Taẕkirah al-aḥvāl (=Ta'rih-i Ahval) - The Life of Šaykh Mohammed Alī Ḥazīn

For my part, when I looked with the eye of prudence towards the event of this affair, I was reminded of my father's dying injunction, and became desirous to leave the city. At that time it was still possible to remove with one's family and furniture, the roads not being yet blocked up; and for two or three months afterwards, there was no difficulty in going out of the town. But my friends and relatives would not suffer me, and assailed me with speeches, that were foreign to the purpose. This was the juncture, when the removal of the King from the capital would have been productive of the best effects; for he had no means left there of standing up against the enemy; and might have retired with his family and courtiers, and as much of his treasure as he pleased, to any part of his dominions, the whole of the provinces of Irân, except Candahar, being still in his possession. Had he escaped from that scene of famine, all the various chiefs and armies of his kingdom would have joined him, and he might have applied a remedy to his distracted affairs. It is certain, that this was the only course advisable to be pursued at that time, and I made my opinion understood by some two or three of the Soltan's confidential friends, inciting them with all my might to abandon the opposite design. The liberation of Isphahan itself was included in my scheme; for, after the departure of the Shah, the enemy would have had no leisure to pursue his designs and efforts against that capital, but must have looked to his own safety: and the citizens would have employed every method to remove him from a situation to annoy them; so that he would have been compelled either to open to himself by time and labour a return to the established place of his authority, by the same road which he had come; or to prepare himself for battles with a powerful Soltan. In every point of view this plan of conduct was advantageous; and its adoption would have saved that immense population from perishing by misery and famine. But this was unsuitable to the fixed decree of fate; and certain persons of inconsiderate minds interfered to prevent it; so happened that which happened. How apt, in this place, are the words of the wise Abo'L Casim Ferdowsi.

Lines.¹

The earth is the shooting ground of fortune:

Our body is her butt, and her bow the sphere.

When fate approaches, it drives away caution;

When destiny moves, it closes every pass.

We are all equally the prey of death,

Whether the head be under a crown, or a helmet.

The occupation of the lofty orbit is thus:

In one hand it bears a turban, in the other a halter;

When a person sits delighted with his turban on his head,

It steals him away by the noose of the halter;

Whether his diadem be exalted as the clouds,

Or his bravery equal to the chase of the lion.

Every clod of earth, every brick has vegetation:

Happy is he, who has sown only good seed.

If the earth should disclose its secret,

And shew its end as well as its beginning;

Its lap would be seen filled with wearers of crowns,

Its bosom with the blood of noble cavaliers;

Its skirt, with learned men;

The collar of its shirt, with beauteous faces.

Let a diadem be on thy head, or a helmet,

It must be passed through by the point of the arrow of death,

Every person, who has a mind stocked with sense and judgement,

Will give his attention to the affair of another abode.

After three or four months, the circumstances of the besieged became greatly distressed, and provisions fell short¹ in that vast town, filled with such innumerable crowds of people. Gradually no provisions were at all to be found; for the Afghans beginning to mind every side of the town, raised a fort at every two parasangs or less, and left there a company of guards. Constantly also troops of horse relieved each other in riding round the walls. At this period, driven by want of victuals, persons were continually escaping from the town in disguise and secretly from every nook and corner; and the Afghans suffered them to pass without notice.¹ As within the city almost every kind of improper food was used, multitudes were daily attacked with leprous tumours and bowel disorders, which brought on their destruction. But such were the liberality and generosity witnessed in the people of the city, that notwithstanding the loaf of bread rose to four or five ashrafis,² no individual, either foreigner, or native, was known to have died of hunger, or to have been reduced to mendicity. If any one really did perish by famine, it must have been that he concealed his condition from his friends. At last, however, things were brought to such a pitch, that no food was to be found; and then the people died in crowds. The few that survived, were weak and sickly; and of every class, the number of skilful, able, eminent, great, and noble men who died during that calamity, is known only to the Almighty. Amidst these circumstances my condition was such, and the fortune that passed over me so extraordinary, as the great searcher of secrets is alone acquainted with. Every thing, that the hand of my ability could reach to, I expended; and, except my library, scarcely any thing remained unsold in my house. Though of little or no utility in those circumstances, I distributed near two thousand volumes of my books; the remainder of my collection became the plunder of the Afghans.

During the latter days of the siege I was attacked by severe illness; and my two brothers, my grandmother, and the whole of the dwellers in my house, died, so that my mansion was emptied of all but two or three infirm old women-servants, who attended me, till my disorder began to abate.

BY the blessing of divine providence, when, from the violence of my anxiety, and the excessive weakness which was a consequence of my disorder, my situation was become most extraordinary, and at the moment that the general distress had reached its extremity, in the early part of the month Moharram of the year one thousand one hundred and thirty-five, I changed my clothes, and in company of two or three of the greatest lords, my friends, having quitted the city in peasant's disguise, I arrived at a small town, distant two farsangs from the city. Shortly afterwards, some of the relatives and courtiers of the king, taking him with them, repaired to the residence of Mahmôd, and had an interview with him.

On the next day, which was the fifteenth of the aforesaid month Moharram, Mahmôd, having entered the city, alighted at the Palace, and had the prone recited, and coin struck, in his name. A multitude of persons who had still remained in Isphahan, obtained pardon and clemency; and the late Soltan (Hosein) was placed in a corner of his own palace, and committed to the custody of a guard. On the intelligence of these events, the high and mighty prince, Shah Tahmâsb, who, during the severity of the siege, had been sent forth with a crowd of his attendants, and had arrived at the Court of Sovereignty, Cazvin, ascended and seated himself on the royal throne of his inheritance.

For myself, having taken my departure from the small place I mentioned, and having, with the greatest difficulty, performed some most perilous stages, I arrived in safety at the town, Khonsâr. Here I staid some time, as winter was come on, and the roads were full of snow. At length, having provided myself with what was requisite for the journey, I set out and arrived at Khorram Abâd,¹ which is the chief seat of government of Loristân Feili, and is a highly cultivated and populous country, well watered, and of salubrious air. The amenity of its situation is much celebrated. In extent, this province is sixteen days' journey in length, and as many in breadth. It has some delightful towns and villages, and a variety of charming and romantic spots. From the most ancient times, it has been the abode of the Feili Tribe, which exceeds one hundred thousand families. At that time it was governed by Ali Merdân Khan, son of Hosein Khan, of the tribe of Feili, and of the house of the ancient race and great lords of the exalted Safavean family. He had a particular friendship and affection for me, and was, in truth, one of the bravest and most accomplished men of the age. To the disorders and fatal symptoms which shewed themselves in the constitution of these eventful times, his mind and inclination were bent on applying the most appropriate remedies. But, notwithstanding the strength of the force under his command, and the multitude that was gathered around him, his efforts, from obstacles which it would be tedious to mention, were unproductive of any effect, and were refused the concurrence of those who might have served him. In this place I halted, having no longer the power to move; and, through the severity of my sufferings, I was filled with lamentation and complaints against the attacks of my adverse fortune. In the strange condition to which my afflictions and my distressing adventures had reduced me, the powers of my mind fell dormant; and the page of my memory, becoming void of every particle of knowledge with which it had been formerly inscribed, now presented a perfect blank. I had no power left me of speaking or putting words together; and the only trace of life that remained in me, was the feeble connexion of my breath with my helpless body. In this state I continued a whole year; at the end of which period my health returned; and that was ascertained and made evident to me, which has been mentioned by Sheikh Ibn Gharbi in the section Idrisi of his book, Fisôs El Hikam. I afterwards wrote a full commentary on the Sheikh's saying; and from those who read my work it remained not concealed, that the description of the strange occurrences and events that befell me, was a manifestation of wonders and a prodigy of fortune, wherein minuteness of detail would exceed all measure of possibility. With that which may be described, should freedom be given to the pen and nothing be excused or omitted, whole volumes might be filled, and my entire life would be engaged in the performance. How then in these few moments of leisure is the recital possible even of a small portion and sample of my adventures? A little out of much, one among a thousand of the occurrences must be briefly stated.

In Khorram Abâd was assembled a company of noble, pious, and learned men, who took an affectionate interest in my welfare. The lords and princes also of that province I found with a becoming demeanour and praise-worthy qualities. The sincere and pure friendship of all of them in my regard was very great; and in their society, and in walks, and excursions, they kept me wholly and agreeably employed. In the course of time, I explored every part of that country.

Among its principal inhabitants was that pillar of eminent and generous men, that model of great lords, Amir Seyyid Ali Môsavi,¹ with his brother Amir Seyyid Hosein. The former had succeeded as heir to the prince of excellent men Mir Aziz Allah Jezâïri, and had been near sixty years resident in these parts. He was exceedingly respected, and resorted to for advice by the community of that country; in most of the sciences possessed perfect ability; and for piety and temperance was unrivalled. He, indeed, was a prince of exalted conduct, and high estate; and his love and regard for me were carried to such a pitch, as to be incapable of further increase. His brother, also, was a most excellent nobleman; and all his family and relatives were sincere friends to me.

In that town also resided the learned Mawla, Cadzi Nizâm Oddin Ali of Khorasân, who having studied a length of time in Isphahan, had acquired a just taste and a sublime comprehension. With a number of other students, he prevailed on me by intreaty to employ myself in repetitions; and they began with me on the Osôl Kâfi, the Tefsir Beidâwi, the Sharh Ishârât, &c. From the richness of his ingenuity and intelligence, I was impressed with a great affection to these exercises; and I staid more than two years in that country, always passing my time in the most agreeable manner. The above-mentioned lords, and also the Cadzi, lived here in great magnificence, till within a few years ago, when I heard of their departure to the mercy of God.

ONE of the great events, which in these times surprised the world, and caused the confusion of Irân, and indeed of most of the kingdoms of the earth, was the march of the Turkish armies. The brief account of this affair is as follows. The Soltân of Constantinople, notwithstanding a treaty for one hundred years of peace, and the ratification of articles, that had been strengthened by the most solemn oaths and promises, and were a demonstration of his agreement and union with the Sovereigns of the exalted Safavean family, now taking the opportunity of the confusion which prevailed in their government and empire, to which they had as yet been unable to apply a remedy, and making himself the author of unfairness, inhumanity, and treachery, appointed for Irâk, Azerbâïjân, and Gorjistân, three or four powerful commanders, with such armies as his utmost effort enabled him to raise; and commissioned¹ them to effect the conquest of those provinces. He of them who was destined for the conquest of Irâk, was Ahsan Pasha, Governor of Bagdad; and for that of Azerbâïjân, Abd Allah Pasha Vezir was named.

The aforesaid Ahsan Pasha entered the confines of Irâk with above one hundred thousand men, and halted before the town of Kermân Shah,¹ where he died. His son Ahmed Pasha, who was a brave soldier, received the appointment to his father's place, and used his efforts to subdue that frontier. Shah Tahmâsb Safavi, whose youth was but in its commencement, and who, after ascending the throne, had been struck with horror and the utmost grief at the fatal events in Isphahan and the captivity and imprisonment of his father, was, by a foolish courtier, under the idea of freeing him from his sorrow and melancholy, led into the meshes of a luxurious and mirthful life; and in a little time, as play and laughter have a peculiar hold on the temper of young men, his bent that way passed every bound of temperance. A judicious and long-sighted poet has sung on this subject:²

O king! from heavy draughts of wine what result will ensue?

And from unceasing drunkenness what result will ensue?

With an intoxicated king, a world in confusion, and enemies before and behind—

It is evident, from this means what result will ensue.

Amidst these circumstances was the said king in the province of Azerbâïjân; and he had formed a design to undertake the subdual of the Afghans. The arrival of the Turkish general intervening as an obstacle to this suitable intention, he employed himself in expelling the Turks from that frontier. The army of the Kizil Bâsh, or Red Head Persians, accompanying the stirrup, which is, following the command of this prince, who in courage and heroism was really a prodigy, had repeated and severe conflicts with the Turks, and at one time were victorious, at another time were defeated. But in spite of all their efforts, the Turks maintained their ground, being an innumerable multitude, who were regularly supplied with abundant provisions, were continually recruited by fresh arrivals, and had treasures which they disposed of for the furtherance of their object. Whatever discomfiture befell them, and howsoever frequently; whatever number of them was killed, and however often the slaughter was renewed; by the side of their immeasurable force the effect was altogether unperceivable. This distress had suddenly assailed and at once beaten down the greatest part of the Persian confines, at a time when the centre of government, and the treasures of the empire, were in the hands of the Afghans; and when the evil-doers and exciters of tumult throughout the whole country, whom fear of punishment had hitherto held in subjection, came forth in this revolution and storm of strange events, from every hole and corner, to raise, as is their custom, their insolent heads to rebellion and transgression, and employ themselves in working a disturbance; when, too, the Persian army, and the men of business and direction, who possessed sense and prudence, were fallen into the abyss of confusion; and each person, in each place, inclining to the consideration of his own affairs, confined himself to the protection of his private wealth and family, and to the safeguard of his law and religion; so that mutual assistance and agreement with each other bordered on impossibility.

AT this time, also, the kingdom, or province of Khorâsân, notwithstanding its being remote from the two great disturbances which I have been describing, was thrown into confusion by the turbulence of some thirty thousand Abdâli Afghans, who laid claim to sovereign power in the seat of government, Herât; and the revolt of Melik Mahmôd Khan, governor of Nimrôz, or Sistân, in Meshed Tôs; whereby the inhabitants of that province were beset with tumults, and strife and murder were made common.

In the provinces of Tabaristan and Gilan the plague had spread its ravages, and prolonging them to the space of ten years it caused an immense population to perish. At the same time the generals who were sent with a swarm of troops by the Emperor of the Russians, landing from the sea, made themselves masters of most of the considerable towns of Gilan. At this period no less than eighteen persons, possessing troops and retinue, were reckoned up, who in the different provinces of Irân had raised their pretensions to royalty and principality. There were many besides who exercised robbery and plunder. The Safavean monarch, still undaunted, moved hand and foot amidst these horrible distresses, and against each of his powerful enemies sent such an army as his means enabled him, to cut off at least the opportunity of further transgression on the part of his adversaries. He himself was engaged in Azerbâïjân with the Turkish forces, who had conquered a great portion of that province.

During this occasion so favorable for them, the body of Afghans who had gained possession of the imperial residence, Isphahan, found it easy to subdue some of the districts around them in Irâk, and a part of the province of Fârs; and thus gave a considerable extension to their empire. A troop of ru??ed Persians, partly of their own accord, partly by force, united themselves to these Afghans, who were a rude people and accustomed only to uncivilized life in the country, and having instructed them in the rules of government and of worldly possession, and in the ways and customs of life and propriety, they led them to the method of administration and investiture peculiar to the habits of the Kizil Bâsh. But from their meanness and inferiority every little thing shewed in the sight of the Afghans to be vast and valuable; and in consequence of their narrow circumstances and of at the same time the smallness of their numbers, if any assemblage, even inconsiderable, took place in any city, they yielded to their fears, and suddenly began a general slaughter. This happened several times in Isphahan; where, out of covetousness, they left nothing in the possession of the inhabitants; and acquired to themselves such a quantity of wealth, and treasures, and costly rarities, that thought and calculation must fall short of their value. The people had no kind of rest from the tyranny of these wretches; and the peasantry, driven to despair, more than once girt their loins to massacre them.

In the court of power, Cazvin, which the Afghans had gained to their possession, the populace having united one day with the market-people, put the Afghans to the edge of the sword, and killed about four thousand of them; bringing the city by this means under their own government. When, shortly afterwards, another body of Afghan troops approached their walls, they surrendered the town, but on a certain compact and agreement.

In like manner, at Khonsâr, a place of inferior note, the populace revolted, and surrounding in the midst of the town a body of Afghans with their governor and commander who had arrived there on their march to another station, they killed in one day three thousand of them.

One of the wonders to be recorded is this, that some contemptible villages, which had been put to every shift to store themselves with provisions, guarded and maintained against the Afghans for the whole time of their seven years' dominion, the weak fortifications they were surrounded with; and nothing of theirs came within the reach of the Afghans, but the whistling of their musket-balls; so that however much these invaders exerted themselves to subdue them during that long period, their labour was in vain.

The Afghans indeed were constantly riding about; and though in possession of victory and superiority, they obtained no rest; sometimes in consequence of their fears and alarms, at other times from the actual attacks of the peasantry and the Persian army. But however often the troops of the Kizil Bâsh attacked them, by the decree of fate their business was nothing furthered.

AFTER two years' possession of the sovereign power, which accident had placed in his hands, the worthless Mahmôd gave orders for the death of the Safavean princes, who were his prisoners; and nine-and-thirty innocent seyyids, some grown up, others in their childhood, were barbarously slaughtered. It is wonderful, that on the same night, a change passed over him, and he became deranged. He began to gnaw his own hands, and ate his own excrements.¹ Every person that approached him, he overwhelmed with abuse; and in this condition died. A person named Ashraf, of their nation, seated himself in his place; and was qualified with bravery and prudence. By persuasion and coercion he gained to himself adherents from among the people of Irâk and Fârs; and having equipped a numerous army, and assembled his forces, he subdued the greater part of the last mentioned province; so that his affairs assumed a very great splendour. The Turkish general, Ahmed Pasha, having marched against him with an immense army, they gave battle in the neighbourhood of a small town called Anjadân. At first the Afghans were broken by the fire of the Turkish artillery, and were forced to abandon their position. When evening came on, Ashraf again drew up his forces, and, after the manner of the Kizil Bâsh, having raised on all sides a noise like thunder by the sound of trumpets and the beat of drums, he rushed upon the Turks, who, with their commander Ahmed Pasha, were routed and put to flight. At length a peace was concluded between them.

Soon afterwards, Ashraf put to death the Shah Soltân Hosein, and sent his corpse to be interred at the court of the faithful, Com. Ashraf remained firm on the throne until he was finally routed and destroyed by Shah Tahmâsb, as will be hereafter described.

I MUST now commemorate the number of grandees who were on a friendly footing with me, who died either shortly before the siege of Isphahan, or during that calamity. One of them was the learned Mawla, Mirza Abd Allah, commonly called Efendi. He was skilled in the usual sciences, and was very much followed. Having built a college near his own mansion in Isphahan, he employed himself in teaching, and had his fortune made.¹ He had been in Constantinople, and the learned men of that place had become acquainted with his gift of knowledge. According to their usage, they bestowed on him the title of Efendi, by which he was ever after known. In regard to me his kindness was complete. He departed from life a short time before the disturbance in Isphahan.

Another was the excellent Seyyid, Mir Mohammed Sâlih, Sheikh Al Islâm, a native of the capital. His knowledge comprehended the whole circle of legal sciences, and he passed through life honoured and respected. His decease took place before the revolution. Some of his children, also, were adorned with the jewels of knowledge and virtue, and were united in friendship with me. They died about the time of writing this.

Another was the learned Seyyid, Mir Mohammed Bâkir, son and successor of Mir Ismail Hoseini Isphahani. He was one of the most famous doctors, and in the reign of the late Soltân held high rank and dignity. The management of the classes in the royal college was committed to his charge, and he employed himself in teaching. His death happened a little before the distressing occurrence at Isphahan.

Another, a pillar of Mojtahids, was Mawlana Beha Eddin Mohammed, a native of Isphahan. He had long been devoted to the employment of communicating the precepts of law and religion, and of exhorting to the performance of religious and moral duties. In points and disputes of law he was the resort of his contemporaries; and in conduct and manner was most praise-worthy. On my poor self he was pleased to bestow much kindness and attention. Having been when a child with his father in India, he was known by the title of the Learned Indian. He passed hence a little while before the revolution at Isphahan.

Another, a noble Seyyid, was Mirza Dâoud, son and successor of the late Mirza Abd Allah. He was of the great lords of power, and on the side of his grandmother was related to the high Safavean family. He was particularly distinguished by affinity with the late Soltân, and had the honour conferred on him of being made governor of Meshed, the holy cemetery of Rizâ. He was characterised for benignity of disposition, and was rendered famous by his poetical effusions. Adorned with the ornaments of apparent and ideal perfections, he held his course of life in honour and magnificence; until, at the approach of the calamity so often mentioned, he departed to the world of perpetuity.

Another was Mirza Seyyid Riza Hasani, who was of the Hasanian lords of Isphahan; a family, which, since the remotest antiquity, has been among the greatest and most exalted of that city; the major part of the most eminent men in the world, and the most frequent occupation of the dignity of Sadr having belonged to that house. In regard to them and the Sâïdian family it has been said:

Lines.¹

Mir, or Lord, of the Mirânies and Sâïdies;

King of India, and king to note.

This Seyyid was remarkable among his contemporaries for florid openness of temper and disposition. He held his course of life in honour and respectability; and towards me his friendship and affection were boundless. His death happened near the revolution.

Another, eminent for his writings, was Mirza Kemâl Eddin Hosein of Fasa, who was one of my instructors. During the time of the siege, and at an advanced age, he repaired to the divine mercy.

Another, a wise philosopher, a collector of excellences and a resort of learned men, was Mawlâna Hamzehi of Gilan, who was one of the greatest scholars of the great philosopher Mawlâna Mohammed Sâdic of Ardistân, on whom be mercy! and was also one of my sincerest friends. His decease happened during the latter days of the siege.

Another was Mawlâna Mohammed Riza, son and successor of the late Mawlâna Mohammed Bakir Majlisi. Apparelled with the ornaments of science and laudable morality he employed himself in giving lectures, and was characterised for elevation and dignity of thought. He died during the calamity, together with his two noble brothers, and a multitude of children and near relations, who were all numbered among my associates and firm friends.

Another was the virtuous Mawla, Mawlâna Mohammed Taki of Tabas, one of the most famous scholars of his time, and in the various sciences endued with vast ability. He had chosen his abode at Isphahan, and there employed himself in the business of instruction. It was during the disturbance that he was united to the mercy of God.

Another was the great and illustrious Mirzâdeh Mostafa Coli Khan, son and successor of the Amir Ol Omara Saro Khan; whose laudable qualities, praise-worthy morals, and superior capacity it is impossible for me to describe. His condescension and friendship towards me knew no bounds. Having arrived at the dignity of his father, he was honoured with the degree of martyrdom at the the hands of the Afghans.

As I have now given a short account of these matters, I will return to my former discourse, and detail the remainder of my adventures.

I WAS at Khorram Abâd, when the fire of the Turkish revolution flamed over those confines, and when the invasions of the Turkish troops began to reach the environs of that town. Ali Mardân Khan, the Amîr Ol Omarâ before-mentioned, came to the opinion, that as a war with the Turks at that time was a matter of great difficulty, the most salutary measure would be to retire with the whole population to a part of the province, which was a mountain of difficult access, and to abandon the town and territory of Khorram Abâd, which was in the vicinity of the Turkish camp, to emptiness and desolation. With this intent he moved with his army and dependents to the remotest district of the province, leaving Amir Hasan Beg Saliverzi, one of the princes of that tribe, in the city, to remove the people, and, having laid waste the town and citadel, to join him. The inhabitants, however, fell into confusion; and most of them being unable to move away, and having at the same time no security against their terror of the Turks, they raised a commotion like the rising from the dead. Amir Hasan Beg came to my lodgings, and the citizens also came in a body. Much discourse of various kinds passed between us, and I saw that the removal of the people was utterly out of their power. To lay waste such a city, which was the envy of the rose-bower of Irem, and, working the still greater ruin by their own hands of such an immense population, to turn adrift their old women, their children, and their families into the desert of destruction, was a measure which I did not approve of; and I advised the Amir not to stir, but to adopt some plan for the defence of himself and people. I exhorted the citizens to union, and to the active preparation of ammunition and arms: and I shewed them the necessity of being vigilant and courageous. My speech produced its effect and gained the approbation of all. The citizens entered into a treaty and covenant with each other, and every one equipped himself in armour and the accoutrements of war. Their exertions to this end being completed, they closed up, as well as they could, all the ways and passages to the entrance of the enemy, and took all the necessary steps for strengthening the fortifications and ramparts of the town and citadel. So powerfully did I employ my encouragement and multiply my exhortations on them, that the most ignorant of their number, within a few days, arrived at perfect skill in the use of arms; and to such a height was their bravery wound up, that if a formidable army had presented itself against them, they would not have hesitated to give it battle. The inhabitants now regained their tranquillity, and the town resumed its busy populousness. Most nights I kept watch with the citizens myself, and in the day accompanied them in their rides. When the Turkish army was made aware of the proficiency in arms and state of preparation of the town's people; and when the name and multitude of the branches of the Feili tribe, the roughness and difficulty of the roads and passages through the province, and the circumstance of there being in the midst of them a governor like the renowned Amîr Ol Omarâ, had been spoken of loudly by the voice of report, the Turks became thoughtful, and no longer setting their faces in that direction, they confined their operations to the remaining districts around them. As soon as the aforesaid Amîr Ol Omarâ perceived, that the people of the town remained stationary at their homes, he repeatedly sent to caution and deter them; but no one paid attention to his messages. After six months' endurance of much hardship and affliction in the mountains, he came down himself also to the city, and approved of the advice which had been followed.

The Turks in the mean time were busied in the siege of Hamadân, one of the largest cities of Irâk, and the capital of one of its most considerable districts. At that time there was neither governor, nor any body of troops in the town. But the citizens and common people stood up in its defence, and the siege was prolonged to four months' duraration. A multitude of Turks was killed by the arrows and musket-shots of the besieged; and however much the Turkish General, Ahmed Pâshâ, summoned them to submit, it was of no avail. The Turks, who exceeded one hundred thousand in number, and were renowned throughout the world for capturing forts, began at length to exert themselves in the reduction of the town, and having blown up with gunpowder one side of the ramparts they entered through the breach. As the Turks turned their hands to slaughter, the people of the town also, taking up arms, as many as they had, made face against the enemy on every side; but they had no longer any hold on their own safety, nor was any advantage to be gained by their useless strife: they were all killed in the murderous conflict. Of the most famous and extraordinary occurrences of the time, one was the abundant slaughter made by the Turks in that city, and the resistance and obstinate bravery of its inhabitants. For three days was the bloody scene enacted; and not one of the Persian combatants turned his face to flight, but they were all killed; except a very small number of persons who obtained quarter, and retired to the neighbouring districts. At that time a considerable multitude from the districts and confines of Irâk had been also assembled in the town. The number of the slain on this mournful occasion is known only to the great master of secrets; for to guess even the number of noble lords, and eminent men, and grandees, who at that time lost their lives, would be difficult; how much more so that of the common people? One of the slain was the ingeniously clever and incomparably learned man Mirza Hâshim of Hamadân, who ranked among the scientific scholars of the age, and was a true friend to me. Was numbered also in the list of the slain the learned and godly Mawla Abd Arrashîd of Hamadân, who was a just and equitable man, and possessed a high degree of legal knowledge. Among the killed was also that prodigy of the universe Mawlâna Ali Khattât of Isphahan, whom I have had occasion to mention heretofore.¹ He was connected with most of the sciences, and wrote every species of hand-writing in such a manner, as none of the preceding writers up to his time had been able to execute. He was a collector of all perfections, and from the beginning of the revolution had been one of my friends and intimate companions. To conclude, with the report of this terrible calamity of Hamadân confusion spread itself over the affairs of those confines, or rather found its way over the whole of Persia; and the people of Khorram Abâd were scattered and dispersed, the governor himself also fleeing from that town.

AS a great number of my acquaintances and friends had perished in the storm of Hamadân, and their families were marched in the crowd of prisoners, I formed the design of going to that country to enquire into their condition and to use my endeavours towards the release of the captives, as far as my utmost ability would carry me. I set out, therefore, in the direction of Hamadân, and with my own people and a company of persons who joined me on the road we were in all seventy horsemen. The highways and by-passages were so full of disturbance and confusion that it was difficult to pass along. In one or two of the stages, we fell in with the Turkish troops, and were surrounded by them. After suffering hard trials and severe vexations we got away in safety, by the favour of the Almighty, and arrived at Hamadan. A number of the well known inhabitants of Kermanshah and other towns, who accompanied the Pasha and the Turkish army against their wills, and had a former acquaintance with me, united in the undertaking; and we made great exertions for the release of some of the prisoners; until by the employment of every sort of persuasion a body of them were set at liberty, and arrived in a place of security. Whilst on this business God knows what trouble, care, and affliction passed over me. In some of the main streets of the city it was impossible to pass for the bodies of the slain, which had fallen one upon the other; and in most places it appeared to view, in what manner during the onset the Hamadanians, having closed up the entrances of the streets, repelled the assaults of the Turks; and, whatever number of them was killed, still others stood up in their places to be slaughtered, until the bodies of the slain, heaped on one another, reached to the top of the highest walls.

Though I had many friends among the Turks and was greatly respected by them, still it was very distressing to me to be in their camp; and retiring therefore from amongst them I arrived with a vast deal of difficulty at Nahâvend, which town up to that period had not been reduced to their possession: here I found the excellent Mawla, the late Cadzi Ibrahim, a native of the place, who at that time had undertaken the administration of the law in that town, and was in truth one of the best of men and a collector of perfections. This is a delightful spot, and I made here a stay of some days, during which I enjoyed the society of the said Mawla.

Thence I proceeded to the collected villages of the Bakhtiâri Tribe, known by the name of Lor Bozorg, where at that time the noble Mohammed Hosein Khân was governor. I travelled over a great part of that province, and the Amirs and Ayans of that tribe were perfectly kind to me: but to stay in those borders proved disagreeable, and being sick and weary I conceived an inclination to pass into the Arabian Irâk, and taking up my abode amidst the holy mesheds to spend there the remainder of my life. I went therefore back to Khorram Abâd, which city I found entirely empty in consequence of apprehensions of attacks from the Turkish army. Turning my steps towards Shôshter and the districts of Khozistân, I arrived at the small town of Dezfôl, which is one of the dependencies of Shôshter. The governor of that country, Abo El Fatah Khân, one of the slave-born sons of the Safavean family, and a sensible youth, was residing in the place, and took a great liking to my society. Of the grandees of that place were, the excellent Seyyid Mir Abd El Bâki, and the store of perfections Cadzi Majd Eddin Dezfôli, one of my ancient friends. Thence I went to Shôshter, where a great number of the lords and grandees belonging to the town took me into their intimacy; and here I staid some time. Among my friends were the excellent Seyyid, Seyyid Nor Eddin, son of Seyyid Neamet Allah Jezâïri, since deceased, who overflowed in kindness towards me; as also were Mirza Mohammed Taki and Mirza Abd El Bâki of Maragha.¹ Then I went to the city of Hoveizah. Seyyid Mohammed Khân, son of Farj Allah Khân Moshasha, was governor of that province, and offered me the dues of friendship. One of the distinguished men of that town was Sheikh Yacôb, a native of the place, who in the humanities, and tradition, law, and significations, and in genealogical history and biography had great ability, and possessed a powerful memory. Afterwards I went to Basrah, and intended to go on to Bagdad, when, a vessel being about to sail for Yemen, and a number of persons having embarked for the purpose of performing their pilgrimage to Mecca, I also was seized with a return of my former wish, and having furnished myself with provisions I went on board the ship. In consequence of a storm which we weathered, and the usual distress from which a sea-voyage can scarcely ever be exempt, I fell sick and helpless, weak and full of pain. After forty days I arrived on the coast of Yemen, at the port of Môkha, and having landed from the ship, I lay down on the bed of sickness, in that town; but as the air of the place disagreed with me, by the advice of some of the citizens I removed to the populous city of Taïz,¹ which is celebrated throughout Yemen for amenity of air and pleasantness of situation. There my health was restored; but in the mean time the proper season of the pilgrimage had elapsed. By a favourable occasion I went to Sanaâ, which is the centre of government and the residence of the Sovereign of Yemen. Of the class of generous Seniors, Sheikh Hasan Ben Saïd Olesi Yemeni Imâmi, on whom be mercy! was residing in that town, and was pleased to shew a particular affection and kindness towards me. Having gone back to Môkha, I returned with some ships that were bound to Basra; so that this year also I was forbidden the happiness of visiting the holy temple. At that time the journey from Basra to Bagdad, by means of the military garrisons on the roads, was impracticable; and as Basra is situated on the sea-shore, and its atmosphere is disagreeable, I found it unpleasant to remain there, and had no choice but to return to Hoveizah and Shôshter. here I was a prey to perplexity, amid the disturbance of the world and the giddiness of my own mind; and in no corner could I find any rest, as appears from the sense of my following quatrain;¹

I am he, who in the kingdom of nothingness am a Soltân;

Though provisionless, I am still furnished with provision.

In these ruined possessions I resemble a mill-stone;

My head goes round, puzzled for why it goes round.

The inhabitants of most of the places which I visited, wishing through their friendship for me that I should stay with them, proposed marriage to me: but having regard to my own circumstances and the exigences of the times, so full of disturbance and so excessively changeable, I found it in no wise desirable; and to remain among them, for various reasons, appeared to me odious and disagreeable.

IN Hoveizah, and Shôshter, and Dezfôl is a congregation of Sabians; and at the present day, except in these three towns, there is no sign or appearance of them in any other place throughout the whole universe. As far as my most diligent enquiries went, there was not a learned man remaining among them; and they were generally mean and low-lived people. The Sabian religion is the sect of Sâb, son of Enoch on whom be peace! Sâb, according to the relation of some biographers, was a prophet:¹ but a portion of them have reckoned him among the philosophers. The Sabians say, the first of prophets was Adam, and the last Sâb. They have a book consisting of one hundred and twenty chapters, which they call The First Zebôr, or Scripture. Their faith is, that the Creator of the world made the stars and heavens, and left the government of the world to them. It is to the stars that they address their prayers; and for every star they have a determined shape according to which they make its figure and say, this is the image of such and such a star. For their humble submissions and supplications to each they have set forms of worship and ceremonies. The most intelligent among them say, We do not pay our worship and say our prayers to the stars: they are only our kiblah, or object at which we look. All this tribe believes in the influences of the bodies above and their images below, that is their likenesses and idols. In former times there were wise and learned men of high degree in this order, who were masters of occult sciences.

From Shôshter I again entered the province of Loristan Feili, and arrived in ill health at Khorram Abâd. So ill was I, that when the approach of Ahmed Pasha, the commander of the Turkish army, to that city was publicly known, and the small number of inhabitants there, taking to flight, retired to the difficult passes of the mountains, I alone with a few servants remained in the city, until the General with an innumerable army of Turks being come up pitched his camp without the walls: whereupon not thinking it advisable to remain alone in the city, I went into the midst of the Turkish troops and stationed myself there. After a little time the General got some of the inhabitants into his hands and gave them promise of favour and good treatment. A small body of them in consequence came together, and the General, having appointed one of the Turks as governor of the place, retired on his march back. I kept company with this same body of troops, and arrived with them at Kerman Shah. On the route I suffered great distress from the weak and painful state of my health, and from the severity of the cold. The General conceived great affection for me, and treated me with the utmost respect: and a number of the Turks became my friends and associates. With them was Abd Allah Efendi, a Cadzi Asker of Constantinople, who enjoyed the highest celebrity in the Turkish empire for wisdom and learning. He became friendly with me and sought and gained my intimacy. Most of the discourses on science passed between us; and withdrawing my view from his dignity of chief, from his high station, and from the reverence in which he was held, I found him to the last degree mean and worthless, and a stranger to knowledge. His whole stock of erudition was limited to the retaining by heart some ordinary questions of the Hanifean system of Law: nothing more. Such I have found all that I have seen of the men celebrated for learning among that people. True indeed, one among them was Abd Allatif Chelebi of Bagdad. He in polite learning and in Arabic poetry was truly a master.

I passed some time in Kerman Shah, and there wrote a Treatise called Mofarrih Alcolôb on Medical Experiments and Corollaries, and a Treatise called Tajarrod Nafas. In that town was the excellent Seyyid Amir Sadr Eddin Mohammed Comi of Isphahan, who was the lecturer in the city of Hamadân, and having escaped from the mishap there had come to Kerman Shah. He was indeed one of the most profound scholars, and towards me displayed a perfect friendship. He is still living, and is now become an inhabitant of Najaf Ashraf.

At that time the Turks had made the conquest of the whole of Calamraw Ali Shakar, with its dependencies; of Kordistan, and Loristan, and the surrounding countries; and had brought them all into their possession by strife and slaughter. But the peasantry were insubordinate, and refused to mingle with the Turks; and thorough confusion had spread itself over those provinces. Having taking possession of the small town of Berojird, the Turks had stationed a governor to rule over it. One day the rabble and people of the market raised a general tumult, and making an assault upon the Turks killed four thousand of them. Afterwards, paying a fine of five thousand tomans to the Commander, Ahmed Pasha, they submitted to obedience.

A Kizil Bâsh Amir, Sobhân Verdi Khan, son of Abo El Câsim Khan, formerly governor of Hamadân, who at that period had neither office nor army, having brought together a various set of men, for a length of time hovered over the Turks in those parts, and had more than three hundred engagements with them. Each time he killed a multitude of their soldiers; and whenever the General went to face him with an immense army, he would make a sudden retreat. Indeed, during the whole of that period, destitute as he was of force and power, he continually performed feats of courage and manhood, and kept that innumerable army in perpetual disquietude. At last, satiated with the multitude of his repeated conflicts, and fatigued with the hardships of constant activity, he wearied and grew cool; and the Turks, having engaged him to join them by promises and conventions, at first treated him with great respect; afterwards, they put him to death. I heard it said by Ibrahim Aga, Defterdâr, or Intendent of the Finances, of Bagdad, who was one of the chief officers of that army, that Sobhân Verdi Khan, in his combats with the Turks, had slain two and twenty thousand of their men. In truth, were it possible in this haste distinctly to describe his affairs and manœuvres, his bravery and resolution, his boldness and intrepidity, the detail would fully excite the astonishment of every reader, and cancel in the book of fortune the Story of Rostam and Esfendiâr.

In sum, the province of Irâk was so withered and depopulated amidst this hurricane of calamities, as it exceeds my power to express.

ABD Allah Pasha, likewise, had conquered the greatest part of the province of Azerbâïjân, and the court of sovereignty, Tabriz, had been in the same condition as Hamadân. The Tabrizians also, after they had been reduced to weakness by making and sustaining continual assaults and the Turks had poured their forces into their town, finally drawing their swords for combat hand to hand, during five whole days maintained the fight in the streets and market-places; until the Turks, distressed by this obstinate warfare, made a proclamation, that ceasing the fight they might retire from the city with their children, and families, and whatever part of their property they could carry with them. About five thousand persons, who were all that survived of an innumerable population, with their swords in one hand, and the trembling hands of their consorts grasped in the other, marched out from the town through the midst of the Turkish army. Such undaunted bravery has seldom been witnessed in the ordinary inhabitants of any city, since time has been.¹

I staid some days in Kerman Shah, and some few in the small town of Toi, and Sirkân, and in the places at the foot of the mountain Elwend, which are the paradises of the earthly surface; and there was the Seyyid of illustrious worth, Amir Sadr Eddin Mohammed of Sirkân, with his brother Mir Ibrahim, who were both men of proficiency, and were on terms of perfect friendship with me. Their origin was from the lords of Asterâbâd. They had long been inhabitants of these countries, and were in possession of feudal lands and leases.

Afterwards I went to the court of peace, Bagdad, and passing through the exalted Kerbela, I chose Najaf Ashraf for my habitation. For near three years I led a happy life at that holy threshold, and my time passed in quiet and regularity. I had always had a desire to execute a copy of the Coran in my own handwriting; and during those days I was favoured with the divine blessing, and wrote one, which I left in that exalted flower-garden. Sometimes I investigated objects of science, and wrote treatises on them; at other times I employed myself in reading. In the library attached to the Saint's tomb there was such a quantity collected of all kinds of books, both ancient and modern, that I cannot enumerate them. Many of them I perused. Sometimes I frequented the society of the learned and pious men, who resided in the neighbourhood of the holy vestibule. Among them were the excellent Mawla, Molla Abo El Hasan of Isphahan, and Mawla Nor Ed Dahr of Gilan; Sheikh Yonas, and Seyyid Hâshim of Najaf, since dead, who was one of the most celebrated Saints of his time. In every respect my existence was most agreeable from the overflowing blessings of this sacred spot; and I had no thoughts of any journey, or of going to any distance away from this holy threshold. At length, to renew my vow of pilgrimage to the illuminated Mesheds of Kazmein and Sorreman Râi, I went to Bagdad, and obtained the desired happiness. My intention was to return to Najaf Ashraf, when the thought of a journey to Khorasân and of visiting the Meshed of Tôs came into my mind; and fate drawing me onwards by little and little brought me to Kerman Shah, where Ahmed Pasha was with an immense army of Turks. At that time, by reason of the tumultuous and revolutionary state of the country, the want of all safety on the roads, and the prevalence of rebels, it was extremely difficult and dangerous to travel in Persia. However, placing my reliance on the protection of the Almighty, I entered the province of Kordistân; and thence arriving in Azerbâïjân I beheld those once populous countries, particularly the city of Tabriz, ruined and desolated by the Turkish invasion.

Lines.¹

As I passed by a heap of ruins, my own house occurred to my mind;

I saw a man who had lost a hand and a foot, and I thought of my own heart.

Then I went to the Court of safe direction, Ardebil, which city also was in possession of the Turks, and thence I entered Gilan. A large body of the Russian army was stationed in the town of Astârah,¹ and had built there a fort. Yahya Khân of the Tâlish tribe having made an agreement with that nation was governor of the town on their part; and as our family from ancient times had been strictly connected with his race, he offered me the observances of ancient friendship, and by his entreaties engaged me to remain some days. In consequence of the calamitous plague, which was still prevalent in that province, and of the invasion of the Russian army, it appeared to me marvellously waste and destitute; and not one survived of all my former friends, nor any of the noble and illustrious inhabitants. Some also of my fellow travellers died of that disease. Having travelled the whole length of that province with the utmost difficulty, I arrived in the heavenly country of Mâzenderân.

Now, in order to connect my discourse, I proceed to give a summary account of what passed with the illustrious monarch, Shah Tahmâsb, who for some years had maintained such a strife with the Turkish army in Azerbâïjân, that the Kizil Bâsh were become weary of combats and skirmishes; and most of his army having perished in the fight, and the Turks having spread their conquests over that province, and the provinces of Shirvân and Gorjistân, the field of his operations became narrow limited. In his helplessness he withdrew his hand from those confines, and indulging the idea, that perchance he might rescue the province of Irâk, out of the grasp of the Afghâns, he entered Tehrân and Rei, with the forces he still possessed. Ashraf the Afghân, having obtained full power and authority on his side, was prepared for the fight, and giving battle to the King's army in the environs of Tehrân, he came off victorious. The Commander of the troops of the Kizil Bâsh, who was of the number of my friends, was taken prisoner in the action, but afterwards found means to escape. The King, having no longer any ability for a hostile engagement, retired to Mâzenderân to meditate on future measures; and the Afghâns became sovereigns of the territory as far as the confines of Khorâsân. As the plague was prevalent in Mâzenderân, a multitude of the King's troops died of that disorder, and scarcely a soldier remained for his service. In a fit of grief he drew the cypher of dismissal on the forehead of his Omarâs and courtiers, and expelling them all from his royal attendance, he formed the design of marching into Khorâsân with some chosen followers, and reconquering that country from the hands which had subdued it; and having joined to his stirrup a troop of warriors from the assembly of Câjârs at Asterâbâd, he entered that province. Khorâsân at that time was divided into three portions. Candahâr and its dependencies were in possession of the Kilizehi Afghâns; and the rest of Khorâsân was subject to Melik Mahmôd Khân, governor of Nîmrôz, or Sistân, who had become lord of the coin and prone, and held his residence in Meshed Tôs. He had drawn together a numerous and warlike army, and was himself a valiant man. His lineage was connected with the Safavean Soltans; and it was expected that paying regard to the obligations of so many years' service held under that illustrious house, and to the gratitude which he owed it for his maintenance and support, he would come forward with the step of excusation. But this grace of guidance was not granted him from God; and going out to meet the Shah's troop with intent of battle, he advanced as far as the fort of Asfarâyin. As soon as the King heard of his bold intrepidity he delayed not a moment to mount his horse, in the determination to meet and punish the Khân, and immediately headed the advanced guard against him. But Melik Mahmôd Khân, repenting of his audacity, returned in all haste to the holy Meshed, and began to labour at fortifying the castle and the ramparts; and the King having encamped before the gate of the city, applied himself to the siege. Every day Melik Mahmôd Khân, sallying forth from the intrenchments with a park of artillery and all the means and implements of war, would engage a conflict with the royal army; and persevered in this practice for several months. In the mean time the inhabitants of the other towns, and the peasantry of Khorâsân, grateful for the cherishment of the Safavean family, gave up their cities to the King, and flocking in troops to the royal army, they girt their loins in his service and placed their lives and persons at his disposal. The affairs of Melik Mahmôd became straitened, and that distinguished city was captured. Melik Mahmôd was thrown into prison, and there, by the officiousness of one of the Omarâs, was put to death, without the knowledge of the King. Whilst Shah Tahmâsb was in Meshed, I removed from Mâzenderân to Asterâbâd, where I met with a Seyyid of praiseworthy qualities, Seyyid Mofid of that town, who was one of the excellent men of his age. Thence I went to Meshed, and had the honour of visiting the tomb of Rizâ, on whom be peace! Here I chose to make my abode; and the King, from his proneness to the encouragement of merit and his condescension, which were the distinguishing qualities of that exalted race, came to my house, and shewed me great kindness. During this time he had conflicts with the Abdâli Afghâns and with the rebels of the different districts of that province, and obtained victory over them all.

At the period of the siege of the holy Meshed, when troops of soldiers and peasantry from all parts of Khorâsân flocked to the royal camp, Nadr Coli Beg of the Afshâr tribe, and a native of Abiverd, was also of the number of those who came to the camp. By degrees he became the object on which the royal favours centered, and by the aid of fortune obtained the powerful and illustrious situation of Côrchi Bâshi Gari,¹ and the title of Tahmâsb Coli Khân. But with the Omarâs and the lords of dignities he had no lustre, and knowing them to be a thorn in his way, he began to labour for their ruin. The King, at first, had perfect regard for him, so that the management of all the important affairs of the empire became subject to his judgement and opinion, and he gained unlimited authority.

For my part, though in that blessed town I had a multitude of friends, I held little society with the people, and busied myself with my own affairs. I there wrote a great part of my book called Romôz Kashfieh, and some other treatises; and sometimes went into the company of the grandees and men of ability.

THE poems which during this length of time I had composed, I now collected together, and this is my fourth Divan. In the above-mentioned town was the scientific Seyyid Mir Mohammed Taki Rizâvi of Khorâsân, who was one of the pious men and standards of the age; and of the renowned and eminent men of that place was the late Mojtahid Mawlâna Mohammed Rafia, of Gilan. In that town was also the excellent collector of accomplishments, the investigator of truth, Mawlâna Mohammed Shafia of Gilan, one of the most acute of philosophers, and in the mean stage of wisdom the paragon of his times. All of them displayed towards me a perfect friendship and familiarity, and now, having reached the world of perpetuity, not one of them is bound in the fetters of life. At this period I took a fancy to the style of Saadi's Bostân, and having begun to write in that species of composition, and given to my Mesnavi the name of Kharâbât, I entered many sublime subjects and much agreeable discourse in that book, in verse. The opening of my poem is this:¹

Thanks to the old man of the tavern,

Who washed from my heart the restraint of the law;

Who conferred on me a mind free from thought;

And gave me such a dwelling as a wine-house.

One thousand two hundred verses of it were written, but it never arrived at completion: I here pen a few couplets which I have borne in my recollection.

Lines.²

Listen, O monarch of happy disposition;

Open your ears for a moment to a sage adviser.

First of all, take the path of a good institution;

For the people incline to the religion of their kings.

A Sovereign should be a man of approved morality,

And should sympathize with the sufferings of his followers.

You that are the mounted leader¹ on the road of life, beware;

Let it not appear, that you are a guide to error.

If you do not yourself know, ask of him that knows;

Ask of the enlightened of mind, the intelligent.

Be a purchaser of those who improve their understandings;

To dull and mean persons say, I despise you.

Cherish the mind and intellect that solve difficulties,

And those that seek knowledge with sense and discretion.

Conduct your affairs by the guidance of the experienced;

Make your head weigh heavy with the brain of intellect.

A light-headed person is unfit for business;

For an empty drum is better than a head devoid of brains.

Endeavour to breathe with an enlightened spirit:

A learned man is better than a whole world of ignorants.

Look into the character of those who profess learning;

Neither the rose nor the Zeimarân is without a thorn.¹

Every troop of men, in the convent, as in the wine-house,

Has evermore some strange foot in the midst of it.

In every jar that you see, are both dregs and clear wine:

And wide is the expanse of the plain of vain glory.

When you reckon an empty pretension as one full of merit,¹

The truly learned man will withdraw from your side.

In that place where on potsherds a current price is paid,

Why should the pearl be brought forth from its shell?

Were excellence easy of gain to mere pretension,

Every silly boaster would become a Plato.

If a man of low capacity steals away a few words,

He is not thereby made commensurable with the deep ocean.

Let it be hidden from common sight, which is the sharp Egyptian, and which the blunt wooden sword;

It will be manifest to the eye of the quick-sighted.

The world is deceitful; should you wish for a touch-stone,

So that no doubt may remain behind the curtain of concealment;

Make, O virtuous man, you who meditate on experience,

A trial of your companions by their temper and qualities.

In appearance, all have the human countenance;

In disposition, many are inferior to calves and asses.

Make not a sour face to the counsel of an adviser;

A well-wisher's language is ever bitter.

That happy man bears away the ball of love and friendship,

Who with his friend is mild, and is harsh with his enemy.

Root out of your heart the vein and fibre of obduracy;

It is a hard stone, that breaks every lancet:

The counsel of the searcher after wisdom takes no hold on you;

As the rain of providence never penetrates to the foundation of a mountain.

Before the breath of good advisers be as the dust of the earth;

And an acceptor of truth from the pure heart.

Why do you sleep in repose, O possessor of the crown and helmet!

With poor men around you, destitute of meat or clothing;

Hidden in their mourning weeds, as musk is in its bag,

They have bellies without food, and throats parched with thirst.

Seek not comfort from the preparations of merriment;

But labour for the happiness of the people of God.

If you do not tie up the oppressor in the noose of a halter,

You must tear away your heart from royalty and prosperity.

What grace of happiness can remain in that country,

Where the dark criminal stretches forth his arm?

Cherish not the vile and base; beware;

Sow not the seed of a tree which is all thorn.

when to the high court of the king of kings

A man provoked to intolerance by the injustice of the oppressor

Complains, and says, “The Soltân will award him the punishment he deserves:”

If thou grantest him not justice, God will grant it.

Wherever in thy empire iniquity is gone abroad,

There it is as though thy authority were cancelled.

The heart of the weak cannot bear a rude touch;

Be fearful of the sigh of the enfeebled.

Fear not the roar of the leopards of war;

But dread the groans of an afflicted heart.

Become not the laughing-stock of your friendly-looking enemy;

That contemptible character would tear you up by the roots.

The shepherd who relies on the claws of the wolf

Is void of utility; or rather his detriment is great.

Indulge not in the pleasures of base sensuality;

What pleasure is greater than justice and generosity?

The man departs; but his good name remains;

Happy is he that seeks to make a good end!

 

Also,¹

A person, whose affections were sunk into the mire,

Held language in disparagement of a virtuous man.

A tale-bearer informed the virtuous man of his discourse;

And observe, in what manner he strung the pearls of his inward sentiments.

“Before me is a road, wide and far-extending;

“And I am sinking in a deep sea with a thousand perplexities.

“If good fortune should guide me to the shore,

“And I draw myself forth from this abyss,

“I have no fear of his evil speaking:

“How can a pure soul contract pollution?

“But if my pitcher come not up entire;

“If my cords resolve to flax, and my works are weak;

“Let no one speak better of me than he speaks;

“I shall be deserving of much bitterer language than his.”

HAZIN, learn the manners of those that walk in the way;

And take the talk of the world altogether as empty wind.

Thy business at present is with thyself;

Spend not thy time about the good or bad qualities of others.

Thy companions are perfidious, thy road is intricate;

Risk on no diversion the opportunity of performing thy journey.

 

Also.¹

One night I raised my head from my bosom,

As a sigh that rises from wounded hearts;

Avidity stood conspicuous to my sight,

With countenance more hideous than the ugliest of faces.

I said to her, O banished of the wise and men of sense!

Who is thy father, pray tell me, in this world?

She said, Doubt in providence and destiny,

And closing the eyes to the creator of loss and profit.¹

I rejoined, Tell me, what is thy occupation?

What dost thou weave in this workshop of two surfaces?

What manufacture dost thou carry on in general and in particular?

She replied, Corruption, ignominy, and baseness.

I said to her, About the gain arising from thy trade,

Give me some information, O stupid wench!

What is thy end, and what is thy issue?

She answered, It is disappointment; and so farewell.

 

Also.¹

I have heard that Isa, on whom be peace!

Had an ass, very lazy and tender-footed.

In a whole day he would not travel two farsangs;

Was an ass ever quick-paced from his own spiritedness?

It so happened that one night he had no mind for water,

And the heart of Isa burnt with pain for his indisposition.

With all his occupation in the duties of the rubric, and the length of his prayers,

Amidst his continual supplications, and his secret and mental murmurs of devotion,

He was unable that night to take a moment's rest.

I have heard that he shewed him water two hundred times.

A disciple filled with wonder at this extraordinary sight

Had the curiosity to ask the meaning of it, and received for answer:

“If the speechless ass should be thirsty,

“What shall he do? Whom shall he bring as his interpreter?

“The fire of oppression might be lighted up,

“And my reputation brought to the level of the ground.

“It would be inhuman to force him the whole day long

“To carry burdens, and at night to leave him parched with thirst.

“We must not be negligent of his affairs,

“Since the care of them is entrusted to our charge.

HAZIN, from the proceedings of the good and virtuous

Learn a generous humanity, and set thy heart on their practice.

Why art thou bewildered? See the road of worthy men;

Behold on this path the steps of travellers.

Take a draught from the cup of polished manliness;

And wake thy sleeping heart with a sprinkle of cold water.

Taste for poetical and elegant composition has turned the reins of my ink-dropping pen away from the road which lay before it. Let not those who look into my work take occasion hence to criticise me.

ASHRAF the Afghân, having now raised himself to the fullness of power and splendour in Isphahan, began to be apprehensive on the part of the exalted king Tahmâsb, lest, establishing himself with independent sovereignty in Khorâsân, he should employ his efforts towards his expulsion. In anticipation, therefore, of the King's attack, Ashraf set out on his march to Khorâsân with a great retinue and an immense army. The Shah, and Tahmâsb Coli Khan, with the Omarâs, hastily moved from Meshed, with all the troops they could muster, in the intention to give him battle. This event happened in the month Safar, one thousand one hundred and forty-two, in which year the Afghans were rooted out of Persia. The King was earnest in his endeavours that I should accompany him, and he sent to me a number of his confidential servants, who exerted all their means of persuasion. Unable to resist their importunities, I also went with them the first stage; but finding it diagreeable to travel in the midst of that army, I made my excuses to the King at the end of the day's march, and lightening his sorrow as much as I could at my departure, I retired to the rear of the line, where I performed my journies to my heart's content, always leaving a small interval between myself and the troops. When the King arrived at the town of Bastâm, a detachment from the Afghan army advanced upon his park of artillery with the intent to carry off some part of it by surprise; but the guards, being aware of their approach, repelled them. At the expiration of two days from that time, the armies met at a stream of water called, Mehmân Dôst. The Kizil Bâsh, though not equal in number to one half of the Afghan troops, drew up their files under the royal banners, and pressed on the soil the foot of firmness and of manhood. The Afghans also bravely crowded forward to the ring of contention, and a royal battle was engaged. The musketeers who marched on foot by the King's stirrup, and the imperial cannoneers, on that day, furnished the full measure of skill and bravery, and several times drove from the field the most advanced and boldest of the Afghans, pouring ball like hail upon their columns; whilst the mounted heroes of the Kizil Bâsh, galloping on their flanks from right and left, trampled on the ground all they encompassed within their march. Till noon-day the fight was warmly maintained. At last, from the repeated onsets of the king's troops, the Afghans yielded the foot from the ground of stability, and all their exertions ended in defeat; their ranks fell into confusion, and a general rout made its way through that immense army. Ashraf, and the other leaders faced about from the field of battle and took to flight. Many times on their retreat they attempted once more to prepare themselves for a renewal of the engagement; but in vain, and they were compelled in all haste to pursue their road to Isphahan. The King halted at Dâmghân; and for my part, I rested a while in a garden which was close to the scene of action. As soon as the whole army of the Kizil Bâsh had passed by, I mounted on horseback, and riding round the field of battle, I viewed the heaps of slain with the eye of wonder. Until that day the Afghans had not seen the real fight of the Kizil Bâsh, nor felt the arm of true warriors. During the whole engagement not more than two of the Persians, who received a few wounds, became disabled.

After this rout and victory Tahmâsb Coli Khân thought it suitable to return to the holy Meshed, in order to make the necessary preparations for the expulsion of the Afghans in the ensuing year. But the King refused his consent, and they marched towards Isphahan; whither also every trooper or magistrate of the Afghans now fled from every town in which they were stationed; whilst the citizens of each place flocked in thousands to give a respectful reception to the Shah's cavalcade, as it approached them; and raised shouts of joy and thanksgiving to Saturn upward. From all parts reinforcements joined the victorious army.

Immediately after my departure from the town of Sabzavâr,¹ I had been attacked with a fever which in Dâmghân² became violent, and I made a halt for ten days. My illness increased, and winter was come on. I went, by the road of the villages called Hazâr Jerîb, to the town of Sâri³ in Mazenderan, and suffered severe pain during that journey from the violence of my distemper. In that city I still continued ill and was confined to my bed for ten months. There remained no hopes of my life; but the Almighty granted me restoration to health; and a number of studious and clever young men who were assembled in the town having petitioned me to give them lectures, I consented and they began to read with me the books called Osôl Kâfi, Man La Yahdzorho 'L Fakîh, Ilâhiât Shafâ, and Sharh Tajrîd. These were the last of my disputations, as from that time forward I abandoned the exercise of teaching. Having passed the spring season very pleasantly in Mazenderan, I left that heavenly country and arrived at Tehran. In the mean time Isphahan had been taken and the Afghans extirpated; the brief history of which occurrence is this.

As soon as Ashraf returned to Isphahan after his defeat, mistrusting the people of the town and full of dread on their account, he compelled them to retire and distributed them in the surrounding villages; then, having collected his forces from every side, he applied himself to the preparation of his artillery. As he had made peace with the Turks, he asked them for a troop of able artillerymen; and Ahmed, the Turkish Pasha, sent a whole brigade of them to his assistance. When the King arrived in the neighbourhood of Isphahan, the Afghans met him with an arrayed army and an immense park of artillery, and drew up their line of battle. The army of the Kizil Bâsh and the musketeers who marched by the Shah's stirrup, first made an attack on their artillery, and killing all the Turks gained possession of the field pieces. Then, after much strife and slaughter, discomfiture again fell upon the Afghans; and the Persians, having cut off about four thousand of their heads, erected with them a lofty pillar.

Ashraf and his Afghans returned to Isphahan, broken and in a wretched condition. They packed up hastily whatever they had or could lay their hands on of goods and treasure, and departed all together in the greatest confusion for the province of Fârs, of which they held possession. Scattered bodies of them, previously, taking their opportunity, broke open the stores in the deserted bazars, and pillaged or destroyed the property; and whomsoever they found in concealment, either within the city or without, they put to death without mercy. One of the murdered persons was the learned Mawla Aga Mehdi, son and successor of the blessed Mojtahid Aga Hâdi of Mazenderan, on whom be mercy! who ranked among the best of men, and the sincerest of my friends.

A few days afterwards, the King and the army of the Kizil Bâsh entered the city, and the town's people returning thither from the neighbouring country, every person employed himself in repairing his condition. The King took up his abode in his royal palace, whilst Tahmâsb Coli Khan was desirous of a return to Khorâsân. After urging and obtaining certain demands the Khan was deputed to the pursuit of the Afghans. At that time the road to Shiraz, which passes over a severely cold country, was full of snow and the passage was difficult. The Great Khan, however, who in drawing together troops and leading an army is the phœnix of the age, marched to Shiraz, where Ashraf and the Afghans, who had entered the city, had again assembled their forces, and having offered money and benefits to straggling bodies of the tribes in those confines, and joined them though against their will, yet by force of their covetousness, to their army, were in a state of readiness to take the field. As soon as the army of the Kizil Bâsh came within five farsangs of the city, the Afghans pressed forward to face them again in full throng, and making severe efforts they prolonged the conflict to four days' duration. In truth the army of the Kizil Bâsh, during that engagement, gave full proof also of their courage and alacrity, and slew a great number of the Afghans, those of them, who escaped the sword, taking to their heels for safety. On this occasion the Afghans had set fire to the houses in Shiraz, and carried away the people's property in plunder. A body of their chiefs being taken alive were made to suffer the punishment of their crimes. Among them was the Miânji,¹ the spiritual director of Mahmôd, Molla Zafrân, with others like him of those brute animals. The Great Khan, after this splendid victory, entered Shiraz and applied himself to the tranquillization and establishment of the people, and to the arrangement of the affairs of that province.

Ashraf and the remains of his army, which still amounted to above two-and-twenty thousand men, fleeing in the most wretched condition had taken the road of the Lâr country, and fearing the pursuit of the Kizil Bâsh gave themselves not a moment's rest from marching late and early. Most of them at length halting here and there through fatigue on the road were destroyed. From stage to stage they scattered by the way heaps of bodies of their old men, children, and sick, whom, being unable to proceed on the march, they slaughtered of their own accord; so that from Shiraz to the town of Lâr, which is fifteen days' journey, the whole distance was strewed with their slain. As soon as the rumour of their flight was spread abroad, the peasants of all the villages and places bordering on the road, though consisting individually but of ten houses at most, arming their hands with muskets and arrows stood to face that immense army, and put it to the rout; for the Afghans from fear of their pursuers had no opportunity to stop and engage in a conflict with any one. Along the whole of that road not a crust of bread fell into their hands; they lived entirely on the flesh of their horses and asses; and a nation laden with gold and gems was dying of hunger.

When at length they came to Lâr, it occurred to Ashraf, that, as the castle¹ belonging to that city is one of the strongest in the world, he might there maintain himself, and ask assistance of the Turks. He therefore sent his brother with a body of troops and a great quantity of treasure to proceed by sea to Basra and solicit the aid of the Turkish government. But the brother had no sooner set out on his journey than he was overwhelmed by the peasantry of the surrounding districts, who killed him and carried away his wealth.

The Afghan who was governor of Lâr, went down one day to make his salutations to Ashraf. He at that time held in custody five-and-twenty Ayâns of Lâr in the castle. The prisoners being informed of his departure issued from the place of their confinement, and having slain with their own swords some forty Afghans who had remained in the castle, and having well secured the gate, they found in the lodgings of the Governor and his Afghans a few stands of muskets, and taking upon themselves to defend that immense fort, they raised from its towers a cry for the prosperity of the Shah's government. As the conquest of the castle, though its defenders be but five-and-twenty persons, is no easy matter, Ashraf with all his threats and promises could not succeed in pacifying them. During the nine days that he halted at Lâr, a party of his men each night taking their affairs into their own hands marched away in the hope of reaching some place of safety; but they were all intercepted by the peasants of those parts, who held not themselves dispensed with from killing them and taking their effects.

When Ashraf beheld his ruinous condition, he became a prey to boundless fright and fled by the road to Candahâr. As they traversed that warm country, his men also separated from him every day in different parties, and took the direction of the sea-coast; and the peasantry carried on the same business with them. One body of them reached the coast and embarked; but by the providence of God a great number of the vessels sank, and a vast multitude of the fugitives went to the bottom of the sea. Another part of them was cast on the shores of Lahsâ, Ommân, and the territory of Sind. Sheikh Beni Khâlid, who is the Lord of Lahsâ, having seized them, gave orders that they should be put to death. Afterwards, yielding to their prayers and supplications he spared their lives, but stripped them of their clothes and arms and turned them naked into the desert.

When I arrived some time subsequently on the coast of Ommân, I saw in the city of Mascat the son of one of the brothers of Ashraf, who was about twenty years of age, and Khodâdâd Khan, who had been governor of Lâr, and was one of the great lords of the Afghans, both with leather sacks on their shoulders carrying water for their living from house to house. Having sent for them, I put to them some questions and had a long conversation with them. An Afghan named Sarvar Khan, one of their princes, was also there. I was told that he worked in the clay-pits for hire. They brought him also to me, and I asked him about his health and circumstances.

Ashraf, who on his way from Lâr to Candahâr, had taken the road through the province of Balôchistân, was attacked at every pass by the peasants and people of those parts, who severally killed and plundered a portion of his army, until his wealth and forces were annihilated. He himself was driving forward with all speed, when the son of Abd Allah Borôhi, of the Balôch¹ tribe, found him in their confines with two or three attendants, and making haste to kill him sent his head with a diamond of great value which he found on his arm to Shah Tahmâsb. The noble monarch gave the diamond to his messenger, and for him a robe of honour was granted.

AFTER the fortunate termination of these affairs, Tahmâsb Coli Khan marching from Fârs by the road of Arabistân and Loristân came to Calam Row Ali Shakar, where he engaged the Pasha of Hamadân and the Turkish troops, and having gained a victory over them and slain an immense number of their men, he subdued and cleared of enemies the whole territory of Irâk. The few Turks who were a remnant of the sword fled to Bagdad. At that time, as he had obtained power and rule over the affairs, both general and particular, of all the royal provinces, the King had given to him his own diadem¹ and seal; but he felt sick and annoyed at his overbearance and superiority.

For my part, I came from Tehran to Isphahan, and beheld that great city, notwithstanding the presence of the king, in utter ruin and desertion. Of all that population and of my friends scarcely any one remained. At that period the excellent Mawla, Molla Mohammed Shafia, of Gilân, whom I have before mentioned, had come to Isphahan and was Sheikh Al Islâm. In that city he breathed his last. There also was that ingenious scholar Sheikh Abd Allah of Gilân, who possessed most laudable qualities, and ranked among my friends. He died a short time ago. Leading a retired life in that city was also the excellent Mawla, Molla Mohammed Jafar of Sabzavâr, who was one of the knowing and contemplative devotees² and had maintained with me a friendship of long standing. At that time he came once by night to my house and I had the happiness of enjoying his society. In Isphahan I staid six months, and spoke profitable words to the king, more than once pointing out to him several things which apparently would ensure the stability of his throne and fortunes: but it fell not conformable to the decrees of fate.

Tahmâsb Coli Khân went to Azerbâïjân, and having liberated its capital, Tabriz, and fought a severe battle with the Turks, in which he completely defeated them, he retook possession of all that part of the province of Azerbâïjân, which is on this side of the river Aras,¹ and to every place appointed a governor. The other side of that river he did not trouble himself about, but entered into a negotiation of peace with the Turkish commanders on the frontier; and whereas at that time there was a disturbance in Khorasan, raised by a body of Turkomans and the Abdâli Afghans of Herât, who had found the field clear of all resistance, he turned the reins of his direction towards that province, and having given the Turkomans an effectual chastisement, he advanced against the castle of Herât and besieged the Afghans.

And as a set of persons, in the small town of Dargazin, one of the dependencies of Hamadân, who during the time of the Afghans had been friendly with them and had raised seditions, being now come together held forth headstrong pretensions and had fortified the castle, the King, with a design to repress their rebellion and to effect the liberation of the rest of Azerbâïjan, set out on his march from Isphahan and insisted much on my accompanying him. But at that time I was no longer in order nor in a condition for such a journey, and retiring with an excuse¹ I departed from Isphahan towards Shiraz, to spend some time in that city, till something should occur.²

On my arrival at Shiraz, I found that city in ruin and confusion. Of all my great friends there, the greatest I had in the world, not one remained on foot; and I met with a crowd of their children and relatives in the most melancholy condition and without resource. Among them was Mirza Hâdi, son and successor of the late Mawla, Shah Mohammed Shirâzi, who was not void of some attraction towards God. Having abandoned the conversation and life of the world, he dwelt in the convents and cemeteries of that city, and was utterly detached from temporal affairs and eccentric in his thoughts and practices. As he had a friendship of long standing for me, he paid me a visit, and what is very remarkable is this, that even in the condition in which he then was he had a wonderful taste for the enigma.¹ Though he made no riddles himself, he was extremely forward and eager for their discussion, and in the solution of them was very ingenious. So quick indeed was he in his transitions,² that I never saw any master of the art equal in ability to him. For myself, I never had any favour for the enigma; I thought it an unprofitable study, and begrudged the employment of my thoughts upon it. But as the pliability and correct taste which the mind acquires by education are of assistance in every thing, and as genius makes its own whatever it applies itself to, I mastered this method of composition also, in the style which suited it, and produced in the society of the masters of this art many beautiful enigmas. A great number were composed by me impromptu during a day or two that I passed in the company of the said Mirza Hâdi, and a few that occur to me at the moment of writing this I here insert, as follows.

On the word Mâlik, or King.¹

O recluse of withered fortunes and curled up!

The breath of thy coldness has blown away our carpet.

It turned to the season of the fall when thou camest towards the orchard:

The rose became broken-leaved and blasted with cold.

 

On the word Nasîr, or Defender.²

So much pain has come to our soul from thy thumb-ring,³

That the point of thy arrow now falls idly on the shaft of thy shots.

 

On the word Khânadân, or Household.¹

If the eye of the virtuous is a stranger to the sleep of quiet,

We have at last after this mortal life a vigilant and kind fortune awaiting us.

 

On the word Jamâl, or Beauty.²

Last year you opened the road of oppression over my hopes;

This year you have done the same without reason or limit.

 

On the word Tarsâ, or Pagan.³

The tear that starts in the eye of love— when can it rest stationary,

As long as the maniac turns his face to the thorns and brambles of the desert?

 

On the word Amân, or Safety.¹

The shirt of the enraged mirror became a tunic,

When thy arrow was seen transparent on my bosom.

 

On the word Cabâ, or Tunic.²

Whilst I seal my lips amidst my wretched existence in the world,

My heart without the night of thy union is fit only for sighs and lamentation.

 

On the word Nafy, or Negation.¹

Metaphor and vanity are in the world so much become

Reality, that truth is departed from the midst of us.

In short, the plundered inhabitants of Shirâz gathered round me, and displaying to me their condition moved my heart from its place, so that under those circumstances it appeared to me disagreeable to remain among them, and I set out thence in the direction of the warm countries of Fârs. Having entered the town of Lâr I staid there through the winter. But neither in that country did I feel any desire to continue my abode; for the whole empire was in a state of ruin, and the royal ordinances and statutes during these few years of interregnum had been broken and scattered to the four winds. There was wanted a king of power, with prudence and judgment, who should occupy himself a length of time with the affairs of each town and village, and with downright severity bring the country to amendment. But in this short space nothing of the kind had yet been effected; and, by the decrees of heaven, in these times there is not to be found on the whole surface of the earth a chief who possesses the proper qualities for governing: on the contrary at the present moment each of the Soltans, and Chiefs, and Commanders throughout the universe is, as far as my opinion goes, and to speak of them as I have found them, of meaner worth and more without rule than any or most of their subjects; except some of the rulers of the Frank kingdoms, who in the institutes and ways of life, and in the government and regulation of their states, are strong and constant. From them, however, by reason of their immense distance, little or no advantage is derived towards the condition of the people who inhabit the coasts and regions of other climates.¹

Turning the reins of my direction from Lâr to Bender Abbâsi I arrived in that town, and was there attacked with a long and severe illness. As soon as I obtained relief, I again formed a plan of a journey to Hijâz. A company of Europeans residing in that port were on terms of the kindest and most friendly intimacy with me. As their ships and packets are very spacious and are fitted up with convenient apartments, and their navigators also are more expert on the sea and more skilful in their art than any other nation, I chose to go by a vessel of theirs.

My word-embroidering reed, in order to connect my discourse, will now describe the remainder of the King's history.

THE King, having marched from Isphahan, and fought several battles with the rebels of Dargazîn, destroyed their fort, and having reduced to obedience the few who were of a remnant of the sword, he turned his face towards Azerbâïjân. There he crossed the river Araxes. A body of Turkish troops also had been preparing on their side for the conflict, and in the neighbourhood of the town of Iravân the meeting of the two armies took place. The King gained the victory; and from persons who were present on the field of battle I have heard, that nine thousand of the Turks were killed in the action; and that a rich booty fell into the hands of the Kizil Bâsh. In truth it was a signal triumph; and as the Turks who were in the Castle of Iravân had endeavoured to fortify themselves in that place, the King applied his efforts to besiege it.

In consequence of these events great agitation prevailed throughout the Turkish empire, and the princes of the Othman government having concerted measures dispatched Ahmed Pasha of Bagdad with a copious army in the direction of Irâk, that by this means the King and the forces of the Kizil Bâsh might be induced to abandon the siege of Iravân. And so it happened; for when the news reached the King of the arrival of the Turkish army in Irâk, which province at that time was unprovided with any governor possessing power and bravery, he retired from the siege of Iravân, thinking the repulsion of that army to be an affair of more importance, and directed his march to Irâk. The hostile parties met in the environs of Hamadân, and halted near to each other. Ahmed Pasha, the aforesaid, practising deceit, repeatedly sent messages of peace and put forth frequent entreaties to lay aside contention and enmity, so that the army of the Kizil Bâsh soon became neglectful of their warlike preparations.

And still the negotiations for peace continued; but as the two quarrelsome armies were stationed very close to each other, and as it were hand to collar, a number of the most eager to fight entered the field on both sides, and engaged a combat with each other. To hinder hostilities on either party now became difficult, and suddenly a general action took place. The Turks having made an entry into a ruined fort, which stood close to the lines of the Kizil Bâsh, strengthened their position, and opened a fire of musquetry. The lines of the Kizil Bâsh began to disappear, and in an hour's time were entirely dispersed. An universal flight ensued, and however much the King exerted himself to arrest it, his efforts were unavailing. Some of his Omarâs, hanging by the reins of his horse, at length conducted him out of the field. The Turks on their side proceeded on no further, but returning to Bagdad in perfect satisfaction with the victory they had gained, they sent some persons acquainted with the language to the King, to sue for peace and to arrange the terms of an amicable adjustment, making many apologies for their former conduct. The King on his part gave his consent, and a peace was concluded between the two nations. The King returned to Isphahan, and on the very same day that I was about to go on board a ship at Bender Abbâsi, and to set sail on my journey to Hijâz, a letter came to me from the King with others from a number of my friends in the camp, conveying to me the true statement of these occurrences.

Having embarked I sailed to Bender Sôrat, where I staid near two months, and then departed for the place of my destination. The Europeans during the voyage were very respectful and attentive in their kind services towards me, until I arrived at the port of Jidda, where the near attainment of the wished for happiness quickly made me forget the endless disquietudes of a sea-voyage. From that place I afterwards accomplished my pilgrimage to the venerable House of God and to Mount Minâ, and by the grace and guidance of the Lord of Glory obtained the desire I had so long been cherishing. In Mecca the Revered, by reason of an intimation made to me in a dream, I wrote a treatise on The Imâmat,¹ and was inclined to remain in that holy spot. But on several accounts it was impossible, and in the month Moharram, one thousand one hundred and forty-five (latter end of June, 1732) joining a caravan of pilgrims bound to Lahsâ, I traversed the desert in the heat of summer and arrived at that town. From that country I sailed to the island of Bahrein, and thence to Bender Abbâsi.

Here I found that the affairs of Irân were again thrown into confusion, the change of its Sovereign having occurred in the beginning of the year. The summary of that transaction is as follows: Tahmâsb Colî Khân was occupied in the siege of Herât, when the King fought the battle of Hamadân and afterwards made peace with the Turks. The Great Khân, attributing this business to want of prudent conduct, disapproved of the treaty; and after eight months storming and blockade having forced his entrance into Herât and subdued and slaughtered the Abdâli Afghans, and on the few who escaped the sword having imposed the obligation of perpetual service in the army, he returned to the Holy Meshed. There he summoned to him some of the nearest attendants and most confidential ministers of the King, and having gained their acquiescence to his opinion of affairs, and fixed his design of attacking Ahmed Pasha and making the conquest of Bagdad, he said: “I shall first wait on the King, and having taken leave of him I will then go to Bagdad.” The courtiers having repaired to the King, who judging by appearances was suspicious of the Khan's design to declare himself independent, tranquillized his mind by the demonstration of his devotedness and sincere affection, and the Great Khan, arriving in Isphahan with a copious army, waited on the Shah and spoke of the permission which he was desirous of to march against the Turks. Being empowered to conduct the expedition he was preparing to set his troops in motion, when, one day, the courtiers promoted a wish that the King should go to the apartments of the Khan, which were in one of the royal gardens; and the King, in consequence, mounted his horse privately, and rode to the garden. The Khan advanced to meet him on foot, paid to him his dutiful obeisances, and having spread the carpet of convivial entertainment, intreated him to remain there that day. When the King had abandoned himself to sleep, the Khan sent for some of the chiefs of his army and made a speech to them on the exercise of the sovereign power. “In the present circumstances,” said he, “the advisable measure is, that, on account of the weakness of his fortunes, the King should withdraw some time from sovereign power into retirement. We will then raise his son to the sovereignty, and dispatch our business with the Turks.” As this purpose had been previously concerted, they gave their approval on their part, and informed the King of the issue of their deliberations. Unable to help himself he submitted to his fate, and his son, an infant but two months old, was carried into the royal tribunal, the prone was said and the coin struck in his name, and he was styled by the title of Shah Abbâs. Having sent away Shah Tahmâsb under a strong guard into Khorâsân, the Khan, who had himself previously married one of the royal females, then gave another of them in marriage to his eldest son: and whatever was stored up in the treasuries and magazines belonging to the King now fell into the possession of the Great Khân. He next appointed governors of his own over the whole kingdom of Irân, and having assigned some attendants to the above-mentioned Shah Abbâs he sent him to Cazvin. A body of the Bakhtiâri tribe revolting at this transaction made a disturbance and murdered their new governor. To chide their petulance the Khan marched from Isphahan, and after a fierce altercation reduced them to submission.

Having set out on his march to Bagdad, the Great Khan fought a battle on the road with an army of Turks, and proving victorious drove the enemy before him to that city. Ahmed Pasha, governor of that court of peace, marched out with an immense army, and ventured an engagement. Being routed he fled to the citadel. The Great Khan boldly advanced to the siege of that place, and having thrown a strong bridge of boats over the Tigris and occupied both sides of the bank and citadel, he applied himself to the close blockade of the besieged. The appurtenances and dependencies of Bagdad were all gained possession of by the Kizil Bâsh, and were subjected to contingent hardships. Ahmed Pasha certainly shewed great valour and firmness in the maintenance of the citadel; but as he had no means of escape and founded no security on a surrender to the Kizil Bâsh, his only alternative was in an obstinate resistance; so that being encompassed by an overflowing army during a siege of protracted length, that immense city fell a prey to famine, and the inhabitants fed on almost every kind of animal, whether eatable or uneatable, even dogs and cats; and the condition of the besieged became one of the severest hardship.

Having described a portion of these occurrences, I will now revert to the history of my own adventures.

WHEN I arrived at Bender Abbâsi I found that in consequence of the severe distresses I had undergone in my journey to Hijâz, and of the numerous debts which had fallen on my shoulders, it was entirely out of my power to stir from that place. During the two months that I remained in that port I employed all the means I could to release my obligations, and settled to the best of my power the distracted affairs of myself and dependents. At that period, by reason of the revolution in the government, the change in the laws and regulations of the empire, and the heavy and excessive taxes laid on every class of the people, the province of Lâristân was in a disturbed condition, and utter confusion reigned. The inhabitants, who had been afflicted by all kinds of accidents and misfortunes, and for so many years had been trampled on by such a cruel enemy as the Afghans, were now in bad circumstances of life, and possessed no power or ability for the further endurance of financial burthens, oppression, and tyranny. Yet the commissioners of the Divân and the tax-gatherers, under different pretexts, advanced in the imposition and collection of various sums of money, and the excuses and supplications and prayers of none were listened to. And as each person fell back on his own estate and means, and no protection or help was found in common, the consequence was that a strange condition of things appeared. For myself, my nature is so framed that I cannot countenance any folly or iniquity, and for cruelty and oppression have no endurance. To succour the afflicted, to relieve the oppressed, and to protect the weak I am irresistibly impelled, and should I be unequal to the performance, rest to me is impossible and life a prohibition. Amidst this disorder the miserable wretches were driven to implore my help; but no remedy was to be found, and the Great Knower of Secrets is alone acquainted with what passed over me. To the men in office I perseveringly used both sternness and asperity, both raillery and reproaches for the protection of the helpless; but my efforts were vain, as the very basis of their operations was unrelenting exaction, which was designed to know neither end nor bounds.

Leaving Bender Abbâsi I directed my travels to Isphahan, and at every fort or village that I came to, the inhabitants gathered round me and vented their complaints and lamentations. As I was known over the whole of that country, there was not a single place where the people were not able to recognize me, so that it was impossible for me to hold back in concealment. At length I came to the town of Lâr. It was now the depth of winter and the rainy season, and I was overcome with weakness and infirmity and in no condition to perform a journey, particularly through a cold country.¹ I halted therefore some days. The circumstances of this ruined city were in the lowest destitution. The former governor had been seized for concussion in his office, and the new governor had brought with him four hundred troopers, besides a crowd of other servants and dependents; and what was extraordinary was, that by the regulation then established they were to take their daily expenses day by day from the town's people, at the same time that on account of the desertion and unsafety of the roads no goods of any kind were brought to the city, and not only did the prices of food rise, but scarcely a sufficient quantity of provisions was to be found. Yet, towards a multitude of the helpless wretches, who having survived all the preceding calamities were dragging on their existence in absolute misery, the governor and his troopers used the greatest severity in the exaction of their daily wants. Another chief officer also came for the purpose of taking the number of the palm-trees in the country, and seeking to double the amount o?? the customary duties, employed his utmost diligence to that effect. On trees likewise of every other kind he invented a tax which had never had existence in that province, and having established for himself a court in his own peculiarity, he fell like a hurricane on the heads of the people. Moreover, from all the districts within their reach, by appointing to each of them rigorous collectors, they gathered in the taxes and contributions of the forthcoming year also; and from every peasant's family they required one trooper, furnished with arms and accoutrements, who was to attend the governor's stirrup, and to serve the whole time he should be wanted without pay or allowance. As many as one thousand men had been brought together after this fashion out of those districts; and three thousand more were demanded, but could not be found. To the wretched peasant who had neither clothing, nor arms, nor ammunition for service, who on his own strip of soil, in misery and hired slavery, was compelled to seek food for himself and family, how could such a journey be practicable? The heads of the villages, in consequence, were exposed to chastisement and reproaches on the one side, and to the charge of tyranny and insolence on the other. With all this they wanted also ammunition and large supplies of provisions for storing.

And this line of conduct was exclusively pursued towards the Shia peasantry of Lâr, who were in obedience to the government; for some parts of the province, which are of the Shafaïa sect, and during the Afghan usurpation had enjoyed perfect tranquillity, were not up to this time yet returned to their submission towards the governor, and being strongly established in their habitations they kept themselves aloof from these heavy impositions. But the Great Khân, having given the command of the province of Fârs to Mohammed Khan of the Balôch Tribe, had issued his orders to him to rouse them from their slumbers; and he in conjunction with the governor of Shiraz, and with an immense assemblage of followers, set out on his march in that direction. The wretched peasants, wherever he appeared, fled in terror from the manifold oppression and violence of his troops; and he soon arrived before the town of Jahrom.

ABD Al Ghani Khan, governor of that town, who was a good man and one of my friends, who during that long period by superior management and bravery had preserved the place from the malignity of the Afghans and maintained its population in wealth and prosperity, however much he wished, after he had served these troops with all the warlike apparatus that lay within his power, to make them pass on from those borders, was unable to persuade them; and carrying their demands beyond the possibility of being satisfied, they opened wide the hand of violence. Abd Al Ghani Khan, who possessed all the qualities of justice, moderation, and bravery, had no alternative but to fortify the ramparts of the town and to apply himself with the military he held under his command to the defence and guard of the place. Fierce hostility arose in consequence between the two parties, and the Commander-in-chief bound up his loins to the blockade and extirpation of the governor, who with all his soothing messages of civility and of a return to concord, could produce on him no effect.

Amidst these circumstances, the inhabitants of Lâr, whose temperament is not void of intrepidity and courage, found themselves destitute of all means of remedying their condition, were reduced to straits by the conduct of the governor and revenue officers, and felt moreover the greatest horror at the approach of the Commander-in-chief and at the cruel oppression of his army. The governor of Lâr, on his side, was uneasy and filled with dread of them, on account of his own intolerable conduct, and having assembled together his troops and dependents and given them a place in his own palace, he maintained the most vigilant watch and ward; inattentive to the poet's warning, that

Arabic Verse.¹

Victory is not by troops collected in array,

But it is by the blessings of virtue and fortune, and the assistance of the Almighty.

It happened one day that the governor fell into a passion on some pretence with the mayor of the city, and having ordered him to be dragged out and thrown on the ground, he caused him to be severely bastinadoed; after which he cast him into prison. To some of the Ayâns, who had presented themselves to pay him their respects, he used the most opprobrious threats; and they, with the citizens and dependents of the mayor, came to me, and began to vent their lamentations and to shew the most violent emotions. All my endeavours, however strenuous, to console them and to persuade them to forbearance and patient endurance, were of no avail. Despairing of the life of the mayor, who was imprisoned in the governor's house, they could not repress their uneasiness and terror. I recommended to the governor to set the mayor at liberty; but he made excuses for not complying; and the grandees of the city repeatedly went to him, and displaying their innocence and helplessness laboured for the release of their magistrate; but in vain.

The governor came one day to my house. I held much discourse to him in a tendency to peace and concord, and having pointed out to him the line of conduct which in his circumstances was most advisable, and led him to understand that the imprisonment of the mayor was the motive of the sedition, and the cause of all the tumult, I prevailed on him to release him from confinement; but it was on condition, that he should quit the country, and set out on his way to Hijâz. This proposal being assented to, the mayor was bent upon retiring. When two days were gone by, the governor repented and shewed a desire to seize him again. The people of the town, taking the alarm, sat together in council during the night, and made up their minds to rid themselves of the governor. At day-break, accompanied by the mayor, they poured all together into the governor's house, and raising shouts with a loud report of musquetry killed the governor and some of his attendants. His troopers hid themselves as each was able in some corner, and a body of them sought refuge in my apartments. As soon as the business of the governor was dispatched, the mayor and others with all that crowd and invasion of the populace came to me, and desired to avenge themselves of the troopers, from whom they had experienced much oppression. But I insisted on protecting them, and both the mayor and the populace yielding to decency and compelling themselves to the observance of civility and good manners, desisted from molesting them. The very same day, making my excuses for the haste, I conducted them on their retreat with their horses and luggage in safety out of the city; and to the mayor and Ayans I made many reproaches for venturing on such an act at a time when they had no preparation or means to carry it to a conclusion; when it would probably be the cause of their extirpation and ruin in a mass. But it had been so ruled by providence, and was a thing past controul.

The deposed governor who was an old friend of mine, obtaining his release from the accusation against him of rapine and concussion, withdrew from the city with all his people. The guards of the citadel of Lâr, with an hypocritical affectation, refusing to go hand in hand with the rest of the citizens, settled themselves in the fort; and in the space of a few days a most extraordinary mutiny and disturbance prevailed in that town. Several persons, who had ancient enmities against each other, were killed on both sides, and it came very near to such a pass, that tyrannical power and usurpation were to be exercised indiscriminately. By discreet management I allayed the fire of this sedition, and encountered difficulties and distresses during this novel state of things which it is impossible for me to describe. However much I endeavoured to retire from amongst them, my efforts were ineffectual, as they all united in detaining me by their prayers and importunities. The best of all was that on every side a report had been spread, that their proceedings in this affair were by my direction. As one thousand persons amongst them were inhabitants of the surrounding villages and districts, whom the governor had forcibly collected together, the greatest part of that body now took their own lead and returned to their several habitations.

When the Commander-in-chief, who was besieging Jahrom, became acquainted with these circumstances, he left the governor of Shiraz with a corps of his army to the siege and blockade of that town, and marched away himself with an immense body of troops in the greatest haste for Lâr. As soon as he arrived in the neighbourhood of that city, the whole population flocked together into one of the districts of the town, and applied their minds to the management of their affairs. The Commander-in-chief having stationed his troops within the walls, prepared himself to slaughter and pillage the citizens, and made an attack from all sides on the district where they were collected. The citizens, on their part, strove in their own defence and endeavoured to repel him with all their might; and the war was protracted for a whole week. When he saw that it would be difficult for him to make the speedy conquest of that district, at the same time that the important affair of Jahrom was still on his hands, he reluctantly made advances of lenity and affability, and after some parley it was settled, that leaving a lieutenant in the castle of Lâr he should retire, and that after some days, when the citizens had regained their tranquillity, each of them should return to his house, and the lieutenant also, removing from the castle to the city, should take up his residence in the government palace. The Commander-in-chief performed his part of this agreement, and the mayor, having made him a trifling present, returned to his people. The lieutenant, being with his body of troops in the fort, used all his instances that the people should come forth from their fortified district; but neither had he any trust in them, nor they in him. At length it so fell out, that the Ayâns and for the most part the populace, abandoning the city, withdrew in a mass, and in extreme vigilance and circumspection with their domestics and children, their arms and ammunition, repaired to inhabit their villages and the surrounding country.

I ALSO retired with them, until they halted in two villages, in which they held lands and tenements, when I chose to separate from them, and after some time arrived at Bender Abbâsi. Here I staid some days; but, being distressed at the sight of the circumstances and situation of the inhabitants, I lost all patience. Every person's tongue, in consequence of the impositions and tyranny of the courts of government, was constantly employed in uttering this sentiment:

Arabic Poetry.¹

He may be cured with water, who is choked with a bit of meat;

But how shall I be relieved, when it is with water that I am stifled?

My mind was bent on the purpose of bidding adieu to Persia, and of leaving these shores for Basra, whence I would use every possible means of transporting myself to Najaf Ashraf. But as the Great Khan held Bagdad in blockade, and the whole of Arabian Irâk was thrown into confusion by the conflicts of the army of the Kizil Bâsh, and was tossed in the storm of casualties, the people of Basra also were distracted with fear, and most of them were fleeing to the sea; and a terror like that of the day of judgment having fallen on the city, no kind of rectitude or order any longer existed; so that however strenuously I exerted myself to obtain a ship from the people of the coast that I might sail for Basra, it was impossible to succeed. They all excused themselves by telling me, that the people of Basra would seize their vessel to make use of it for their own flight. Having no power therefore to carry my design into execution, I was reduced to the alternative of embarking on board a vessel belonging to the European Company of Dutchmen, and sailed for the coast of Ommân. Having landed at a town in that country, which is situated on the sea-shore and is called Sahâr, I made a stay there of near two months; but from the great inconveniences and troubles with which my heart was distressed it was impossible for me to remain settled, and obtaining a vessel from the tribe Raâb of the wild Arabs inhabiting those parts, I embarked and sailed for the city of Mascat, where I staid above two months. The filthy state of that country, its severe heat, and the unpleasantness of its air and water made me ill and weak.

Lines.¹

How happens it, Lord! that my pain finds not a moment's rest;

That my head turns round from weakness, and finds no pillow?

In short, sick and infirm as I was, I embarked on my return to Bender Abbâsi; but as it was the heat of summer, and as the air of that port also is disagreeable in the extreme, I had a most violent attack of a quartan ague in addition, and fresh maladies made inroads on my constitution. On several accounts therefore I could not endure to remain there, and was forced to seat myself in a litter and remove to a place called Jarôn, which is one of the dependencies of that port, and has streams of running water. In the villages of that district I passed some time. My illness was still severe; and from the numberless inconveniences which I suffered, the contemplation of the cir cumstances of the wretched inhabitants, and the importunate prayers and intreaties which they addressed to me, my situation became uncomfortable to my mind and feelings, and no possibility remained of patiently enduring it any longer. I had indeed no way to retire out of that province; but it came to my thoughts, that a part of the kingdom of Irân which I had not seen was Kermân, and that at present scarcely any person survived of the inhabitants of that country who were my friends and acquaintances: if I should change my dress, and repairing to that city or to the villages in the neighbourhood, choose a corner for retirement, I might perchance pass a few days to my satisfaction. With this idea I made a change in my clothes and outward appearance, and with one or two of my servants set out for Kermân. At that time through the prevalence of my maladies and infirmities I had no longer the strength to bear retirement in an unhabited place, so that having spent a few days in a small village I at last came to the city of Kermân, and seating myself in a solitary corner held no conversation with any one. By little and little some persons became intimate with me, and a great number who had formerly known me, saw and recognized me, until my residence in that city remained no longer a secret. In short, having staid there some months, and the affairs of that ruined country being in utter confusion by reason of the insurrection of a body of the Balôch tribe and other accidents, I determined on departing towards the Holy Meshed; but as winter was come on, and the road to Khorasan lies over a very cold country, and as the violence of my quartan ague kept me extremely infirm and weak, the people interfered to prevent me.

At this period, Mohammed Khan Balôch, commander-in-chief in Fârs, having disagreed with the Great Khan Tahmâsb Coli Khan, had, through fear of his life, wrested his head from the rein of obedience, and drawn the line of self appropriation over the province of Fars. He had thrown into prison all the commissioners of the Great Khan, and set up a profession of servitude and fealty to Shah Tahmâsb. Although he was not destitute of bravery, he was withal light headed and had no talent for governing. As the people were afflicted with tyranny, and were naturally attached to the exalted Safavean family,¹ and as he boasted of his devotion to that house, they inclined to his party, and he had an immense army.

I WAS in Kermân, when the news was spread abroad of the defeat of the Great Khan by the Turkish army, the main particulars of which are these.

The siege of Bagdad had been carried on for near a term of twelve months, and however much Ahmed Pasha desired to induce the Great Khan to an accommodation, his endeavours were unsuccessful. The grandees of the Othman empire sought a remedy, and considered how they should repair this untoward circumstance. Among their principal Omarâs was one named Tôpâl Pasha, who for years had commanded their troops on their European frontier, and in the battles which he had fought with the Franks had gained a high reputation for bravery and skilfulness. Him they appointed commander in the Arabian Irâk, and dispatched him with a numerous army to make war on the Great Khan. As soon as advice arrived of his near approach to Bagdad, the Great Khan, leaving a body of his troops to guard the environs of the castle of Bagdad, marched himself with the army of the Kizil Bâsh to his encounter, and in his haste to meet the Turks checked not his reins for the distance of thirty farsangs. The Turkish general had divided his army into two parts, and marched in the rear. His van, having halted on the banks of a rivulet, fortified in proper order their park of artillery, and being aware of the near approach of the Kizil Bâsh prepared themselves for battle. The Great Khan came up with them in the early part of the morning and instantly began the action. About an hour afterwards, the Turkish general arrived with the remainder of the army and his train in perfect order, marshalled into lines with the artillery drawn close around; and the engagement was enforced with the utmost violence. In that sandy desert no water was near except the stream which the Turks had taken possession of. In short, till noon-day the fire of slaughter flamed, and the scene of action was crowded. Afterwards, from the heat of the sun and the prevalence of thirst, the infantry and artillery-men of the army of the Kizil Bâsh were unable to move. The Great Khan ordered wells to be dug. But at that season it was necessary to penetrate a great depth to find water. The condition of the soldier was overcome with weakness, and the Turks making a powerful charge, overturned numbers of the riders and horses of the Kizil Bâsh to roll in the dust; and among them the horse of the Great Khan was one. At length, the troops having no longer any strength to stand their ground, turned their backs and fled on the road to Persian Irâk. To the detachment who had remained at Bagdad to maintain the siege of that place they sent a messenger to call them away; and these also retiring in the night departed for Persian Irâk.

Ahmed Pasha, now relieved from the blockade, began to employ himself in carrying supplies into the fort and storing his magazines. The general marched on to the environs of Bagdad; but unable to find a sufficiency of provisions in those parts for the support of his immense army, he turned aside in the direction of Kerkôyah and there halted. From this place he sent a detachment of his troops with some of the most respectable pashas by the road of Kordistân into Persian Irâk, to inform themselves of the state of things and to act as should be advisable at that juncture.

The Great Khan, checking the dispersion of his routed army, came to Hamadân. This was in the middle of the year one thousand one hundred and forty-six (A. D. 1733). In that city he had a treasure and stores previously collected; and applying himself to the distribution of largesses and favours among his troops and to the task of repairing their condition, at the same time that he brought up a body of men whom he constantly maintained in those parts, in the space of a month he had a fresh army completely accoutred, and being informed of the situation of the Turkish de tachment just mentioned, he hastened from Hamadan to assault it. Falling like a sudden calamity on that troop of Turks he vigorously attacked them. The Turkish lines were soon broken by the onsets of the army of the Kizil Bâsh, and the commanders having been slain with a great number of their men, the rest left their artillery and baggage on the spot and betook themselves to flight.

The Great Khan drove forward towards Kerkôyah, and Tôpâl Pasha the Turkish commander marched out from that city with an innumerable army in order of battle. After much fighting the Great Khan gained a complete victory, and a vast crowd of the Turkish armament fell slaughtered on the ground. One of the pioneers of the Kizil Bâsh cut off the head of Tôpâl Pasha and brought it to the Khan, by whose order the body also was found, and both being sewed together were sent with one of the captive Efendis to Bagdad, where they were buried in the cemetery of Abo Hanîfa.¹ The Turks who escaped the sword, fled away in the most wretched plight; and the Great Khan having exercised all the severities of war in those countries, returned to Bagdad and again laid siege to that city.

I WAS in Kerman when the defeat of the army of the Kizil Bâsh and the return of the Great Khan from Bagdad took place. It occurred to me that at this juncture it might be easy to reach Basra and Najaf Ashraf from the ports of Fars. With this idea I set off for Bender Abbâsi. On the road I suffered great distress from my infirmity and from the violent fits of the quartan ague with which it was now sixteen months since I had been first attacked. At length I arrived at the Port, and finding that the voyage by sea to Basra was not yet practicable I there remained. A short time afterwards, the news came of the arrival of the Great Khan a second time before Bagdad and of the blockade of its inhabitants, and put a stop to the attainment of my object.

Mohammed Khan Balôch held sway over the province of Fârs, and had secretly spread a report of his intention to make the conquest of Isphâhân and of Irâk, and to release Shah Tahmâsb from confinement. The commissioners of the Great Khan who were established in Isphâhân and the surrounding districts, becoming alarmed at their inability to make resistance, represented his rebellion in the most exaggerated terms to the Great Khan, and described the danger of revolution as very great. The Khan had brought the affair of Bagdad near to a conclusion, and boundless fear had taken possession of Ahmed Pasha and the besieged, who had absolutely no longer any pretence or means to hold the fort: and about that time it would have been subdued, but for the events in Fars and Irâk, which disturbed the Khan's mind. Thinking it no longer advisable to stay in those parts, he proposed articles of peace to Ahmed Pasha, and certain terms were agreed on, which the Pasha had never hoped to obtain, and now regarded as the greatest blessing.

The Khan, determined to repress the rebellion of Mohammed Khan, moved from Bagdad with the quickness of lightning and the swiftness of the wind, and arrived at the town of Shôshter. The inhabitants of that place were publicly known to have given in their submission to Mohammed Khan, and were suspected to favour all his projects; and now after the execution of Abo El Fatah Khan, governor of that country, a great number of the Ayâns and the commonalty of the town were beheaded with the sword of chastisement; and it would be impossible to relate what contempt and disgrace, rapine and plunder, murder and captivity fell upon the inhabitants of that country.

The Great Khan dispatched a division of his army on the side of Fars, and followed also himself in the rear. Mohammed Khan on his part set out from Shiraz with what troops he had, in the intention to give him battle; and the meeting took place on the territory of Kohkiloyah. Mohammed Khan bravely stood his ground, and after some severe engagements he was near proving himself victorious. At that moment the report was spread of the approach of the Great Khan, who was coming up behind the van of his army. On this the soldiers of Fârs were frightened out of their minds, and as night was come on, the greatest part of them, concealing their shame behind the curtain of darkness, quitted their banners and dispersed. At day-break scarcely any one remained with Mohammed Khan; only just round his tent were left a few of his own tribe and his relatives and servants, who did not amount to three thousand persons. Mohammed Khan had no alternative but to retire from the field, and being come in all haste to Lâr,¹ he there left one of his tribe with a body of troops as governor, and turned his endeavours to collect together an army among the inhabitants of the warm countries, that he might again prepare himself for the combat.

IN Bender Abbâsi were some revenue officers of the Great Khân, and at that time some also came from Mohammed Khan; and each party exercised both insolence and oppression. One day a severe act of tyranny was practised on some of the wretched inhabitants, and my distressed heart lost all patience at the sight of it. I was unable to remain quiet, and determined to quit the country. At that very time there was a vessel bound for the coast of Sind, and my resolution was fixed to go in it. This was the tenth day of Ramadzân the blessed, one thousand one hundred and forty-six. A captain of the English European Company, being informed of my intention, came to my lodging, and began to dissuade me from going to India. He enumerated some of the deformities in the qualities of that empire, and endeavoured to prevail upon me to go to Europe. Though he importuned me very much on this subject, I would not consent; and on that very day leaving every thing with an adieu behind me, I went alone on board the ship and sailed for Sind, or India, where I landed in one of the harbours of Tatah.

It was the beginning of the month Shavvâl when I arrived in that town. I did not wish that any person should know me in that country. But it was almost impossible for it to be so; and the very same day that I arrived at Tatah, a company of merchants of that town, who had seen me in Fars, became informed of my visit. A number of Persians also were residing there, most of whom were among my acquaintance. In short, this idea of remaining incognito was not realized in any city of that empire. Had it been possible, it would have been the means of removing much of my inconveniences and afflictions, and many of my innumerable griefs; and to the degree that I am, I should not be distressed with various anxiety and anguish, and with the feeling of utter helplessness. For in reality the hardship and pain of being alone and without friends have always been the companions and engrossers of my time from the day of my arrival here until the moment of writing this, which is the latter end of the year one thousand one hundred and fifty-four (A. D. 1742); yet in consequence of my celebrity, my body and soul have been worn out with the occasional visits and hourly conversations of the various classes of worldly persons, who have become frequenters of my house. To explain the nature of their character and business and the multiplied features of their occasions and arguments would not be worth the labour. To me, who do not reckon the time of my residence in this country as a portion of my real life, the beginning of my arrival on the shores of this empire appears as it were the end of my age and vitality. During this period of eight years I have seen the whole country from Tatah to the town of Dehli, known also by the name of Shâh Jehân Abâd; and whatever I had heard or found in books of the qualities, circumstances, and situations of this empire and its inhabitants, all has passed under my view; and I have moreover witnessed and been made acquainted with that which I had not heard, and which had never occurred to my mind or imagination.

After a residence of more than two months in Tatah I reproached myself with my want of patience, and for my departure out of Persia, and repented of not choosing to travel to the kingdoms of Europe. But now the season of sea-voyages was past, and summer was come on; and to turn back to Persia or any other place it was necessary to wait for the next season. However in that town, from its want of water, its bad atmosphere, and the ugliness of its situation, qualities that form the common appearance of this whole empire, I found it impossible to rest. The people told me, ‘You must go to the city of Khodâ Abâd, which is one of the most populous of India, and is but a few days' journey hence. Much preparation is not required. You can go in a boat by the channel of the river which is made navigable from the neighbourhood of Tatah to the ridge of that city.’ And so it was decreed that I should act.

Having embarked in a boat I arrived at Khodâ Abâd. Here from the violence of the heat and the unpleasantness of the air, the attacks of sorrow and my struggles with hardship and adversity, I was seized with a variety of severe diseases, and for the space of seven months I lay ill and abandoned to destitution of every friend. When some of my disorders abated, and I found it impossible for diverse reasons to remain any longer in that place, a strange perplexity presented itself to my mind.

Finally, by the imperious decree of fate, I again embarked in a passage-boat and arrived in the city of Bhakorr, which is distant only a few days' journey on the bank of the same river Sind, or Indus. Altogether my nature had no agreement with the fashions and manners of this country, nor any power of patiently enduring them; and my friendlessness, want of means, and deficiency of ability were an additional source of desolation and grief. After a stay here of near a month, weakness and an alteration in my bodily constitution reduced me to an extreme, and having no other alternative I took my seat in a litter and departed in the direction of Moltân. Having performed the stages of that journey with excessive trouble, I arrived at a village near to the fortifications of that city and there halted.

The sight of these dominions became more and more hateful to me, and being continually in hope of my escape from them, I reconciled my mind to the incidents in the affairs of Persia, and bent my thoughts on my return thither. Its possibility however was not realized, and the length of my residence in this village, in solitude and want, approached to a term of two years, during which, amidst the anguish of my sufferings and the sourness of my humours, I sometimes employed myself in writing. To my scared wits and scattered senses this was the burthen I gave my song:

Lines.¹

Musician, strike up a tune, and Cup-bearer, give wine;

To Fortune give a fillip, and to the Sphere a repulsive answer.

During that residence I also composed a Treatise, called Kando 'L Marâm, on the Explanation of Fate and Destiny and the Creation of Acts, with some other treatises.

And let it not be concealed, that the incidents and circumstances of the days of my stay in this country come not within the possibility of detail, and I should be ashamed to apply myself to the mention of even a summary of them, for they are absolutely unfit to be exposed and narrated; and were I to turn the reins of my pen to the description of the remaining adventures of my own life, I should inevitably be led to depict some of the crimes and shameful things in the circumstances and qualities of this country, traced as it is with foulness, and trained to turpitude and brutality; and I should grieve for my pen and paper. It is better that my readers should be left to picture to themselves the end and termination of my life, after the manner that I have described the beginning of my arrival in these regions.