IT is not generally known to English students of the (so-called) Mughal period of Indian history that Gul-badan Begam wrote a book. It was not known to Mr. Erskine, or he would have given fuller and more accurate accounts of the families of Bābar and Humāyūn. It escaped even Professor Blochmann's wider opportunities of acquaintance with Persian MSS. Until the begam's Humāyūn-nāma was catalogued by Dr. Rieu, it was a literary parda-nishīn, and since that time has been little better. Abū-'l-faẓl, for whose information it was written, does not mention it, but the Akbar-nāma is not without indication of its use.78
Bāyazīd's Tārīkh-i-humāyūn was reproduced several times on its completion. Gul-badan Begam's Humāyūn-nāma was written under the same royal order and for the same end. It would have been natural to reproduce it also, but no second example of it can be discovered by us in any of the accessible book-catalogues of Europe or India, and prolonged search, made by advertisement, private inquiry, and in person by my husband in India, has failed to disclose knowledge of its existence which may not conjecturally be traced to my own work upon it. Once hope arose that a second MS. was to reward the search, because a correspondent intimated that he possessed for sale a MS. which was inscribed as being the begam's. On examination this was found to be so, but the MS. was a copy of the Kānūn-i-humāyūn of Khwānd-amīr. It is now in the British Museum.
Hope was again aroused by a mention of Gul-badan's book in a recent work, the Darbār-i-akbarī of Shamsu-l-ulamā' 'Muḥammad Ḥusain āzād. Mr. Beveridge paid two visits to the author in Bombay, but could learn nothing from him. He appeared mentally alienated, denied all knowledge of the work, and that he had ever written of it. His reference may conjecturally be traced to my article in the Calcutta Review upon Gul-badan Begam's writings, and does not, unfortunately, appear to indicate access to a second MS.
The MS. from which I have translated belongs to the Hamilton Collection in the British Museum, and was bought in 1868 from the widow of Colonel George William Hamilton. It is classed by Dr. Rieu amongst the most remarkable of the 352 MSS. which were selected for purchase out of the 1,000 gathered in by Colonel Hamilton from Lucknow and Dihlī. It does not bear the vermilion stamp of the King of Oude, so the surmise is allowed that it came from Dihlī. It has been rebound (not recently, I believe), plainly, in red leather; and it is unadorned by frontispiece, margin, or rubric. Whether there has ever been a colophon cannot be said; the latter pages of the work are lost. The folio which now stands last is out of place, an error apparently made in the rebinding. Catchwords are frequently absent, and there are none on the last folio. There are blank fly-leaves, prefixed and suffixed, of paper unlike that of the MS..
The absence of a second MS., and, still more, the absence of mention of the work, seem to indicate that few copies ever existed.
Dr. Rieu's tentative estimate of the date of the British Museum MS. (seventeenth century) does not, I am counselled, preclude the possibility of transcription so late in the sixteenth century as 1587 (995 H.) onwards. It may be the first and even sole example.
Gul-badan Begam, as is natural, uses many Tūrkī words, and at least one Tūrkī phrase. Her scribe (who may be herself) does not always write these with accuracy; some run naturally from the pen as well-known words do; some are laboured in the writing, as though care had to be taken in the copying or original orthography.
Tūrkī was Gul-badan's native language; it was also her husband's; it would be the home speech of her married life. Persian was an accomplishment. These considerations awaken speculation: Did she compose in Persian? or in Tūrkī? That she read Tūrkī is clear from her upbringing and her references to her father's book. She has one almost verbal reproduction of a passage from it retained in Tūrkī.
The disadvantage of working from a single MS. is felt at every point, and nowhere more than when the MS. itself is under consideration.
Of these there are two:
1. ‘Humāyūn-nāma. Written by Gul-badan Begam, daughter of Bābar Pādshāh.’ This is on the first fly-leaf, which is of paper differing in colour and texture from that of the body of the MS., and identical with that of four blank sheets which are bound up at the end of the MS., perhaps to allow of writing in the missing portion of the work.
2. ‘Accounts of Humāyūn Pādshāh. Put together by Gul-badan Begam, a daughter of Bābar Pādshāh and a paternal aunt of Akbar Pādshāh.’ This stands on the first folio of the MS., which by the original paging is folio 10, and by the British Museum marking folio 2 (a).
OF THE
HUMĀYŪN-NĀMA OF GUL-BADAN BEGAM.
(2b of the Persian text.)
sionate!
There had been an order83 issued, ‘Write down whatever you know of the doings of Firdaus-makānī and Jannat-āshyānī .’83a
At the time when his Majesty Firdaus-makānī passed from this perishable world to the everlasting home, I, this lowly one, was eight83b years old, so it may well be that I do not remember much. However, in obedience to the royal command, I set down whatever there is that I have heard and remember.
First of all, by way of invoking a blessing (on my work), and in pious commemoration, a chapter (juzū) is written about my royal father's deeds, although these are told in his memoirs.83c
From his Majesty Ṣāḥib-qirānī84 down to my royal father there was not one of the bygone princes who laboured as he did. He became king in his twelfth84a year, and the khuṭba84b was read in his name on June 10th, 1494,84c in Andijān, the capital of Farghāna. (3a)
For eleven full years his wars and struggles against the Chaghatāi and Tīmūrid and Uzbeg princes84d in Māwarā'un-nahr (Transoxiana) were such that the tongue of the pen is too feeble and weak to recount them.
The toils and perils which in the ruling of kingdoms befell our prince, have been measured out to few, and of few have been recorded the manliness, courage and endurance which he showed in battle-fields and dangers. Twice he took Samarqand by force of the sword. The first time my royal father was twelve years old, the second nineteen, the third time he was nearly twenty-two.84e For six months he was besieged84f (in Samarqand), and neither Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā Bāyqrā, his paternal uncle,84g who
>graphic<
AMĪR TĪMŪR (ṢĀḤIB-QIRĀN).
[To face p. 84.
(ruled) in Khurāsān, nor Sulṭān Maḥmūd Khān, his maternal uncle,85 who ruled in Kāshghar, sent him help. When none came from any quarter, he grew desperate.85a
At this difficult time, Shāhī Beg Khān85b sent to say: ‘If you would marry your sister Khānzāda Begam85c to me, (3b) there might be peace and a lasting alliance between us.’ At length it had to be done; he gave the begam to the khān, and came out himself (from Samarqand).85d With 200 followers on foot, wearing long frocks on their shoulders and peasants' brogues on their feet, and carrying clubs in their hands,—in this plight, unarmed, and relying on God, he went towards the lands of Badakhshān (Badakhshānāt) and Kābul.85e
Khusrau Shāh's85f people and army were in Kunduz and the Badakhshānāt. He came and paid his respects to his Majesty,85g my father, who, being as he was manly and kind and generous, did not in any way touch the question of retaliation, although Khusrau Shāh had committed such crimes as the martyrdom of Bayasanghar Mīrzā and the blinding of Sulṭān Mas'ūd Mīrzā, both of whom were sons of my royal father's paternal uncle. In addition to this, when in the early days of the forays,85h his Majesty chanced to cross his country, he was watched and rudely driven out. Now he was pleased to command that Khusrau Shāh should take whatever his heart desired of his (own) jewels and golden vessels, and so he got leave to go to Khurāsān in kindness and safety, and took with him five or six strings of camels and five or six of baggage mules.86 (4a)
His Majesty now set out for Kābul, which was occupied by Muḥammad Muqīm, a son of Ẕū'l-nūn Arghūn, and grandfather of Nāhīd Begam.86a He had captured it after Ulugh Beg Mīrzā's86b death from Mīrzā 'Abdu-r-razzāq, son of his Majesty's paternal uncle (Ulugh Beg).
His Majesty reached Kābul in safety. Muḥammad Muqīm kept command for a few days, and then by pact and agreement made over charge to the royal servants, and went off with goods and chattels to his father in Qandahār. This was in the last ten days of Rabī II., 910H.86c Being now master of Kābul, his Majesty went to Bangash, took it at a blow, and returned to Kābul.
Her Highness, the khānam,86d his Majesty's mother, had fever for six days, and then departed from this fleeting world to the eternal home. They laid her in the New Year's Garden. His Majesty paid 1,000 coined misqāl to his kinsmen, the owners of the garden, and laid her there.
At this time urgent letters arrived from Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā, saying: (4b) ‘I am planning a war against the Uzbegs. It would be excellent if you came too.’ My royal father sought counsel of God. At length he set out to join the mīrzā. On the way news came that the mīrzā was dead. His Majesty's amīrs represented that, this being so, it was advisable to return to Kābul, but he replied: ‘As we have come so far, we will carry our condolences to the princes.’ In the end he went on towards Khurāsān.87
When the princes87a heard of the royal visit, they one and all set out to give him honourable meeting, except Badī'u-z-zamān Mīrzā, who did not go because Barandūq Beg and Ẕū'l-nūn Beg—amīrs of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā—said, in effect, that as his Majesty was fifteen years younger than Badī'u-z-zamān Mīrzā, it was right that he should be the first to bow, and that they should then embrace one another. Qāsim Beg87b rejoined: ‘Younger he is by years, but by the tūra,87c he has precedence because he has more than once taken Samarqand by force of the sword.’ (5a) At length they agreed that his Majesty should bow on coming in, and that Badī'u-z-zamān should then advance to show him honour, and they should embrace. The mīrzā was not attending when his Majesty came in at the door; Qāsim Beg clutched my royal father's girdle and pulled it, and said to Barandūq Beg and Ẕū'l-nūn Beg: ‘The agreement was that the mīrzā should come forward and that then they should embrace one another.’ The prince then advanced in great agitation and they embraced.
As long as his Majesty was in Khurāsān, each one of the princes showed him hospitality, and feasts were arranged, and excursions to all the gardens and places of interest. They set forth to him the inconvenience of winter, and said: ‘Wait till it is over, and we will fight the Uzbegs.’ But they could not in any way settle about the war. Eighty years88 long had Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā kept Khurāsān safe and sound, but the mīrzās could not fill their father's place for six months. When his Majesty saw that they were careless88a about his expenses and revenue, he went to Kābul on the pretext of seeing the places he had assigned to himself. (5b) Much snow had fallen that year. They took the wrong road. His Majesty and Qāsim Beg chose one88b because of its shortness, but the amīrs had given other advice, and when this was not taken, they all left him without a thought for him. He and Qāsim Beg and his sons made a road in two or three days by removing the snow, and the people of the army followed. So they reached Ghūrband. Some Hazāra rebels having met his Majesty here, there was fighting; and cattle and sheep and goods without number belonging to the Hazāra fell into the hands of his people. Then they started for Kābul with their enormous booty.
At the skirts of Minār Hill they heard that Mīrzā Khān88c and Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusain Gūrkān88d had rebelled and were holding Kābul. His Majesty sent a comforting and cheering letter (to his friends in the fort), and said: ‘Be of good heart! I too am here. (6a) I will light a fire on the Hill of the Moon-faced Lady; do you light one on the Treasury, so that I may be sure you know of our coming. In the morning we will fall on the enemy, you from that side and we from this.’ But he had fought and won before the people of the fort came out.
Mīrzā Khān hid himself in his mother's house; she was his Majesty's maternal aunt. Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusain was in his wife's house. She was his Majesty's younger maternal aunt. He flung himself down on a carpet, and in fear of his life cried to a servant, ‘Fasten it up!’ His Majesty's people heard of this. They took him out of the carpet and brought him to the presence. In the end, his Majesty forgave the mīrzās their offences, for the sake of his aunts. He used to go, in his old fashion, in and out of his aunts' houses,89 and showed them more and more affection, so that no mist of trouble might dim their hearts. He assigned them places and holdings in the plain-country. (6b)
God the most High, having freed Kābul from the power of Mīrzā Khān, committed it to my royal father's care. He was then twenty-three years old89a and had no child and greatly desired one. In his seventeenth year a girl89b had been born to him by 'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam, a daughter of Sulṭān Aḥmad Mīrzā, but she had died in a month. The most high God blessed the taking of Kābul, for after it eighteen children were born. (1.) Of my Lady (Akām)89c who was Māham Begam there were born his Majesty the Emperor Humāyūn, and Bārbūl Mīrzā, and Mihr-jān (jahān) Begam, and Ishān-daulat Begam, and Fārūq Mīrzā.90
(2.) Ma'ṣūma Sulṭān Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Aḥmad Mīrzā, died in childbed. The mother's name they gave to the daughter.
(3.) Of Gul-rukh Begam were born Kāmrān Mīrzā, and 'Askarī Mīrzā, and Shāh-rukh Mīrzā, and Sulṭān Aḥmad Mīrzā, and Gul-'iẕār Begam.
(4.) Of Dil-dār Begam were born Gul-rang Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam, and Hindāl Mīrzā, and Gul-badan Begam, and Alwar Mīrzā.90a
In short, in taking Kābul he got a good omen. All his children were born there except two begams who were born in Khost, viz., Mihr-jān Begam, a daughter of Māham Begam, and Gul-rang, a daughter of Dil-dār Begam. (7a)
The blessed birth of the Emperor Humāyūn, the first-born son of his Majesty Firdaus-makānī, occurred in the night of Tuesday, Ẕū'l-qa'da 4th, 913H. (March 6th, 1508), in the citadel of Kābul, and when the sun was in the sign Pisces.
That same year his Majesty was pleased to order the amīrs and the rest of the world to style him emperor (bādshāh). For before the birth of the Emperor Humāyūn he had been named and styled Mīrzā Bābar. All kings' sons were called mīrzās. In the year of his Majesty Humāyūn's birth he styled himself bādshāh.
They found90b the date of the birth in Sulṭan Humāyūn Khān, and also in Shāh-(i)-fīroz-qadr.90c
After children had been born to him, news came that Shāh Ismā'īl had killed Shāhī Beg Khān.90d
His Majesty at this time entrusted Kābul to Nāṣir91 Mīrzā, and set out91a for Samarqand, taking with him his people and wives and children, who were Humāyūn Mīrzā, and Mihr-jahān Begam, and Bārbūl Mīrzā, and Ma'ṣūma Begam, and Kāmrān Mīrzā. (7b)
With help from Shāh Ismā'īl, he took Samarqand (October, 1511), and for eight (lunar) months the whole of Māwarā'u-n-nahr (Transoxiana) was in his power. Owing to want of co-operation in his brothers and to the opposition of the Mughals,91b he was defeated at Kūl Malik by 'Ubaidu-l-lāh Khān. As he could not remain in those parts, he set out for Badakhshān and Kābul, and put out of his head further thought of Māwarā'u-n-nahr.
He had become master of Kābul in 910H. (1504). He had always desired to go into Hindūstān, and had not carried out his wish because of the feeble counsels of his amīrs and the non-agreement of his brothers. When at length these were gone,91c and there remained no amīr such as could argue against it, he accomplished his desire.
Bajaur91d he took in two or three hours and ordered a general massacre.
On the same day the father of Afghānī āghācha,91e Malik Manṣūr Yūsufzai, came in and paid his respects. (8a) His Majesty took his daughter in marriage and then gave him leave to depart. He bestowed on him a horse and a suit of honour befitting a ruler, and said to him: ‘Go and bring men and labourers, etc., to your native land and cultivate it.’
Qāsim Beg,92 who was in Kābul, sent a letter saying: ‘Another prince has been born. I have ventured to write as an omen of the conquest of Hind and of taking its throne. As for the rest, the Emperor is master, whatever is his pleasure’92a (let it be done). In an auspicious hour his Majesty named him Mīrzā Hindāl.
Having subdued Bajaur, his Majesty went towards the Bhīra country, and on his arrival made peace without plundering. He took four laks of shāhrukhīs92b and gave to his army, dividing them according to the number of his followers. He then set out for Kābul.92c
Just now came a letter from Badakhshān saying: ‘Mīrzā Khān is dead;92d Mīrzā Sulaimān is young; the Uzbegs are near; take thought for this kingdom lest (which God forbid) Badakhshān should be lost.’ (8b) Until there should be thought taken, Mīrzā Sulaimān's mother92e had brought him (to the Emperor). Agreeably to this petition and their wish, the Emperor assigned to Mīrzā Sulaimān the lands and inheritance which had been his father's, and he gave Badakhshān to Mīrzā Humāyūn.
The mīrzā set out for his province. His Majesty and my Lady (Akām) followed and also went to Badakhshān, and there spent several days together. The mīrzā remained and my royal father and my Lady came back to Kābul93 (926H.—1520).
After a time his Majesty set out for Qilāt and Qandahār.93a He was victorious at once in Qilāt, and went on to Qanda-hār and kept its garrison shut up for a year and a half. Then, by the Divine favour and after great fighting and skirmishing, he captured it. Much gold fell into his hands, and he gave moneys and camels to his soldiers and the people of the army. Qandahār he bestowed on Mīrzā Kāmrān, and himself set off for Kābul.
His advance camp having been set up,93b he crossed the hill of Yak Langa, and gloriously alighted in the valley of Dīh-i-ya'qūb on Friday, Ṣafar 1st, 932H. (November 17th, 1525), when the sun was in Sagittarius. (9a) He spent the following day there, and on the next set forth, march by march, for Hindūstān. In the seven or eight years since 925H. (1519)93c the royal army had several times renewed the attempt on Hindūstān. Each time it used to conquer lands and districts, such as Bhīra, Bajaur, Sīālkūt, Dīpālpūr, Lāhōr, etc., up to the fifth time, when on Ṣafar 1st, 932H., his Majesty went, march by march, from his glorious encamping in Dīh-i-ya'qūb towards Hindūstān. He conquered Lāhōr and Sirhind, and every country that lay on his path.
On Friday, Rajab 8th, 932H. (April 20th, 1526), he arrayed battle at Pānīpat94 against Sulṭān Ibrāhīm, son of Sulṭān Sikandar, son of Bahlūl Lodī. By God's grace he was victorious, and Sulṭān Ibrāhīm was killed in the fight.
His victory was won purely by the Divine grace, for Sulṭān Ibrāhīm had a lak and 80,000 horse, and as many as 1,500 head of fierce elephants; (9b) while his Majesty's army with the traders and good and all (badr (?) bad, bad) was 12,000 persons and he had, at the outside, 6,000 or 7,000 serviceable men.
The treasures of five kings fell into his hands. He gave everything away. The amīrs of Hind represented that in Hindūstān it was thought disgraceful to expend the treasure of bygone kings, and that people rather added and added to it, while his Majesty, on the contrary, had given all away.94a
Khwāja94b Kilān94c Beg asked leave several times to go to Kābul. He said: ‘My constitution is not fitted for the climate of Hindūstān. If leave were given, I should tarry awhile in Kābul.’ His Majesty was not at all, at all willing for him to go, but at last gave permission because he saw him so very urgent. He said: 'When you go, I shall send some of the valuable presents and curiosities of Hind which fell into our hands through the victory over Sultān Ibrāhīm, to my elder relations95 and sisters and each person of the ḥaram. You take them. I shall write a list, and you will distribute them according to it. (10a) You will order a tent with a screen to be set up in the Garden of the Audience Hall for each begam,95a and when a pleasant meeting-place has been arranged, the begams are to make the prostration of thanks for the complete victory which has been brought about.
‘To each begam is to be delivered as follows: one special dancing-girl of the dancing-girls of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm, with one gold plate full of jewels—ruby and pearl, cornelian and diamond, emerald and turquoise, topaz and cat's-eye—and two small mother-o'-pearl trays full of ashrafīs, and on two other trays shāhrukhās,95b and all sorts of stuffs by nines— that is, four trays and one plate. Take a dancing-girl and another plate of jewels, and one each of ashrafīs and shāhrukhīs, and present, in accordance with my directions, to my elder relations the very plate of jewels and the selfsame dancing-girl which I have given for them. I have made other gifts;95c convey these afterwards. (10b) Let them divide and present jewels and ashrafīs and shāh-rukhīs and stuffs to my sisters and children and the ḥarams95d and kinsmen, and to the begams and āghās95e and nurses and foster-brethren and ladies, and to all who pray for me.’ The gifts were made according to the list.
Three happy days they remained together in the Audience Hall Garden. They were uplifted by pride, and recited the fātiḥa96 for the benediction and prosperity of his Majesty, and joyfully made the prostration of thanks.96a
The Emperor sent by Khwāja Kilān a large ashrafī,96b which weighed three imperial sīr, that is, fifteen sīr of Hind, for … 'Asas.96c He said to the Khwāja: ‘If 'Asas asks you, “What has the Emperor sent for me?” say, “One ashrafī,”’ as there really was only one. 'Asas was amazed, and fretted about it for three days. His Majesty had ordered that a hole should be bored in the ashrafī, and that 'Asas should be blindfolded and the ashrafī hung round his neck, and that then he was to be sent into the ḥaram. The hole was bored and the ashrafī hung round his neck. He was quite helpless with surprise at its weight, and delighted and very, very happy. He took it in both hands, and wondered over it and said, ‘No one shall get my ashrafī.’ Each begam, too, gave (? him) ten or twelve ashrafī, so he had seventy or eighty. (11a)
After Khwāja Kilān Beg had started for Kābul, the Emperor made gifts in Agra to his Majesty Humāyūn and to all the mīrzās and sulṭāns and amīrs. He sent letters in all directions, urgently saying, ‘We shall take into full favour all who enter our service, and especially such as served our father and grandfather and ancestors. If such will come to us, they will receive fitting benefits. Whoever there may be of the families of Ṣāḥib-qirān and Chingīz Khān, let them turn towards our court. The most High has given us sovereignty in Hindūstān; let them come that we may see prosperity together.’
Seven97 daughters of Sulṭān Abū-sa'īd came (to Hindū-stān): Gūhar-shād Begam, and Fakhr-jahān Begam, and Khadīja Sulṭān Begam, and Badī'u-l-jamāl Begam, and Āq Begam, and Sulṭān Bakht Begam.
(Also) Zainab Sulṭān Kḥānam, daughter of his Majesty's maternal uncle, Sulṭān Maḥmūd Khān, and Muḥibb Sulṭān Kḥānam,97a daughter of Ilācha Khān (Aḥmad), his Majesty's younger maternal uncle.
In short, all the begams and khānams went, ninety-six persons in all, and all received houses and lands and gifts to their heart's desire. (11b)
All through the four years that (my father) was in Āgra he used to go on Fridays to see his paternal aunts. One day it was extremely hot, and her Highness my lady (Akām) said, ‘The wind is very hot, indeed; how would it be if you did not go this one Friday? The begams would not be vexed.’ His Majesty said, ‘Māham! it is astonishing that you should say such things! The daughters of Abū-sa'īd Sulṭān Mīrzā, who have been deprived of father and brothers! If I do not cheer them, how will it be done?’
To the architect, Khwāja Qāsim, his Majesty gave the following order: ‘We command a piece of good service from you. It is this: whatever work, even if it be on a great scale, our paternal aunts may order done in their palace, give it precedence, and carry it out with might and main.’
He commanded buildings to be put up in Āgra on the other side of the river,98 and a stone palace to be built for himself between the ḥaram and the garden. He also had one built in the audience court, with a reservoir in the middle and four chambers in the four towers. On the river's bank he had a chaukandī98a built. (12a)
He ordered a tank made in Dholpūr, ten by ten,98b out of a single mass of rock, and used to say, ‘When it is finished, I will fill it with wine.” But as he had given up wine before the fight with Rānā Sangā, he filled it with lemonade.
A year after Sulṭān Ibrāhīm's death, the rānā98c appeared from the Mandū (or Hindū) side with a countless host. Amīrs and rājas and rānās, every one of those who had come earlier and paid duty to his Majesty, now became an enemy and went and joined the rānā, until Kūl-jalālī and Sambhal and Rāprī—every pargana,—and rā'is and rājas and Afghāns became hostile. Nearly two laks of cavalry assembled.
At this time, Muḥammad Sharīf, the astrologer, said to the royal soldiers, ‘It would be best for the Emperor not to fight, for the constellation Sakkiz Yildoz (Eight Stars) is opposite.’ Amazing perturbation fell upon the royal army. They became exceedingly anxious and troubled,98d and showed signs of cowardice. (12b) When his Majesty saw his army in this state, he thought over the whole position. As the enemy was close at hand, this device occurred to his blessed mind; he ordered the remnant of what remained over and above deserters and enemies, to gather together. One and all came—amīrs and khāns and sulṭāns; plebeian and noble, low and high. Then he addressed them, and said: ‘Do you not know that there lies a journey of some months between us and the land of our birth and our familiar city? If our side is defeated, (God preserve us from that day! God forbid it!) where are we? where is our birthplace? where our city? We have to do with strangers and foreigners. It is in every way best for each man to set resolutely before himself the two alternatives: if we win, we are avengers of the cause of God; if we lose, we die martyrs. In either fate is our salvation; each is a step and upward stage in greatness.’
To this they all agreed. They swore by the divorce of their wives and on the Holy Book; they recited the fātiḥa, and said, ‘O King! God willing, we will not spare ourselves in sacrifice and devotion, so long as there are breath and life in our bodies.’99 (13a)
Two days before the battle his Majesty renounced wine, and, indeed, he forswore all forbidden things. Following his example, 400 young men of name, who had given proof of manliness and one-mindedness and friendship, also renounced these things when he did. His Majesty broke up all forbidden utensils,—vessels of gold and of silver, goblets and flasks, etc.; and he gave them to the poor and needy.
He also sent abroad firmāns with the announcement: ‘We exempt (you) from all dues and octroi and tithe on corn, and from all illegal imposts, so that no one, trader or other, may be hampered in his comings and goings, but all may move unmolested and free from interference.’
In the night100 before the battle word was brought that Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān,—a grandson of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā through a daughter, 'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam,—had come to within ten kõs (of the royal camp) on his way from Khurāsān. (13b)
This news delighted his Majesty greatly. He asked, ‘How many men are with him?’ When he heard ‘thirty or forty,’ he at once sent off 1,000 troopers, all armed and equipped, at midnight, so that they might march in again with Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān, and in this way the enemy and outsiders be let know that reinforcements had come in good time. Everyone who heard the plan thought it a good one.
Next morning, which was March 16th, 1527 (Jumāda II. [13th], 933H.), his Majesty arrayed battle against Rānā Sangā on the skirts of the hill of Sīkrī, where now Fatḥpūr has been built100a and peopled. By the Divine grace he was victorious and became an avenger of the cause of God.100b
A year later my lady (akām), who was Māham Begam, came from Kābul to Hindūstān. I, this insignificant one, came with her in advance of my sisters, and paid my duty to my royal father. When my lady reached Kūl(-jalālī—i.e., 'Alighar), his Majesty had sent two litters with three horsemen. (14a) She went on post-haste from Kūl to Āgra. His Majesty had intended to go as far as Kūl-jalālī to meet her. At evening-prayer time some one came and said to him: ‘I have just passed her Highness on the road, four miles out.’ My royal father did not wait for a horse to be saddled but set out on foot. He met her near the house of Māham's nanacha.101 She wished to alight, but he would not wait, and fell into her train and walked to his own house.101a
At the time of her meeting his Majesty, she desired me to come on by daylight and pay my respects to him.
… 101b nine troopers, with two sets of nine horses and the two extra litters which the Emperor had sent, and one litter which had been brought from Kābul, and about a hundred of my lady's Mughal servants, mounted on fine (tipūchāq) horses,101c all elegance and beauty.101d
My royal father's Khalīfa101e with his wife Sulṭānam101f came as far as Naugrām101g to meet (us). My māmās101h had made me alight at the Little Garden, and having spread a small carpet, seated me on it. They instructed me to rise when Khalīfa came in, and to embrace him. When he came, I rose and embraced him. Then his wife Sulṭānam came in too. (14b) I, not knowing, wished to get up, but Khalīfa raised objections, and said: ‘She is your old serving-woman. There is no need to rise for her. Your father has exalted this old servant (? himself) by giving such an order102 about him. So be it! what power have slaves?’
From Khalīfa I accepted 6,000 shāhrukhīs and five horses, and Sulṭānam gave me 3,000 and three horses. Then she said: ‘A hasty meal (mā ḥaẓarī) is ready. If you will eat you will honour your servants.’ I consented. There was a raised platform in a pleasant spot, and a pavilion of red cloth with lining of Gujrātī brocade, and six canopies of cloth and brocade, each of a (differing) colour, and a square enclosure102a of cloth with painted poles.
I sat in Khalīfa's quarters. The meal drew out to almost fifty roast sheep,102b and bread and sherbet and much fruit. Having at length eaten my breakfast, I got into my litter and went and paid my duty to my royal father. (15a)
I fell at his feet; he asked me many questions, and took me for a time in his arms, and then this insignificant person felt such happiness that greater could not be imagined.
When we had been in Āgra three months, the Emperor went to Dholpūr. Her Highness Māham Begam and this lowly person also went. A tank had been made there, ten (gaz) by ten, out of one piece (of rock). From Dholpūr his Majesty went on to Sīkrī. He ordered a great platform made in the middle of the tank, and when it was ready, he used to go and sit on it, or to row about. This platform still exists.
They also made a chaukandī in the Sīkrī garden, and my royal father put up in it a tūr-khāna,103 where he used to sit and write his book.103a
I and Afghānī āghācha were sitting in the front of the lower storey when my lady went to prayers. I said to Afghānī āghācha: ‘Pull my hand.’ She pulled, and my hand came out. My strength went and I cried. (15b) Then they brought the bone-setter and when he had bound up my hand, the Emperor went to Āgra.
After his arrival, word was brought that the begams were on the way from Kābul. My royal father went as far as Naugrām to give honourable reception to my dearest lady (aka-jānam),103b who was my oldest paternal aunt and my royal father's eldest sister. All the begams who had come with her, paid their duty to the Emperor in her quarters. They were very happy and made the prostration of thanks, and then set off for Āgra. The Emperor gave houses to all the begams.
A few days later he made an excursion to the Gold-scattering Garden (Bāgh-i-zar-afshān). There was a place in it for ablution before prayers. When he saw it, he said: ‘My heart is bowed down by ruling and reigning; I will retire to this garden. As for attendance, Ṭāhir the ewer-bearer will amply suffice. I will make over the kingdom to Humāyūn.’ On this my lady (akām) and all his children broke down, and said with tears: ‘God keep you in His own peace upon the throne many, many years, and may all your children after you reach a good old age!’ (16a)
A few days later Alwar Mīrzā fell ill. His illness led to an affection of the bowels, which grew worse and worse in spite of all that the doctors could do, and at last he passed from this transitory world to the eternal home. His Majesty was very sad and sorry, and Alwar's mother, Dil-dār Begam, was wild with grief for the child, who was a rarity of the world and unique of the age. As her lamentation passed due bounds, his Majesty said to my lady and the begams: ‘Come, let us make an excursion to Dholpūr.’ He himself went comfortably and pleasantly by water, and the begams also begged to go by boat.
Just then there came a letter from Maulānā Muḥammad Farghārī (Parghālī) in Dihlī, saying: ‘Humāyūn Mīrzā is ill and in an extraordinary state. Her Highness the begam should come at once to Dihlī, for the mīrzā is much prostrated.’104 (16b)
My lady was very much upset on hearing this news, and started for Dihlī, like one athirst who is far from the waters. They met in Mathura. To her experienced eye he seemed ten times weaker and more alarmingly ill than she had heard he was. From Mathura the two, mother and son, like Jesus and Mary, set out for Āgra. When they arrived, this insignificant one went with her own sisters to visit that royal angel of goodness.
He was then growing weaker and weaker. Every time he came to his senses, his pearl-dropping tongue asked for us, and said: ‘Sisters, you are welcome! Come, and let us embrace one another. I have not embraced you.’ It might be three times that he raised his head and that his jewel-dropping tongue let fall these uplifting words.
When his Majesty came and saw how it was, his light-revealing countenance at once became sad and pitiful, and he began more and more to show signs of dread. (17a) On this my lady said: ‘Do not be troubled about my son. You are a king; what griefs have you? You have other sons. I sorrow because I have only this one.’104a His Majesty rejoined: ‘Māham! although I have other sons, I love none as I love your Humāyūn. I crave that this
>graphic<
BĀBAR IN PRAYER, DEVOTING HIMSELF FOR HIS SON.
[To face p. 105.
During Humāyūn's illness105 his Majesty walked round him and turned his face (in intercession) to his Reverence, Murtaẓa 'Alī Karīmu-l-lāh. He kept up that going-round from the Wednesday and made intercession from the Tuesday, in anxiety and deep dejection. The weather was extremely hot and his heart and liver burned. While going round he prayed, saying in effect: ‘O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, I who am Bābar, I give my life and my being for Humāyūn.’105a
That very day he fell ill, and Humāyūn poured water on his head, and came out and gave audience. (17b) Because of his illness, they carried my royal father within, and he kept his bed for two or three months.
As he grew worse, a messenger was sent to summon his Majesty Humāyūn, who had gone towards Kalinjar. He came post-haste, and on paying his duty to the Emperor, noticed that he was very feeble. Filled with compassion, he began to break down, and kept saying to the attendants: ‘How has he come to such a lamentable pass all at once?’ He sent for the doctors, and said to them: ‘I left him well. What has happened all at once?’ They said this and that in reply.
The whole time my royal father kept repeating: ‘Where is Hindāl? What is he doing?’ Just at this time some-one came in and said: ‘Mīr Bardī Beg, the son of Mīr Khurd Beg,106 conveys his obeisance.’ My royal father, full of agitation, sent for him at once and asked: ‘Where is Hindāl? When will he come? What trouble waiting gives!’ (18a) Mīr Bardī said: ‘The fortunate prince has reached Dihlī; he will wait on you to-day or to-morrow.’ On this my royal father said to Mīr Bardī Beg: ‘Ill-fated little fellow! I have heard that they married your sister in Kābul, and you in Lāhōr.106a It is because of the wedding festivities that you have (not)106b sooner brought my son, and so my weary waiting has been very long.’ He asked: ‘How tall has Hindāl Mīrzā grown?’ and ‘What is he like?’ As Mīr Bardī was wearing one of the mīrzā's dresses, he showed it and said: ‘This is a robe of the prince which he bestowed on his servant.’ His Majesty called him nearer and said: ‘Let me see how tall and how big Hindāl has grown.’106c He kept repeating, ‘Alas! a thousand times alas! that I do not see Hindāl,’ and asking everyone who came in: ‘When will Hindāl come?’
During his illness, he laid a command on my lady, and said: ‘Marriages ought to be arranged for Gul-rang Begam and Gul-chihra Begam. (18b) When the royal aunt, my elder sister,106d honours me with a visit, tell her that I say it has occurred to me to give Gul-rang to Isān-tīmūr Sulṭān and Gul-chihra to Tūkhta-būghā Sulṭān.’106e
Dearest lady, the smiling one,107 came, and they said to her: ‘The Emperor spoke in this manner, and it has occurred to him in such a way. It now remains to know your pleasure. Let it be as you wish.’ She said the same and, ‘God grant blessing and peace! His idea is very good.’ My chīcha107a herself and Badī'u-l-jamāl Begam and Āq Begam, both of whom were paternal aunts of his Majesty, were conducted into the hall. Having raised an estrade107b and spread carpets and chosen a propitious hour, Māham's nanacha made both sulṭāns bow the knee107c in order to exalt them to the rank of sons-in-law.
Meantime his Majesty's disorder of the bowels increased. The Emperor Humāyūn broke down again when he saw his father's condition worsen, and called the doctors, and said to them: ‘Think it well over and find some remedy.’ (19a) Having consulted together, they said: ‘Small is our luck, for our remedies are of no avail. We hope that God, the most Holy, will soon give one from His invisible treasures.’
When they felt his Majesty's pulse, they came to the opinion that there were symptoms of the same poison as that given him by Sulṭān Ibrāhīm's mother. It was in this way: that ill-fated demon (the mother) gave a tōla of poison to one of her maids, and said: ‘Take this and give it to Aḥmad the taster and tell him to put it in some way or other into the special dishes prepared for the Emperor.’ And she promised him large rewards. The ill-fated demon did this although his Majesty used to call her “mother,” and had assigned her place and lands with every favour, and had been kindly pleased to say: ‘Consider me as in the place of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm.’108 But as ignorance prevails amongst those people, she did not regard his kindnesses. The (fitting) hemistich is well known:
‘Everything reverts to its original type,
(Whether pure gold, or silver, or tin).’108a
To cut short the story: the cook (Heaven having made him blind and deaf,) spread the poison which had been brought and given to him, on the Emperor's bread only, and so little was eaten. But the symptoms of this illness were like that one's, seeing that day by day he lost strength and became more and more emaciated. (19b) Every day the disorder increased and his blessed countenance changed.
Next day108b he called his chiefs together and spoke after this wise: ‘For years it has been in my heart to make over my throne to Humāyūn Mīrzā and to retire to the Gold-scattering Garden. By the Divine grace I have obtained all things but the fulfilment of this wish in health of body. Now, when illness has laid me low, I charge you all to acknowledge Humāyūn in my stead. Fail not in loyalty to him. Be of one heart and one mind with him. I hope to God that Humāyūn also will bear himself well towards men.
‘Moreover, Humāyūn, I commit to God's keeping you and your brothers and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people; and all of these I confide to you.’
At these words hearers and onlookers wept and lamented. His own blessed eyes also filled with tears.
When his family and the people within the ḥaram heard of these occurrences, they were stupefied and overwhelmed, and cried and lamented.
Three days later he passed from this transitory world to the eternal home. The death took place on Monday, December 26th, 1530 (Jumāda I. 5th, 937H.). (20a)
They brought out our paternal aunt109 and our mothers109a on the pretence that the doctors were coming to look. All rose. They took all the begams and my mothers to the Great House.109b
Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all. They bewailed and lamented; voices were uplifted in weeping; there was utter dejection. Each passed that ill-fated day in a hidden corner.
The death was kept concealed. After a time Araish Khān,—he was an amīr of Hind,—said: ‘It is not well to keep the death secret, because when such misfortunes befall kings in Hindūstān, it is the custom of the bāzār people to rob and steal; God forbid that the Mughals not knowing, they should come and loot the houses and dwelling-places. It would be best to dress someone in red, and to set him on an elephant, and to let him proclaim that the Emperor Bābar has become a dervish and has given his throne to the Emperor Humāyūn.’ This his Majesty Humāyūn ordered to be done. People were at once reassured by the proclamation, and all offered prayers for his welfare. On Friday, December 29th, 1530 (Jumāda I. 9th, 937H.), the Emperor Humāyūn mounted the throne, and everyone said: ‘May all the world be blessed under his rule.’ (20b)
After that he came to visit his mothers and sisters and his own people, and he made inquiry after their health and offered sympathy, and spoke with kindness and commiseration. He was pleased to order: ‘Let each keep the office, and service, and lands, and residence which he has had, and let him serve in the old way.’
On the same day Hindāl Mīrzā, having come from Kābul, paid his homage to the Emperor, who received him with kindness, and was very happy, and bestowed on him many things from the treasures left by their father.
After my royal father's death, there were the good works and consecrated days of the first assembly110 at his tomb.110a His Majesty named Muḥammad 'Alī 'asas110b its guardian, and ordered the appointment of sixty good reciters of the whole Qurān and readers with good voices, so that the congregational prayers might be said five times daily and the whole Qurān recited, and prayer offered for the soul of the royal dweller in Paradise (Firdaus-makānī). (21a) The whole of Sīkrī—now known as Fatḥpūr—together with five laks charged on Bayāna, was given as an endowment to the tomb, for the support of the men of learning ('ulamā) and the reciters who were attached to it.
My lady made an allowance of food twice daily: in the morning an ox and two sheep and five goats, and at afternoon prayer-time five goats. She gave this from her own estate during the two and a half years that she remained in the prison of this world.
During my lady's life I used to see his Majesty in her residence. When she fell into bad health, she said to me: ‘It will be very hard that when I am gone, the Emperor Bābar's daughters should see their brother in Bībī Gul-barg's 111 house.’ Just as though her words were in the royal heart and mind, his Majesty used always, so long as he was in Hindūstān, to come to our house. He used to visit us and showed us kindness and affection and favour without stint. He used to come to the house of this insignificant one, and there would come Ma'ṣūma Sulṭān Begam, and Gul-rang Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam,111a etc. —all the married ladies—and pay their duty to him. (21b)
In short, after the death of my royal father and my lady, his Majesty, in the fulness of his affection, showed this broken one such favour, and spoke with such boundless compassion to this helpless one, that she did not know she was orphaned and headless.111b
During the ten111c years after the death of his Majesty Firdaus-makānī that his Majesty Jannat-āshyānī was in Hind, the people dwelt in repose and safety, and obedience and loyalty.111d
Six months after the death of his Majesty Firdaus-makānī, Biban112 and Bāyazīd advanced from the direction of Gaur. On the news of this, his Majesty at once left Āgra and moved to meet them. He defeated them, and then went to Chanāda (Chunār),112a took it, and thence returned to Āgra.
My lady, who was Māham Begam, had a great longing and desire to see a son of Humāyūn. Wherever there was a good-looking and nice girl, she used to bring her into his service. Maywa-jān, a daughter of Khadang (? Khazang), the chamberlain (yasāwal),112b was in my employ. One day (after) the death of his Majesty Firdaus-makānī,112c my lady said: ‘Humāyūn, Maywa-jān is not bad. Why do you not take her into your service?’ So, at her word, Humāyūn married and took her that very night. (22a)
Three days later Bega Begam112d came from Kābul. She became in the family way. In due time112e she had a daughter, whom they named 'Aqīqa. Maywa-jān said to Lady (Aka) Māham Begam, ‘I am in the family way, too.’ Then my lady got ready two sets of weapons, and said: ‘Whichever of you bears a son, I will give him good arms.’ Then she packed up the arms, and got ready gold and silver walnuts. She procured also the (special) arms of a Mughal commander, and was very happy, and
>graphic<
THE EMPEROR HUMĀYŪN (JANNAT-ĀSHYĀNĪ).
(INJURED IN TRANSMISSION.)
[To face p. 112.
kept saying: ‘Perhaps one of them will have a son.’ She kept watch till Bega Begam's 'Aqīqa was born. Then she kept an eye on Maywa-jān. Ten months went by. The eleventh also passed. Maywa-jān said: ‘My maternal aunt was in Mīrzā Ulugh Beg's113 ḥaram. She had a son in the twelfth month; perhaps I am like her.’ So they sewed tents and filled pillows.113a But in the end everyone knew she was a fraud.
His Majesty who had gone towards Chanāda (Chunār), returned safe and sound.
My lady who was Māham Begam, gave a great feast. (22b) They lit up the bāzārs.113b Before that time people used to illuminate the bāzārs (only). Then she gave orders to the better class and to the soldiers also to decorate their places and make their quarters beautiful, and after this illumination became general in India.
… a jewelled throne,113c ascended by four steps, and above it gold-embroidered hangings, and laid on it a cushion and pillows embroidered in gold.
The covering of the pavilions and of the large audience tent was, inside, European brocade, and outside, Portuguese cloth. The tent-poles were gilded; that was very ornamental.
(My lady) had prepared a tent-lining and a kannat113d and sar-i-kannat of Gujrātī cloth-of-gold, and a ewer for rose-water, and candlesticks, and drinking-vessels, and rosewater sprinklers,—all of jewelled gold.
With all her stores of plenishing, she made an excellent and splendid feast.
… twelve strings of camels, and twelve of mules, and seventy tipūchāq horses, and one hundred baggage horses. She gave special robes of honour to 7,000 persons. The festivities lasted several days.114
At this time came news that Muḥammad-zamān Mīrzā114a had killed the father of Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān kūkī,114b and was meditating rebellion. (23a) His Majesty sent to summon them114c to the presence, and having laid hands on them, imprisoned them in Bayāna, in charge of Uncle Yādgār. Uncle Yādgār's men sided with Muḥammad-zamān Mīrzā, and let him escape (1533—940H.). At this time it was ordered that Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrzā114d and Nai114e (Walī) Khūb Sulṭān Mīrzā should both be blinded. Nai Khūb Sulṭān lost his sight, but the man who had the blinding of Muḥammad Sulṭān did not injure his eyes.114f Muḥammad-zamān Mīrzā and Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā, with his sons, Ulugh Mīrzā and Shāh Mīrzā, made their escape a few days later.
There was perpetual disturbance from these people during the years we were in Hind.
When his Majesty returned from the campaign against Biban and Bāyazīd, he was in Āgra115 for about a year. He said to my lady: ‘I am sad at heart in these days. If you approved, I would go with you to Guālīār.’115a Her Highness my lady, and my mother (ājam),115b and my sisters Ma'ṣūma115c Sulṭān Begam, whom we used to call Elder sister115d Moon, and Gul-rang Begam, whom we used to call Elder sister Rose,—we all were in Guālīār in attendance on the beneficent ladies.115e
As Gul-chihra Begam was in Oude, and her husband, Tūkhtā-būghā Sulṭān, went to the mercy of God, her attendants wrote to his Majesty from Oude and said: ‘Tūkhtā-būghā Sulṭān is dead. (23b) What is the order about the begam?’ His Majesty said to Mīr Zāycha:115f ‘Go and bring the begam to Āgra. We also are going there.’
At this time her Highness my lady said: ‘If you approve, I will send for Bega Begam and ‘Aqīqa, so that they also may see Guālīār.’ She despatched Naukār115g and Khwāja Kabīr, who brought them from Āgra.
They let two months slip by in one another's company in Guālīār, and then set out for Āgra, which they reached in February, 1534 (Sha'bān, 940 H.).116
In April (Shawwāl) my lady was attacked by a disorder of the bowels. On the 27th of the same month (13th Shawwāl) she passed from this transitory life to the eternal home.
The stamp of orphanhood was set anew on my royal father's children, and especially on me, for whom she herself had cared. I felt lonely and helpless and in great affliction. Day and night I wept and mourned and grieved. His Majesty came several times to comfort me, and showed me sympathy and kindness. I was two years old when her Highness my lady took me into her own house and cared for me, and I was ten when she departed from this life. (24a) I remained one year more in her house.116a When I was eleven, and his Majesty went to Dholpūr, I accompanied my mother.117 This will have been before he went to Guālīār and began to build.117a
At the end of the mourning for my lady, his Majesty went to Dihlī117b and began to build the fort of Dīn-panā.117c He then returned to Āgra.
Dearest lady117d (Khānzāda Begam) said to his Majesty: ‘When will you make Mīrzā Hindāl's marriage feast?’ His Majesty replied: ‘B'ismu-l-lāh.’ When Mīrzā Hindāl was married, my lady (Māham) was living, but there was delay in arranging the feast. (Khānzāda Begam) said: ‘The things for the Mystic Feast are also ready. Let us first celebrate this, and afterwards Mīrzā Hindāl's.’ His Majesty said: ‘Let whatever my royal aunt wishes be done.’ She replied: ‘May God bless it and make it good.’
DESCRIPTION OF THE HOUSE OF FEASTING WHICH WAS SET UP ON THE RIVER'S BANK, AND WHICH WAS CALLED THE MYSTIC118 HOUSE:
First there was a large octagonal room with an octagonal tank in the centre, and again, in the middle of the reservoir, an octagonal platform on which were spread Persian (wilāyatī) carpets. (24b) Young men and pretty girls and elegant women and musicians and sweet-voiced reciters were ordered to sit in the tank.118a
The jewelled throne which my lady had given for the feast was placed in the fore-court of the house, and a gold-embroidered divan118b was laid in front of it, (on which) his Majesty and dearest lady sat together.
On her right sat her paternal aunts, the daughters of Sulṭān Abū-sa'īd Mīrzā:
1.118c Fakhr-jahān Begam.
2. Badī'u-l-jamāl Begam.
3. Āq118d Begam.
4. Sulṭān Bakht Begam.
5. Gūhar-shād Begam.
6. Khadīja Sulṭān Begam.
Upon another cushion sat our paternal aunts, the sisters of his Majesty, Firdaus-makānī:
7. Shahr-bānū Begam.
8. Yādgār Sulṭān Begam.
(N.B.—Other guests of the right follow).
9. 'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā.
10. Ulugh Begam, daughter of Zainab Sulṭān Begam, a paternal aunt of his Majesty.
11. 'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam.
12. Sulṭānī Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Aḥmad Mīrzā, paternal (great-) uncle of his Majesty119 and mother of Kilān Khān Begam. (25a)
13. Bega Sulṭān Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Khalīl Mīrzā, paternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.
14. Māham Begam.119a
15. Begī Begam, daughter of Ulugh Beg Mīrzā Kābulī, paternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.
16. Khānzāda Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Mas'ūd Mīrzā; on her mother's side, grand-daughter of Payanda Muḥam-mad Sulṭān Begam, paternal (grand-)aunt of his Majesty.
17. Shāh Khānam, daughter of Badī'u-l-jamāl Begam (No. 2.).
18. Khānam Begam, daughter of Āq Begam (No. 3.).
19. Zainab Sulṭān Khānam, daughter of Sulṭān Maḥmūd Khān, eldest maternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.
20. Muḥibb Sulṭān Khānam, daughter of Sulṭān Aḥmad Khān, — known as Ilācha Khān, the younger maternal uncle of the elder119b Emperor (Bābar).
21. Khānish, sister of Mīrzā Ḥaidar and daughter of (a) maternal (great-)aunt of his Majesty.
22. Bega Kilān Begam.120
23. Kīchak Begam.
24. Shāh Begam, mother of Dil-shād Begam, and daughter of Fakhr-jahān Begam (No. 1.), paternal (great-) aunt of his Majesty.
25. Kīchakna Begam.
26. Apāq (Āfāq) Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Bakht Begam (No. 4.).
27. Mihr-līq (? Mihr-bānū) Begam, paternal aunt of his Majesty.
28. Shād Begam, grand-daughter of Sulṭān Husain Mīrzā, and daughter of a paternal aunt of his Majesty (? No. 22.).
29. Mihr-angez Begam, daughter of Muẓaffar (Ḥusain) Mīrzā, and grandchild of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā. (25b) They had great friendship for one another (? Shād and Mihr-angez), and they used to wear men's clothes and were adorned by varied accomplishments, such as the making of thumb-rings120a and arrows, playing polo, and shooting with the bow and arrow. They also played many musical instruments.
30. Gul Begam.
31. Fauq Begam.
32. Khān (? Jān) Begam.
33. Āfroz-bānū Begam.
34. Āgha Begam.
35. Fīroza Begam.
36. Barlās Begam.
There were other begams, very many, adding up altogether to ninety-six stipendiaries. There were also some others.
After the Mystic Feast (938 H.) came Mīrzā Hindāl's wedding-feast (Jauhar, 944 H.). Some of the begams already named went away,121 and (of those) some had sat at the right hand in that assembly (i.e., the Mystic Feast).121a
Of our begams:
37. Āgha (Āghā,—passim, āgha), Sulṭān āghācha, mother of Yādgār Sulṭān Begam.
38. Ātūn māmā.
39. Salīma.
40. Sakīna.
41. Bībī Ḥabība.
42. Ḥanīfa Bega.
And the others who had sat122 at the Emperor's left on embroidered divans.
43. Ma'ṣūma Sulṭān Begam.
44. Gul-rang Begam.
45. Gul-chihra Begam.
46. This insignificant one, the broken Gul-badan.
47. 'Aqīqa Sulṭān Begam.
48. Ājam, our mother, who was Dil-dār Begam.122a
49. Gul-barg Begam.
50. Bega Begam. (26a)
51. Māham's nanacha.
52. Sulṭānam, the wife of Amīr (Niẓāmu-d-dīn) Khalīfa.
53. Alūsh Begam.
54. Nāhīd Begam.
55. Khurshīd kūka, and the children of my royal father's foster-brothers.
56. Afghānī āghācha.
57.122b Gul-nār āghācha.
58. Nāz-gul āghācha.
59. Makhdūma āgha, the wife of Hindū Beg.
60. Faṭīma Sulṭān anaga, the mother of Raushan kūka.
61. Fakhru-n-nisā' anaga, the mother of Nadīm kūka.
62. The wife of Muḥammadī kūka.
63. The wife of Mu'yid Beg.
64. The kūkas of his Majesty: Khurshīd kūka.
65. Sharīfu-n-nisā' kūka.
66. Fatḥ kūka.
67. Rabī'a Sulṭān kūka.
68. Māh-liqā kūka.
69. Our nurses (anaga).
70. Our kūkas.
71. The begams' people and the wives of the amīrs.
Those who were on the right.
73. Salīma Bega.
74. Bībī Neka.
75. Khānam āgha, daughter of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-lāh Marwārīd.
76. Nigār āgha, mother of Mughal Beg.
77. Nār Sulṭān āgha.
78. Āgha kūka, wife of Mu'nim Khān.
79. Daughter of Mīr Shāh Ḥusain, (illegible) Bega.
80. Kīsak Māham.
81. Kābulī Māham.
82. Begī āgha.
83. Khānam āgha.
84. Sa'ādat Sulṭān āgha.
85. Bībī Daulat-bakht.
86. Naṣīb āgha.
87. (Illegible) Kābulī.
Other begas and āghas, the wives of the amīrs, sat on this hand, and all were present at the marriage feast. (26b)
This was the fashion of the Mystic House: (there was) a large octagonal room in which they gave the feast, over against this a small room, also octagonal. In both every sort of profusion and splendour appeared. In the large octagonal hall was set the jewelled throne, and above and below it were spread out hangings (adṣaqahāī) embroidered with gold, and wonderful strings of pearls (shadhīhā) hung, each 1 1/2 yards (gaz) in length. At the end of each string (larī) were two glass globes. There had been made and hung some thirty or forty strings.
In the small room, in an alcove, were set a gilded bedstead and pān-dishes,123 and water-vessels and jewelled drinking-vessels, and utensils of pure gold and silver.
Facing west (was) the audience hall; facing east, the garden; on the third side and facing south, the large octagon; and on the side facing north, the small one. In these three houses were three upper rooms. One they named the House of Dominion,124 and in it were nine military appurtenances, such as a jewelled scimitar and gilded armour, a broad dagger and a curved dagger, and a quiver, all gilt, and a gold-embroidered overmantle.124a (27a)
In the second room, called the House of Good Fortune, an oratory had been arranged, and books placed, and gilded pen-cases,124b and splendid portfolios,124c and entertaining picture-books written in beautiful character.124d
In the third room, which they called the House of Pleasure, were set out a gilded bedstead and a coffer of sandal-wood, and all imaginable pillows. Then in front were spread specially choice coverlets,124e and before these table-cloths, all of gold brocade. Various fruits and beverages had been got ready, and everything for merriment and comfort and pleasure.
On the feast-day of the Mystic House, his Majesty ordered all the mīrzās and begams to bring gifts,124f and everyone did so. He said: ‘Divide the gifts into three heaps.’ They made three trays of ashrafīs and six of shāhrukhīs. One of ashrafīs and two of shāhrukhīs he gave to Hindū Beg and said: ‘This is the share of Dominion; give it to the mīrzās and chiefs and vazīrs and soldiers.’ (27b)
He gave in the same way to Mullā Muḥammad Farghārī (Parghālī) and said: ‘This is the share of Good Fortune. Give it to those who are eminent and respectable, and to theologians and religious men, to ascetics and graybeards, and dervishes and devotees, and the poor and the needy.’
Concerning one tray of ashrafīs and two of shāhrukhīs he said: ‘This is the portion of Pleasure. This is mine. Bring it forward.’ They did so. He said: ‘What need is there to count?’ First he himself vouchsafed his blessed hand and said: ‘Let them take to the begams on one small tray ashrafīs and on another shāhrukhīs. Let each person take her hands full.’ What was left, that is two trays of shāh-rukhīs ,—which may have been 10,000,—and all the ashrafīs, —about 2,000—he gave in largesse, and scattered125 first before the walī 'u-n-ni' matān (beneficent seniors), and then to those present at the entertainment. No one received less than 100 or 150, and those in the tank especially received very much. (28a) His Majesty was pleased to say: ‘Dearest lady! if you approved, they might put water in the tank.’ She replied: ‘Very good,’ and went herself and sat at the top of the steps. People were taking no notice, when all at once (?) the tap was turned and water came. (28a) The young people got very much excited. His Majesty said: ‘There is no harm; each of you will eat a pellet of anise125a and a bit of comfit125b and come out of there.’ Upon this, everyone who would eat the comfit came out quickly. The water was as high as their ankles. To end the story, everyone ate the comfit and all came out.
Then the viands of the feast were set forth, and robes of honour were put on,126 and gifts bestowed, and head-to-foot dresses given to the comfit-eaters and others.
On the margin of the tank was a room (tālār)126a fitted with talc windows, and young people sat in the room and players made music. Also a woman's bāzār126b had been arranged, and boats had been decorated. In one boat was made (?) the semblance of six people (kasī) and six alcoves (kanj); in (another) an upper room, and below it a garden with amaranthus and cockscombs and larkspurs126c and tulips. In one place there were eight boats, so that there were eight pieces.126d
In short, everyone was astonished and amazed who beheld what gift of contrivance the great God had bestowed on the blessed mind of his Majesty. (28b)
AS FOLLOWS:126e
Sulṭānam Begam (i.e., the bride) was a sister of Mahdī Khwāja.126f My father's brother-in law (yazna) had no child except Ja'far Khwāja, and there was no child (?) of Khān-zāda Begam).126g Dearest lady had taken care of Sulṭānam as though she were her child. Sulṭānam was two years old when Khānzāda Begam took charge of her. She (Khānzāda) loved her very much, and thought of her as a brother's child of her own. She made a most entertaining and splendid feast.
A kūshka127 and hangings (adṣaqa)127a and five divans and five pillows for the head (yīstūq), and one large pillow and two round ones (galūla); and girdles (qūshqa) and veils (naqāb), together with a tent127b … with three gold-embroidered cushions and head-to-foot dresses for a prince, with collar and bordering of gold embroidery, and bath-wrappers (fauṭa) and napkins (rūpāk) and embroidered towels (rūmāl) and an embroidered mantle (qūrposh) to be worn over the armour.
For Sulṭānam Begam: nine jackets (nīm-tana)127c with garniture of jewelled balls,127d one of ruby, one of cornelian, one of emerald, one of turquoise, one of topaz, and one of cat's-eye.
Again: of necklaces, nine; and one embroidered collar and bordering, and four short jackets128 with ball-trimming (tukma-dār), and one pair of ruby earrings and another of pearls, three fans,128a and one royal umbrella.
One dirakht128b and two khuṭb128c and other furniture and effects, and household goods and chattels and workshops128d of all sorts. (29a) Khānzāda Begam gave everything she had collected, and she arranged a feast such as had not been made for any other child of my royal father. She planned it all and carried it all out.
… nine tipūchāq horses, with jewelled and gold-embroidered saddles and bridles; and gold and silver vessels and slaves,128e Tūrkī and Circassian and Arūs (? Rūs) and Abyssinian,—of each (race) a royal gift of nine.
What my royal father's brother-in-law128f (Mahdī Khwāja) gave to the mīrzā was a set of nine tipūchāq horses, with jewelled and gold-embroidered saddles and bridles; and gold and silver vessels, and two other sets of nine horses, baggage animals, with velvet saddles and bridles; and brocade and Portuguese cloth, and Tūrkī and Ḥabshī and Hindī slaves,—in all, three sets of nine; and three head of elephants.
In his Majesty's leisure after the feast came news that the vazīr of Sulṭān Bahādur, Khurāsān Khān by name, had attacked Bayāna. His Majesty despatched Mīrzā 'Askarī, with several amīrs, Mīr Faqr-'ali Beg and Mīr Tardī Beg, etc.. These went to Bayāna and fought and defeated Khurāsān Khān.129 (29b) The Emperor set out for Gujrāt shortly afterwards, in prosperity and safety. It was on the 15th of the revered Rajab 941H.129a that he quite decided to go himself to Gujrāt. He set up his advance camp in the Gold-scattering Garden, and there spent a month while the forces were gathering in.
On court days, which were Sundays and Tuesdays, he used to go to the other side of the river. During his stay in the garden, ājam (Dil-dār Begam) and my sisters and the ladies (ḥaramān) were often in his company. Of all the tents, Ma'ṣūma Sulṭān Begam's was at the top of the row. Next came Gul-rang Begam's, and ājam's was in the same place. Then the tent of my mother,129b Gul-barg Begam and of Bega Begam129c and the others.
They set up the offices (kār-khānahā) and got them into order. When they had put up the pavilions (khaima) and tents (khar-gāh) and the audience tent (bār-gāh), the Emperor came to see the camp and the splendid set-out, and visited the begams and his sisters. As he had dismounted somewhat near Ma'ṣūma Sulṭān Begam's (tent), he honoured her with a visit. All of us, the begams and my sisters, were in his society. (30a) When he went to any begam's or sister's quarters, all the begams and all his sisters used to go with him. Next day he came to the tent130 of this lowly person, and the entertainment lasted till the third watch130a of the night. Many begams were there, and his sisters, and ladies of rank (begahā) and of position (āghāhā), and other ladies (āghāchahā), and musicians and reciters. After the third watch his Majesty was pleased to command repose. His sisters and the begams made resting-places (takīa) in his presence.130b
Bega Begam woke (us) up, and said: ‘It is time for prayers.’130c His Majesty ordered water for ablution130d made ready where he was, and so the begam knew that he was awake. She began a complaint, and said to him: ‘For several days now you have been paying visits in this garden, and on no one day have you been to our130e house. Thorns have not been planted in the way to it. We hope you will deign to visit our quarters also, and to have a party and a sociable gathering there, too. How long will you think it right to show all these disfavours to us helpless ones? We too have hearts. Three times you have honoured other places by visits, and you have run day and night into one in amusement and conversation.’ (30b)
When she had finished, his Majesty said nothing, and went to prayers. At the first watch of the day he came out and sent for his sisters and the begams, and for Dil-dār Begam, and Afghānī āghācha, and Gul-nār āghācha, and Meywa-jān and Āghā-jān, and the nurses (anagahā). We all went, and he said not a word, so everyone knew he was angry. Then after a little he began: ‘Bībī, what illtreatment at my hands did you complain of this morning?’ and: ‘That was not the place to make a complaint. You all (shumā) know that I have been to the quarters of the elder relations (walī'u-n-ni'matān) of you all (shumāyān). It is a necessity laid on me to make them happy. Nevertheless, I am ashamed before them because I see them so rarely. It has long been in my mind to ask from you all a signed declaration (sijlī), and it is as well that you have brought me to the speaking-point. I am an opium-eater. If there should be delay in my comings and goings, do not be angry with me. Rather, write me a letter, and say: “Whether it please you to come or whether it please you not to come, we are content and are thankful to you.”’
Gul-barg Begam wrote to this effect at once, and he settled it with her.131 Bega Begam insisted a little, saying: ‘The excuse looked worse than the fault.131a (31a) We complained in order that your Majesty might lift up our heads by your favour. Your Majesty has carried the matter to this point! What remedy have we? You are Emperor.’ She wrote a letter and gave it to him, and he made it up131b with her also.
On February 18th, 1534 (Sha'bān 14th, 941 H.), he set out from the Gold-scattering Garden and marched for Gujrāt, to fall upon Sulṭān Bahādur. They confronted one another at Manḥasūr (Mandsūr); a battle was fought, and Sulṭān Bahādur, on his defeat, fled to Champānīr. Then his Majesty resolved to pursue him. Sulṭān Bahādur left Champānīr and went towards Aḥmadābād.132 His Majesty took the country of Aḥmadābād also, and portioned out the whole of Gujrāt to his men. Aḥmadābād he bestowed on Mīrzā 'Askarī,132a Bahrūch on Qāsim Ḥusain Sulṭān,132b and Patan on Yādgār-nāṣir Mīrzā.132c
He himself, with a small following, went from Champānīr to visit Kanbāyat132d (Cambay). A few days later there came a woman with news, and said: ‘Why are you sitting here? The men of Kanbāyat have gathered, and will fall upon you unless your Majesty rides off.’ The royal amīrs attacked the rabble,132e and got them into their hands and cut them in pieces. (31b)
His Majesty then went to Baroda, and from there towards Champānīr.132f We had settled down, when there
>graphic<
SHĪR SHĀH AFGHĀN.
[To face p. 133.
was a tumult, and Mīrzā 'Askarī's people left Aḥmadābād and came to the Emperor. They represented to him that Mīrzā 'Askarī133 and Yādgār-nāṣir Mīrzā had conspired, and wished to go to Āgra. On hearing this, he himself was forced to go; he left the important affairs of Gujrāt [(?) its pacification], and turned away and went to Āgra. Here he spent as much as a year.133a
He then went to Chanāda (Chunār), and took it,133b and also Benares. Shīr Khān was in Charkanda,133c and made an offer of service, saying: ‘I am your old servant. Give me a place with a fixed boundary in which I may establish myself.’
His Majesty was considering this, when the king of Gaur Bangāla133d came wounded and a fugitive. For this reason he gave no attention (to Shīr Khān), but marched towards Gaur Bangāla. Shīr Khān knew that his Majesty had gone there, and went himself also with a large detachment of horse, and joined his son (Jilāl Khān), who was in Gaur with his servant Khawāṣ Khān. Shīr Khān sent them out, and said: ‘Go and fortify Garhī.’133e (32a)
Both came and occupied Garhī. His Majesty had written to Jahāngīr Beg: ‘Advance a stage, and go up to Garhī.’ There was fighting, and Jahāngīr Beg was wounded and many men were slain.
When the Emperor had spent three or four days in Kohlgānū (Colgong), it became advisable for him to march on and halt near Garhī. He marched forward, and when he came near Garhī, Shīr Khān and Khawāṣ Khān fled by night, and he entered Garhī next day. Thence he went to Gaur Bangāla, and took it.
He was nine months in the far-away country of Gaur, and named it Jannatābād.134
He was comfortably and safely in Gaur, when news came that some of the amīrs had deserted and joined Mīrzā Hindāl.134a
Khusrau Beg134b (kūkaltāsh) and Zahīd Beg134c and Sayyīd Amīr134d paid their respects to the mīrzā, and said: ‘The Emperor has gone comfortably far away, and the mīrzās, Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his sons, Ulugh Mīrzā and Shāh Mīrzā, have again raised their heads,134e and continually keep showing themselves in company.’ (32b)
Just at this time the asylum of shaikhs, the servitor (bandagī) Shaikh Bahlūl, hid134f armour and horse-accoutrements and military stores in an underground place, and would have loaded them on carts and sent them to Shīr Khān and the mīrzās.135 Mīrzā Hindāl would not believe it, so Mīrzā Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad was sent to inquire into the matter. He found the armour and accoutrements, and had Bandagī Shaikh Bahlūl killed.135a The Emperor, on hearing news of it, set out for Āgra.
He was coming by that side of the Ganges (i.e., the left bank) opposite Mungīr, when his amīrs represented: ‘You are a great king! Return by the way you came, lest Shīr Khān should say: “Forsaking his road of advance, he took another of retreat.”’135b The Emperor returned to Mungīr, and brought many of his people and his family by boat up the river as far as Ḥajīpūr-Patna.
When he went (to Bengal) he had left Qāsim (Ḥusain Sulṭān Uzbeg) there. Now came news of Shīr Khān's approach. Whenever there was fighting, the royal troops won.
Just now Bābā Beg (Jalāīr) came from Jaunpūr and Mīrak Beg from Chanāda (Chunār), and Mughal Beg from Oude. (33a) As these three amīrs joined the Emperor, corn became dear.
Then,—such was God's will,—they had halted without precaution, when Shīr Khān came and fell upon them. The army was defeated, and many kinsmen and followers remained in captivity. His Majesty's own blessed hand was wounded. Three days he remained in Chunār, and then came to Araīl.135c
When his Majesty reached the river's bank, he stopped, bewildered as to the crossing, and said: ‘How to cross without boats!’ Then came the rāja (Bīrbahān) with five or six horsemen and led him through a ford. For four or five days his people were without food or drink. At last the rāja started a bāzār, so that the people of the army lived some days in comfort and repose. The horses also were rested. Many men who were on foot bought fresh mounts. In short, the rāja rendered fitting and dutiful services. Later on his Majesty gave him leave to go, and at the hour of mid-day prayer came himself, safely and comfortably, to the bank of the Jamna. The army crossed at a ford they had found. A few days later they came to Karra, where corn and grass were plentiful, because it was his Majesty's own country. (33b)
When his people were rested, he went on to Kalpī, and then marched on to Āgra.
Before his arrival in Āgra, he heard news that Shīr Khān was coming (from) the direction of Chausa. Great anxiety fell upon his people.
Of many who were in that rout (at Chausa) there was never heard, in any way soever, news or sign. Amongst them were 'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam, daughter of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā136 (Bāyqrā); and Bachaka, who was a khalīfa of my royal father;136a and Bega-jān kūka; and 'Aqīqa Begam;136b and Chānd Bībī, who was seven months with child, and Shād Bībī, all three137 (sic) of whom were of his Majesty's ḥaram. Of these several people, he never heard even a word, as to whether they were drowned or what became of them. In spite of all possible inquiry and search, what had become of them was never found out.
His own illness137a dragged on for forty days, and he then grew better.
At this time, when Khusrau Beg (kūkultāsh), and Diwāna Beg, and Zahīd Beg, and Sayyid Amīr, had come on in advance of his Majesty, news again arrived that the mīrzās, Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā and his sons, had come to Kanauj. (34a)
After Shaikh Bahlūl's murder, Mīrzā Hindāl went to Dihlī. He took with him Mīr Faqr-'alī and other well-wishers to frustrate and disperse the mīrzās. The mīrzās fled, and came into the Kanauj quarter. Mīr Faqr-'alī brought Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir to Dihlī. As there was neither friendliness nor confidence between Mīrzā Hindāl and Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir, Mīrzā Hindāl, when Mīr Faqr-'alī made this mistake, sat down out of sheer annoyance and besieged Dihlī.137b
When Mīrzā Kāmrān heard these things, there arose in him also a desire of sovereignty. With 12,000 fully equipped horsemen he went to Dihlī. Mīr Faqr-'alī and Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir closed the city gates on his approach. Two or three days later, Mīr Faqr-'alī, having made an agreement, went and saw Mīzrā Kāmrān. He represented: ‘The news heard of his Majesty and Shīr Khān may be so and so.137c Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir, from thought of his own interest, does not wait on you. The advisable course at this crisis is, that you should lay hands on Mīrzā Hindāl, go to Āgra, and not think of establishing yourself in Dihlī.’ (34b)
Mīrzā Kāmrān gave heed to Mīr Faqr-'alī's words, and bestowed on him a head-to-foot dress. He then seized Mīrzā Hindāl and came to Āgra. He visited the tomb of Firdaus-makānī,138 saw his mother and sisters, and halted in the Rose-scattering138a Garden.
At this time Nūr Beg brought word of his Majesty's coming.138b As Mīrzā Hindāl was excluded from the presence because of the murder of Shaikh Bahlūl, he went to Alwar.138c
A few days after his Majesty's arrival, Mīrzā Kāmrān came from the Rose-scattering Garden and paid his respects to him. We paid our respects on the evening of the day he came. He took notice of this insignificant one, and was kindly pleased to say: ‘I did not know you at first, because when I led the army (whose footprints are victorious)138d to Gaur Bangāla, you wore the high cap (ṭāq), and now when I saw the muslin coif138e I did not recognise you. And oh, my Gul-badan, I used very often to think of you, and was sometimes sorry, and said: “I do wish I had brought her!” But at the time of the disaster (fiṭrāt) I was thankful I had not, and I said: (35a) “Thank God I did not bring Gul-badan!” For although 'Aqīqa138f was young, I have been consumed by a hundred thousand regrets and cares, and have said: “Why did I take her with the army?”’
A few days later he came to see my mother. He had with him the Holy Book. He commanded the attendants to retire139 for awhile, and they rose and there was privacy. Then he said to ājam (Dil-dār Begam) and this insignificant one, and to Afghānī āghācha, and Gul-nār āghācha, and Nār-gul āghācha, and my nurse (anaga): ‘Hindāl is my strength139a and my spear;139b the desirable light of my eyes, the might of my arm, the desired, the beloved. May what I do be right! What shall I say to Mīrzā Muḥammad Hindāl about the affair of my139c Shaikh Bahlūl? What was to be has been! Now there is no anger in my heart against Hindāl. If you do not believe it’ … He had lifted up the Holy Book when her Highness my mother, Dil-dār Begam, and this poor thing snatched it from his hand. All cried, ‘May what you do be right! Why do you say such things?’
Then again he spoke: ‘How would it be, Gul-badan, if you went yourself and fetched your brother, Muḥammad Hindāl Mīrzā?’ (35b) Her Highness, my mother, said: ‘This girlie (dukhtarak) is young. She has never made a journey (alone). If you approved, I would go.’ His Majesty said: ‘If I give you this trouble, it is because it is clearly incumbent on fathers and mothers to feel for their children. If you would honour him with a visit, it would be a healing-balm applied for us all.’
Then he sent Mīr Abū'l-baqā139d with her Highness my mother, to fetch Mīrzā Hindāl. At once on hearing this news: ‘She has come to see me!’ Muḥammad Hindāl Mīrzā made his mother happy by giving her honourable meeting. He came with her from Alwar, and paid his duty to his Majesty.140 About Shaikh Bahlūl he said: ‘He used to send arms and military appurtenances to Shīr Khān. When this was ascertained, I killed the shaikh on account of it.’
To put it briefly: in a short time came news that Shīr Khān had come near Lakhnau.
In those days his Majesty had a certain servant, a water-carrier. (36a) As he had been parted from his horse in the river at Chausa and this servant betook himself to his help and got him safe and sound out of the current, his Majesty now seated him on the throne. The name of that me??ial person we did not hear, some said Niẓām, some said Sambal. But to cut the story short, his Majesty made the water-carrier servant sit on the throne, and ordered all the amīrs to make obeisance to him. The servant gave everyone what he wished, and made appointments. For as much as two days the Emperor gave royal power to that menial. Mīrzā Hindāl was not present at his court;140a he had taken leave, and had again gone to Alwar with the intention of getting arms ready. Neither did Mīrzā Kāmrān appear. He was ill, and sent to say to his Majesty: ‘Gifts and favours of some other kind ought to be the servant's reward. What propriety is there in setting him on the throne? At a time when Shīr Khān is near, what kind of affair is this to engage your Majesty?’
In those days Mīrzā Kāmrān's illness increased amazingly. He became weak and so thin that his face was not in the least his own, and there was no hope of his life. (36b) By the Divine mercy he grew better. He suspected that the Emperor's mothers,141 by his Majesty's advice, had given him poison. His Majesty came to hear of this, and instantly went to see the mīrzā and swore that he had never had such a thought, nor given such an order to any one. Nevertheless, Mīrzā Kāmrān's heart was not purged. Afterwards he got worse, day after day, and he lost power of speech.
When news came that Shīr Khān had left Lakhnau, the Emperor marched towards Kanauj, and left Mīrzā Kāmrān in Āgra to act for him. In a few days the mīrzā heard that he had made a bridge of boats and crossed the Ganges. On this, he himself marched out of Āgra towards Lāhōr.141a
We had settled down141b when he sent141c a farmān like a king's, and said: ‘You141d are commanded to go with me to Lāhōr.’ He must have said141e to his Majesty about me something of this sort: ‘I am very ill and very miserable and lonely, and I have no one141f to sympathize with me. (37a) If you will order Gul-badan Begam to go with me to Lāhōr, it will be a real favour and kindness.’ For his sake his Majesty will have said: ‘She shall go.’ Two or three days after the Emperor had gone towards Lakhnau, the mīrzā sent a farmān,141g in royal style, to the effect: ‘Most assuredly you will come with me.’ Then my mother must have said: ‘She has never travelled apart from us.’ He replied:141h ‘If she has not travelled alone, do you also go with her.’ He sent as many as 500 troopers and trusty grooms, and both his foster-father and his foster-brother, and said (to my mother): ‘If she may not go with me (to Lāhōr), come all of you one stage.’ When one stage was reached, he began to declare, on his oath: ‘I will not let you go.’ Then he took me by main force, with a hundred weepings and complaints and laments, away from my mothers, and my own mother and my sisters, and my father's people, and my brothers, and parted us who had all grown up together from infancy.142
I saw that the Emperor's command also was in the affair. I was helpless. (37b) I wrote a suppliant letter, saying: ‘I never expected your Majesty to cut off this insignificant one from your service, and to give her to Mīrzā Kāmrān.’ To this humble note he sent a compassionate answer (salām-nāma), to this effect: ‘I had no heart to part with you, but the mīrzā persisted, and was miserable, and begged very hard, and I was obliged to trust you to him. For just now there is important work142a on hand. God willing, I will send for you when it is settled.’
When the mīrzā was starting, many people, amīrs and traders and so on, made preparation with the intention of letting their wives and families march under his escort to Lāhōr. When we reached (the city) news came of a battle on the Ganges, and that defeat had befallen the royal army.142b
At least there was this limit to misfortune,—his Majesty and his brothers came safely through the peril.142c Our other relations142d came from Āgra by way of Alwar to Lāhōr. (38a) Just now the Emperor said to Mīrzā Hindāl: ‘'Aqīqa Begam disappeared in that first interregnum (fitrat)143 and I repented extremely, and said: “Why did I not kill her in my own presence?” Now, again, it is difficult to convey women with us.’ Mīrzā Hindāl answered: ‘What it would be to your Majesty to kill a mother and a sister, speaks for itself! So long as there is life in me, I will fight in their service. I have hope in the most high God, that,—poor fellow as I am,—I may pour out my life's blood for my mother and my sisters.’
Then the Emperor set out for Fatḥipūr (Sīkrī) with Mīrzā 'Askarī and Yādgār-nāṣir Mīrza and the amīrs who had come safely off the battlefield.143a
Mīrzā Hindāl sent on before him143b her Highness his mother, who was Dil-dār Begam, and his own sister, Gul-chihra Begam, and Afghānī āghācha, and Gul-nār āghācha, and Nār-gul āghācha, and the amīrs' wives and families, etc.. He was marching along when the Gawārs pursued him in great numbers. (38b) Some of his troopers charged and defeated them. An arrow struck his horse.143c There was much fighting and confusion. Having saved the helpless women from the bond of the Gawārs, he sent on (to Lāhōr) his mother and sister, and many of the amīrs' people, etc., and went to Alwar. Here he got together tents and pavilions and numerous requisites, and then started for Lāhōr. He arrived in a few days, and brought what was wanted for the princes and the amīrs.
His Majesty alighted in Khwāja Ghāzī's garden near Bībī Ḥāj-tāj.144 Every day there was news of Shīr Khān; and during the three months that the Emperor was in Lāhōr word was brought day after day: ‘Shīr Khān has advanced four miles,’ ‘six miles,’ till he was near Sirhind.
One of the amīrs was named Muẓaffar Beg. He was a Tūrkmān. The Emperor sent him with Qāzī 'Abdu-l-lāh to Shīr Khān to say: ‘What justice is there in this? I have left you the whole of Hindūstān. Leave Lāhōr alone, and let Sirhind, where you are, be a boundary between you and me.” (39a) But that unjust man, fearless of God, did not consent, and answered: ‘I have left you Kābul. You should go there.’
Muẓaffar Beg marched at once, and sent on an express to say: ‘A move must be made.’ As soon as this message came, his Majesty set off. It was like the Day of Resurrection. People left their decorated places and furniture just as they were, but took with them whatever money they had. There was thankfulness to God, because mercifully a ford was found across the Lāhōr water (Rāvī) where everyone crossed. His Majesty halted a few days on the river's bank. Then an ambassador came from Shīr Khān. The Emperor had decided to see him next morning, when Mīrzā Kāmrān made a petition, saying: ‘To-morrow there will be an entertainment, and Shīr Khān's envoy will be present. If I may sit on a corner of your Majesty's carpet, so that there may be distinction between me and my brothers, it will be a cause of my exaltation.’145
Ḥamīda-bānū Begam says it was his Majesty who wrote and sent the following verse to the mīrzā.145a I had heard that he sent it to Shīr Khān by the envoy. This is the verse:
‘Although one's image be shown in the mirror,
It remains always apart from one's self.’ (39b)
‘It is wonderful to see one's self in another form:
This marvel will be the work of God.’
When Shīr Khān's ambassador arrived he paid his respects.
The Emperor's blessed heart was cast down. He fell asleep in a sad mood, and saw in a dream a venerable man, dressed in green from head to foot and carrying a staff, who said: ‘Be of good cheer; do not grieve;’ and gave his staff into the royal hand. ‘The most high God will give you a son who shall be named Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar.’ The Emperor asked: ‘What is your honourable name?’ He answered: ‘The Terrible Elephant,145b Aḥmad of Jām;’ and added: ‘Your son will be of my lineage.’145c
In those days Bībī Gūnwar146 was with child. Everyone said: ‘A son will be born.’ In that same garden of Dost munshī and in the month of Jumāda'u-l-awwal, a daughter was born whom they named Bakhshī-bānū.
At this time his Majesty appointed Mīrzā Ḥaidar to take Kashmīr. Meantime, news was brought that Shīr Khān was there. A wonderful confusion followed, and the Emperor decided to march off next morning. (40a)
While the brothers were in Lāhōr, they conferred and took counsel and asked advice, but they did not settle on any single thing. At last the news was: ‘Shīr Khān is here.’ Then, as there was no help for it, they marched off at the first watch of the day (9 a.m.).
The Emperor's wish was to go to Kashmīr, where he had sent Mīrzā Ḥaidar Kāshgharī; but news of the mīrzā's success had not yet come, and people counselled: ‘If your Majesty were to go to Kashmīr, and the country was not conquered at once, it would—with Shīr Khān in Lāhōr—be a very difficult time.’
Khwāja Kilān Beg146a was in Sīālkōt, and disposed to serve his Majesty. With him was Mū'yid Beg, who wrote: ‘The khwāja greatly wishes to serve you and would come, but he has Mīrzā Kāmrān to consider. If your Majesty would come quickly, his help would be made easy in an excellent way.’ The Emperor at once took arms and equipment, and set out to go to the khwāja, and joined company with him and brought him along.146b
The Emperor was pleased to say: ‘With my brothers' concurrence, I shall go to Badakhshān. (40b) Let Kābul remain the fief of Mīrzā Kāmrān.’ But Mīrzā Kāmrān would not consent to (his Majesty's) going to Kābul,147 and said: ‘In his lifetime the Emperor Firdaus-makānī gave Kābul to my mother (Gulrukh Begam). It is not right (for you) to go to Kābul.’
Then said his Majesty: ‘As for Kābul, his Majesty Firdaus-makānī often used to say, “My Kābul I will give to no one; far from it! Let none of my sons covet it. There God gave me all my children, and many victories followed its capture.” Moreover, this expression of opinion is recorded many times in his Wāqi'a-nāma. What was the good of my showing kindness to the mīrzā from civility and brotherliness, if he now keep on talking in this way!’
Let his Majesty talk as he would, pacifying and conciliating, the mīrzā resisted more and more. When he saw that there was a large following with Mīrzā Kāmrān, and that the mīrzā was in no way willing for him to go to Kābul, he had no resource but to move towards Bhakkar and Multān. Having arrived in Multān, he halted one day. (41a) A small quantity of corn was obtained in the fort and having divided that little amongst his men, he marched on till he came to the bank of a river which was seven rivers in one.147a He stood distracted. There were no boats, and he had a large camp with him. Then there came word that Khawāṣ Khān,147b with several amīrs, was coming up behind.
There was a Balūchī named Bakhshū (sic) who had forts and many men. His Majesty sent him a banner and kettledrums, and a horse, and a head-to-foot suit, and asked for boats and also for corn. After a time Bakhshū Balūchī got together and sent about a hundred boats, full of corn too, for the royal service,—a proper attention which pleased the Emperor very much. He divided the corn amongst his people, and crossed the water148 safe and sound. May mercy be shown to Bakhshū for his dutiful service!
After a weary journey, they reached Bhakkar at last. The fort is in the middle of the river and very strong. The governor, Sulṭān Maḥmūd (Bhakkarī),148a had fortified himself in it. (41b) The Emperor alighted safe and well over against the fort, near which was a garden148b made by Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Samandar.148c
At length his Majesty sent Mīr Samandar to Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā with this message: ‘We have come into your territory under compulsion. May your country be blessed to you! We shall not take possession of it. Would to Heaven you would yourself come and pay us your respects, and do us the service which is our due! We intend to go to Gujrāt, and should leave you your own country.’ By tricks and wiles, Shāh Ḥusain kept his Majesty as much as five months in Samandar; then he sent a person to wait on him, and to say: ‘I am arranging my daughter's wedding-feast, and I send (someone) to wait on you. I shall come (later).’ His Majesty believed him, and waited still three months. Sometimes there was corn to be had, sometimes not. The soldiers killed and ate their horses and camels. Then his Majesty sent again, by Shaikh 'Abdu-l-ghafūr,149 to ask: ‘How much longer will you be? What prevents you from coming? (42a) Things have come to such a pass that there is inconvenience, and many of my men are deserting.’ The reply was: ‘My daughter149a is promised to Mīrzā Kāmrān, and a meeting with me is impossible. I could not wait on you.’
As at this time Mīrzā Muḥammad Hindāl crossed the river, some said he might be going to Qandahār.149b On hearing this his Majesty sent several people after him to make inquiry and to say: ‘It is reported that you plan going to Qandahār.’ When questioned, the mīrzā said: ‘People have given a wrong impression.’ On this the Emperor came149c to see her Highness my mother.
The mīrzā's ḥaram and all his people paid their respects to his Majesty at this meeting. Concerning Ḥamīda-bānū Begam, his Majesty asked: ‘Who is this?’ They said: ‘The daughter of Mīr Bābā Dost.’ Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam149d was standing opposite his Majesty, who said: ‘This boy will be one of my kinsmen (too?).’149e Of Ḥamīda-bānū he said: ‘She, too, is related to me.’ (42b)
In those days Ḥamīda-bānū Begam was often in the mīrzā's residence (maḥall). Another day when his Majesty came to see her Highness my mother, he remarked: ‘Mīr Bābā Dost is related to us. It is fitting that you should give me his daughter in marriage.’ Mīrzā Hindāl kept on making objections, and said: ‘I look on this girl as a sister and child of my own. Your Majesty is a king. Heaven forbid there should not be a proper alimony, and that so a cause of annoyance should arise.’150
His Majesty got angry, and rose and went away. Then my mother wrote and sent a letter, saying: ‘The girl's mother has even before this been using persuasion.150a It is astonishing that you should go away in anger over a few words.’ He wrote in reply: ‘Your story is very welcome to me. Whatever persuasion you may use, by my head and eyes, I will agree to it. As for what they have written about alimony, please Heaven, what they ask will be done. My waiting eye is on the road.’ My mother fetched his Majesty, and on that day she gave a party. When it was over, he went to his own quarters. (43a) On another day he came to my mother, and said: ‘Send someone to call Ḥamīdā-bānū Begam here.’ When she sent, the begam did not come, but said: ‘If it is to pay my respects, I was exalted by paying my respects the other day. Why should I come again?’ Another time his Majesty sent Subḥān Qulī, and said: ‘Go to Mīrzā Hindāl, and tell him to send the begam.’ The mīrzā said: ‘Whatever I may say, she will not go. Go yourself and tell her.’ When Subḥān Qulī went and spoke, the begam replied: ‘To see kings once is lawful; a second time it is forbidden. I shall not come.’ On this Subḥān Qulī went and represented what she had said. His Majesty remarked: ‘If she is not a consort (nā maḥram), we will make her a consort (maḥram).’
To cut the story short: For forty days the begam resisted and discussed and disagreed. At last her highness my mother, Dil-dār Begam, advised her, saying: ‘After all you will marry someone. Better than a king, who is there?’ The begam said: ‘Oh yes, I shall marry someone; but he shall be a man whose collar my hand can touch, and not one whose skirt it does not reach.’ Then my mother again gave her much advice. (43b)
At last, after forty days (discussion), at mid-day on Monday (fault) Jumīdu-l-awwal (sic) 948H. (September, 1541), and in Pātr (sic), his Majesty took the astrolabe into his own blessed hand and, having chosen a propitious hour, summoned Mīr Abū'l-baqā and ordered him to make fast the marriage bond. He gave the mīr two laks of ready money for the dower151 (nikāḥāna), and having stayed three days after the wedding in Pātr, he set out and went by boat to Bhakkar.
He spent a month at Bhakkar and he sent Mīr Abū'l-baqā to Sulṭān Bhakkarī. The mīr fell ill while away, and went to the mercy of God.151a
His Majesty then gave Mīrzā Hindāl leave to go to Qandahār, and he dismissed Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir to his own place, Lār. He himself went towards Seāwān151b (Sehwān), which is six or seven days' journey from Tatta.152 Sehwān has a strong fort, in which was Mīr 'Alīka, a servant of his Majesty the Emperor.152a There were several cannon, so no one could possibly go near. Some of the royal soldiers made trenches, and got near and gave him ('Alīka) advice, and said: (44a) ‘Disloyalty is not well at such a time,’ but Mīr 'Alīka did not agree with them. Then they made a mine and cast down a tower, but they could not take the fort. Corn became dear and many men deserted. The Emperor spent six or seven months there.
Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain treacherously laid hands on the royal soldiers in all directions, and made them over to his people, and said: ‘Take them and throw them into the salt sea.’ Three152b or four hundred would be gathered into one place and flung into boats and thrown into the sea, till as many as 10,000 were cast forth.
152c As after this there were few men even with the Emperor, (? Shāh Ḥusain) filled several boats with cannon and muskets, and came from Tatta against him. Sehwān is near the river. (? Mīr 'Alīka) hindered the coming of the royal boats and provisions, and sent to say: ‘(?) I am maintaining my loyalty. March off quickly.’ Having no remedy, the Emperor turned to Bhakkar.
When he came near and before he could reach it, Mīr (Shāh) Ḥusain Samandar had sent word to Mīrzā Yādgārnāṣir: (44b) ‘If the Emperor, when he is retreating, should come near Bhakkar,153 do not let him in. Bhakkar may remain your holding. I am with you; I will give you my own daughter.’ The mīrzā believed him and did not allow the Emperor to enter the fort, but wished to make him go on, either by force or fraud.
His Majesty sent a messenger to say: ‘Bābā,153a you are as a son to me. I left you in my stead, so that you might help me in case of need. What you are doing is done by the evil counsel of your servants. Those faithless servants will be faithless to you also.’ Whatever his Majesty urged had no effect.153b Then he said: ‘Very well! I shall go to Rāja Māldeo.153c I have bestowed this country on you, but Shāh Ḥusain will not let you keep it. You will remember my words.’ Having said this to the mīrzā, the Emperor marched away by way of Jīsalmīr, towards Māldeo. He reached Fort Dilāwar (Dirāwal), on the rāja's frontier, a few days later. (45a) He stayed there two days. Neither corn nor grass was to be had. He then went to Jīsalmīr, and on his approach the rāja sent out troops to occupy the road, and there was fighting. The Emperor and some others went aside off the road. Several men were wounded: Alūsh153d Beg, brother of Shāhaṃ Jalāīr and Pīr Muḥammad the equerry, and Raushang the wardrobe-keeper, and some others.153e At length the royal troops won and the infidels fled into the fort. That day the Emperor travelled 60 kos (cir. 120 miles), and then halted on the bank of a reservoir.
Next he came into Sītalmīr, where he was harassed all day till he reached Pahlūdī, a pargana of Māldeo. The rāja was in Jodhpūr, and sent armour and a camel's-load of ashrafīs, and greatly comforted his Majesty by saying: ‘You are welcome! I give you Bīkanīr.’ The Emperor halted with an easy mind, and despatched Atka Khān (Shamsu-d-dīn Ghaznarī) to Māldeo, and said: ‘What will his answer be?’154
In the downfall and desolation in Hind, Mullā Surkh, the librarian, had gone to Māldeo, and had entered his service. (45b) He now wrote: ‘Beware, a thousand times beware of advancing. March at once from wherever you are, for Māldeo intends to make you prisoner. Put no trust in his words. There came here an envoy from Shīr Khān who brought a letter to say: “By whatever means you know and can use, capture that king. If you will do this, I will give you Nagōr and Alwar and whatever place you ask for.”’ Atka Khān also said when he came: ‘This is no time for standing.’ So at afternoon prayer-time the Emperor marched off. When he was mounting, they captured two spies and brought them bound before him. He was questioning them when suddenly they got their hands free, and one snatched a sword from the belt of Muḥammad Gird-bāz154a and struck him with it, and then wounded Bāqī Guālīārī. The other at once unsheathed154b a dagger and faced the bystanders, wounded several and killed the Emperor's riding-horse. They did much mischief before they were killed. (46a) Just then there was a cry, ‘Māldeo is here!’ The Emperor had no horse fit for Ḥamīda-bānū Begam. He may have asked for one for her from Tardī Beg,154c who apparently did not give it. He then said: ‘Let the camel of Jauhar, the ewer-bearer, be got ready for me. I will ride it, and the begam may have my horse.’ It would seem that Nadīm155 Beg heard that his Majesty was giving his horse to the begam and thinking of riding a camel, for he mounted his own mother on a camel and gave her horse to the Emperor.
His Majesty took a guide from this place, and mounted and rode for 'Umrkōt. It was extremely hot; horses and (other) quadrupeds155a kept sinking to the knees in the sand, and Māldeo was behind. On they went, thirsty and hungry. Many, women and men, were on foot. (46b)
On the approach of Māldeo's troops, the Emperor said to Īshān (Īsān)-tīmūr Sulṭān and to Mu'nim Khān155b and a number of others: ‘You all come slowly, and watch the enemy till we have gone on a few miles.’ They waited; it grew night, and they missed their way.
All through that night the Emperor went on, and at dawn a watering-place was found. For three days the horses had not drunk. He had dismounted when a man ran in, shouting: ‘The Hindūs are coming up in numbers, mounted on horses and camels.’ Then the Emperor dismissed Shaikh 'Alī Beg (Jalāīr), and Raushan kūka and Nadīm kūka, and Mīr Payanda Muḥammad, brother of Muḥammad Walī, and many others.
They recited the fātiḥa, and his Majesty said: ‘Go, fight the infidels!’ He thought: ‘Īshān-tīmūr Sulṭān, and Mu'nīm Khān,155c and Mīrzā Yādgār,155d and the rest whom we left behind, have been killed or captured by these people who have now come to attack us.’ He mounted and left the camp with a few followers.
Of the band which his Majesty had sent out to fight after reciting the fātiḥa, Shaikh 'Alī Beg struck the Rājpūt captain with an arrow, and cast him from his horse. (47a) Several more (of the royal troop) hit others with arrows; the infidels turned to flee, and the fight was won. They brought in several prisoners alive. Then the camp went slowly, slowly on; but his Majesty was far ahead. Those who had recited the fātiḥa came up with the camp.
There was a mace-bearer named Bihbūd. They sent him galloping after the Emperor, to say: ‘Let your Majesty go slowly. By Heaven's grace, a victory has been vouchsafed, and the infidels have fled.’ Bihbūd himself was taken to the presence, and conveyed the good news.156
His Majesty dismounted, and a little water even (ham)156a was found, but he was anxious about the amīrs, and said: ‘What has happened to them?’ Then horsemen appeared in the distance, and again there was a cry: ‘God forbid! Māldeo!’156b His Majesty sent a man for information, who came running back and said: ‘Īshān-tīmūr Sulṭān, and Mīrzā Yādgār, and Mu'nim Khān are all coming, safe and sound.’ They had missed their way. Their return rejoiced the Emperor, who rendered thanks to God.
Next morning they marched on. For three days they found no water. (47b) On the fourth, they came to some very deep wells, the water of which was extraordinarily red. The Emperor halted and alighted near one of the wells; Tardī Beg Khān was at another; at a third, Mīrzā Yādgār, and Mu'nim Khān, and Nadīm kūka; and at the fourth, Īshān-tīmūr Sulṭān, and Khwāja Ghāzī, and Raushan kūka.
As each bucket came out of the wells into reach, people flung themselves on it; the ropes broke, and five or six persons fell into the wells with the buckets. Many perished from thirst. When the Emperor saw men flinging themselves into the wells from thirst, he let anyone drink from his own water-bottle. When everyone had drunk his fill, they marched on again at afternoon prayer-time.
After a day and a night they reached a large tank. The horses and camels went into the water and drank so much that many died. There had not been many horses, but there were mules and camels. (48a) Beyond this place water was found at every stage on the way to 'Umrkōt,157 which is a beautiful place with many tanks.
The rānā157a gave the Emperor an honourable reception, and took him into the fort, and assigned him excellent quarters. He gave places outside to the amīrs' people. Many things were very cheap indeed; four goats could be had for one rupī. The rānā made many gifts of kids and so on, and paid such fitting service that what tongue could set it forth?
Several days were spent in peace and comfort.
The treasury was empty. Tardī Beg Khān had a great deal of money, and the Emperor having asked him for a considerable loan, he lent 80,000 ashrafīs at the rate of two in ten.157b His Majesty portioned out this money to the army. He bestowed sword-belts and cap-à-pie dresses on the rānā and his sons. Many people bought fresh horses here.
Mīr Shāh Ḥusain had killed the rānā's father. For this, amongst other reasons, the rānā collected 2,000 or 3,000 good soldiers and set out with the Emperor for Bhakkar.157c (48b)
In 'Umrkōt he left many people, and his family and relations, and also Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam to have charge of the ḥaram. Ḥamīda-bānū Begam was with child. Three days after his Majesty's departure, and in the early morning of Sunday, the fourth day of the revered Rajab, 949H.,157d
there was born his imperial Majesty, the world's refuge and conqueror, Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar Ghāzī. The moon was in Leo. It was of very good omen that the birth was in a fixed Sign, and the astrologers said a child so born would be fortunate and long-lived. The Emperor was some thirty miles away when Tardī Muḥammad Khān took the news to him. He was highly delighted, and by way of reward and largesse (niṯār) for the tidings he forgave all soever of Tardī Muḥammad Khān's past offences. He gave the child the name he had heard in his dream at Lāhōr, the Emperor Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar.
On leaving this place, the Emperor went towards Bhakkar with as many as 10,000 men who had gathered round him, people of the rānā and of the outlying tribes and Sūdmas (Sodhas) and Samīchas. (49a) They reached the district of Jūn, where there was one of Shāh Ḥusain's servants with some troopers. He fled.158 Here there was the Mirror Garden, a very pleasant and enjoyable place where the Emperor alighted. He assigned its villages (? of Jūn) in jāgīr to his followers.
It is a six days' journey from Jūn to Tatta. The Emperor was as much as six158a months in Jūn, and brought his family and people and the whole 'Umrkōt party there.158b The Emperor Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar was six months old when they took him to Jūn. The party which had come from various places with the royal family and the ḥaram now broke up. As for the rānā, he marched off at midnight for his own country, on account of a coolness158c caused by some talk between him and Tardī Muḥammad Khān.158d All the Sūdmas and Samīchas went off by agree-
>graphic<
INCIDENTS FOLLOWING THE BIRTH OF AKBAR.
At the top, on the right, are Hamīda-bānū and the child; on the left, the news is announced with sound of castanets and tambourines.
In the middle, the hour of birth is being communicated to the astrologers.
At the foot, the news is being given to Humāyūn by Tardī Beg, and is welcomed by music and dancing.
[To face p. 158.
ment with him, and the Emperor was left alone, as before, with his own people.
He sent brave Shaikh 'Alī Beg (Jalāīr) and Muẓaffar Beg Turkmān towards the large district of Jājkā (Ḥāj-kān). (49b) Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain sent a force to attack him, and there was a famous fight. At last Muẓaffar Beg was routed and fled, and Shaikh 'Alī Beg (Jalāīr) was killed and perished with all his men.159
A squabble arose between Khālid Beg159a and Tarsh Beg, a brother of Shāham Khān Jalāīr and his Majesty turned all his favour to Tarsh Beg. So Khālid Beg deserted and went with all his men to Mīr Shāh Ḥusain. Then the Emperor ordered Khālid Beg's mother, Sulṭānam, to prison and this made Gul-barg159b Begam angry. Then he forgave Sulṭanam and gave her leave to go to the blessed Makka with Gul-barg Begam. Soon after this Tarsh Beg also deserted. The Emperor cursed him, and said: ‘For his sake, I dealt harshly with Khālid Beg, who on this account left the circle of the faithful for the circle of the disloyal. Tarsh Beg will die young.’ So it was! Fifteen days later, a servant killed him with a knife as he lay sleeping in a boat. When the Emperor heard of it he grew sad and thoughtful. (50a) Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā brought boats up the river to near Jūn, and his men and the Emperor's often fought on board, and many were killed on both sides. Day by day there were desertions to Shāh Ḥusain. In one of these fights was killed Mullā Tāju-d-dīn whom his Majesty held in the greatest favour as a pearl of knowledge.
There was a squabble between Tardī Muḥammad Khān and Mu'nīm Khān. Mu'nīm Khān consequently deserted. Very few amīrs remained; amongst them were Tardī Muḥammad Khān and Mīrzā Yādgār and Mīrzā Payanda Muḥammad and Muḥammad Walī and Nadīm kūka and Raushan kūka and Khadang160 the chamberlain. Then there was word brought: ‘Bairām Khān has reached Jājkā (Ḥāj-kān) on his way from Gujrāt.’ The Emperor was delighted, and ordered Khadang and others to give him honourable meeting.
Meantime Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā had heard of Bairām Khān's coming and sent to capture him. Bairām Khān rashly went into a hollow, and there they fell upon him. (50b) Khadang the chamberlain was killed. Bairām Khān and the rest escaped, and the khān came and paid his respects to the Emperor.
At this time letters arrived (addressed to) Mīrzā Hindāl for his Majesty from Qarācha Khān, saying: ‘You have been long near Bhakkar, and during the whole time Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā has given no sign of good-will but the reverse. By Heaven's grace, an easy way is open, and it is best for the Emperor to come here (to Qandahār). This is really advisable. If he will not come, come you yourself without fail.’ As his Majesty's coming was delayed, Qarācha Khān went out and met Mīrzā Hindāl, and made over the town to him (in the autumn of 1541).
Mīrzā 'Askarī was in Ghaznīn, and to him Mīrzā Kāmrān wrote: ‘Qarācha Khān has given over Qandahār to Mīrzā Hindāl. Qandahār must be considered.’ His idea was to take it from Mīrzā Hindāl.
On hearing of these things, his Majesty came to his aunt Khānzāda Begam,160a and said with great urgency: ‘Pray do
>graphic<
NAUTCH IN CELEBRATION OF AKBAR'S BIRTH.
[To page p. 160.
me the honour of going to Qandahār and advising Mīrzā Hindāl and Mīrzā Kāmrān. (51a) Tell them that the Uzbegs and the Turkmāns are near them, and that the best plan is to be friends amongst themselves. If Mīrzā Kāmrān will agree to carry out what I have written to him, I will do what his heart desires.’
Mīrzā Kāmrān came to Qandahār four days after the begam's arrival.161 Day after day he urged: ‘Read the khuṭba in my name’; and again and again Mīrzā Hindāl said: ‘In his life-time his Majesty Firdaus-makānī gave his throne to the Emperor Humāyūn and named him his successor. We all agreed to this, and up till now have read the khuṭba in his name. There is no way of changing the khuṭba.’161a Mīrzā Kāmrān wrote to her Highness, Dil-dār Begam:161b ‘I have come from Kābul with you in mind. It is strange that you should not once have come to see me. (51b) Be a mother to me as you are to Mīrzā Hindāl.’ At last Dil-dār Begam went to see him, and he said: ‘Now I shall not let you go till you send for Mīrzā Hindāl.’ Dil-dār Begam said: ‘Khānzāda Begam is your elder kinswoman, and oldest and highest of you all. Ask her the truth about the khuṭba.’ So then he spoke to Āka. Her Highness Khānzāda Begam answered: ‘If you ask me! well! as his Majesty Firdaus-makānī decided it and gave his throne to the Emperor Humāyūn, and as you, all of you, have read the khuṭba in his name till now, so now regard him as your superior and remain in obedience to him.’
To cut the matter short, Mīrzā Kāmrān besieged Qandahār and kept on insisting about the khuṭba for four months. At last he settled it in this way: ‘Very well! the Emperor is now far away. Read the khuṭba in my name and when he comes back, read it in his.’ As the siege had drawn out to great length, and people had gradually come to cruel straits, there was no help for it; the khuṭba was read. (52a) He gave Qandahār to Mīrzā 'Askarī and promised Ghaznīn to Mīrzā Hindāl. When they reached Ghaznīn, he assigned the Lamghānāt and the mountain passes (Tangayhā)162 to the mīrzā, and all those promises were false.162a
Mīrzā Hindāl went off to Badakhshān, and settled down in Khost and Andar-āb. Mīrzā Kāmrān said to Dil-dār Begam: ‘Go and fetch him.’ When she arrived, the mīrzā said: ‘I have withdrawn myself from the turmoil of soldiering, and even162b Khost is a hermitage. I have quite settled down.’ The begam answered: ‘If you intend to lead the darvish-life, even162c Kābul is a hermitage. Live where your family and kinsfolk are. That is the better plan.’ Then she made him come, and for awhile he lived as a darvish in Kābul.
About this time, Mīr Shāh Ḥusain sent to the Emperor to say: ‘The course favouring fortune is for you to march for Qandahār. That is the better plan.’ His Majesty was willing, and replied: ‘Horses and camels are scarce in my camp; give me some to travel with to Qandahār.’ (52b) Shāh Ḥusain Mīrza agreed, and said: ‘There are a thousand camels on the other side of the river, which I will send to you as soon as you have crossed.’
[If words by Khwāja Kasak (? Kīsīk), kinsman of Khwāja Ghāzī, are recorded about the journey from Bhakkar and Sind, they are copied from the writings of the said Khwāja Kasak.162d]
>graphic<
HYMN OF PRAISE FOR AKBAR'S BIRTH.
Of especial interest are the faces of the open-mouthed singers. Hamīda-bānū is probably the featureless person on the estrade.
[To face p. 162.
At length the Emperor went on board boats, with kinsfolk and family, army and the rest, and travelled for three days on the great river. At the frontier of Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā's territory is a village called Nuāsī.163 Here they halted, and his Majesty sent Sulṭān Qulī, the head-camel-driver, to fetch the camels. Sulṭān Qulī brought a thousand, all of which his Majesty gave to his amīrs, and soldiers, and others, ordering them to be apportioned.
The camels were such that one might say they had not known city, or load, or man for seven, or rather seventy, generations. As horses were few, many people took camels to ride on, and what were left were assigned for the baggage. Every camel which was mounted, at once flung its rider to the ground, and took its way to the jungle. (53a) Every pack-camel, when it heard the sound of horses' feet, jumped and bounded and tossed off its load, and went off and away to the jungle. If a load was fixed so fast that, jump as it would, it could not get it off, it carried it away and ran with it into the jungle. This was the way the Emperor started for Qandahār. Some 200 camels must have gone off like this.
Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā's head-camel-driver Maḥmūd was in Sīwī (Sībī), and when the Emperor came near, he strengthened the citadel and retired into it. His Majesty came prosperously to within twelve miles' distance. Then word was brought that Mīr Allāh-dost and Bābā Jūjūk163a had arrived in Sīwī from Kābul two days earlier, and were going on to (visit) Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā. By them Mīrzā Kāmrān had sent a dress of honour, and tipūchāq horses, and much fruit, and they were to ask for Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain's daughter.163b
The Emperor said to Khwāja Ghāzī: ‘As there is the tie of father and son164 between you and Allāh-dost, write and ask him in what way Mīrzā Kāmrān stands towards me, and what he will do if I go into his neighbourhood.’ (53b) He also gave this order to Khwāja Kasak: ‘Go to Sīwī, and ask Mīr Allāh-dost whether he thinks it advisable for me to come to Kābul.’ The khwāja set out, and the Emperor said: ‘We will not march till you have returned.’
When the khwāja came near Sīwī, Maḥmūd, the head-camel-driver, caught him, and asked: ‘Why are you here?’ ‘To buy horses and camels,’ he answered. Maḥmūd ordered: ‘Feel under his arm and search his cap. Heaven forbid that he should have brought a letter to win over Allāh-dost and Bābā Jūjūk.’ They searched, and brought out the letter from under his arm. He had no chance to twist it into a fold.164a Maḥmūd took it and read it, and, not letting the khwāja go, forthwith conveyed Allāh-dost and Bābā Jūjūk into the fort, and with various roughnesses made them swear: ‘We had no knowledge of his coming here.’ (54a) (?) He has taken the initiative;164b and ‘Khwāja Ghāzī is related to us and he was with Mīrzā Kāmrān,164c and this is why he has written.’ Maḥmūd decided to send all three to Shāh Ḥusain, and Mīr Allāh-dost and Bābā Jūjūk spent the whole night smoothing him down and entreating him, and in the end they were set free.
Mīr Allāh-dost sent 3,000164d pomegranates and 100 quinces for his Majesty's use, and wrote no letter, because he was afraid it might fall into the wrong hands. By word of mouth he sent to say: ‘If a letter should come from Mīrzā Askarī or the amīrs, it would not be bad to go to Kābul;
>graphic<
THE EMPEROR AKBAR
('ARSH-ĀSHYĀNĪ).
[To face p. 164.
but if not, it will be clear to your Majesty that nothing is to be gained by going. You have few followers. What, then, will happen?’
Kasak came and reported this. The Emperor was stupefied and bewildered, and said: ‘What is to be done? Where am I to go?’ They all consulted together. (54b) Tardī Muḥammad Khān and Bairām Khān gave it as their opinion that it was impossible to decide to go anywhere but to the north and Shal-mastān,165 the frontier of Qandahār. ‘There are many Afghans in those parts,’ they said, ‘whom we shall draw over to our side. Mīrzā 'Askarī's people, too, will join us.’
Having settled it in this way, they recited the fātiḥa and went, march by march, for Qandahār. Near Shal-mastān they halted in a village named Ranī (? Ralī), but as it had snowed and rained, and was extremely cold, they determined to go on to Shal-mastān. At afternoon prayer-time an Uzbeg youth, mounted on a sorry and tired-out pony, came in, and cried out: ‘Mount, your Majesty! I will explain on the way; time presses. There is no time to talk.’165a The Emperor mounted the very hour the alarm was given, and went off.
He went two arrows' flight, and then sent Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam and Bairām Khān to fetch Ḥamīda-bānū Begam. (55a) They went and mounted her, but there was not a chink of time in which to take the Emperor Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar. Just when the begam left the camp to join his Majesty, Mīrzā 'Askarī came up with 2,000 troopers. There was an outcry, and when he heard it, he entered the camp165b and asked: ‘Where is the Emperor?’ People said: ‘He went hunting long ago.’ So the mīrzā knew that his Majesty had gone away just as he himself came in. Then he took possession of the Emperor Jalālud-dīn Muḥammad Akbar, and gave him in charge to his wife Sulṭānam,166 who showed him much kindness and affection. He made all the royal followers march, saying: ‘Go to Qandahār.’
His Majesty, when he left, took the road to the mountains. He went eight miles, and then travelled as fast as possible.166a (55b) He had with him Bairām Khān, Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam, Khwāja Nīāzī, Nadīm kūka166b and Raushan kūka, and Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān, and Bābā-dost the paymaster, and Mīrzā Qulī Beg chūlī,166c and Ḥaidar Muḥammad the master of the horse, and Shaikh Yūsuf chūlī, and Ibrāhīm the chamberlain, and Ḥasan 'Alī, the chamberlain, and Ya'qūb the keeper of the armoury, and 'Ambar the superintendent and the royal agent (mulk-mukhtār), and Sambal captain of a thousand, and Khwāja Kasak.166d
Khwāja Ghāzī says:166e ‘I also was in attendance.’ This company went with the Emperor, and Ḥamīda-bānū Begam says,166f ‘There were as many as thirty people,’ and that of women there was, besides herself, the wife of Ḥasan 'Alī, the chamberlain.
The prayer before sleep had passed before they reached the foot of the mountains. The snow lay deep, so there was no road to go up by. Their minds were full of anxiety lest that unjust creature, Mīrzā 'Askarī, should follow them. At last they found a way up, and climbed it in some sort of fashion. They were all night in the snow, and (at first) there was neither wood for fire nor food to eat. They grew very hungry and feeble. (56a) The Emperor gave orders to kill a horse. There was no cooking-pot, so they boiled some of the flesh in a helmet, and some they roasted. They made fires on all four sides, and with his own blessed hand the Emperor roasted some meat which he ate. He used to say: ‘My very head was frozen by the intense cold.’
Morning came at last, and he pointed to another mountain, and said: ‘There are people on that; there will be many Bilūchīs there; and there we must go.’ On they went, and reached the place in two days. They saw a few houses near them, and a few savage Bilūchīs whose speech is the tongue of the ghouls of the waste.
The Emperor halted on the skirt of the mountain. There were about thirty people with him. The Bilūchīs saw him, and collected and came near. He had settled comfortably in his tent, so they knew from far off that he was halting. They said to one another: ‘If we seize these people and take them to Mīrzā 'Askarī, he will certainly give us their arms, and many gifts besides.’ (56b)
Ḥasan 'Alī, the chamberlain, had a Bilūchī wife who understood what the ghouls of the waste were saying, and who made it known that they meant mischief. Early in the morning the Emperor thought of marching on, but they said: ‘Our chief is not here. When he comes, you shall go.’ Besides this, the time had become unsuitable, and so the whole night was spent there in strict watchfulness.
Part of the night had gone when the chief arrived. He waited on the Emperor, and said: ‘A farmān has come from Mīrzā Kāmrān and Mīrzā 'Askarī, in which it is written: “It is reported that the Emperor may visit your dwellings. If he does, beware!—a thousand times beware!— of letting him go. Seize him and bring him to us. You can keep his goods and horses. Take him to Qandahār.” As I had not seen your Majesty, I at first had this evil thought, but now I will sacrifice my life and the lives of my family, I have five or six sons, for your Majesty's head, or rather for one hair of it. (57a) Go where you wish. God protect you! Mīrzā 'Askarī may do what he likes.’ The Emperor gave him a ruby and a pearl and some other things.
At dawn he marched to honour Fort Bābā Ḥājī168 by a visit. He reached it in two days. It belongs to the Garm-sīr, 168a and lies on the river (Halmand). There are many sayyids there, and they waited on the Emperor and showed him hospitality.
Next morning Khwāja 'Alāwalu-d-dīn (Jalālu-d-dīn) Maḥmūd,168b having left Mīrzā 'Askarī, came with an offering of a string of mules, and one of horses and tents, etc., whatever he had. Once more the royal heart was at ease. Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān kūkī168c brought thirty or forty troopers and offered a string of mules.
Being helpless because of the disunion of his brothers168d and the desertion of his amīrs, it now seemed best to the Emperor,—with reliance on the Causer of causes,—to decide upon going to Khurāsān.168e (57b)
After many stages and a journey of many days, he came to parts adjacent to Khurāsān. When Shāh Ṭahmās (sic) heard that he had reached the Halmand, he remained sunk in wonder and thought, and said: ‘The Emperor Humāyūn has come to our frontier by the perfidious revolution of the firmament,—the firmament unpropitious and crooked of gait! The Lord, whose existence is necessary, has led him here!’
He sent all sorts of people to give honourable reception, nobles and grandees, low and high, great and small. All came to the Halmand to meet the Emperor.169
The Shāh sent all his brothers to meet his Majesty,— Bahrām Mīrzā, and Alqās Mīrzā, and Sām Mīrzā. All came and embraced him, and escorted him with full honour and respect. As they drew near (the Shāh) his brothers sent him word, and he also came riding to meet the Emperor. They embraced. (58a) The friendship and concord of those two high-placed pāshas was as close as two nut-kernels in one shell.169a Great unanimity and good feeling ensued, so that during his Majesty's stay in that country, the Shāh often went to his quarters, and on days when he did not, the Emperor went to his.
In Khurāsān169b his Majesty visited all the gardens and the flower-gardens, and the splendid buildings put up by Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā, and the grand structures of olden days.
There was hunting eight times while he was in 'Irāq, and each time trouble was taken for him also. Ḥamīdabānū Begam used to enjoy the sight from a distance in either a camel or a horse litter. Shāhzāda Sulṭānam,169c the Shāh's sister, used to ride on horseback, and take her stand behind her brother. His Majesty said (to Ḥamīda-bānū): ‘There was a woman riding behind the Shāh at the hunt. She stood with her reins held by a white-bearded man. People told me it was Shāhzāda Sulṭānam, the Shāh's sister.’ (58b) In short, the Shāh showed the Emperor much hospitality and courtesy, and laid a charge (on his sister) to show motherly and sisterly hospitality and sympathy (to Ḥamīda-bānū Begam).170
One day, when Shāhzāda Sulṭānam had entertained the begam, the Shāh said to her: ‘When (next) you offer hospitality, let it be arranged outside the city.’ It was on a beautiful plain, rather more than four miles out, that they pitched tents (khaima) and folding-tents (khirga) and an audience-tent (bārgā), and also set up chatr170a and ṭāq.170b
In Khurāsān and those parts they use enclosing screens (sarāparda), but they do not put them at the back. The Emperor set up an all-round screen after the Hindū fashion (hindūāna). Having pitched the tents, the Shāh's people put coloured chicks (cheghhā) all round. His kinswomen and his paternal aunt were there, and his sisters and the ladies of his ḥaram, and the wives of the khāns and sulṭāns and amīrs, about 1,000 women in all splendour and adornment.
That day Shāhzāda Sulṭānam asked Ḥamīda-bānū Begam: (59a) ‘Are such chatr and ṭāq met with in Hindū-stan?’ The begam answered: ‘They say two dāng170c with respect to Khurāsān, and four dāng with respect to Hindūstān. When a thing is found in two dāng, it is clear it will be found better in four.’
Shāh Sulṭānam said also, in reply to her own paternal aunt, and in confirmation of the begam's words: ‘Aunt, it is strange that you ask, “Where are two dāng? where are four dāng?” It is clear anything would be found better and more wonderful (in four than in two).’
They passed the whole day very well in sociable festivity. At the time of eating, all the amīrs' wives stood and served, and the Shāh's ladies placed171 food before Shāhzāda Sulṭānam.
Moreover, they were hospitable171a with all sorts of stuffs, embroidered and others, to Ḥamīda-bānū Begam, as was incumbent and fitting. The Shāh went on in advance171b and was in his Majesty's quarters till the prayer before sleep. (59b) When he heard that Ḥamīda-bānū Begam had arrived, he rose from the presence and went home. To such a height of pleasantness and kindness was he amiable!
Raushan kūka, spite of his former fidelity and services, was now faithless, in that foreign and perilous country, about some valuable rubies. These used to be kept in the Emperor's amulet-case (ṭumār),171c and of this he and the begam knew and no one else. If he went away anywhere, he used to give the amulet-case into her charge. One day she was going to wash her head, so she bundled the case up in a handkerchief, and put it on the Emperor's bed. Raushan kūka thought this a good chance to steal five rubies. Then he agreed with Khwāja Ghāzī, and trusted them to him, meaning by-and-by to barter them away.
When the begam came back from washing her head, the Emperor gave her the amulet-case, and she at once knew from its lightness in her hand that it had lost weight, and said so. (60a) The Emperor asked: ‘How is this? Except you and me, no one knows about them. What can have happened? Who has taken them?’ He was astonished.
The begam said to her brother, Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam: ‘So and so has happened. If at this pinch you will act the brother to me and will make inquiry in some way quietly, you will save me from what one may call disgrace. Otherwise, as long as I live, I shall be ashamed in the royal presence.’
Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam said: ‘One thing occurs to me! I, who am so closely connected with his Majesty, have not the means to buy even a poor pony,172 but Khwāja Ghāzī and Raushan kūka172a have each bought themselves a tipūchāq horse. They have not paid the money for them yet. This purchase is not without a ray of hope.’
The begam answered: ‘O brother! now is the time for brotherliness! That transaction must certainly be looked into.’ Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam answered: ‘O elder moon-sister!172b tell no one about it. Heaven willing, I have hope that the right will be righted.’ (60b)
He went out, and inquired at the house of the horse-dealers: ‘For what price did you sell those horses? When is the money promised? What security has been given for the payment?’ The dealers answered: ‘Both men promised us rubies, and took the horses.’
From them he went to the khwāja's servant, and said: ‘Where is the khwāja's wallet, with his honorary dress and his clothes?172c Where does he keep it?’ The servant answered: ‘My khwāja has no wallet and no clothes. He has one high cap which, when he goes to sleep, he puts under his head or his arm.’ Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam saw the meaning of this, and made up his mind for certain that the rubies were with Khwāja Ghāzī, and were kept in his high cap. He came and represented to his Majesty: ‘I have found trace of those rubies in Khwāja Ghāzī's high cap. In some way I will steal them from him. (61a) If he should come to your Majesty and seek redress against me, let your Majesty say nothing to me.’ The Emperor listened, and smiled.
Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam then repeatedly played off tricks and little jokes and pleasantries on Khwāja Ghāzī, who came and set it forth to the Emperor. ‘I am a lowly man,’ said he, ‘(? but) I have a name and a position. What does the boy Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam mean by playing off these tricks and jokes, and making fun of me in this foreign land, and insulting me?’ His Majesty said: ‘On whom does he not? He is young. It often comes into his head to do terrifying and ill-bred things. Do not take it to heart. He is only a boy.’
Another day, when Khwāja Ghāzī was seated in the reception-room, Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam, pretending an accident, filched his cap from his head. Then he took out the matchless rubies, and laid them before his Majesty and Ḥamīda-bānū Begam. His Majesty smiled, and the begam was delighted, and said, ‘Bravo!’ and ‘Mercy be upon you.’ (61b)
Khwāja Ghāzī and Raushan kūka, in shame at their deed, made secret communications to the Shāh, and carried their talk so far that his heart was troubled. His Majesty saw that the Shāh's intimacy and confidence were not what they had been, and at once sent some of whatever rubies and other jewels173 he possessed as a gift to him, who then said: ‘Khwāja Ghāzī and Raushan kūka are in fault; they turned my heart from you, and truly I used to regard you as a brother.’ Then the two sovereigns again became of one mind, and made clean heart to one another.
The two wrong-doers were excluded from the presence, and were made over to the Shāh, who, when opportunity occurred, got possession of those rubies,174 and, as to the men, ordered: ‘Let them be kept in custody.’174a
His Majesty's time in 'Irāq was (now) spent happily. In various ways the Shāh showed good feeling, and every day sent presents of rare and strange things. (62a)
At length the Shāh despatched his own son and khāns and sulṭans and amīrs with his Majesty to help him, together with good arms and tents, folding and audience tents; and chatr and ṭāq and shamiāna, excellently wrought, and all sorts of the things necessary and fit for a king, from the mattress-warehouse and the treasury and the workshops and kitchen and buttery. In a propitious hour those two mighty sovereigns bade one another farewell, and his Majesty left that country for Qandahār.174b
At the time of his departure, he asked pardon from the Shāh for the offence of those two faithless ones (Khwāja Ghāzī and Raushan kūka), and, having himself forgiven them, took them with him to Qandahār.
When Mīrzā 'Askarī heard (1545) that he was on his way from Khurāsān and approaching Qandahār, he sent the Emperor Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar to Mīrzā Kāmrān in Kābul, who gave him into the care of Dearest Lady, Khānzāda Begam, and our paternal aunt. (62b) He was two and a half years old when she received him into her charge. She was very fond of him, and used to kiss his hands and feet, and say: ‘They are the very hands and feet of my brother the Emperor Bābar, and he is like him altogether.’174c
When Mīrzā Kāmrān was sure that the Emperor was approaching Qandahār, he went to Dearest Lady and cried, and was very humble, and said with countless pains:175 ‘Go you (May your journey be safe!) to Qandahār to the Emperor and make peace between us.’
When she left (Kābul) she made over the Emperor Akbar to Mīrzā Kāmrān, who gave him into the care of (Muḥtarīma) Khānam. Then she travelled as fast as possible to Qandahār. The Emperor besieged Mīrzā Kāmrān175a and Mīrzā 'Askarī for forty days in the city, and he sent Bairām Khān on an embassy to Mīrzā Kāmrān.175b (63a) Mīrzā 'Askarī grew dejected and humble, admitted his offences, and came out and paid his duty to the Emperor, who then took possession of Qandahār (September 4th, 1545). He bestowed it upon the son of the Shāh, who in a few days fell ill and died.175c When Bairām Khān175d arrived, it was given into his charge.
The Emperor left Ḥamīda-bānū Begam in Qandahār and set out after Mīrzā Kāmrān. Dearest Lady, Khānzāda Begam, went with him, and at Qabal-chak175e she had three days of fever. The doctors' remedies were of no avail, and on the fourth day of her illness she passed to the mercy of God. At first she was buried at Qabal-chak, but three months later her body was brought to Kābul and laid in the burial-place of my royal father.175f
During several years that Mīrzā Kāmrān was in Kābul, he had never made a hostile raid,176 and now, all at once, when he heard of his Majesty's approach, desire to break forth (? hunt) seized him, and he went into the Hazāra country.176a (63b)
Mīrzā Hindāl, who had chosen the darvish's corner (in Kābul), now heard of the Emperor's return from 'Irāq and Khurāsān, and of his success in Qandahār. He saw his chance, and sent for Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir, and said: ‘The Emperor has come to Qandahār, and has been victorious. Mīrzā Kāmrān sent Khānzāda Begam to sue for peace, but the Emperor did not agree to his sort of peace. The Emperor sent Bairām Khān as his envoy, and Mīrzā Kāmrān did not agree to what he proposed. Now the Emperor has given Qandahār to Bairām Khān and has set out for Kābul. Come now, let us, you and I, plan and agree together, and scheme how to betake ourselves to his Majesty.’ Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir agreed, and the two made their plan and compact. Mīrzā Hindāl said: ‘You make up your mind to run away and when Mīrzā Kāmrān hears of it, he will certainly say to me: “Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir has gone off; go and persuade him to come back with you.” (64a) You go slowly, slowly on till I come. Then we will go as quickly as we can and pay our respects to the Emperor.’
Having so settled it, Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir ran away. The news went to Mīrzā Kāmrān, who came back at once to Kābul and sent for Mīrzā Hindāl and said: ‘Go and persuade Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir to come back.’ Mīrzā Hindāl mounted at once, and joined Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir with all speed. Then they travelled post-haste for five or six days, when they were honoured by paying their duty to the Emperor.
They advised the Khimār177 Pass as the best route. On Ramẓān 9th, 951H. (the third week of October, 1545), his Majesty ordered a halt in that pass. News of this went to Mīrzā Kāmrān on the same day and disturbed him greatly. He had his tents taken out very quickly and encamped in front of the Guẕar-gāh.177a (64b)
On the 11th of the same month, the Emperor ordered a halt in the valley of (?) Tīpa, and Mīrzā Kāmrān177b also came and drew up opposite to fight. Then all his amīrs deserted and were exalted by kissing the royal feet. Even Bāpūs177c who was one of his well-known officers, deserted him with all his following and was exalted by kissing the royal feet. The mīrzā was left solitary and alone. ‘No one remains near me,’ he thought, so he threw down and destroyed the door and the wall of the house of Bāpūs177d which was near, and went softly, softly past the New Year's Garden and the tomb of Gul-rukh Begam,177e dismissed his 12,000 troopers, and went off.
When it was dark, he went on in the same direction to Bābā Dashtī,177f and halted near a piece of water, and sent back Dostī kūka and Jūkī kūka to fetch his eldest daughter Ḥabība, and his son Ibrāhīm Sulṭān Mīrzā, and Hazāra Begam177g who was the brother's child of Khiẓr Khān (Hazāra), and Māh Begam177h who was sister of Ḥaram (Khurram) Begam, and Māh-afroz, mother of Ḥājī Begam,177i and Bāqī kūka.177j (65a) This party went with the mīrzā, who planned to go to Tatta and Bhakkar. In Khiẓr Khān Hazāra's country, which lies on the way to Bhakkar, he married Ḥabība Begam to Āq Sulṭān and entrusted her to him, while he himself went on.
The victorious Emperor dismounted in triumph in the Bālā-i-ḥisār when five hours of the night of Ramẓān 12th had passed,—prosperously and with safety and good luck.178 All those followers of Mīrzā Kāmrān who had been promoted to the royal service, entered Kābul with drums beating (November, 1545).
On the 12th of the same month, her Highness my mother, Dil-dār Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam, and this lowly person paid our duty to the Emperor. For five years we had been shut out and cut off from this pleasure, so now when we were freed from the moil and pain of separation, we were lifted up by our happiness in meeting this Lord of beneficence again. Merely to look at him eased the sorrow-stricken heart and purged the blear-eyed vision. (65b) Again and again we joyfully made the prostration of thanks. There were many festive gatherings, and people sat from evening to dawn, and players and singers made continuous music. Many amusing games, full of fun, were played. Amongst them was this: Twelve players had each twenty cards and twenty shāhrukhīs. Whoever lost, lost those twenty shāhrukhīs, which would make five miṯqāls.178a Each player gave the winner his twenty shāhrukhīs to add to his own.178b
To widows and orphans, and kinsfolk of men who had been wounded and killed at Chausa and Kanauj, or Bhakkar, or who were in the royal service during those intermissions,179 he gave pension, and rations, and water, and land, and servants. In the days of his Majesty's good fortune, great tranquillity and happiness befell soldiers and peasants. They lived without care, and put up many an ardent prayer for his long life. (66a)
A few days later he sent persons to bring Ḥamīda-bānū Begam from Qandahār. When she arrived, they celebrated the feast of the circumcision of the Emperor Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar. Preparations were made, and after the New Year179a they kept splendid festivity for seventeen days. People dressed in green,179b and thirty or forty girls were ordered to wear green and come out to the hills. On the first day of the New Year they went out to the Hill of the Seven Brothers and there passed many days in ease and enjoyment and happiness. The Emperor Muḥammad Akbar was five years old when they made the circumcision feast in Kābul. They gave it in that same large Audience Hall Garden.179c They decorated all the bāzārs. Mīrzā Hindāl and Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir, and the sulṭāns and amīrs, decorated their quarters beautifully, and in Bega Begam's garden the begams and ladies made theirs quite wonderful in a new fashion.
All the sulṭāns and amīrs brought gifts to the Audience Hall Garden. (66b) There were many elegant festivities and grand entertainments, and costly khi'lats and head-to-foot 180 dresses were bestowed. Peasants and preachers, the pious, the poor and the needy, noble and plebeian, low and high,—everybody lived in peace and comfort, passing the days in amusement and the nights in talk.
Then the Emperor went to Fort Victory (Qila'-i-ẓafar).180a In it was Mīrzā Sulaimān, who came out to fight but could not stand face to face with his Majesty and so decided to run away. The Emperor then entered the fort safe and sound. Then he went to Kishm, where, after a little while, an illness attacked his blessed frame and he slept day and night.180b When he came to his senses, he sent Mun'im Khān's brother, Faẓā'il Beg, to Kābul, and said: ‘Go! comfort and reassure the people of Kābul. Set them at ease in various ways.180c Let them not quarrel. Say: “It began ill, but has ended well.”’ (67a)
When Faẓā'il Beg had gone, he (Humāyūn) went one day nearer Kābul.180d
False news having been sent to Mīrzā Kāmrān in Bhakkar, he set out post-haste for Kābul. In Ghaznī he killed Zāhid Beg180e and then came on. It was morning; the Kābulīs were off their guard; the gates had been opened in the old way, and water-carriers and grass-cuts were going in and out, and the mīrzā passed into the fort with all these common people. He at once killed Uncle Muḥammad Alī181 who was in the hot bath. He alighted at the college of Mullā 'Abdu-l-khāliq.
When the Emperor was starting for Qila'-i-ẓafar, he placed Naukār181a at the door of the ḥaram. Mīrzā Kāmrān must have asked: ‘Who is in the Bālā-i-ḥiṣār?’ and someone must have said: ‘It is Naukār.’ Naukār heard of this and at once put on a woman's dress and went out. The mīrzā's people laid hands on the doorkeeper of the fort, and took him to Mīrzā Kāmrān, who ordered him to be imprisoned. (67b) The mīrzā's people went into the Bālā-i-ḥiṣār, and plundered and destroyed innumerable things belonging to the ḥaram, and they made settlement181b for them in Mīrzā Kāmrān's court (sarkār). He put the great begams into Mīrzā 'Askarī's house and there he shut up a room with bricks and plaster and (?) dung-cakes, and they used to give the ladies water and food from over the four walls.181c
In what was once Mīrzā Yādgār-nāṣir's house he put Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam181d and ordered his own wives and family to stay in the palace where the royal ḥaram and the begams once lived. He behaved very ill indeed to the wives and families of the officers who had left him for the Emperor, ransacking and plundering all their houses and putting each family into somebody's custody.181e
When the Emperor heard that Mīrzā Kāmrān had come from Bhakkar and was acting in this way, he returned from Qila'-i-ẓafar and Andar-āb safe and sound to Kābul. Qila'-i-ẓafar he gave to Mīrzā Sulaimān. (68a)
When he came near to Kābul, Mīrzā Kāmrān sent for her Highness my mother and for me from the house,182 and gave my mother orders to reside in the armourer's house. To me he said: ‘This is your house as well as mine. You stay here.’ ‘Why,’ I asked, ‘should I stay here? I will stay with my mother.’ He then went on: ‘Moreover, write to Khiẓr Khwāja Khān and tell him to come and join me and to keep an easy mind, for just as Mīrzā 'Askarī and Mīrzā Hindāl are my brothers, so is he. Now is the time to help.’ I answered: ‘Khiẓr Khwāja Khān has no way of recognising a letter182a from me. I have never written to him myself. He writes to me when he is away, by the tongue of his sons. Write yourself what is in your mind.’ At last he sent Mahdī Sulṭān182b and Shīr 'Alī to fetch the khān. From the first I had said to the khān: ‘Your brothers may be with Mīrzā Kāmrān, (but) God forbid that you should have the thought of going to him and joining them. (68b) Beware, a thousand times beware of thinking of separating yourself from the Emperor.’ Praise be to God! the khān kept to what I said.
When the Emperor heard that Mīrzā Kāmrān had sent Mahdī Sulṭān182c and Shīr 'Alī to fetch Khiẓr Khwāja Khān, he himself despatched Qambar Beg, the son of Mīrzā Ḥājī, to the khān, who was then in his own jāgīr, and said: ‘Beware, a thousand times beware! Let there be no joining Mīrzā Kāmrān. Come and wait on me.’ The result of this auspicious message was that the khān set out at once for court, and came to the 'Uqābain (Hill of the two eagles) and paid his respects.
When the Emperor passed Minār Hill, Mīrzā Kāmrān sent forward all his well-ordered soldiers under Shīr Afkan,183 the father of Shīroya, so that they might go out and fight. We saw from above183a how he went out with his drums beating, out beyond Bābā Dashtī, and we said, ‘God forbid you should fight,’ and we wept. (69a) When he reached the Afghāns' village (Dih-i-Afghānān), the two vanguards came face to face. The royal advance-guard at once drove off the mīrzā's183b and, having taken many prisoners, brought them to the Emperor. He ordered the Mughals to be cut to pieces.183c Many of the mīrzā's men who had gone out to fight were captured and some of them were killed and some were kept prisoners. Amongst them was Jūkī Khān, one of Mīrzā Kāmrān's amīrs.
In triumph and glory and to the sound of music, the Emperor entered the 'Uqābain, with Mīrzā Hindāl in attendance and a splendid cavalcade. He set up for himself tents and pavilions and an audience hall.183d He gave Mīrzā Hindāl charge of the Mastān bridge,183e and stationed the amīrs one after another. For seven months he kept up the blockade.183f (69b)
It happened one day that Mīrzā Kāmrān went from his own quarters to the roof (? of the citadel), and that someone fired a gun from the 'Uqābain. He ran and took himself off. Then he gave this order about the Emperor Akbar: ‘Bring him and put him in front.’183g Someone let his august Majesty (Humāyūn) know that Mīrzā Muḥam-mad Akbar was being kept on the front, so he forbade the guns to be fired and after that none were aimed at the Bālā-i-ḥiṣār. Mīrzā Kāmrān's men used to fire from the town upon the Emperor on the 'Uqābain. The royal soldiers put Mīrzā 'Askarī to stand right in front and made fun of him.
Mīrzā Kāmrān's men also used to make sallies from the fort, and on both sides many were killed. The royal troops were often the victors and then the others had not courage to come out. For the sake of his wives and children and the begams and the household, etc., the Emperor did not have the cannon fired nor did he place the large houses in difficulty. (70a)
When the long siege was ended, they (i.e., the ladies) sent Khwāja Dost Khāwand madārchī184 to his Majesty to say: ‘For God's sake, do whatever Mīrzā Kāmrān asks, and save the servants of God from molestation.’184a
The Emperor sent for their use from outside nine sheep, seven flasks of rose-water, one of lemonade, and seven sets of nine dress-lengths184b and some made-up jackets.184c He wrote:184d ‘For their sakes, I could not use force against the citadel, lest I should give an advantage to their enemies.’184e
During the siege Jahān Sulṭān Begam who was two years old, died. His Majesty wrote: ‘Some time or other, if we had used force against the citadel, Mīrzā Muḥammad Akbar would have disappeared.’
To finish the story: There were always people in the Bālā-i-ḥiṣār from evening prayer till dawn, and there was a continuous uproar. The night Mīrzā Kāmrān went away,184f prayer-time passed and indeed bedtime came, and there was no noise at all. (70b)
There was a steep stair by which people came up from below. When all the city was asleep, there suddenly sounded (on the stair) a clashing and clinking of armour, so that we said to one another: ‘What a noise!’ Perhaps a thousand people were standing in front (of the fort). We were afraid, but all at once, without warning, off they went. Qarācha Khān's son Bahādur brought us word that the mīrzā had fled.185
Having thrown a rope, they (or he) brought up Khwāja Mu'aẓẓam by way of the wall.185a
Our people and the begam's people and the rest who were outside, took away the door which had kept us fastened in. Bega Begam urged: ‘Let us go to our own houses.’ I said: ‘Have a little patience. We should have to go by the lane and perhaps too someone will come from the Emperor.’ At that moment 'Ambar Nāẓir came and said: ‘This is the royal order: “They are not to leave that place till I come.”’ In a little while the Emperor came and embraced Dil-dār Begam and me, and then Bega Begam and Ḥamīda-bānū Begam, and said: ‘Come quickly out of this place. (71a) God preserve His friends from such a house, and let such be the portion of His foes.’ He said to Nāẓir: ‘Guard one side,’ and to Tardī Beg Khān: ‘Guard the other, and let the begams pass out.’ All came out, and we spent the evening of that day with the Emperor in perfect content till night became morning. We embraced Māh-chūchak Begam and Khānīsh āghā and those of the ḥaram who had been with the Emperor on the campaign.
In Badakhshān Māh-chūchak had a daughter born. On the same night the Emperor had this dream: ‘Fakhru-n-nisā', my māmā,185b and Daulat-bakht came in by the door, and brought something or other, and then left me alone.’ Consider it as he might, he could only ask: ‘What does this dream mean?’ Then it occurred to him that, as a daughter had just been born, he would call her after the two, and taking nisā' from one, and bakht from the other, would run them together into Bakht-nisā'.
Māh-chūchak had four daughters186 and two sons,—Bakht-nisā' Begam, and Sakīna-bānū Begam, and Amīna-bānū Begam, and Muḥammad Hakīm Mīrzā, and Farrukh-fāl Mīrzā. (71b) She was with child when the Emperor went to Hindūstān (1554), and bore a son, in Kābul, whom they named Farrukh-fāl Mīrzā. A little later Khānish āghā had a son whom they named Ibrāhīm Sulṭān Mīrzā.
The Emperor spent a full year and a half in Kābul, prosperously and happily, and in comfort and sociability.186a
After taking flight from Kābul, Mīrzā Kāmrān went to Badakhshān, and there stayed in Tāliqān. One day the Emperor was in the Inner Garden,186b and when he rose at dawn for prayers, news came that many of the amīrs who formerly were with the mīrzā, had gone to him again. Amongst them were Qarācha Khān and Muṣāḥib Khān, and Mubāriz Khān and Bāpūs.186c Many wretches fled by night and went to join the mīrzā in Badakhshān.
In a propitious hour the Emperor also started for Badakhshān. He besieged the mīrzā in Tāliqān, and after a time made him agree to submit and become obedient (72a) when he waited on the Emperor, who bestowed Kulāb on him, and gave Qila'-i-ẓafar to Mīrzā Sulaimān, Qandahār (sic; (?) Kunduz) to Mīrzā Hindāl, and Tāliqān to Mīrzā 'Askarī.
One day at Kishm187 they had set up187a the tents and there was an assembly of the brothers, his Majesty the Emperor Humāyūn, and Mīrzā Kāmrān, and Mīrzā 'Askārī, and Mīrzā Hindāl, and Mīrzā Sulaimān.187b
His Majesty enjoined certain regulations187c which are fixed for interviews with kings, and said: ‘Bring ewer and basin so that we may wash our hands and eat together.’ He washed his hands and Mīrzā Kāmrān washed his. By years Mīrzā Sulaimān (b. 920H.) had precedence of Mīrzā 'Askarī (b. 922H.) and Mīrzā Hindāl (b. 925H.). So, to show him respect, the two brothers set the ewer and basin first before him.
After washing his hands Mīrzā Sulaimān did something improper with his nose. Mīrzā 'Askarī and Mīrzā Hindāl were much put out, and said: ‘What rusticity is this? (72b) First of all, what right have we to wash our hands in his Majesty's presence? but when he bestows the favour and gives the order, we cannot change it. What sense is there in these nose-wagging performances?’ Then the two mīrzās went and washed their hands outside and came back and sat down. Mīrzā Sulaimān was very much ashamed. They all ate at one tablecloth.
At this gathering his Majesty graciously remembered this lowly person, and said to his brothers: ‘Gul-badan Begam used to say in Lāhōr: “I wish I could see all my brothers together!” As we have been seated together since early morning, her words have occurred to my mind. If it be the will of the most high God, may our assembly be kept in His own place! He knows without shadow that it lies not in my heart's depths to seek any Musalmān's ill; how then, should I seek the hurt of my brothers? May God grant to you all the same divine and beneficent guidance, so that our agreement and concord may endure!’ (73a)
There was wonderful cheerfulness and happiness because many officers and their followers met their relations again, for they too had been sundered because of their masters' quarrels. Nay! one might rather say they had thirsted for one another's blood. Now they passed their time in complete happiness.
On his return from Badakhshān the Emperor spent a year and a half in Kābul and then resolved to go to Balkh. He took up his quarters in the Heart-expanding Garden,188 and his own residence was over against the lower part of the garden, and the begams were in Qulī Beg's house because it was close by.
The begams said to the Emperor over and over again: ‘Oh, how the rīwāj188a will be coming up!’ He replied: ‘When I join the army, I shall travel by the Koh-dāman, so that you may come out and see the rīwāj growing.’ It was at afternoon prayer-time that he rode out189 (of Kābul) to the garden. Qulī Beg's house where the begams were, was close by and overlooked it, and his Majesty pulled up as he passed, and all the begams saw him, and rose and made the kōrnish. (73b) Directly they had made this salutation, he beckoned with his own blessed hand, to say: ‘Come.’189a
Fakhru-n-nisā' māmā and Afghānī āghācha went on a little ahead. There was a stream in the lower part of the garden which Afghānī āghācha could not cross, and she fell off her horse. For this reason there was an hour's delay.189b At last we set out with his Majesty. Māh-chūchak Begam not knowing, her horse went up a little.189c His Majesty was very much annoyed about this. The garden was on a height and the walls were not yet made. Some vexation now showed itself in his blessed countenance and he was pleased to say: ‘All of you go on, and I will follow when I have taken some opium and got over my annoyance.’ He joined us when we had, as he ordered, gone on a little. The look of vexation was entirely laid aside and he came with a happy and beautiful look in his face.
It was a moonlight night. (83a) We talked and told stories,189d and Mīr (fault) and Khānish āghācha and Ẓarīf the reciter and Sarū-sahī and Shāham āghā sang softly, softly.
Up to the time of our reaching Laghmān, neither the royal tents nor the pavilions of the begams had arrived, but the mihr-amez190 tent had come. We all, his Majesty and all of us, and Ḥamīda-bānū Begam sat in that tent till three hours past midnight and then we went to sleep where we were, in company with that altar of truth (Humāyūn).
Early next morning he wished to go and see the rīwāj on the Kōh. The begams' horses were in the village, so the starting-time passed before they came up. The Emperor ordered that the horses of everyone who was outside should be brought. When they came he gave the order: ‘Mount.’
Bega Begam and Māh-chūchak Begam were still putting on their head-to-foot dresses, and I said to the Emperor: ‘If you think well, I will go and fetch them.’ ‘Go,’ he answered, ‘and bring them quickly.’ I said to the begams and to Māh-chūchak Begam and the rest of the ladies: ‘I have become the slave of his Majesty's wishes. What trouble waiting gives!’ I was gathering them all together and bringing them when he came to meet me and said: ‘Gul-badan! the proper hour for starting has gone by. (83b) It would be hot the whole way. God willing, we will go after offering the afternoon prayer.’ He seated himself in a tent with Ḥamīda-bānū Begam.190a After afternoon prayers, there was the interval between two prayers before the horses arrived. In this interval he went away.190b
Everywhere in the Dāman-i-kōh the rīwāj had put up its leaves. We went to the skirts of the hills and when it was evening, we walked about. Tents and pavilions were pitched on the spot and there his Majesty came and stayed. Here too we passed the nights together in sociable talk, and were all in company of that altar of truth.
In the morning at prayer-time, he went away to a distance (bīrūn), and from there wrote separate letters to Bega Begam and to Ḥamīda-bānū Begam and to Māh-chūchak Begam and to me and to all the begams,191 saying: ‘Becoming spokeswoman of your own fault, write apologizing for the trouble you have given. God willing, I shall say farewell and go to join the army either at Farẓa or Istālīf, and if not we shall travel apart.’ (74a)
Then everyone wrote to apologize for having given trouble, and sent the letter for his holy and elevating service.
In the end his Majesty and all the begams mounted and rode by Lamghān to Bihzādī. At night each one went to her own quarters, and in the morning they ate (? alone), and at mid-day prayer-time rode to Farẓa.
Ḥamīda-bānū Begam sent nine sheep to the quarters of each one of us. Bībī Daulat-bakht had come one day earlier to Farẓa and had got ready plenty of provisions and milk and curds and syrup and sherbet and so on. We spent that evening in amusement. In the early morning (we went) above Farẓa to where there is a beautiful waterfall. Then his Majesty went to Istālīf and passed three days, and then in 958H.191a marched towards Balkh.
When he crossed the pass, he sent farmāns to summon Mīrzā Kāmrān and Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā 'Askarī, and said: ‘We are on the march to fight the Uzbegs; now is the time for union and brotherliness. You ought to come as quickly as possible.’ Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā 'Askarī came and joined him. (74b) Then march by march they came to Balkh.
In Balkh was Pīr Muḥammad Khān,191b and on the first day his men sallied out and drew up in battle array. The royal army carried off the victory, and Pīr Muḥammad's men tasted defeat and returned to the city. By the next morning the khān had come to think: ‘The Chaghatāī are strong; I cannot fight them. It would be better to get out and away.’ Just then the royal officers joined in representing that the camp had become filthy, and that it would be well to move to a desert place (dasht). His Majesty ordered them to do so.
No sooner were hands laid on the baggage and packsaddles, than others raised a clamour and some cried out: ‘We are not strong enough.’ Since such was the Divine will, the royal army took the road without cause from a foe, without reason or motive.192 The news of their march reached the Uzbegs and amazed them. Try as the royal officers would, they produced not a scrap of effect. It could not be hindered: the royal army ran away. (75a)
The Emperor waited a little, and when he saw that no one was left, he too had to go. Mīrzā 'Āskarī and Mīrzā Hindāl, not having heard of the confusion, rode up to the camp. They found no one and saw that the Uzbegs had gone in pursuit, so they too took the road and made for Kunduz. After riding a little way, his Majesty stopped and said: ‘My brothers are not here yet: how can I go on?’ He asked the officers and attendants whether anyone would bring him news of the princes. No one answered or went. Later on word came from the Mīrzā's people in Kunduz that they had heard of the disaster and did not know where the princes had gone. This letter upset the Emperor very much. Khiẓr Khwāja Khān said: ‘If you approve, I will bring news.’ ‘God's mercy on you!’ rejoined his Majesty. ‘May they have gone to Kunduz!’ (75b)
Two days afterwards the khwāja, to the Emperor's great delight, brought word that Mīrzā Hindāl had arrived at Kunduz safe and sound. His Majesty gave Mīrzā Sulaimān leave to go to his own place, Qila'-i-ẓafar, and came himself to Kābul (1550, 957H.).
While Mīrzā Kāmrān was in Kūlāb, a woman named Tarkhān193 Bega, who was a thorough cheat, showed him the way by saying: ‘Make a declaration of love to Ḥaram Begam.193a Good will come of it.’ Acting on these words of an ill-judging adviser, he actually sent a letter and a kerchief193b to Ḥaram Begam by the hand of Begī āghā. This woman laid the letter and the kerchief before the begam and then set forth the mīrzā's devotion and passion. Ḥaram Begam said: ‘Keep that letter and that kerchief now and bring them again when the mīrzās come home.’ Begī āghā then wept, and moaned, and coaxed, and said: ‘Mīrzā Kāmrān has sent you this letter and this kerchief; he has loved you a long time, and you have no pity for him.’ (76a) Ḥaram Begam began to show her disgust and violent anger, and at once sent off for her husband, Mīrzā Sulaimān, and her son, Mīrzā Ibrāhīm. She said to them: ‘Mīrzā Kāmrān must have come to think you are cowards, since he sends me a letter like this. Have I deserved to be written to in this way? He is as your elder brother, and I am to him as a younger brother's wife.193c Send off a letter for me about it and rebuke him. As for this wretch of a woman, tear her piece by piece. Let her be a warning to others that no man may cast the evil eye of sinful thought upon another man's womanfolk. What does such a man deserve who, the son of a mother, yet does such monstrous things, and who fears neither me193d nor my son?’
Instantly hands were laid on Begī āghā Bībī, condemned of fate to die, and she was torn in pieces. In consequence of this affair, Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā Ibrāhīm were displeased with Mīrzā Kāmrān, or rather they became his enemies. (76b) They wrote to the Emperor that Mīrzā Kāmrān wished to thwart him and that this could not be better seen than in his failure to go to Balkh with him.
After this the mīrzā, in Kūlāb,194 could not find, in his terror-stricken thoughts, any better remedy than to become a darvish. He sent his son, Abū'l-qāsim (Ibrāhīm) to Mīrzā 'Askarī, and betook himself to Tāliqān with his daughter 'Āyisha (Sulṭān Begam), and said to his wife (Muḥtarīma Khānam): ‘Do you and your daughter follow me later. I will send for you to whatever place I settle on. Till then go and stay in Khost and Andar-āb.’ The khānam was related to the Uzbeg khāns, and some of her kinsfolk let the Uzbegs194a know: ‘If you want booty, there are goods and men and women servants; take these, and let the lady go free, for if 'Āyisha Sulṭān Khānam's194b nephew hears to-morrow (that she has been hurt), he will certainly be very angry with you.’ By a hundred plans and wiles, and with a hundred anxieties, and without her goods, she got free from the Uzbeg bondage, and reached Khost and Andar-āb. Here she stayed.
When Mīrzā Kāmrān heard of the royal disaster in Balkh, he said: ‘The Emperor is not so friendly to me as he was.’ (77a) So he left Kūlāb, and went hither and thither.
At this time (1550) his Majesty came out from Kābul. When he reached the Qibchāq defile, he incautiously halted in a low-lying place, and Mīrzā Kāmrān, coming from higher ground, armed and equipped, poured down foes upon him. Since such was the Divine will, a barbarian,—inwardly blind, an ill-fated oppressor and ill-omened tyrant,—inflicted a wound on the Emperor. The blow reached his bleassed head, and all his forehead and his dear eyes were stained with blood.
It was just like it was in the Mughal war when the blessed head of his Majesty Firdaus-makānī, the Emperor Bābar, was wounded by a Mughal, and his high cap and the turban wrapped round it were not cut, but his blessed head was badly hurt. His Majesty Humāyūn used to say with surprise: ‘I wondered at it, for cap and cloth were whole, and yet the head was cut.’195 The very same thing happened now to his own head.
After the rout in the Qibchāq defile, his Majesty went to Badakhshān, and Mīrzā Hindal, and Mīrzā Sulaimān, and Mīrzā Ibrāhīm came and waited on him. (77b) He went195a to Kābul and the mīrzās were in attendance, friendly and united and at peace together, when Mīrzā Kāmrān approached. His Majesty sent a message to Ḥaram Begam: ‘Ask my kīlīn195b to send me the army of Badakhshān as quickly as possible and ready for service.’ In a few days, —a very short time,—the begam had given horses and arms to some thousands of men. She herself superintended and took thought and she came with the troops as far as the pass. From here she sent them forward, and while she went back they went on and joined the Emperor.
Either at Chārkārān or Qarā-bāgh there was fighting with Mīrzā Kāmrān and his Majesty's army was successful. The mīrzā fled to the mountain passes (tangayhā) and Lamghānāt.196
Āq Sulṭān (Yasīn-daulat) who was the mīrzā's son-inlaw, said in effect to him (gufta bāshad): ‘You are continually thwarting the Emperor. What is the meaning of it? It is not what should be. (78a) Either make your submission and obeisance to the Emperor or give me leave to go, so that men may distinguish between us.’ Mīrzā Kāmrān said fiercely: ‘Have my affairs come to such a pass that you offer me advice?’ Āq Sulṭān also spoke angrily, ‘If I stay with you, my position will be unlawful,’ and left him at once, and went with his wife (Ḥabība) to Bhakkar. The mīrzā wrote to Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, and said: ‘Āq Sulṭān has displeased me and has gone away. If he comes to Bhakkar, do not let his wife be with him. Part them and tell him to go where he likes.’ Shāh Ḥusain Mīrzā at once, on receiving the letter, deprived Ḥabība Sulṭān Begam of the company of Āq Sulṭān and let him depart for the blessed Makka.196a
In the fight at Chārīkārān, Qarācha Khān196b and many of Mīrzā Kāmrān's well-known officers were killed.
'Āyisha Sulṭān Begam196c and Daulat-bakht āghācha were in flight for Qandahār, and were captured at the Khimār Pass, and brought in by the Emperor's people. Mīrzā Kāmrān went to the Afghāns,196d and stayed amongst them. (78b)
From time to time his Majesty used to visit the orange-gardens. That year also, according to his old habit, he went to the mountain passes (tangayhā) to see the oranges. Mīrzā Hindāl was in attendance, and of the ladies (ḥaramān), there went Bega Begam, Ḥamīda-bānū Begam, Māh-chūchak Begam and many others. I could not go because my son, Sa'ādat-yār, was ill at the time. One day his Majesty, attended by Mīrzā Hindāl, was hunting near the mountain passes. They had very good sport. The Emperor went towards where the mīrzā was hunting and had made a very good bag. Following the rules of Chingīz Khān, the mīrzā proffered his game to the Emperor, for it is a rule of Chingīz Khān that inferiors should so act towards their superiors. In short, he gave the Emperor all his game. Then it occurred to him: ‘There is still my sisters' portion. (79a) They shall not complain again. I will hunt once more and get them a share.’ Again he busied himself in hunting, and had taken one head of game, and was returning, when someone sent by Mīrzā Kāmrān blocked the road, and shot an arrow at the unwitting mīrzā which struck his blessed shoulder. Acting on the thought ‘God forbid my sisters and womenfolk should be upset by news of this,’ he wrote off at once to say: ‘Ill begun has ended well!197 Do not be anxious, for I am getting better.’ To finish the story: as it was hot, his Majesty went back to Kābul, and in the course of a year the arrow-wound got better.
A year later word was brought that Mīrzā Kāmrān had collected troops and was preparing for war. His Majesty also, taking military appurtenances, set out for the mountain passes (tangayhā) with Mīrzā Hindāl. He went safe and well, and made his honouring halt in the passes. Hour by hour, and all the time, spies kept bringing news: ‘Mīrzā Kāmrān has decided that an attack must be made to-night.’ (79b) Mīrzā Hindāl went to the Emperor and submitted his advice: ‘Let your Majesty stay on this high ground, and let my brother (nephew) Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar pādshāh stay with you, so that careful watch may be kept on this height.’ Then he called up his own men, and encouraged and cheered them one by one, and said: ‘Put earlier services in one scale and the service of this night in the other. God willing! whatever claim you can make, you shall be exalted to its degree.’198 One by one he allotted their posts, and then called for his own cuirass and surtout, and high cap and helmet.
His wardrobe-keeper had lifted up the wallet when someone sneezed,198a and he set it down for a while. Because of this delay, the mīrzā sent to hurry him. Then the things were brought quickly, and he asked: ‘Why were you so long?’ The man replied: ‘I had lifted the wallet when someone sneezed, and I therefore put it down. So there was a delay.’ (80a)
The mīrzā replied: ‘You were wrong. (You should have) said rather: “May there be a blessed martyrdom.”’ Then he went on: ‘Friends all! be my witness that I abjure all forbidden things and all indecorous acts.’ Those present recited the fātḥiha and prayed: ‘May there be benediction.’ He said: ‘Bring my vest and cuirass and surtout.’ He put them on and went out to the trenches to encourage and solace his men. Just then his ṭabaqchī,198b hearing his voice, cried: ‘They are attacking me.’ The mīrzā, hearing this, dismounted and said: ‘Friends, it is far from brave to give no help when my servant is at the point of the sword.’ He himself went down into the trench but not one of his followers dismounted. Twice he sallied from the trenches, and in this endeavour became a martyr.
I do not know what pitiless oppressor slew that harmless youth198c with his tyrant sword! Would to Heaven that merciless sword had touched my heart and eyes, or Sa ādat-yār, my son's, or Khiẓr Khwāja Khān's! Alas! a hundred regrets! Alas! a thousand times alas! (80b)
O well-a-day! O well-a-day! O well-a-day!
My sun is sunk behind a cloud.
All may be said in a word: Mīrzā Hindāl gave his life freely for his sovereign.
Mīr Bābā Dost lifted him up and carried him to his quarters. He told no one, and fetched servants and placed them at the entrance and gave orders: ‘Tell everyone who asks, that the mīrzā is badly wounded and that the Emperor forbids anyone to enter.’
Then he went and said to his Majesty: ‘Mīrzā Hindāl is wounded.’ The Emperor called for a horse; ‘I will go and see him.’ Mīr 'Abdu-l-ḥaī said: ‘He is badly hurt. It is not desirable that you should go.’ He understood, and however much he tried,199 he could not help it, he broke down.
Jūī-shāhī199a was Khiẓr Khwāja Khān's jāgīr. The Emperor sent for him and said: ‘Take Mīrzā Hindāl to Jūī-shāhī and care for his burial.’ The khān took the camel's bridle,199b and when he was going away with weeping and lament and voice uplifted in grief, (81a) his Majesty heard of the mourning and sent him word: ‘We must have patience! This sorrow touches my heart more closely than yours, but I do not give way because I think of our bloodthirsty, tyrannical foe. With him at hand, there is no help but patience.’ Then the khān with a hundred regrets, miserable and stricken, conveyed the body to Jūī-shāhī, and there laid and left it.
If that slayer of a brother, that stranger's friend, the monster, Mīrzā Kāmrān had not come that night, this calamity would not have descended from the heavens.
His Majesty sent letters to his sisters in Kābul, and the city at once became like one house of mourning. Doors and walls wept and bewailed the death of the happy, martyred mīrzā.
Gul-chihra Begam had gone to Qarā Khān's house. When she came back, it was like the day of resurrection.200 Through weeping and sorrow she fell quite ill and went out of her mind.
It was by Mīrzā Kāmrān's evil fate that Mīrza Hindāl became a martyr. From that time forth we never heard that his affairs prospered. On the contrary, they waned day by day and came to naught and perished. (81b) He set his face to evil in such fashion that fortune never befriended him again nor gave him happiness. It was as though Mīrzā Hindāl had been the life, or rather the light-giving eye of Mīrzā Kāmrān, for after that same defeat he fled straight away to Salīm Shāh, the son of Shīr Khān. Salīm Shāh gave him a thousand rupīs.200a Then the mīrzā told in what position he was, and asked help. Salīm Shāh said nothing openly in reply, but in private he remarked: ‘How can a man be helped who killed his own brother, Mīrzā Hindāl? It is best to destroy him and bring him to naught.’ Mīrzā Kāmrān heard of this opinion and one night, without even consulting his people, he resolved on flight and got away, and his own men had not even a word of it. They stayed behind and when news of the flight reached Salīm Shāh, he imprisoned many of them.
Mīrzā Kāmrān had gone as far as Bhīra and Khūsh-āb when Adam Ghakkar, by plot and stratagems, captured him and brought him to the Emperor. (82a)
To be brief, all the assembled khāns and sulṭāns, and high and low, and plebeian and noble, and soldiers and the rest who all bore the mark of Mīrzā Kāmrān's hand, with one voice represented to his Majesty: ‘Brotherly custom has nothing to do with ruling and reigning. If you wish to act as a brother, abandon the throne. If you wish to be king, put aside brotherly sentiment. What kind of wound was it that befell your blessed head in the Qibchāq defile through this same Mīrzā Kāmrān? He it was whose traitorous and crafty conspiracy with the Afghāns killed Mīrzā Hindāl. Many a Chaghatāī has perished through him; women and children have been made captive and lost honour. It is impossible that our wives and children should suffer in the future the thrall and torture of captivity. (82b) With the fear of hell before our eyes201 (we say that) our lives, our goods, our wives, our children are all a sacrifice for a single hair of your Majesty's head. This is no brother! This is your Majesty's foe!’
To make an end of words, one and all urgently set forth: ‘It is well to lower the head of the breacher of a kingdom.’
His Majesty answered: ‘Though my head inclines to your words, my heart does not.’ All cried out: ‘What has been set before your Majesty is the really advisable course.’ At last the Emperor said: ‘If you all counsel this and agree to it, gather together and attest it in writing.’ All the amīrs both of the right and left assembled. They wrote down and gave in that same line (miṣra'): ‘It is well to lower the head of the breacher of the kingdom.’ Even his Majesty was compelled to agree.
When he drew near to Rohtās, the Emperor gave an order to Sayyid Muḥammad: ‘Blind Mīrzā Kāmrān in both eyes.’ The sayyid went at once and did so.
After the blinding, his Majesty the Emperor201a …
It was during this absence from Kābul that he married Māham, Humāyūn's mother.
↩Thrice in modern times a decisive battle has been fought out here: (1) by Bābar against Ibrāhīm and the Lodīs, 1526; (2) by Akbar against the Indian Afghāns in 1556; and (3) by Aḥmad Shāh Durrānī against the Marāthās in 1761.
↩The sarapārda or enclosing canvas wall, run at optional distance round tents, was, it is stated in the Ma'āsiru-r-raḥīmī, invented by Bairam Khān-i-khānān, and if this is true, it must at this date have been a quite modern convenience.
↩The title 'Asas is applied several times by Bābar. One 'Asas was a boon companion and partook of Bābar's vow before the battle of Khānwa. (Mems. 283 and 354; Firishta, Pers. Text, Briggs I. 449.) Gul-badan names one (20b) as entrusted with the care of Bābar's tomb, — Muḥ. 'Alī 'Asas. I think he was brother to Māham Begam, and the governor of Kābul whom Kāmrān murdered in 1547.
↩Perhaps, as Gul-badan says, Bābar touched also the thought of home, and this would be recorded by the woman.
↩Faith in the rite of circumambulation still prevails in Persia. Bābar, it is clear, believed his devotion to have borne fruit. (Cf. Hughes, Dict. of Islām, s.v. Intercession. For Karīmu-l-lāh, see Badāyunī, Bib. Ind. Text, III. 191.).
↩Vambéry has jīcha, Kirghiz, mother, and chīcha, aunt (inferentially maternal); Shaw, chīchā, Qāzzāq, mother. P. de Courteille, Dict., chīcha, an elder sister. The word has in Samarqand the meaning ‘maternal aunt.’
It occurs again in the text (23a), and is used for Gul-badan's sisters, the brides of this page (19a); so that it may be right (spite of the singular number) to read ‘my elder sisters themselves’—i.e., the brides. But it might be ‘my mother.’
The word occurs at least once in the Memoirs. (Ilm., 446; Ers., 387.) It is preceded by one which Ilminsky writes yanka, and Erskine Bikeh (Bega). The letters of both words might be identical and the points only decisive. Shaw says yangā is an elder brother's wife; Vambéry, belle-sœur, Schwagerin; and Erskine (208 n..), bridesmaid, by which, I believe, is meant one who leads the bride to the bridegroom—an exactly appropriate use here, since Ḥabība yangā brings her daughter Ma'ṣūma to marry Bābar. (N.B.—Shaw writes yangā and chīchā, where Vambéry and others have a final ‘round hā.’)
But if the chīcha of Mems., 387, is to be read ‘elder sister,’ Bābar can apply it only to Khānzāda Begam (elsewhere called by him aulugh īgāchī (Ilm., 116.); and this would, I believe, make the reading of Bikeh (Bega) difficult, since Khānzāda could not be called anything less than Khānam. The same objection would apply to the reading of chīcha as mother or as maternal aunt. This inclines one to read yanka, and not bikeh, at Mems., 387; and the Zainab of the sentence may be granddaughter (nabīra), through the female line, of the belle-sœur, or bridesmaid , of Khānzāda Begam. But nothing is clear as to the relationship.
↩All who love the story of an adventurous life, chequered through character of individuals in a marked degree, should fill out Gul-badan's brief narrative from Mr. Erskine's life of Humāyūn.
↩At the ‘accession feast,’ held December 19th, 1531, and thus not quite a year after the accession, it is said by Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad that 12,000 robes were bestowed, 2,000 of these being ‘special.’ For details as to khil'at, cf. Memoirs, 274 n..
Lists are dull reading, unless each item calls up an image. It is easy to add splendour and beauty to Gul-badan's few poor words by looking at actual things of the kinds she names, as may be done in the Oriental Section of the South Kensington Museum. The links between Persia and India in her day and earlier and later were many and close. Many Persians born and bred in Persia or by descent formed part of the Mughal court. Persian art and manufacture were at their highest development, experts say, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The uncritical eye doubts if the products of those centuries, as exhibited in the examples England possesses, can be excelled for splendour and satisfying charm. With such things the personages of our begam's book surrounded themselves.
↩We know from Gul-badan that these were Bārbūl, Mihr-jahān, and Ishān-daulat.
‘Hindāl n'était pas encore venu dans le monde. Comme j'étais dans ces parages [Kehrāj, in Mandesh, and on his way to India], il m'arriva une lettre de Māham, dans laquelle elle me disait, “Sera-ce un fils ou une fille? Prononcez vous-même sur la part que me réserve la fortune; à moi de mettre l'enfant dans le monde [Erskine, ‘I will regard the child as mine’] et de l'élever.” Le vendredi, 26 du mois, toujours à ce même campement, j'adjugeai Hindāl à Māham [before birth], et je lui écrivis à ce sujet une lettre qui lui fut portée à Kābul par Yūsuf 'Alī rikāb-dār [courier] quoique Hindāl ne fût pas encore né.’
A passage now follows which, as is noted by P. de C., is neither in the Persian version of the Memoirs nor in the English translation:
‘Pour bien comprendre tout ce qui à été dit plus haut, il faut savoir que jusqu'à cette époque, de tout les enfants nés de la même mère que Humāyūn, soit un fils [i.e., Bārbūl], cadet par rapport à lui, l'ainé par rapport à mes autres enfants et trois filles, dont l'une etait Mihr-jān, il n'y en avait pas un qui ne fût mort en bas age. Je souhaitais vivement de lui voir naître un frère ou une sœur. [i.e., a child of Māham. There were other children of other wives.]
‘Précisément à cette époque Dil-dār āghācha se trouvait enceinte. Je ne cessais de répéter, “Plût à Dieu que l'enfant qui va naître, sortît du même sein que Humāyūn!” A quoi ma mère [sic. Tūrkī text, Ilminsky, 271, ḥaẓrat wālida] me répondait, “Si Dil-dār āghācha met au monde un fils, ne pourrais-je pas le prendre et m'en charger?” “Rien de mieux,” faisais-je à mon tour.
‘D'ordinaire les femmes ont la manière suivante de consulter le sort, quand elles veulent savoir si elles auront un fils ou une fille. Elles prennent deux morceaux de papier; sur l'un elles écrivent, 'Alī ou Ḥasan, sur l'autre Fāṭima; puis elles les placent dans deux boules de limon qu'elles mettent dans une coupe d'eau. Celles des deux qui s'ouvre la première, leur sert à prognostiquer l'avenir; si elle ren-ferme le nom d'un garçon, il y aura un garçon; si c'est celui d'une fille, il y aura une fille, disent-elles. On employa cette méthode; ce fut un enfant mâle qui en sortit. En recevant cette bonne nouvelle, j'écrivis aussitôt pour en faire part à ma mère [sic]. Quelques jours plus tard, effectivement Dieu me donna un garçon. Trois jours après sa naissance et avant de l'annoncer, on enleva l'enfant, bon gré, mal gré, à sa mère et on l'apporta chez moi où on le garda. Lorsque j'en donnai avis à ma mère [sic], celle-ci apprenant qu'elle avait obtenu l'objet de ses vœux, donna au jeune prince le nom de Hindāl, qui était pour nous de bon augure. Par cet arrangement cet enfant fût pour moi [? nous] à la fois un frère cadet (for Humāyūn) et un fils (for Māham and himself).
The words ḥaẓrat wālida cannot mean the mother of Bābar She had been dead some fourteen years. They may be equivalent to Sulṭān-wālida—i.e., the mother of the heir-apparent. Certainly it was Māham who adopted Hindāl. This initial misconception as to the identity of Ḥaẓrat wālida runs through the whole translation of this most interesting passage. According to Gul-badan, Fārūq (born in 932H.) was Māham's son. Bābar names the birth. (Mems., 343.)
↩I suggest to take tārashī (a word not used by Bābar or Ḥaidar) as equivalent to the fletchery (auq), or the ‘making arrow-heads’ (paikān), of Bābar.
Another possible reading has been suggested to me by Mr. Beveridge —(a)z hikīrī tarāshī, ‘by cutting arrows.’ Hikrī is a Hindī name for cultivated reeds grown on low marshy grounds. (Wilson's Glossary, s.v., and Platt's Hindustānī Dict..) There is nothing improbable in Gul-badan's use of a Hindī word. Arrows were fashioned from these reeds and men-at-arms practised the art. Gujrāt reeds were exported for arrows to Persia. The omission of the alif of az is not infrequent in the MS..
A few words on the zih-gīr find fit insertion here. It is a thumb-ring worn on the right hand as a protection against the fret of the bow-string both in drawing and release. Persians, like the Japanese and Mongols and Chinese, drew with the thumb. The zih-gīr is of eccentric thickness and unequal width, elongating on one side into a tongue. This elongation lies along the inner side of the thumb, and points towards the thumb-tip. In drawing, the thumb crooks round the string which pulls against the zih-gīr. The arrow is released by straightening the thumb, and the string then flies over the hard surface of the ring. The zih-gīr is of jade, crystal, ivory, brass, gold, etc.. Some are chased and carved, and some are jewelled. In December, 1898, a remarkable one was offered for sale at an auction in Edinburgh of Lord Dalhousie's collections and the jewels of his daughter, Lady S. G. Brown (Connemara). It is cut from a single emerald, and inscribed: ‘Jihat zihgīr shāh-i-shāhān Nādir ṣāḥib-qirān bar taskhīr-i-hind az jawāhar-khāna intikhāb shud’ (‘Selected for a thumb-ring for the king of kings and lord of happy conjunction Nādir, from the jewel-room on the conquest of Hind’).
An interesting account of Persian archery is included in the ‘Book of Archery,’ G. Agar Hansard (Lond., 1840.). It, however, calls the zih-gīr, safn. Safn is the rough skin of a fish or lizard which is used to smooth the arrow-shafts. (Cf. Lane's Ar. Dict..)
↩Gul-badan's ‘we had settled down’ (nishista budīm) allows the inference that she and other ladies had joined the camp. A later instance will be found of the inopportune presence of women and children with the army. But it may mean merely ‘we were comfortably awaiting events’ in Āgra.
↩Bībï Ḥaj, Bībī Tāj, Bībī Nūr, Bībī Ḥūr, Bībī Gūhar, and Bībī Shābaz are said to have been daughters of 'Aqīl, brother of 'Alī (Muḥammad's son-in law). They were famous for piety and asceticism. After the murder of Imām Ḥusain at Kerbela, these ladies left Syria for India in obedience to a secret intimation. They alighted outside Lāhōr at the place named by Gul-badan and where their shrine now is. They converted many of the townspeople to their faith, and thus angered the, presumably Hindū, governor. He sent his son to command their departure, but the son fell under their influence, and remained near them. This still more angered his father, who went out against them and their followers with an armed force. The ladies prayed that their honour might be preserved, and they not be seen by strange men. Immediately the earth opened and swallowed them. (Khazīna'u-l-aṣfiyā, II. 407.)
↩At this time Humāyūn was strongly advised to put Kāmrān to death. He refused, but later on and after a dreary waste of good nature, his filial piety had to yield to the common-sense of his victimized followers and allow the blinding.
↩Jauhar says that Ḥamīda had been already asked in marriage, but not betrothed or perhaps promised. Her objections to marry Humāyūn seem personal, and may indicate preference for another and dislike for him. She is said to have been fourteen years old and Humāyūn was thirty-three, an opium-eater, and much married already. Her objections, whatever their true basis, must have been strong or they could hardly have survived, for Gul-badan to record, through the many years of prosperity and proud motherhood which her husband's renewed sovereignty in India and her son's distinction secured to her.
Behind Gul-badan's story of the wooing of Ḥamīda there were doubtless many talks over ‘old times’ when the royal authoress was freshening her memory for her literary task, begun (it seems probable) when she was about sixty-five and Ḥamīda some few years younger.
↩Jūjūk is perhaps the Tūrkī ‘sweet-savoured,’ and an epithet of 'Abdu-l-wahab, a lawyer with persuasive tongue.
↩Gul-badan's story differs in some details from that told by other writers.
↩Hamīda's ready use of a colloquial phrase to express that the reputedly greater contains the less is neat and diplomatic.
↩For an interesting account of this historic family gathering see B. & H., II. 358 et seq..
↩It was now that the remarkable compact which effected Kāmrān's downfall was made between Humāyūn and his amīrs. (B. & H., II. 338.) These swore fidelity by whatever oath would bind them and then, at the instance of Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān kūka, Humāyūn bound himself to,—do as he was told. The compact was effective. The amīrs were the long-suffering victims of Humāyūn's folly and their present turning was, he admitted, justifiable.
↩Gul-badan always speaks of her brother with affection, and her story shows that she mourned his loss many years. Her book lets us see a group of living and feeling men and women.
↩