long time in the most agonizing torture, before the hand of death relieves them; and the spectacle of such frightful agonies must, if any thing can, operate as a due example to deter others from similar acts of perfidy and treason towards their benefactors.
As the imperial treasury remained at Agrah, and it seemed inconsistent with good policy, in so early a stage of my authority, to continue long among the disaffected hypocrites at Lahour, I now quitted that place on my return to the metropolis, leaving the unhappy Khossrou a prey to the visitations of shame and remorse, in the custody of Dillawer Khaun, who had instructions to watch over him with unremitting vigilance. A son ought, indeed, always to be considered as the stay of monarchy; to continue therefore in a state of disunion and hostility with such would be to sap the foundations of its prosperity. Never have I permitted myself, either in this or any other instance, to be misled by injudicious counsels; my proceedings, as far as they were under my control, being ever governed by the dictates of my own reason and my own experience; constantly have I borne in mind the observation of that best of guides, my father, that there were two things of permanent utility to the sons of sovereign princes, prudence and fidelity in availing yourself of opportunities; the one indispensable to the preservation of sovereign power, and the other to the maintenance of a course of good fortune. But, too frequently, felicity in promoting a career of prosperity is found extremely inconstant; after a very limited period it slips through our fingers never to return.
But to resume the narrative. On the twenty-sixth of the month of Suffur, of the year one thousand and fifteen,† I returned to the metropolis of Agrah. I cannot omit to describe that, in sorrow for his past misconduct, the unhappy Khossrou neither ate nor drank for the space of three days and three nights, which he consumed in tears and groans, hunger and thirst, and all those tokens of deep repentance, peculiar only to those on earth who have sustained the character of prophets and saints, but who have nevertheless found that a slight daily repast was still necessary to the support of life. It may be superfluous to remark, that an abstinence carried to the extremity of an entire fast for three days and three nights together, would inevitably have sent them on the fourth day to the bosom of mercy.*
[Of a certain Kalujen or Kumbujen, it is impossible to ascertain which, the imperial narrator proceeds to state as follows:]
In zeal, and diligence, and attention to the duties of his trust, he far surpassed his father. By night and by day he was unremitting in his attendance; wet or dry, rain or fair, leaning upon his staff, he would continue to read to me from night to morn. Neither did he discontinue his practice even when forming one of the suite on my hunting parties. For these services I had previous to my accession conferred upon him the order of one thousand horse, and I subsequently advanced him to that of two thousand. He is now, however, from his increasing corpulence, become in a great degree incapable of discharging the duties of his office with the activity which formerly distinguished him. I shall here remark, in passing, that kings do not look so much to the persons of men as to their services; and exactly in proportion as these latter improve in merit, so will be the advancement in favour, wealth, and dignity.
On the first day of every month, it was the rule with my father to set the example to his ameirs by discharging his musket, and this was followed by the whole train, from the highest dignitary to the lowest stipendiary enrolled in the service of the state, whether cannonier or matchlockman. But this discharge of artillery and musquetry never occurred but on that single occasion; unless, of course, in battle. In imitation of the same example I have continued the practice, a shot from my gun Droostandauz being followed by one from every individual in my armies, high or low. In short, the teffung, or matchlock-gun, is a weapon so unerring in its effects, has cost so much thought and skill in the invention, that an army preceded by fifty thousand camels, mounted by a force of this description, may be considered equal to the achievement of any undertaking whatever. I shall here further observe, that there are at present employed in the pay of the state, either immediately about my person, or that may be assembled at the very shortest notice, nearly five hundred thousand matchlockmen, either on foot or mounted on camels, independently of those engaged in defence of the different fortresses, great cities, and other places, throughout the empire, which do not fall far short of thirty lacs, or three millions of men similarly armed; not including ordnance on the works of the numerous fortifications, some of which latter pieces require a charge of fifty and sixty maunns Hindûstauny of powder and ball.
At the period when I took my departure from Lahour for Agrah, on the occasion recently described, it happily occurred to me to direct that the different zemindaurs (or landholders) on that route, should plant at every town and village, and every stage and halting-place, all the way from Lahour to Agrah, mulberry, and other large and lofty trees affording shade, but particularly those with broad leaves and wide-spreading branches, in order that to all time to come the wayworn and weary traveller might find under their shadow repose and shelter from the scorching rays of the sun during the summer heats. I ordered, moreover, that spacious serrâis, choultries, or places of rest and refreshment, substantially built of brick or stone, so as to be secure against early decay, should be erected at the termination of every eight kôsse,* for the whole distance, all provided with baths, and to every one a tank or reservoir of fresh water: a certain number of attendants was also allotted to every serrâi, for the purpose of sweeping and keeping clean, and in other respects to take care of them. And, lastly, at the passage of every river, whether large or small, convenient bridges were erected, so that the industrious traveller might be enabled to pursue his objects without obstruction or delay.
In the same manner, all the way from Agrah to Bengal, a distance altogether of six months’ journey, at similar intervals trees have been planted and serrâis erected, the former of which have already grown to such a size as to afford abundant shade. And more than this, many benevolent individuals, emulous of evincing their zeal in promoting my views, have at different stages laid out spacious gardens and plantations, containing every description of fruit tree; so that at the period at which I am writing, any one desirous of travelling to any quarter of my dominions, will find at convenient distances spacious buildings for his accommodation, and a refreshing supply of fruit and vegetables for his recreation; in so much, indeed, that he might be led to declare that he is a stranger to the fatigues of travelling.
Of a surety, these are the things of which the effects will be found beneficial both now and hereafter. Acts of this kind will sanctify our descent into the silent grave; will constitute our memorial in the world of the benefits derived from us to our fellow-creatures. But with all this, we are not to exalt ourselves with the thought that the germ of vigilance is inherent in our nature, nor that faculty of foresight combined with humility in individuals of the stock of Adam, while the mind is so polluted with worldly gratifications, that not a methkal of gold or silver can be extracted for the purpose of being devoted to religious uses or the cause of God.*
[Distinguished Amirs]
With regard to the maxims which should govern the policy of sovereign princes, it has been said, that to resolve without the concurrence of men of experience is the most fallacious of proceedings; but I contend, nevertheless, that there is no safety in council, unless founded in rectitude of mind. I maintain, that if we intrust the concerns of the state to the opinions of another, we give to the Almighty an associate in the secrets of the heart. “We may pierce the sun itself with the diamond which points our vision; we may even penetrate the stars in their orbits by the same faculty; we may repose with safety in the jaws of the dragon; but we may not confide to any man the anxieties of the mind.” He that conducts the destinies of his country by the judgment of another, must not forget that he will nevertheless be himself responsible, at the awful day of account, for all the exactions, the tyranny, the unjust decisions, violence, and oppression, to which the people may have been exposed, through such imprudent delegation. It is from the reigning sovereign that the awful reckoning will be required; not from those who have been his advisers. How much does it then behove the man who holds the crown and sceptre, in every clime, to make himself, by a personal investigation, immediately acquainted with the grievances of his people, so that assured redress may be always attainable, that no one should be within the grasp of oppression in any shape! I shall now recur to other matters.
Moussâheb Khaun, the Ouzbek, was distinguished for his bravery among the bravest of the age, and had attained, in the time of my father, to the rank of an ameir of three thousand. I now advanced him to the order of five thousand, assigning to him at the same time the foujdaury, or command of the armed force in Gûjerat. Some of the exploits of this intrepid man were worthy of the heroic Rûstum in the brightest periods of his career. The frontier districts of Gûjerat, previously an uncultivated and mountainous wilderness, overrun on every side with briars, thorn, and thistle, were under his management so cleared and improved, that a single person might traverse the country from one end to the other without difficulty or molestation. It was at the same period that he received from me the title of Khaun.
As an instance of the fearless courage and presence of mind of this brave soldier, I cannot forbear to relate, that on one occasion my father was engaged on a lion hunt in the neighbourhood of Lahour, and had gone out attended by a body of four thousand matchlocks. Mounted on his elephant, he had entered the jungle or forest, which was known to be infested by these fierce and ferocious quadrupeds to the number of twenty, male and female. Most unexpectedly three of these, all females, at once attacked the elephant, and one of them making an astonishing spring, fastened on my father’s thigh. Providentially Moussâheb Khaun, mounted on his horse Kohpârah (montipars), which feared neither lion nor elephant, came up at the moment, and instantly darting forward to the relief of his master, contrived to seize the lion by the back of the neck with one hand, while with the other he buried his khanjer, or knife, in the flank of the furious animal. Thus assailed, the latter fortunately quitted its hold without further injury. But this was not all; at the very crisis of peril the two lions together rushed upon Moussâheb Khaun, when, it will scarcely be thought credible, seizing both animals by the neck with either hand, he beat their heads together with such force that their brains issued from their mouths and nostrils. For these and other deeds of distinguished valour he has been most deservedly elevated to the title of Sereffrauz Khaun; neither is he less renowned for experience in war than for undaunted courage.
Another chief renowned for his courage was Mirza Mahmoud, of a distinguished family of Seyeds at Mûsh-hed, who possessed under my father the rank of five hundred, and whom I early promoted to that of an ameir of one thousand. It happened one day that a lion of enormous size, which had been wounded in a neighbouring forest by a musquet-shot, was brought to my presence, and lingered for some days before it finally expired. A doubt having been expressed by me whether it were possible with the single stroke of a scymitar to sever the head of this animal from the body, some of those in attendance seemed to agree that the thickness of the mane* at the back of the neck rendered this impossible. A certain Raujpout, however, who claimed relationship with Râjah Maun Sing, and remarkable for bodily strength as well as bravery, stepped forward and pledged himself, if I would give him permission, to strike off the head at a single stroke. Accordingly, drawing his sword, and with his utmost force making a stroke at the dead lion’s neck, the only effect was the separation of a few hairs from the mane. Seeing this, Mirza Mahmoud approached, and also requested my permission to try his strength upon the lion’s neck. “In the name of God,” said I, “let us see what thou canst do.” He accordingly advanced, and raising his sword on high, made it descend on the lion’s neck with such force and skill that the head flew off to a considerable distance, exciting the clamorous applause of the whole assembly. I made him on the spot a present of thirty thousand rupees, and conferred upon him the title of Mirza Mahmoud Sheir-be-dou-neim (the lion-halver).
On another occasion a bow of remarkable excellence had been sent to me from Gujerat by Mirza Shumsy, the son of Mirza Koukah my father’s foster-brother, which the strongest men had been unable to bend with the utmost exertion of bodily strength. The same Mirza Mahmoud again besought, and having obtained my permission to try his skill, took up the bow, and with little apparent difficulty brought the horns so far round as nearly to snap it in the middle, and this to the surprise of the bystanders. This afforded me another opportunity for the exertion of my bounty, and I advanced him from the order of one thousand to that of fifteen hundred, with the new title of Mirza Mahmoud Peitch-kemmaun (the bow-bender). Having subsequently received from me the appointment of foujdaur (or lord marcher) on the frontiers of Lahour, he became engaged in hostilities with a powerful Râjah in that quarter, whom he finally subjugated; and I then presented him with one of my finest elephants, with the title of Tehower Khaun, bestowing upon him at the same time in wedlock one of the female inmates of my own imperial palace.
Another of the ameirs of my court distinguished for courage and skill was Bauker Noodjum Thauni, who had not in the world his equal in the use of the bow. As an instance of the surprising perfection to which he had carried his practice it will be sufficient to relate, that one evening in my presence they placed before him a transparent glass bottle, or vessel of some kind or other, a torch or flambeaux being held at some distance behind the vessel; they then made of wax something in the shape of a fly, which they fixed to the side of the bottle, which was of the most delicate fabric: on the top of this piece of wax they set a grain of rice and a peppercorn. His first arrow struck the peppercorn, his second carried off the grain of rice, and the third struck the diminutive wax figure, without in the slightest degree touching or injuring the glass vessel, which was, as I have before observed, of the very lightest and most delicate material. This was a degree of skill in the bowman’s art* amazing beyond all amazement; and it might be safely alleged that such an instance of perfection in the craft has never been exhibited in any age or nation. As a proof of my admiration I immediately advanced him from the order of one thousand to that of two thousand horse; and I bestowed upon him, moreover, under a contract of marriage, the sister’s daughter of Nourjahaun Begum, in consequence of which union he became to me as a son of my own.
It had been made known to me that the roads about Kandahar were grievously infested by the Afghans, who by their vexatious exactions rendered the communications in that quarter extremely unsafe for travellers of every description. I had it therefore in contemplation to employ a competent force for the extirpation of these lawless marauders. But while I was yet deliberating on the subject, an individual of the nation of distinguished eminence in his tribe, and who now enjoys in my court the title of Allahdaud Khaun, communicated to me such convincing reasons, that I determined to appoint an imperial foujdaur for the province, under whose management, should they again set at nought the imperial authority, they might then be exterminated without further caution. I did not hesitate to vest the appointment in himself, and he still retains the office under my authority.
Another arrangement in the same quarter was not accomplished with quite as little difficulty. Lushker Khaun, who originally bore the name of Khaujah Abûl Hussun, and who had from an early period been attached to the service of the house of Teymûr, had recently been dignified with his title, and was despatched by my orders towards Kabûl for the purpose of clearing the roads in that direction, which had been also rendered unsafe by the outrages of a licentious banditti. It so happened that when this commander had nearly reached the point for which he was destined he found opposed to him a body of mountaineers, in manners and intellect not much better than wild beasts or devils, who had assembled to the number of forty thousand, horse and foot and matchlockmen, had shut up the approaches against him, and prevented his further advance. Confiding, nevertheless, in the goodness of God and my unwaning fortune, he did not hesitate, with whatever disparity of force, to precipitate himself upon such superior numbers. A conflict thus commenced, which continued with unabated obstinacy from dawn of day until nearly sunset. The enemy were however finally defeated, with the loss of seventeen thousand killed, a number taken prisoners, and a still greater proportion escaping to their hiding-places among the mountains. The prisoners were conducted to my presence yoked together, with the heads of the seventeen thousand slain in the battle suspended from their necks. After some deliberation as to the destiny of these captives, I resolved that their lives should be spared, and that they should be employed in bringing forage for my elephants.*
The intercourse with Kabûl, so long interrupted by the atrocities of these robbers, was now by the effect of Lushker Khaun’s victory completely re-established, and the communication so well secured, that every description of fruit the produce of that province may at present be procured at Lahour every other day, although neither very cheap nor in great abundance. The shedding of so much human blood must ever be extremely painful; but until some other resource is discovered, it is unavoidable. Unhappily the functions of government cannot be carried on without severity, and occasional extinction of human life: for without something of the kind, some species of coercion and chastisement, the world would soon exhibit the horrible spectacle of mankind, like wild beasts, worrying each other to death with no other motive than rapacity and revenge. God is witness that there is no repose for crowned heads. There is no pain or anxiety equal to that which attends the possession of sovereign power, for to the possessor there is not in this world a moment’s rest. Care and anxiety must ever be the lot of kings, for of an instant’s inattention to the duties of their trust a thousand evils may be the result. Even sleep itself furnishes no repose for monarchs, the adversary being ever at work for the accomplishment of his designs. It has indeed been said that kings will find enemies in the very hair of their own bodies. “Let this my counsel be suspended like a jewel to thine ear. Hath heaven deposited in thine hands the power supreme—keep always well with the people subject to thy sway. Better that a man leave behind him a good name, than to leave behind him a palace of burnished gold.”
While I am upon the subject, I cannot but consider that he to whom God hath assigned the pomp and splendour of imperial power, with a sacred and awful character in the eyes of his creatures, must, as he hopes for stability to his throne and length of days, in no way suffer oppression to approach the people intrusted to his care. For my own part I can with truth assert, that I have never so far lent myself to the indulgence of the world’s pleasures as to forget that, however sweet to the appetite, they are more bitter in the issue than the most deadly poisons. Alas! for the jewels of this world which have been poured in such profusion upon my head: they bear no longer any value in my sight, neither do I any longer feel the slightest inclination to possess them. Have I ever contemplated with delight the graces of youth and beauty? The gratification is extinguished, it no longer exists in my nature. The enjoyments of hunting, and of social mirth, have too frequently been the source of pain and regret. The finger of old age has been held out to indicate that retirement must be my greatest solace, my surest resource, and from thence must be derived my highest advantages. In short, there neither is nor can be in this world any permanent state of repose or happiness; all is fleeting, vain, and perishable. In the twinkling of an eye shall we see the enchantress which enslaves the world and its votaries, seize the throat of another and another victim; and so exposed is man to be trodden down by the calamities of life, that one might be almost persuaded to affirm that he never had existence. “That world, the end of which is destined to be thus miserable, can scarcely be worth the risk of so much useless violence.”
If indeed, in contemplation of future contingencies, I have been sometimes led to deal with thieves and robbers with indiscriminate severity, whether during my minority or since my accession to the throne, never have I been actuated by motives of private interest or general ambition. The treachery and inconstancy of the world are to me as clear as the light of day. Of all that could be thought necessary to the enjoyment of life I have been singularly fortunate in the possession. In gold, and jewels, and sumptuous wardrobes, and in the choicest beauties the sun ever shone upon, what man has ever surpassed me? And had I then conducted myself without the strictest regard to the honour and happiness of God’s creatures consigned to my care, I should have been the basest of oppressors.
[Marvellous Tales]
[On Seven Sorcerers from Bengal]
But to descend to matters of less serious importance. At the period of which I am about to speak there were to be found in the province of Bengal performers in slight of hand, or jugglers,* of such unrivalled skill in their art, that I have thought a few instances of their extraordinary dexterity not unworthy of a place in these memorials. On one occasion in particular, there came to my court seven of these men, who confidently boasted that they were capable of producing effects so strange as far to surpass the scope of the human understanding: and most certainly when they proceeded to their operations, they exhibited in their performances things of so extraordinary a nature, as without the actual demonstration the world would not have conceived possible; such indeed as cannot but be considered among the most surprising circumstances of the age in which we live.
First. They stated that of any tree that should be named they would set the seed in the earth, and that I should immediately witness the extraordinary result. Khaun-e-Jahaun, one of the nobles present, observed that if they spoke truly, he should wish them to produce for his conviction a mulberry tree. The men arose without hesitation, and having in ten separate spots set some seed in the ground, they recited among themselves, in cabalistical language unintelligible to the standers-by, when instantly a plant was seen springing from each of the ten places, and each proved the tree required by Khaun-e-Jahaun. In the same manner they produced a mango, an apple tree, a cypress, a pine-apple, a fig tree, an almond, a walnut, and many more trees, and this without any attempt at concealment in the operation; but open to the observation of all present, the trees were perceived gradually and slowly springing from the earth, to the height of one, or perhaps of two cubits, when they shot forth leaves and branches; the apple tree in particular producing fruit, which fruit was brought to me, and I can attest to its fragrance.
The fact was not however confined to the apple tree alone, for having made the other trees appear in the manner above described, they said that if I thought fit to order it, I should taste of the fruit of every tree, which did not fail to increase the astonishment already excited. Then making a sort of procession round the trees as they stood, and invoking certain names, in a moment there appeared on the respective trees a sweet mango without the rind, an almond fresh and ripe, a large fig of the most delicious kind, and so with the pine, and every other tree of which they had set the seed, the fruit being pulled in my presence and brought to me, and every one present was allowed to taste of it. This, however, was not all; before the trees were removed there appeared among the foliage birds of such surprising beauty, in colour, and shape, and melody of song, as the world never saw before; and the more to confirm us in the reality, the birds were observed to whisper to each other, and to flutter, and contend with each other in playful indifference among the branches. At the close of the operation the foliage, as in autumn, was seen to put on its variegated tints, and the trees gradually disappeared into the earth from which they had been made to spring. I can only further observe, that if the circumstances which I have now described had not happened in my own presence, I could never have believed that they had any existence in reality.*
Secondly. One night, and in the very middle of the night, when half this globe was wrapped in darkness, one of these seven men stripped himself almost naked, and having spun himself swiftly round several times, he took a sheet with which he covered himself, and from beneath the sheet drew out a resplendent mirror, by the radiance of which a light so powerful was produced, as to have illuminated the hemisphere to an incredible distance round; to such a distance indeed, that we have the attestation of travellers to the fact, who declared that on a particular night, the same night on which the exhibition took place, and at the distance of ten days’ journey, they saw the atmosphere so powerfully illuminated, as to exceed the brightness of the brightest day that they had ever seen. This also may be considered, I think, among the extraordinary things of the age.
Thirdly. The seven men stood close together in a group, and without moving either lips or tongue, produced between them such harmony and sweetness of modulation, as if the whole seven had but one voice, and that forming the most delightful unison. It was at the same time distinctly ascertained that the mouth and tongue had not the slightest share in the operation.* This also afforded subject of admiration.
Fourthly. They made for themselves about an hundred air-bolts† (teir-e-hawah), which they placed on an elevated spot at two bow-shot distance from the spot on which they stood, informing me that they would cause any one, or as many of them as I chose to order, to explode or take fire, without stirring from their place, in my presence. This they accordingly did, and I do not question that they would have set fire to ten at once if I had thought fit.
Fifth. They placed in my presence a large seething-pot or cauldron, and filling it partly with water, they threw into it eight of the smaller maunns of Irâk of rice; when without the application of the smallest spark of fire the cauldron forthwith began to boil; in a little time they took off the lid, and drew from it near a hundred platters full,‡ each with a stewed fowl at top. This also may be considered among things extraordinary.
Sixth. On a dry spot of ground they placed a particular flower, and having danced round it three times successively, an ebullition of water shot up from the flower, and instantly a shower of roses fell on all below, while not a drop of moisture touched the ground. When this miraculous fountain had continued to play for more than an hour they removed the rose, or whatever else it might have been, and not a vestige of any thing humid appeared on the spot where it had been placed. Again: they placed the same flower on the ground, and it threw up at this time, alternately, water and flower-shedding fire, and this for nearly two parts of a watch of the day.
Seventh. One of the seven men stood upright before us, a second passed upwards along his body, and head to head, placed his feet upwards in the air. A third managed to climb up in the same manner, and planting his feet to those of the second, stood with his head upwards, and so alternately to the seventh, who crowned this extraordinary human pillar with his head uppermost; and what excited an extraordinary clamour of surprise, was to observe the first man, who thus supported on the crown of his head the whole of the other six, lift one foot as high as the shoulder, standing thus upon one leg, and exhibiting a degree of strength and steadiness not exactly within the scope of my comprehension.
Eighth. One of the men stood upright as before; another took hold of him by the hips from behind, and so on to the number of forty men, each laying hold the one of the other by the hips in the same manner. The first man put forth his strength, and contrived to force the whole of the others in train along the field for some time: a degree of bodily strength which could not be witnessed without considerable astonishment.
Ninth. They produced a man whom they divided limb from limb, actually severing his head from the body. They scattered these mutilated members along the ground, and in this state they lay for some time. They then extended a sheet or curtain over the spot, and one of the men putting himself under the sheet, in a few minutes came from below, followed by the individual supposed to have been cut into joints, in perfect health and condition, and one might have safely sworn that he had never received wound or injury whatever.
Tenth. They took a small bag, and having first shewn that it was entirely empty, one of them put his hand into the bag; on withdrawing his hand again, out came two game cocks of the largest size and great beauty, which immediately assailing each other, fought with such force and fury, that their wings emitted sparks of fire at every stroke. This continued for the full space of an astronomical hour, when they put an end to the combat by throwing a sheet over the animals. Again they withdrew the sheet, and there appeared a brace of partridges with the most beautiful and brilliant plumage, which immediately began to tune their throats as if there were nothing human present; pecking at worms with the same sort of chuckle (kakkah) as they are heard to use on the hill side. The sheet was now thrown, as in the other instance, over the partridges, and when again withdrawn, instead of those beautiful birds there appeared two frightful black snakes, with flat heads and crimson bellies, which, with open mouth and head erect, and coiled together, attacked each other with the greatest fury, and so continued to do, until, as it appeared, they became quite exhausted, when they fell asunder. The sheet was thrown over as before, and when finally withdrawn, there appeared not a vestige of the snakes or of any thing else.
Eleventh. They made an excavation in the earth in the shape of a tank or reservoir, of considerable dimensions, which they requested us to fill with water. When this was done they spread a covering over the place, and after a short interval having removed the cover, the water appeared to be one complete sheet of ice, and they desired that some of the elephant keepers might be directed to lead their elephants across. Accordingly one of the men set his elephant upon the ice, and the animal walked over with as much ease and safety as if it were a platform of solid rock, remaining for some time on the surface of the frozen pond without occasioning the slightest fracture in the ice. As usual, the sheet was drawn across the place, and being again removed, every vestige of ice, and even moisture of any sort, had completely disappeared.
Twelfth. They caused two tents to be set up at the distance of a bow-shot the one from the other, the doors or entrances being placed exactly opposite; they raised the tent walls all around, and desired that it might be particularly observed that they were entirely empty. Then fixing the tent walls to the ground, two of the seven men entered, one into each tent, none other of the seven entering either of the tents. Thus prepared, they said they would undertake to bring out of the tents any animal we chose to mention, whether bird or beast, and set them in conflict with each other. Khaun-e-Jahaun, with a smile of incredulity, required them to shew us a battle between two ostriches. In a few minutes two ostriches of the largest size issued, one from either tent, and attacked each other with such fury that the blood was seen streaming from their heads; they were at the same time so equally matched, that neither could get the better of the other, and they were therefore separated by the men, and conveyed within the tents. My son Khoorum then called for the neilahgâo, and immediately were seen to issue from the tents two of those untameable animals, equally large, fat, and fierce, which likewise commenced a furious combat, seizing each other by the neck, and alternately forcing one another backwards and forwards for the space of nearly two guhrries of time, after which they were also separated, and withdrawn into the tents. In short, they continued to produce from either tent whatever animal we chose to name, and before our eyes set them to fight in the manner I have attempted to describe; and although I have exerted my utmost invention to discover the secret of the contrivance, it has hitherto been entirely without success.
Thirteenth. They were furnished with a bow and about fifty steel-pointed arrows. One of the seven men took the bow in hand, and shooting an arrow into the air, the shaft stood fixed at a considerable height; he shot a second arrow, which flew straight to the first, to which it became attached, and so with every one of the remaining arrows to the last of all, which striking the united sheaf suspended in the air, the whole immediately broke asunder, and came at once to the earth. This also it would be difficult to explain.
Fourteenth. They filled a large vessel full of water perfectly transparent, and placed it on the floor before me. One of them held in his hand a red rose, which he said, by giving it a dip into the water, he would bring out of any colour I chose to mention. Accordingly he gave the rose a plunge, and out it came of a bright yellow; and thus at every dip he brought it out of a different kind and colour; at one time a gûlaul, at another an orange blossom. In short, a hundred times repeated he would have produced at each a flower of a different kind and colour. They then plunged a skein of white thread into the vessel, and brought it first of a red, then of a yellow colour, and so of a different colour a hundred times repeated, if required so to do.
Fifteenth. They produced a bird-cage, of which the side that appeared next to me exhibited a pair of sweet-singing nightingales. They gave the cage a turn, and though there was no partition to divide it, there now appeared a couple of beautiful green parrots. Another turn of the cage, and they shewed us another sort of speaking bird of a scarlet colour: another, and we saw a brace of partridges beautifully mottled and coloured, and, what appears extraordinary, of most melodious song. Thus at every change of the four sides of the cage, there appeared a different kind of bird at every change, and the like if repeated a hundred times. This must, I think, have been attended with the greatest difficulty in the performance.
Sixteenth. They spread out a carpet of twenty cubits in length, and of very beautiful colours and pattern. They turned it upside downwards, and displayed a pattern and colours entirely different; and in like manner at every turn, if an hundred times repeated, the carpet would exhibit patterns and colours entirely different, ad infinitum.
Seventeenth. They brought a large ewer, which in my presence they filled full of water. They reversed the ewer with its face downwards, spilling the water to the last drop: they turned the vessel with its face upwards, and it appeared as full of water as at first. And this they could have repeated an hundred times over with the same effect; which I could not but consider equally curious and unaccountable.
Eighteenth. They produced a large sack, open at both ends. At one end of this they introduced a melon, which at the other end was brought out a cucumber. Then the cucumber at one end came out at the other a noble bunch the finest grapes. Again, they introduced the grapes at one end, and at the other out came a bag of apples, of the true abbas sort: and thus, in an hundred instances, if required, they would in each instance exhibit a similar change: all which could not but appear extraordinary to the eye.
Nineteenth. One of the seven men stood up before me, and setting open his mouth, immediately out came the head of a snake. Another of the men seized the snake by the neck, and drew it out to the length of four cubits. This being disposed of by casting it to the ground, another followed in the same manner, and so on to the number of eight, none of them less than four or five cubits in length. These being all cast loose upon the ground, were immediately seen writhing in the folds of each other, and tearing one another with the greatest apparent fury: a spectacle not less strange than frightful.
Twentieth. They took a looking-glass in one hand, and in the other a rose, or other flower of any colour at will. They held the flower for an instant behind the mirror, and bringing it forward again, it had assumed a different colour. Thus it became alternately changed by this sort of sleight, to green, and red, and orange, and violet, and black and white: very curious to behold.
Twenty-first. They arranged in my presence ten empty porcelain jars, all in attendance having witnessed that they were actually and entirely empty. In about half an hour they uncovered the jars, when, to our surprise, one was found to be full of wheat, another of preserves, another of sugar-candy, another of different sorts of pickles, another of ladies’-legs,* another of citron, and another of tamarind. In short, every one of the jars contained a different eatable of some kind or other, which was presented to me, and tasted by most of those who were in attendance. After a little space they uncovered the jars for the last time, and they were seen to be completely empty, and as clean as if they had been an hundred times washed in the purest spring water. This also was considered something strange and surprising.
Twenty-second. They brought the Koulliaut-e-Saady, or works of Saady, and in my presence deposited it in a small bag, of course previously examined. They drew out the book, and it had been transformed into the Diwaun of Hafez; and the latter being replaced in the bag, it was drawn out again as the Diwaun of Sûliman. This was repeated many times, and every time a work was drawn out different from that which was last returned into the bag.
Twenty-third. They produced a chain of fifty cubits in length, and in my presence threw one end of it towards the sky, where it remained as if fastened to something in the air. A dog was then brought forward, and being placed at the lower end of the chain, immediately ran up, and reaching the other end, immediately disappeared in the air. In the same manner a hog, a panther, a lion, and a tiger, were alternately sent up the chain, and all equally disappeared at the upper end of the chain. At last they took down the chain and put it into a bag, no one even discovering in what way the different animals were made to vanish into the air in the mysterious manner above described. This, I may venture to affirm, was beyond measure strange and surprising.
Twenty-fourth. They placed before me a large covered basket,† having first shewn to my satisfaction that it was quite empty. Having claimed my attention, they now took up the cover, and the basket appeared brimful of the choicest viands, most delicious to the taste. They put on the cover, and again in a few minutes lifting it up, the basket now appeared full of fellouny,‡ raisins, almonds, and other dried fruits and aromatic herbs. [The third remove is indicated in a hand-writing so totally unintelligible in the Persian copy, that I have not attempted to render it.] In short, at every alternate removal of the basket-lid, though an hundred times repeated, a fresh display of delicacies would be presented to the spectator, to our great admiration and surprise.
Twenty-fifth. They caused to be set before me a large covered basin, which they filled with water. They took off the cover to shew that it contained nothing but water; it was now replaced, but being again removed, there appeared in the water ten or a dozen green leaves. The basket was again closed, and, on being re-opened, there appeared three or four large snakes coiled together in the water. Another covering and removal, and there appeared in the water five or six koully khaur.* At the last uncovering of the vessel it was found to contain neither water nor any thing else, but was entirely empty.
Twenty-sixth. One of the men in my presence displayed on his little finger a ruby ring; he removed the ring to another finger, and the gem had taken the colour of an emerald; removed to another finger, and the emerald became a diamond; again removed, and the diamond became a turquoise: and this repeated for any number of times, terminated in the same result, every change producing a gem of a different colour and kind.
Twenty-seventh. A two-edged sword was set up, with the hilt strongly fastened in the earth, and one of the men brought his naked side to bear upon it in such a manner, as to excite the utmost surprise that he should have received no bodily injury from having brought himself into such contact with so keen a weapon. [This passage is so extremely ill written in the Persian copy, that it has been hardly possible to obtain the precise meaning.]
Twenty-eighth. They produced a blank volume of the purest white paper, which was placed in my hands, to shew that it contained neither figures nor coloured pages whatever, of which I satisfied myself and all around. One of the men took the volume in hand, and the first opening exhibited a page of bright red sprinkled with gold, forming a blank tablet splendidly elaborate. The next turn presented a leaf of beautiful azure, sprinkled in the same manner, and exhibiting on the margins numbers of men and women in various attitudes. The juggler then turned to another leaf, which appeared of a Chinese colour and fabric, and sprinkled in the same manner with gold; but on it were delineated herds of cattle and lions, the latter seizing upon the kine in a manner that I never observed in any other paintings. The next leaf exhibited was of a beautiful green, similarly powdered with gold, on which was represented in lively colours a garden, with numerous cypresses, roses, and other flowering shrubs in full bloom, and in the midst of the garden an elegant pavilion. The next change exhibited a leaf of orange in the same manner powdered with gold, on which the painter had delineated the representation of a great battle, in which two adverse kings were seen engaged in the struggles of a mortal conflict. In short, at every turn of the leaf a different colour, scene, and action, was exhibited, such as was indeed most pleasing to behold. But of all the performances, this latter of the volume of paper, was that which afforded me the greatest delight, so many beautiful pictures and extraordinary changes having been brought under view, that I must confess my utter inability to do justice in the description. I can only add, that although I had frequently in my father’s court witnessed such performances, never did I see or hear of any thing in execution so wonderfully strange, as was exhibited with apparent facility by these seven jugglers. I dismissed them finally with a donation of fifty thousand rupees, with the intimation that all the ameirs of my court, from the order of one thousand upwards, should each contribute something in proportion.
In very truth, however we may have bestowed upon these performances the character of trick or juggle, they very evidently partake of the nature of something beyond the exertion of human energy; at all events, such performances were executed with inimitable skill, and if there were in the execution any thing of facility, what should prevent their accomplishment by any man of ordinary capacity? I have heard it stated that the art has been called the Semnanian (perhaps asmaunian, ‘celestial’), and I am informed that it is also known and practised to a considerable extent among the nations of Europe. It may be said, indeed, that there exists in some men a peculiar and essential faculty which enables them to accomplish things far beyond the ordinary scope of human exertion, such as frequently to baffle the utmost subtilty of the understanding to penetrate.*
[On an Arabian Traveler]
I shall here take upon me to relate, that once upon a time a native of Arabia, who had passed the age of forty, was brought to the metropolis for the purpose of being presented to me. When introduced to my presence, I observed that he had lost his arm close to the shoulder, and it occurred to me to ask him whether this was his condition from his birth, or whether it was an injury which he had received in battle. He seemed considerably embarrassed by the question; but stated that the accident which had deprived him of his arm was attended with circumstances so very extraordinary, as to be rather beyond credibility, and might perhaps expose him to some degree of ridicule: he had therefore made a vow never to describe it. On my importuning him further, however, and urging that there could exist no reason for concealment compatible with what he owed me for my protection, he finally relented, and related what follows.
“When I was about the age of fifteen, it happened to me to accompany my father on a voyage to India; and at the expiration of about sixty days, during which we had wandered in different directions through the ocean, we were assailed by a storm so dreadful, as to be for ever impressed upon my recollection. For three days and three nights successively it raged with such indescribable fury, the sea rose in such tremendous surges, the rain descended in such torrents, and the peals of thunder accompanied by lightning so incessant, as to be terrific in the utmost degree. To complete the horrors of our situation, the ship’s mast, which was as large in compass as two men with arms extended could encircle, snapped in the middle, and falling upon the deck, destroyed many of the crew. The vessel was therefore on the very verge of foundering; but the tempest subsiding at the close of the third day, we were for the present preserved from destruction, although we were driven far from the course which led to the port of our destination.
“When, however, the ship had for some days been pursuing this uncertain course, we came in sight unexpectedly of what appeared to be a lofty mountain in the midst of the ocean; and as we neared the spot it was soon ascertained to be an island, covered with numerous buildings, and interspersed with trees and river streams in most agreeable variety. Our stock of water in the ship was nearly exhausted, and we therefore steered close in land; and from certain fishermen who were out in their boats we now learnt that the island was in possession of the Portuguese Franks; that it was extremely populous, and that there were no Mussulmen inhabitants; moreover, that they had no intercourse with strangers.
“To be as brief as possible: as soon as the ship had reached the anchoring ground and dropped her anchor, a Portuguese captain and another officer came on board; and instantly, without leaving even an infant child to take care of the ship, conveyed the whole of the ship’s company, passengers and all, in boats to the shore; desiring, at the same time, that we might not be under any apprehensions, for that as soon as it could be discovered that there was among us a person that suited a particular purpose, which they did not chuse to explain, that one alone would be detained, and the others dismissed without injury. The port being theirs, and ourselves entirely at their mercy, we were compelled to submit to all they said; and accordingly the whole ship’s company, merchants, slaves, and mariners, to the number of twelve hundred persons, were all crowded into one house.
“From thence they sent for us one by one alternately, and stripping us stark-naked, one of their hakeims, or physicians, proceeded to make the minutest examination of our bodies, in every muscle, vein, and limb, telling each respectively after undergoing such examination, that he was at liberty to go about his business. This they continued to do until it came to the turn of myself and a brother who was with us; and what was our dismay and horror when, after the described examination, the hakeim delivered us into the custody of some of the people in attendance, with orders to place us behind the curtain; that is, where we should not be open to human intercourse. With the exception of my brother and myself, the whole of the ship’s company, on whose bodies they failed to discover the marks of which they were in search, were now dismissed. Neither could my father either by tears or remonstrances succeed in diverting them from their purpose; to his repeated demands to know in what his sons could have offended, that out of a ship’s company of twelve hundred persons they alone should be detained, they replied only by a frown, utterly disregarding every intreaty.
“They now conveyed my brother and myself to a part of the place where they lodged us in separate chambers, opposite however to each other. Every morning they brought us for food fowl kabaubs, honey, and white bread, and this continued for the space of ten days. At the expiration of that period the naokhoda (or commander of the ship), demanded permission to proceed on his voyage. My father implored that he would delay his departure, if it were only for two or three days longer, when peradventure the Portuguese might be induced to give up his sons. He presented himself to the ruler of the port, and again by the most humble intreaties endeavoured to obtain our release, but in vain.
“The same medical person on whose report we were detained now came with ten other Franks to the house or chamber where my brother was confined, and again stripping him naked, they laid him on his back on a board or table, where he was exposed to the same manual examination as before. They then left him and came to me, and stretching me out on a board in the same manner and plight, again examined my body in every part as before. Again they returned to my brother; for from the situation of our prisons, the doors being exactly opposite, I could distinctly observe all that passed. They sent for a large bowl and a knife, and placing my brother with his head over the bowl, and his cries and supplications all in vain, they struck him over the mouth, and with the knife actually severed his head from the body, both the head and his blood being received in the bowl. When the bleeding had ceased they took away the bowl of blood, which they immediately poured into a pot of boiling oil brought for the purpose, stirring the whole together with a ladle until both blood and oil became completely amalgamated. Will it be believed, that after this they took the head and again fixing it exactly to the body, they continued to rub the adjoining parts with the mixture of blood and oil until the whole had been applied. They left my brother in this state, closed the door, and went their way.
“At the expiration of three days from this, they sent for me from my place of confinement, and telling me that they had obtained at my brother’s expense all that was necessary to their purpose, they pointed out to me the entrance to a place under ground, which they said was the repository of gold and jewels to an incalculable amount. Thither they informed me I was to descend, and that I might bring away for myself as much of the contents as I had strength to carry. At first I refused all belief to their assertions, conceiving that doubtless they were about to send me where I was to be exposed to some tremendous trial; but as their importunities were too well enforced, I had no alternative but submission.
“I entered the opening which led to the passage, and having descended a flight of stairs about fifty steps, I discovered four separate chambers. In the first chamber, to my utter surprise, I beheld my brother apparently restored to perfect health. He wore the dress and habiliments of the Ferenguies, or Portuguese, had on his head a cap of the same people, profusely ornamented with pearl and precious stones, a sword set with diamonds by his side, and a staff similarly enriched under his arm. My surprise was not diminished when the moment he observed me I saw him turn away from me, as if under feelings of the utmost disgust and disdain. I became so alarmed at a reception so strange and unaccountable, that although I saw that it was my own brother, the very marrow in my bones seemed to have been turned into cold water. I ventured, however, to look into the second chamber, and there I beheld heaps upon heaps of diamonds and rubies, and pearl and emeralds, and every other description of precious stones, thrown one on the other in astonishing profusion. The third chamber into which I looked contained in similar heaps an immense profusion of gold; and the fourth chamber was strewed middle deep with silver.
“I had some difficulty in determining to which of these glittering deposits I should give the preference. At last I recollected that a single diamond was of greater value than all the gold I could gather into my robe, and I accordingly decided on tucking up my skirts and filling them with jewels. I put out my hand in order to take up some of these glittering articles, when from some invisible agent, perhaps it was the effect of some overpowering effluvia, I received a blow so stunning, that I found it impossible to stand in the place any longer. In my retreat, it was necessary to pass the chamber in which I had seen my brother. The instant he perceived me about to pass he drew his sword, and made a furious cut at me. I endeavoured to avoid the stroke by suddenly starting aside, but in vain; the blow took effect, and my right arm dropped from the shoulder-joint. Thus wounded and bleeding, I rushed from this deposit of treasure and horror, and at the entrance above found the physician and his associates, who had so mysteriously determined the destiny of my unhappy brother. Some of them went below and brought away my mutilated arm; and having closed up the entrance with stone and mortar, conducted me, together with my arm all bleeding as I was, to the presence of the Portuguese governor, men and women, and children, flocking to the doors to behold the extraordinary spectacle.
“The wound in my shoulder continued to bleed; but having received from the governor a compensation of three thousand tomauns, a horse with jewelled caparison, a number of beautiful female slaves, and many males, with the promise of future favour in reserve, the Portuguese physician was ordered to send for me, and applying some styptic preparation to the wound it quickly healed, and so perfectly, that it might be said I was thus armless from my birth. I was then dismissed, and having shortly afterwards obtained a passage in another ship, in about a month from my departure reached the port for which I was destined.”*
On the above relation, continues our imperial memorialist, I have to observe, that in all probability the extraordinary circumstances to which it refers were effected through the operations of chimia (‘alchemy’), known to be extensively practised among the Franks, and in which the jugglers from Bengal appear to have been very well instructed.
[On the Origins of the Fortress at Mandou]
Another marvellous relation which I am led to introduce into my narrative, is that which refers to the origin of the stupendous fortress of Mandou, one of the most celebrated in Hindûstaun, and which we are taught to believe derived its existence from the following circumstances.
A poor inhabitant of one of the cities in Hindûstaun, by repairing with his axe to one of the neighbouring woody hills every day, and bringing to town at night such fuel as he was able to collect, contrived with the produce to provide the scanty means of subsistence for his family. Occasionally, as necessity required it, he was in the habit of taking his axe to a smith for the purpose of getting the edge restored: but on one occasion his hatchet glancing aside from a billet of wood struck a stone, which stone happened to be that which possesses the quality of changing iron into gold: the effect was that the woodman’s hatchet was immediately transmuted into a wedge of gold. In the extreme of ignorance and folly the woodman again took his hatchet to the smith. “This is a pretty sort of job,” said he, “that you have done by my hatchet, the edge is not only destroyed but the instrument by which I earned my bread is turned into copper.” The smith, being much better informed than his customer, told him that certainly his hatchet was now not worth repairing, and that if he chose, as it was but just that he should make good the injury, he would give him a new one in its stead. But come,” said he, “Shew us the stone which has spoilt your hatchet by turning it into copper.” The silly rustic took him to the spot without hesitation, and pointed out the stone, which, with a joy not difficult to imagine the wary smith instantly conveyed home, where without divulging the secret of his precious deposit to wife or child or any one else, he locked it up most carefully in his chest. He did not, however, dismiss the poor wood-cutter without giving him an excellent new hatchet according to promise.
The fortunate blacksmith now proceeded by degrees to turn every bit of iron in his possession into gold. In process of time he built for himself a sumptuous palace. He entertained in his service numbers of armed men, all clad in coats of mail, and all experienced in the trade of war, to many or most of whom he assigned yearly stipends of from two to three hundred tomauns* a man. In short, the fame of his bounty and liberal encouragement to those who enrolled themselves under his standard extended to all parts of the world, and men of talent and courage from every region flocked to his presence, and were sure of a kind and generous reception.
This, as may well be imagined, could make but little impression on a treasury, which derived its means from a source so inexhaustible. He became however anxious to secure for himself and treasures some place of strength, to resist any attempt of superior power which on any future occasion might be disposed to assail him. He accordingly selected for his purpose four lofty contiguous hills, which, lifting their summits to the skies, contained within their precincts a spacious and extensive plain; and these he determined to fortify by all the means to be derived from the art of war and the science of defence.
In short he commenced his operations without further delay, by setting twenty thousand masons and pioneers, under his own directions, to carry on the works on one side of the position which he had fixed upon, while his son with an equal number of workmen was similarly employed on the opposite side; until at the termination of thirty years,† father and son met together, and the two extremities of the stupendous work became thus united. The fortifications thus completed, extended to little less than fourteen farsangs in circumference;* and as to the expense incurred in the execution of such an undertaking, it would surpass the power of words or writing to form an estimate.
In order to facilitate the communications with the exterior, the fortress contained ten large gateways and four sally-ports in different directions; and from each of the gateways, which were erected on lofty eminences,† a flight of steps cut in the solid rock led from top to bottom of the mountain, making altogether fifty thousand steps; that is, properly speaking, a staircase of five thousand steps to every principal gateway. He built, moreover, within the fortifications a lofty and spacious mosque, containing one thousand chambers, or perhaps cloisters, each chamber or seffah containing a pulpit for the recitation of the khotbah and other services of religion on Fridays; and such in a short time was the multitude of human beings accumulated within the circuit of this stupendous fortress, that on occasions of public worship the whole of the thousand and one oratories were completely crowded. Parallel with the mosque, or contiguous to it, he built also an extensive karavanserâi, and a lofty dome or rotunda; this latter to serve as the burial-place of his family. In this dome it is moreover described that they introduced four warm-water springs, the contents of which being made to drop slowly, drop by drop, gradually formed a petrified mass of such solidity and magnitude, as to supply for his children, and others bound to him by the ties of affection, a material for their tombs, superior to, and more delicate than the finest marble.
To bring the matter within as short a compass as possible, when this sumptuous place of worship and its appurtenances had been completed, and the country round for the space of a month’s journey in circuit had been subjugated to the authority of our fortunate blacksmith, an ambassador from the monarch of Bûrhanpour arrived at Mandou, to solicit the hand of his daughter for the son of that monarch, the prince of Bûrhanpour. Having signified his assent to this arrangement, he took some time to prepare the suitable equipments, and the requisite paraphernalia for the bride: after which she was formally delivered to the ambassador to be conducted to Bûrhanpour. On the departure of his daughter, however, the royal blacksmith deposited in her palanquin, and sealed up in a purse of cloth of gold, this inestimable gold-creating stone: and she was instructed to acquaint the monarch that on parting with her, her father should have said that for a single methkal, or scruple of that stone, worthless as it seemed, he would not have taken a thousand tomauns of gold; nevertheless, from the excess of his affection to his child, he had resigned to her this inestimable jewel. At the same time he explained to her the miraculous properties of the stone; conceiving that from his simple statement alone of its extraordinary value, without further particulars, the monarch of Bûrhanpour would be led to conclude that there was something very wonderful connected with this stone, and that it must contain some very mysterious latent property.
Under the care of the ambassador, who was also hâjeb, or lord chamberlain of his court, the princess of Mandou, accompanied by a suitable retinue of her father’s people, set off for Bûrhanpour, the well known city of that name on the river Tapty, and having proceeded to a river, (without doubt the Nerbuddah), within four days journey from that city, she was there met by the Bûrhanpourian with a numerous escort of his nobles, an imperial and sumptuous suit of tents having been set up for her reception on the banks of the river. Having bestowed upon the princess and her retinue the usual marks of royal bounty, in khelaats, and gold, and beautiful horses, and in other respects liberally discharged the duties of hospitality, he was a little disappointed when, viewing her equipment, he could discover nothing that bespoke the splendour of a royal bride; and he could not forbear observing that as her father did not appear to have sent with her immediately any part of her marriage portion, peradventure it was his intention to supply this defect at a future opportunity.
The daughter of the royal blacksmith now thought fit to apprize the monarch of Bûrhanpour, that on taking leave, her father had presented her with a bag of gold brocade containing a jewel, the weight of a methkal of which was equal in value to the revenue of a hundred provinces: at the same time she had been instructed, when inquiry should be made as to the jewels and other appendages of royal splendour which were expected to accompany her, to present to the Bûrhanpourian monarch that same bag of brocade; with which, the princess laid the bag on the floor, before her intended father-in-law. The prince of Bûrhanpour on disclosing the bag, and perceiving nought but the stone, which in appearance exhibited nothing very remarkable, expressed considerable displeasure; and suspecting that the brocaded purse with its stone contents had been transmitted with no other view than to indicate the opinion entertained of his character, he indignantly snatched the stone from the hands of the princess, and threw it into the middle of the river. From the same spot, without further ceremony, he dismissed the princess and sent her back to Mandou to the presence of her father.
The chief of Mandou, on the return of his daughter thus dishonoured, took no further notice of the insult than by transmitting a letter to the Bûrhanpourian conceived in the following terms: “The article which I sent thee by my daughter, and of which thou hadst not the common sense to understand the value, would have produced thee every day gold by the horse-load. Hast thou had the folly to cast it into the Nerbuddah, from whence it can never more be recovered?” It is needless to expatiate upon the regret and remorse of the king of Bûrhanpour, when on receipt of this epistle he came to understand the extent of his error: and although he employed every exertion and expedient to search the bed of the river, not a vestige of this most precious of stones was ever found.
Ages afterwards, when my father Akbar set on foot his expedition against a subsequent monarch of Bûrhanpour, one of the elephants in the imperial train from its furious and intractable temper had a ponderous iron chain* attached to one of its legs. In passing this same river, the Nerbuddah, the chain came in contact with this long-lost and mysterious pebble, and when seen on the opposite side of the ford, was discovered to have been transmuted into solid gold.† The circumstance was immediately made known to my father, and a number of people was forthwith employed to search the ford, in the hope that something might be discovered of this miraculous substance; but entirely without success, and the search was of course abandoned in despair.
Of this celebrated fortress of Mandou it remains to add, that notwithstanding every advantage of strength and situation, my father, after a siege of six months, made himself master of the place; when he caused the gateways, towers, and ramparts, together with the city within, to be entirely dismantled and laid in ruins, for the possession of this formidable strong-hold had but too frequently led its possessors into rebellion against their sovereign. The dependencies, lands, and inhabitants of the province, continued however as flourishing, if not more so, than ever, notwithstanding the destruction of Mandou.
I have yet further to observe, that at the period when I found it necessary to erect my victorious standard for the purpose of chastising the refractory rulers of the south of India, I came to the vicinity of this celebrated place, and ascended to view its stupendous ruins. I found the walls only demolished in part, and I became so highly delighted with the freshness and salubrity of the air and climate, that I determined to restore the town. For this purpose I accordingly ordered the foundation to be marked out, among the ruins of the ancient city, of a variety of spacious and lofty structures of every description, which were carried to a completion in a much shorter time than might have been expected. I continued to reside there for one whole year, during which I laid out, moreover, several fine gardens, with beautiful water-works and cascades; and the members of my court and camp, actively emulating the example of their sovereign, soon filled the place in every part with palaces and gardens, of similar beauty and description.
My favourite son Khoorum had concluded a treaty with Auddel Khaun and the princes of the Dekkan, by which it was agreed to put my lieutenants in possession of the best and most flourishing parts of the country, and among others of the city or town of Puttun,* celebrated for its manufacture of cloth of gold, such as is not to be met with elsewhere in all India. Often had my father declared, that whenever this place should come into his possession, he would build the walls with alternate wedges of gold and silver; and in very truth the place is not unworthy of such a cincture, however gorgeous and costly. Another of the towns ceded by the same treaty was Ahmednuggur, the metropolis of Husseyne Nizam Shah; and we shall add Khânapour, a district which for verdure of landscape and deliciousness of climate has not any where its equal. Another of the acquisitions derived from this treaty was the province of Berâr, of a month’s journey in compass, and for its numerous towns and flourishing population equal to any part of Hindûstaun. All these were now transferred to my sovereign authority, together with a train of elephants four hundred in number, of the highest value for size and courage; these were furnished with caparisons, chains, neck-fastenings, and bells, all of gold, each of them bearing on its equipments not less than five maunns Hindy, equal to fifty maunns of Irâk of gold.† The velvet housings of the elephants had on them, moreover, the figures of various kinds of animals embroidered in pearl; and among the peishkesh, or presents of homage, conveyed to me on this occasion, were three chaplets of pearl, each chaplet moderately valued at sixty thousand rupees; and of every kind of precious stone, diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, and other articles of the most costly description, such a quantity was conveyed to my treasury and wardrobe as it would be unnecessarily tedious to enumerate.
At the intercession of Khoorum, after all, through whom their prayer was conveyed on the occasion, I gave up to the vanquished chiefs several districts or townships, as well for the maintenance of some degree of state, as from my royal disposition to forget the past, and as far as possible to heal the wounds of discomfiture. In fact, I restored great part of the territory subjugated by my armies in the field, reserving to myself only the honours of the coinage and khotbah, or invocation from the pulpits. At the same time I consigned the government of the conquered countries, with unlimited powers, to Khaun Khanan, whom I have long since learnt to regard as if he were mine own son or brother.
At the period when Sûltan Khoorum came to visit me from Bûrhanpour, he brought with him Oustaud Mahommed Nâë (the piper), whom he introduced to me as the most skilful musician of the age, adding moreover, that he had composed a particular melody which he had dignified with my name.* But beyond all, he was particularly celebrated for his unrivalled performance, as his name implied, upon the flageolet. In truth, when he proceeded to exhibit the prowess of his superior skill in my presence, he produced from his instruments such exquisite strains as absolutely burst upon the ear, so surprising were the effects of his performance. I experienced at all events such delight on the occasion, that I commanded a pair of scales to be brought before me, in order that I might reward him with his weight in gold. Without uttering a syllable the man abruptly quitted my presence; but immediately afterwards returning, he appeared with the piece of music fixed to one arm, and a little girl of about six years of age on the other; and he stated in explanation, that when he composed the melody this his little daughter was in his arms, and he therefore could not persuade himself that she was not entitled to share in my bounty. I nodded assent. He was placed in one of the scales and a quantity of gold in the other, and his weight was found to be five maunns Hindy. I ordered him to be weighed the second time, and the weight in gold to be given to the daughter.
Such, however, was the rapacious avarice and absence of all sense of propriety in this man, that in spite of the expostulations of the treasurers, he was not to be restrained from the most ludicrous attempts to increase the weight of gold; and his disrespect and want of decorum became so glaring that it was not to be overlooked, and I at last ordered him to be turned out of my camp. Before I proceeded to this extremity he had, however, had the assurance to demand that I should order him the daily supply of a camel-load of water, which further convinced me that there were no bounds to the man’s insolence; and thus was the merit he possessed completely marred by the sordid spirit of avarice. Neither is it to be forgotten, that there are few defects among mankind of a more pernicious tendency than that want of sober respect, which is always due to those invested with the functions of sovereign authority. It subsequently appeared, however, that this was not the first time the man had been punished for his folly, for Auddal Khaun had formerly driven him from his capital for a similar instance of insatiate avarice.
While my court continued at Mandou on this occasion, it came to my knowledge that Mirza Rûstum had, in some way or other, accumulated debts to the amount of four thousand tomauns,* and his creditors were become extremely clamorous in their demands for payment, notwithstanding that he derived from his dignity of a commander of five thousand, an annual income of nearly thirty-two laks of rupees, independently of occasional presents, and other proofs of my bounty. This was a debt, however contracted, whether through extravagant habits or improvident management, from which there was no great probability that he would ever he able to relieve himself. As I could never discover that he was at any time devoted to singers, or that description of persons, I could not avoid suspecting that those whom he employed had taken a dishonest advantage of his indolence. Considering, therefore, that his energies would have been altogether extinguished under such a load of debt, I summoned the creditors to my presence, and immediately discharged the whole of it; at the same time desiring it to be understood, that, for the future, whoever gave credit to Mirza Rûstum, under any circumstances, would be subject to a penalty to the full amount of the debt, be it great or be it small.