Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 3

THIS humble individual, Mahomed Kasim Fe-rishta, desires it to be understood by those reflecting persons who peruse his work, that as the object of his labours, in the preceding part, has been to give a true account of the sovereigns of Dehly, and of the Bahmuny Kings of the Deccan, so shall his care be, in the remaining portion of it, to write a detail of the histories of all the other Mahomedan princes who have held independent sway in India. He proposes, therefore, to continue the narrative by commemorating, in the first place, the deeds of the illustrious monarchs who have reigned over Beejapoor; for the prosperity of which dynasty he constantly prays to Almighty God.

Situated as the author is, under the protection of this family, it may be supposed that he would be disposed to lavish encomiums on its ancestors, and either suppress or misrepresent facts for the purpose of obtaining pecuniary rewards; but his object is to write truth in simple and unadorned language. He has fortunately been already placed, by the bounty of his sovereign, Ibrahim Adil Shah II., above all pecuniary wishes, so that he is able to spurn gold beneath his feet. On that score, therefore, having nothing to desire, he is left free to indulge his own inclination, in fulfilling the commands of his King, by the honest performance of the task which he has undertaken.

To face page 3. Vol. III.]

>genealogy<

His remarkable origin — arrives in India from Persia — is patronised by the King of the Deccan, and attains high distinction — becomes the leader of the foreign troops, and opposes the minister Kasim Bereed. — Yoosoof maintains his independence in Beejapoor. — The minister instigates Bahadur Geelany, Mullik Ahmud Bheiry of Ahmudnuggur, and the Raja of Beejanuggur, to attack Yoosoof. — He obtains a victory over the Raja of Beejanuggur, and acquires a large booty. — The Mahomedan governor of Sagur is excited to make war against Yoosoof, but is slain in battle. — The independent sovereignties of Beejapoor, Golconda, Bidur, Ah- mudnuggur, and Berar, are formed. — Yoosoof assumes the title of King — attempts to introduce the Sheea doctrines — nearly loses his throne, and is induced to forego his intentions. — The Portuguese take Goa, which is shortly after retaken by Yoosoof Adil Shah. — His death and character.

ABOOL MOOZUFFUR YOOSOOF ADIL SHAH, the founder of the Adil Shahy dynasty, was the son of one of the emperors of Room, ^4a of the Ottoman family. His father, Agha Morad†,^4b A. H. 854.
A. D. 1451.

dying in 854‡, ^4c he was succeeded by his eldest son Mahomed; on which occasion the ministers observed, that as in the beginning of the late reign, a person named Moostufa, calling himself a son of Elderim Bayezeed, occasioned great commotions in the empire, it was desirable that in future only one prince of the family should be suffered to live. Sooltan Mahomed, assenting to the suggestion, gave orders for his brother Yoosoof, then a child, to be put to death; and the executioners came to demand him from his mother, in order that, having strangled him, the body might be publicly exposed. The Queen entreated them to spare the infant; or, if state policy demanded so cruel a sacrifice, to indulge her by deferring the execution for a day, that she might prepare her mind for so melancholy an event. The ministers having consented, the Queen improved the time to save her son's life. She accordingly sent for Khwaja Imad-ood-Deen, a merchant of Sava, with whom she had been in the habit of making purchases of the products of Persia, and enquired if he then had any male slaves for sale. He replied, he had five Georgians, and two Circassians. Among these was a Circassian who, on the whole, bore some resemblance to the Prince; and him she purchased, at the same time committing Yoosoof to the merchant's care, together with a large sum of money, entreating him to convey him to a place of security, out of the Emperor's dominions. The Khwaja, for the sake of the money, accepted the commission, and began his journey, with the infant Prince, the same night. The next morning, the ministers coming to the door of the Queen's apartments, demanded her son; when having admitted one of them, on whom she could rely, candidly informed him of the deception, and bound him to favour it by large gifts. The Circassian slave was accordingly strangled; and the body being brought out, wrapped in a shroud, by the minister, whose integrity was not suspected, it was interred without examination.^5a

Khwaja Imad-ood-Deen carried the young prince to Ardbeel, where he enrolled him among the disciples of the venerable Sheikh Suffy; after which he conveyed him to the city of Sava. When he was seven years of age the Khwaja made known to him the secret of his birth, and placed him at school with his own children. The next year the Queen sent a person to Sava to enquire after her child; and the messenger, after an absence of nine months, departed homewards, but was taken so ill at Alexandria, that he remained there a year and a half; after which he returned to the Queen, and presented her with a letter written by Yoosoof, giving her pleasing accounts of himself. The Princess bestowed alms to the poor in gratitude for the preservation of her son; and shortly after sent his nurse, with her son Ghuzunfur Beg, ^6a and her daughter Dilshad Agha, to Sava, accompanied by her former messenger, as also a large sum of money for the use of the Prince. Yoosoof remained at Sava till he was sixteen years old, when his nurse imprudently divulged the secret of his birth, which having come to the ears of the governor, a Toork of the tribe of Akkooinloo, he made the Prince pay him four hundred tomans†, ^6b to permit him to quit the place in safety. Yoosoof intended to remain at Koom till the governor of Sava should be removed; but after some time, having left Koom, he proceeded to Kashan, Isfahan, and eventually to Shiraz, where a story is told that the prophet Khizr appeared to him in a dream, directing him to quit Persia and go to Hindoostan, where he should attain to sovereign power. Yoosoof accordingly left Shiraz, went to the sea-coast, and embarking at Gombroon for India, reached Dabul in the year 864. On his arrival there he became acquainted with Khwaja Mahmood Goorjistany, a merchant who had come to that port on business. Yoosoof's appearance and manners (being at that time only seventeen years of age) were at once striking and engaging, for he had received a liberal education at Sava. The Khwaja prevailed on him to accompany him to Ahmudabad Bidur, where he was sold, as a Georgian slave, to the minister Khwaja Mahmood Gawan for the royal bodyguard. This account the author received from Mirza Mahomed of Sava, the son of Gheias-ood-Deen, prime minister of Yoosoof Adil Khan at the time he declared his independence at Bee-japoor, under the designation of Yoosoof Adil Shah. The same story is related by Shah Jumal-ood-Deen Hoossein, the son of Shah Hoossein Anjoo, in his history; as also by Khwaja Nuzr, a member of the Bahmuny family. At the period of the marriage of Beeby Musseety ^7a to the Prince Ahmud at Koolburga, that Princess took her seat above all the other ladies; and on remonstrance being made to her afterwards, she replied, as the daughter of Yoosoof Adil Shah, and the niece and grand-daughter of two emperors of Room, she certainly considered herself inferior to no lady in the Deccan. Ameer Bereed of Bidur was afterwards at the trouble of sending persons to Constantinople to endeavour to falsify this statement; but the corroborating facts were so strong that the subject was not again agitated. Yoosoof Adil Khan is said to have derived the appellation of Savaee ^8a from the circumstance of his having been educated at Sava.

After two or three months, Khwaja Mahmood Gawan, with the approbation of the Queen-mother, placed Yoosoof under Azeez Khan, master of the horse; who finding him fit for the task, and being old and infirm himself, committed to him the whole duty of his department; by which Yoosoof had frequent opportunities of going into the presence of Mahomed Shah, whose notice he attracted. On the death of Azeez Khan (at the recommendation of Khwaja Mahmood Gawan) he succeeded to the office of master of the horse; but not agreeing with the bramin who kept the accounts, he resigned the office, and attached himself to Nizam-ool-Moolk Toork, one of the nobles at court, whose friendship he acquired to such a degree that he used to call him brother.

On Nizam-ool-Moolk's being appointed governor of Berar, he procured for his friend the title of Adil Khan, with the rank of a commander of five hundred horse, and took him with him. Nizam-ool-Moolk was afterwards killed at Kehrla†; ^8b when Yoosoof Adil Khan, leaving a strong garrison in the fort, conducted back the army, together with the rich plunder of a very successful campaign, as also thirty elephants, which procured him the royal approbation; from which time the star of his good fortune began to ascend.

When Mahomed Shah left this vain world, and dissensions prevailed throughout the kingdom, most of the foreign officers and soldiers attached themselves to Yoosoof Adil Khan; who, perceiving that the ministers of Mahmood Shah were bent on his destruction, withdrew with his family and followers from Ahmudabad Bidur to Beejapoor; and resolving to become the founder of a kingdom, he began to add to his territories by conquest.

When the hooma ^9a of prosperity had spread the shadow of her wings over his head, Yoosoof Adil

A. H. 895.
A. D. 1489.

Khan, as well as Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, in the year 895, according to the verse in the Holy Koran,

“The sword for him who can wield it, and dominion to him
who conquers,”

caused the Khootba to be read in his name, and assumed the canopy of royalty, at which time the foreigners unanimously acknowledged him King. After this event, he wrested many forts from the governors of Mahmood Shah, and subdued all the country from the river Beema to Beejapoor, the inhabitants of which territory submitted to his authority; and being subsequently joined by many Deccany officers, who had formerly deserted him on his retiring from Ahmudabad Bidur, his power daily increased.

Kasim Bereed Toork, who had himself entertained hopes of founding a kingdom at Beejapoor, wrote to the Ray of Beejanuggur, that Mahomed Shah was willing to cede to him the forts of Mood-kul and Rachore, if he would wrest them from Yoosoof Adil Khan; at the same time letters were addressed to Bahadur Geelany, who possessed Goa and all DUREABAR, ^10a (the tract which, in the language of the Deccan, is called Concan,) inviting him to invade the country of Yoosoof Adil Khan.

Timraj, the general of the Ray of Beejanuggur, having crossed the river Toongbudra, laid waste the country as far as Moodkul and Rachore; and Bahadur Geelany reduced the fortress of Jum-kindy. Yoosoof Adil Khan was too weak to repel these attacks by force. He accordingly made peace with Timraj, and expelled Bahadur Geelany from his dominions; but without attempting to recover Jumkindy, led his army, composed of eight thousand foreigners, towards the capital, against Kasim Bereed.

Kasim Bereed applied for aid to Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, together with Khwaja Jehan Deccany, governor of Purenda, who joined him. The troops with Mahmood Shah Bahmuny II. marched from the capital, and were met by Yoosoof Adil Shah in the vicinity of Nuldroog, where an action was fought. Duria Khan commanded the right wing, Fukhr-ool-Moolk Toork the left, and Yoosoof Adil Khan led the centre of his army, while his foster-brother, Ghuzunfur Beg, commanded a separate corps of a thousand foreign bowmen, to assist wherever there might be occasion. Kasim Bereed fled with the King at the first onset; upon which Yoosoof Adil Khan and Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, discontinuing the fight, entered into a treaty on the field, and each retired to his own dominions. This action is, however, differently related by the Bahmuny historian, who states, that Mullik Ahmud was not in the field, but his general Khwaja Jehan only; that Yoosoof Adil Khan was defeated, and retired to Beejapoor, where he shortly after obtained peace with his enemies; and then, on learning that dissensions prevailed in Beejanuggur, he marched to retake Rachore.

On reaching the banks of the Krishna, Yoosoof Adil Khan amused himself for some time in hunting; but having brought on an ague and fever by exertion, he was confined to his bed for two months; during which time, his foster-brother, Ghuzunfur Beg, directed all public affairs. In this interval Timraj the minister, having composed his disputes with the young Ray of Beejanuggur, advanced at the head of an army to Rachore, which struck terror into that of Yoosoof Adil Khan, for whose recovery fervent prayers were offered up by his subjects. Not long after, Yoosoof recovering, distributed sixty thousand rupees among holy men and syuds of Medina, Kerbulla, and Nujuf. He also intrusted a considerable sum to Khwaja Abdoolla Hirvy, ^11a who had come with him to Hindoostan in the same ship, directing him to build a mosque at Sava, and to give the surplus of the money among the poor of that city.

Meanwhile intelligence was received that Tim-raj, having crossed the Toongbudra, was advancing to Beejapoor. Yoosoof Adil Khan mustered his troops, and found them to consist of eight thousand Doaspa ^12a horse and two hundred elephants of all sizes. Addressing himself to Ghuzunfur Beg, Mirza Jehangeer, and Dawood Khan Lody, his favourite officers, he said, that he trusted he should be able to defeat the enemy with this force, and communicated his determination to advance towards him. Next day he accordingly marched, and encamped at a little distance from Timraj's army, and then dividing the ground among his officers to the best advantage, he threw up entrenchments round his camp to prevent surprise. Several days passed inactively, till on Saturday,

Rujub,
A. H. 898.
April,
A. D. 1493.

in the month of Rujub, 898, both armies drew out; and in the beginning of the action nearly five hundred of Yoosoof Adil Khan's troops being slain, the rest fell back in disorder. Fortunately, at this moment, one of his officers who had been taken prisoner made his escape, and represented, that the enemy were busily engaged in plunder, and might be attacked with advantage. The King, rallying his troops, prepared to renew the action; when Timraj, not having time to collect his whole army, drew up seven thousand horse, a considerable number of foot, and three hundred elephants to oppose him. Yoosoof Adil Khan charged this body with such impetuosity, that Timraj, unable to stand the shock, fled, leaving two hundred elephants, and a thousand horses in the hands of the victors, besides sixty lacks of hoons, ^13a with many jewels and other valuable booty. Timraj and the young Ray fled to Beejanuggur. The latter died on the road of wounds received in the action, and Timraj seized the government of the country; but some of the principal nobility opposing his usurpation, dissensions broke out, which gave Yoosoof Adil Khan a respite from war in that quarter.

Dustoor Khan relates, that the victory was gained by the following stratagem: Yoosoof Adil Khan, after the disorder of his troops, sent a messenger to Timraj entreating peace, and offering to acknowledge allegiance to the Ray for the country he held; upon which the minister and the Ray came, attended by three or four hundred followers and their principal nobility, to a conference in the field, when Yoosoof Adil Khan fell upon them by surprise with his whole army and routed them, killing seventy persons of rank. Their troops, alarmed at the death of their chiefs, fled, and left the camp to be plundered by the victors.

Yoosoof Adil Khan, after his success, conferred on Raab Jung Bahadur Khan fifty elephants, with one lack of hoons, and detached him with a force to reduce the forts of Moodkul and Rachore; which having effected in the space of forty days, the King returned to his capital of Beejapoor. This victory added greatly to his wealth, strengthened his power, and confirmed his authority. It is said, however, that he paid Mahmood Shah the compliment of sending to him two splendid vests, the borders of which were adorned with precious stones, two horses shod with gold, and saddles and bridles set with jewels, with an official report of his success.

Yoosoof Adil Khan was preparing to march against Jumkindy, which Bahadur Geelany had taken from him, when Mahmood Shah, in consequence of complaints from the King of Guzerat, resolved to march in person against the latter chief; on which occasion Yoosoof Adil Khan sent his general, Kumal Khan Deccany, with five thousand horse, to attend the Bahmuny monarch. Jumkindy being taken, was delivered over to Yoosoof Adil Khan, and Bahadur Geelany was slain in action. When Mahmood Shah returned from this expedition, Yoosoof Adil Khan went forth to meet him; and having conducted him into Beejapoor, then newly surrounded with a wall of stone, entertained him for ten days with great splendour. On his departure, he presented him with twenty elephants, fifty horses, four bracelets set with jewels, and other rare and valuable articles to a large amount. Mah-mood Shah having made choice of one elephant, sent back the other articles, with a private message, that as they would be seized by his minister Kasim Bereed, he returned them, to be kept for him in trust, till such time as Yoosoof Adil Khan, like a faithful servant, should deliver him from his trammels.

Yoosoof Adil Khan, though he had it in his power to effect this object at once, did not think it desirable to do so; and answered, that such an undertaking could not succeed, unless Mullik Ahmud Bheiry of Ahmudnuggur should agree in promoting it, as also Imad-ool-Moolk of Gavul-gur; and he promised, that when Mahmood Shah reached his capital he would prevail upon those chiefs to join with him in punishing the obnoxious minister. Mahmood Shah, satisfied with this declaration, departed for his capital; but before he left Beejapoor, Yoosoof Adil Khan conveyed to him privately a large sum of money, and also made considerable presents to Kasim Bereed and Kootb-ool-Moolk, who had attended the King in the campaign.

A. H. 901.
A.D. 1495. In the year 901, Dustoor Deenar, the Abyssinan eunuch, who held the districts of Koolburga, Sagur, Alund, and other forts and districts between the river Beema and Tulingana, aspired to establish his independence. For this purpose he opened a communication with Mullik Ahmud Bheiry; observing, that as Futteh Oolla Imad-ool-Moolk had, in concert with Yoosoof Adil Shah, assumed royal titles in Berar, it would be consistent with his friendship to support him in doing the same. Dustoor Deenar was the adopted son of Nizam-ool-Moolk, the father of Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, and thought, in consequence, he had claims on his support. Accordingly the eunuch, having adopted the regal canopy, seized many districts dependent on the capital of Ahmudabad Bidur, and expelled the officers of Kasim Bereed.

Kasim Bereed, on this occasion, demanded the assistance of Yoosoof Adil Khan, who directed his general, Ghuzunfur Beg, Duria Khan, and other chiefs, to join the King's army; writing to Mah-mood Shah, at the same time, that he should have attended in person, did he not foresee, in that case, that Mullik Ahmud Bheiry would think it necessary to join Dustoor Deenar with his whole force, a proceeding which would only prolong the war. Soon after, however, intelligence being received that Khwaja Jehan Deccany, at the instigation of Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, had moved from Purenda towards Koolburga with a considerable force to aid Dustoor Deenar, and that Mullik Ahmud was also preparing to march, Yoosoof Adil Khan thought it proper to join his own army; so that, after forming a junction with Mahmood Shah and Kasim Bereed, the whole moved against Dustoor Deenar without delay. The eunuch advanced to receive them with eight thousand horse, mostly Abyssinians, and twelve thousand auxiliaries, sent by Mullik Ahmud Bheiry under Khwaja Jehan of Purenda, when, after a severe action, Dustoor Deenar was defeated, and taken prisoner. Mah-mood Shah would have caused him to be put to death, at the instance of Kasim Bereed; but Yoosoof Adil Khan, not wishing to strengthen the hands of the minister, interceded for his pardon, and Koolburga was restored to him; after which Yoosoof Adil Khan, without paying his respects to Mahmood Shah, returned to Beejapoor, while the King and Dustoor Deenar repaired to their respective capitals. Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, who had begun his march to join the eunuch, hearing of the peace, returned to Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 903.
A. D. 1497. In the year 903, Mahmood Shah solicited the hand of Beeby Musseety, the infant daughter of Yoosoof Adil Khan, for his son Ahmud Shah, and fixing on Koolburga as a fit place to celebrate the nuptials, both princes repaired to that city, an event which greatly offended Dustoor Deenar. Yoosoof Adil Khan at this time intimated privately to Mahmood Shah, that if he wished to displace Kasim Bereed, he must cede to Beejapoor the districts now belonging to Dustoor Deenar, which intervened between his own territory and the estates of the minister: an acquisition which would afford Yoosoof Adil Khan a plausible pretext for advancing troops into them, and give him an opportunity of expelling Kasim Bereed, before Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, or any other person disposed to assist him, could hear of his design. Mahmood Shah accordingly made out the requisite transfers, and dispossessed the officers of Dustoor Deenar, who, unable to resist, was obliged to consent to hold the rest of his districts subordinate to Sooltan Koolly Kootb Khan of Golconda. Kasim Bereed, alarmed and offended at this proceeding, quitted Mahmood Shah, and putting himself at the head of his dependents, retired to Alund.

Yoosoof Adil Khan, upon this, moved with Mahmood Shah, who was accompanied by Sooltan Koolly Kootb Khan, and Mullik Elias, to reduce Kasim Bereed, whom they defeated near the town of Gunjowty, and the fugitives took shelter in various forts. After the victory, a rich carpet of cloth of gold was spread on the field, and Mahmood Shah taking Yoosoof Adil Khan by the hand, commanded him to sit, an honour he declined to accept, till after being repeatedly pressed. Here it was determined, that, on the following year, the allies should march and effectually subvert the power of Kasim Bereed. Mullik Elias fell in the action; and Yoosoof Adil Khan conferred his estates upon his eldest son, Mahomed, with the title of Ein-ool-Moolk, and quitting Mahmood Shah returned to Beejapoor.

On the following year, Yoosoof Adil Khan marched against Dustoor Deenar; but Mullik Ah-mud Bheiry coming to his asistance, Yoosoof retired towards Bidur, where he received assurances of support from Sooltan Koolly Kootb Khan and Imad-ool-Moolk of Berar; on which Dustoor Deenar and Mullik Ahmud retired without hazarding an action to their respective capitals. On his return to Beejapoor, Yoosoof Adil Khan sent embassies to Mullik Ahmud Bheiry and to Imad-ool-Moolk; observing, that the Deccan was too small a country to maintain so many independent chiefs, that therefore they three should, out of regard to their own security, unite and endeavour to occupy the whole country. After much discussion it was resolved, that Imad-ool-Moolk should have Mahoor, Ram-gur, and all the territory then in possession of Khodawund Khan the Abyssinian; that Mullik Ahmud should have Dowlutabad, Antore, Galna, and the country beyond those forts as far as the borders of Guzerat; that Yoosoof Adil Khan, for his share, might seize the territories of Dustoor Deenar and Ein-ool-Moolk; that Kasim Bereed should be allowed to take the country of Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, as an appanage to the capital of Ahmudabad Bidur, and its dependencies. By this treaty it was understood that the contracting powers were not to interfere with the plan now proposed, but, on the contrary, if necessary, unite to enforce it.

Yoosoof Adil Khan, in pursuance of this treaty, in order to ascertain if Ein-ool-Moolk were content to be dependent on his authority, despatched an order commanding him to his presence, whereas he had always before addressed him on terms of equality. Ein-ool-Moolk received the order with joyful submission, declaring that now he was convinced Yoosoof Adil Khan regarded him as loyal, by putting his submission to the test. He made a festival of a week in the fort of Goa on the occasion, and repaired with six thousand horse to Bee-japoor, where Yoosoof Adil Khan received him as one of his subjects, exacting those salutations from him made only to crowned heads, and then conferred on him an honorary dress.

Dustoor Deenar, informed of the partition treaty which included his destruction, applied to Ameer Bereed for aid, who had just then succeeded his father in the office of minister to Mahmood Shah II. Ameer Bereed, accordingly, sent three thousand horse to his assistance; and Dustoor Deenar encamped on the banks of the Bheema, where he was joined by Khwaja Jehan of Purenda, and his brother Zein Khan, who had also been excluded by Mullik Ahmud from the partition treaty. They brought with them five thousand horse. Mullik Ahmud Bheiry was at this time engaged in taking Dowlutabad, and defending himself against invasions from Guzerat.

Yoosoof Adil Khan, unmoved by the superiority of the enemy's numbers, collected his troops, and liberally distributing among them the booty he had taken from the Beejanuggur army, marched from Beejapoor, and encamped within ten miles of the enemy. The day following he prepared his army for battle, sending on an advanced corps of two thousand select cavalry, under Mahomed Koolly Beg, brother of Ghuzunfur Beg, with directions to encamp within two miles of the enemy, and divert their attention by skirmishing parties. At the same time he sent a message to Dustoor Deenar, assuring him, that should he consent to submit and acknowledge his supremacy, both he and his dependents should receive the highest favour under his government; but if impelled by folly to reject his offer, he must abide the fate of war.

Dustoor Deenar, refusing the proffered terms, detached a large body of Abyssinian cavalry to attack the advanced corps of Yoosoof Adil Khan; but they were defeated with great slaughter, and many elephants and horses fell into the hands of the victors. Yoosoof Adil Khan, the next morning, advancing on the enemy, drew up his army near their camp in the following order: Ghuzunfur Beg commanded the right wing, Heidur Beg Tu-breezy the left, and Mirza Jehangeer Koomy had charge of the pickets, while the King with a select guard took post in the centre. Dustoor Deenar, also, confident in his numbers, drew out his troops, mostly covered with iron armour, according to the practice in use in the Indian mode of warfare, disposing his elephants in different parts, and all his battering engines in front. Mirza Jehangeer advanced first, with the velocity of lightning, on the enemy, while Ghuzunfur Beg and Heidur Beg charged, at the same time from the right and left, with such fury that nothing could withstand their impetuosity. By the will of the Eternal One, Dustoor Deenar fell in this attack, and his troops fled, overwhelmed with terror. Ghuzunfur Beg, who had received a severe wound, approaching Yoosoof Adil Khan, knelt down with the rest of the nobles, and performed the ceremonies of congratulation, and waved money and jewels over his head, as is customary after victory. Yoosoof Adil Khan, kissing his eyes and forehead, clasped his brave foster-brother in his embrace, and superintended the dressing of his wounds, but all was vain; for, according to the declaration of holy writ,

“When death comes, we cannot arrest him for one instant,”

the hero, after three days and nights, having sipped of the cup of martyrdom, departed to the world eternal.

Yoosoof Adil Khan was deeply afflicted at this loss; but having performed the funeral rites, roused himself and took Koolburga, Sagur, and all the forts and territories of the late Dustoor Deenar, which he delivered to officers in whom he could confide, and then returned in triumph to Beeja-poor. On his arrival in that city, he raised Mirza Jehangeer and Heidur Beg to the highest rank of nobility, for their gallantry in the late action, and conferred honours and gifts on all the officers and soldiers who had distinguished themselves during the war.

Having now attained the summit of his wishes, Yoosoof Adil Khan resolved to perform a religious vow, which he had determined on in his mind

A. H. 908.
A. D. 1502.

for many years. For this purpose, in the year 908, he held a council of his principal subjects, and calling Mirza Jehan-geer and Heidur Beg, who were of the Sheea sect, as also Syud Ahmud Hirvy and other learned men of that persuasion, to him, addressed them, saying, that when the Prophet, appeared to him in a vision, and had hailed him with the presage of his present dignity, he then made a vow, that if his dream should ever be fulfilled, to promulgate the faith of the Imams, ^22a and grace the pulpit with proclamation of their titles; that also, when Timraj and Bahadur Geelany invaded his territories, and nearly seized the reins of government from his hands, he had renewed this vow; he therefore wished to have their opinions, whether the present was not a fit time for its performance.

The assembly unanimously broke out into prayers for the prosperity of his house. Some of those present approved of his devout intention, while others, more prudent, observed, that his power was yet but in infancy; that Mahmood Shah, though weak, was still the acknowledged lawful monarch of the Deccan; that most even among his own nobles were Toorks, Deccanies, and Abyssinians of the Soony persuasion, as were also the surrounding kings of the Deccan, such as Mullik Ahmud Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry, Ameer Bereed, and others, who were all zealous for their faith; therefore that it was more than probable an opposition too great to be overcome by his single power would attend any innovation of the established religion. Yoosoof Adil Shah, after a short pause, replied, that he had made a vow to God who had raised him by his goodness to royal power, and he did not doubt but on its fulfilment the same gracious arm would uphold him. At this instant news arrived that Shah Ismael Sufvy ^23a of Persia had established the Sheea doctrines throughout his dominions, which confirmed Yoosoof Adil Khan, who was a disciple of that house, in his determination, and he took measures without delay to carry his project into execution.

On an appointed day, he accordingly went in great state to the grand mosque in the citadel of Beejapoor; and Nukeeb Khan, one of the venerable syuds of Medina, by his command ascending the pulpit, cried aloud, in calling to prayer, according to the custom of the Sheeas, “I bear testimony “that Ally is the friend of God,” after which he read the Khootba ^24a in the names of the twelve Imams. Yoosoof Adil Shah was the first prince who dared to perform these ceremonies publicly in Hindoostan. Notwithstanding this bold attempt, he had the prudence not to permit the populace to utter scandalous and abusive epithets against the Sahiba†, ^24b so that fanaticism was prevented from spreading its baneful venom. The learned disciples of Jafur, and those eminently versed in the tenets of Mahomed Huneef, and of the Shafye persuasion, lived together in friendship; and in mosques of different sects each worshipped the true God according to his own belief, without interfering in the ceremonies of the other. The holy teachers and pious recluses were equally astonished at this well-regulated moderation, and attributed it to an almost miraculous ability in the wise king. The author of these sheets recollects an anecdote applicable to the toleration practised by some kings, which he thinks proper to insert for the information of his readers.

Mowlana Gheias-ood-Deen, a celebrated divine of Persia, much respected for his abilities and purity of life, was once asked by Ibrahim Adil Shah, which was the best of all the various sects of Islam? He replied, “Suppose a great monarch “to be seated in a palace, with many gates lead-“ing to it, and through whichever you enter you “see the King, and can obtain admission to his “presence, — your business is with the Prince, and “not with those at his gate.” Ibrahim Adil Shah again asked him, which, in his opinion, was the best of all faiths? He replied, that, in his opinion, the best man of every faith followed the best faith. This observation pleased the King, who conferred upon the Mowlana large gifts.

Yoosoof Adil Shah having read the Khootba according to the ceremonial of the Sheeas, and established their tenets at Beejapoor, many of the principal chiefs, such as Duria Khan, Fukhr-ool-Moolk Toork, and others, embraced the same tenets as their sovereign; but some being rigid Soonies refused, and even expressed a wish to quit his service. Yoosoof Adil Shah, when informed of the state of public feeling, permitted each person the free exercise of the doctrine, “My faith for myself, and your faith for yourself,” which at length gave universal satisfaction. At this time, the King becoming jealous of the increasing influence of Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany, deprived him of the command he held in the army; and resuming the districts he had possessed during his father's life, allotted to him for his private support Hookery and Belgam in their stead, with permission to retire from court and follow his own opinions in religious matters. All the Soony nobles were also allowed to read the Khootba, within their own jageers, in the names of the Sahiba, and no opposition was made to the exercise of their own mode of worship publicly. But in spite of these indulgences, the King found it necessary to observe a strict watch over the chiefs of the Soony persuasion.

Mullik Ahmud Bheiry and Ameer Bereed, who were strict and zealous followers of the Soonut, were alarmed at the innovation on the established faith of the Deccan, and spoke of it in reproachful terms. At length, forming an alliance, they invaded the territory of Yoosoof Adil Shah. Ameer Bereed seized on Gunjowty, and many districts taken from Dustoor Deenar, while Mullik Ahmud Bheiry sent ambassadors to Beejapoor peremptorily demanding the surrender of the fortress of Nul-droog. Yoosoof Adil Shah, incensed at this wanton attack on his dominions, sent back an answer full of indignation, and marching at once on Gunjowty recovered it forthwith. Mahmood Shah Bahmuny and Ameer Bereed now made application for aid to Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, Imad-ool-Moolk, and Khodawund Khan Hubshy. Sooltan Koolly, though secretly of the Sheea persuasion, yet in conformity with the spirit of the times, and by the advice of his officers, moved towards the camp of Mahmood Shah; but Imad-ool-Moolk and Khoda-wund Khan framed excuses, and did not join the league. Ameer Bereed now despatched his own son Jehangeer Khan to Ahmudnuggur, with such urgent remonstrances, that Mullik Ahmud Bheiry was induced to march with ten thousand horse and a train of artillery; which, added to the troops of Ameer Bereed and Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, composed a formidable army, of which Mahmood Shah was nominally the leader. Yoosoof Adil Shah, thinking it unsafe to engage in a pitched battle with the inferior force at his command, sent his son Is-mael, then an infant of five years old, with all his treasures and elephants, from Alund to Beejapoor, committing the care of that city and the sole direction of affairs to Kumal Khan Deccany. Having stationed Duria Khan and Fukhr-ool-Moolk Toork to protect Koolburga, he himself, attended by Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany, and many foreign officers, together with an army consisting of six thousand horse firmly devoted to him, marched towards Beer, burning and destroying the country as he passed. Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, finding his territory thus pillaged, moved with Mahmood Shah Bahmuny and the allies in pursuit of the enemy. Yoosoof Adil Shah had taken this step to prevent the war being carried into his own country; and though he avoided a general action, he hovered around the allied army, harassed their followers, and cut off their supplies. Finding this plan not sufficiently successful, and his troops being exhausted with fatigue, after first plundering the environs of Dowlutabad, he penetrated into Berar, relying on the friendship of Imad-ool-Moolk. This chief was at the time encamped with his army near Gavul, resolved to maintain a strict neutrality, and to attend merely to the protection of his own country. Yoosoof Adil Shah, however, was received with kindness; but Imad-ool-Moolk, apprehensive that the allies would invade Berar, if he openly espoused the cause of Yoosoof Adil Shah, advised him to retire for the present towards Boorhan-poor, till some plan could be devised of dissolving the league formed against him; he recommended him also, strongly, by way of conciliating his enemies, to order the Soony rites to be re-established in Beeja-poor. Yoosoof Adil Shah saw the necessity of compliance, and sent orders to that effect to Ku-mal Khan. Meanwhile, taking leave of Imad-ool-Moolk, Yoosoof Adil Shah proceeded to Boorhan-poor, where he was received with due respect by the ruler of Kandeish.

Imad-ool-Moolk, on his part, deputed one of his nearest relations to Mullik Ahmud Bheiry, and to Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, assuring them that Ameer Bereed had only made religion a pretext to destroy Yoosoof Adil Shah, in order that he might secure Beejapoor for himself; and Imad-ool-Moolk added, that if Ameer Bereed, now master only of a small territory, was enabled to effect so much in the name of the King, the subversion of their own independence in the Deccan would, in the event of any great accession of dominion, necessarily follow. He, moreover, observed, that no man had any right to interfere in the religious concerns of another, since every one would be rendered accountable for his actions on the day of judgment. Setting aside, however, this argument, Yoosoof Adil Shah had now formally retracted his profession of the Sheea doctrines, and had sent orders to restore the Soony rites in Beeja-poor, so that no fair pretence now remained for continuing the war. Imad-ool-Moolk, therefore, strongly recommended the confederates, instead of weakening themselves and becoming the dupes of an artful minister, to retire to their own dominions. Mullik Ahmud Bheiry and Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, who paid great respect to the advice of this aged and experienced statesman, were convinced by his arguments, and retreated suddenly one night, without even taking leave of Mahmood Shah.

Ameer Bereed, not aware of the reasons which led to this desertion of his allies, applied to Imad-ool-Moolk for his assistance to invade Beejapoor, and suffered himself to be detained some days by idle negotiations, till Yoosoof Adil Shah arrived at Gavul from Boorhanpoor. Ameer Bereed now perceived the danger of his situation, and instantly fled with the King, attended only by a few followers, leaving his camp standing, which was plundered by the Berar troops. Yoosoof Adil Shah, having taken leave of Imad-ool-Moolk, returned to Beejapoor after an absence of three months; and being no longer apprehensive of his enemies, he renewed the public exercise of the Sheea religion, and inclined his mind to the improvement of his country, without meditating further conquests. At this time he sent Syud Ahmud Hirvy, with presents and declarations of attachment, to Shah Ismael Sufvy, King of Persia, with an account of his success in establishing the Sheea religion.

A. H. 915.
A. D. 1510. In the year 915 the Christians ^29a surprised the town of Goa, and put to death the governor, with many Mussul-mans. On receiving intelligence of this event, Yoosoof Adil Shah marched with three thousand chosen men, composed of Deccanies and foreigners, with such expedition, that he surprised the Europeans, retook the fort, and put many to death; ^30a though some made their escape to sea in their ships. Having provided for the security of Goa, Yoosoof Adil Shah returned to Beejapoor, and died in that city of a dropsy, in the seventy-fifth year of his age, after having reigned with great prosperity twenty-one years. Shah Tahir relates that he was informed by Syud Ahmud Hirvy, who long lived at his court, that Yoosoof Adil Shah was a wise prince, intimately acquainted with human nature; that he was handsome in person, eloquent in speech, and alike eminent for his learning, his liberality, and his valour. He wrote elegantly, and was a good judge of poetical composition, and even sometimes wrote verses himself. His taste and skill in music were superior to those of most of the masters of his time, whom he encouraged by munificent rewards to attend his court: he himself performed to admiration on two or three instruments, and in his gay moments would sing improvisatore compositions. Although he mingled pleasure with business, yet he never allowed the former to interfere with the latter. He always warned his ministers to act with justice and integrity, and in his own person showed them an example of attention to these virtues. He invited to his court many learned men and valiant officers from Persia, Toorkistan, and Room, also several eminent artists, who lived happy under the shadow of his bounty. In his reign the citadel of Beeja-poor was built of stone.

When Yoosoof Adil Khan first established his independence, he heard that one Mookund Row Marhatta and his brother, who had both been officers under the Bahmuny government, had with a number of peasants fled and taken up a strong position among the hills, with the determination of opposing his authority: he accordingly marched against them at the head of two thousand cavalry, and five thousand infantry: they were defeated, and their families fell into the hands of the King. Among these was the sister of Mookund Row, whom Yoosoof afterwards espoused, and gave her the title of Booboojee Khanum. By this lady he had three daughters and one son, Ismael, who succeeded to the throne. Of the three daughters, Muryum, ^31a the eldest, married Boorhan Nizam Shah Bheiry of Ahmudnuggur: Khoodeija, the second, married Alla-ood-Deen Imad-ool-Moolk, King of Gavul and Berar; and Beeby Musseety, the third, married Ahmud Shah Bahmuny at Koolburga, as has been related.

Kumal Khan Deccany appointed by the late King, on his deathbed, protector to his only son Ismael. — The Soony doctrines avowedly made the established religion of the state. — Goa retaken by the Portuguese. — Treaty with the Portuguese. — The Protector gradually takes possession of several estates lapsing to the crown, till he at length threatens to ascend the throne.— He enters into a scheme with Ameer Bereed of Bidur to cede to him the districts south of Sholapoor and east of the Beema, to be himself acknowledged king of all the territory west of that river from Punderpoor — resolves on dethroning the King. — The plot of the Queen-mother to oppose the Protector. — He is assassinated. — Deliberate conduct of the Protector's mother, and activity of his son. — The Queen-mother is alarmed. — Great intrepidity of Dilshad Agha, the sister of Ghuzunfur Beg, the late King's foster-brother — collects the foreign troops about the palace — opposes every effort of the late minister's son, who attempts to carry the palace by storm, and is killed by a stone pushed over the battlements. — The King's party successful. — The Deccany troops are all dismissed, and great encouragement given to foreign soldiers. — Mirza Jehangeer authorised to attack the eastern districts ceded by the Protector to Ameer Be-reed, which are all recovered. — Ameer Bereed, in the name of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, requires the aid of the several Deccany states, and marches to Beejapoor — is defeated — and the Bahmuny King and his son are taken prisoners. — A small force is sent with the Bahmuny King and his son to Bidur. — Ameer Bereed retreats from the capital. — Ismael Adil Shah resolves to recover Rachore and Moodkul, taken by the Hindoos — advances with an army to the banks of the Krishna. — The enemy in possession of the ferries. — The King passes on an elephant, and is followed by many of his troops — attacks the Hindoos, but is repulsed, and narrowly escapes with his life — is recommended by his general Assud Khan of Belgam to retire to Beejapoor. — The King meets Boorhan Nizam Shah at Sholapoor, and gives him his sister Muryum in marriage. — Sholapoor and certain districts promised in dower — they are subsequently withheld by Ismael Adil Shah. — War ensues. — Boorhan Nizam Shah is defeated — returns again in the ensuing year, and is again repulsed. — The King's sister Khoodeija is married to Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah of Berar. — The King sends 400,000l. sterling to assist Boorhan Nizam Shah in repelling the attack of Bahadur Shah of Guzerat. — The King attacks Ameer Bereed, and besieges Bidur — kills two of the sons of Ameer Bereed with his own hand. — Ameer Bereed is taken prisoner, but is restored to his territory. — Death of Ismael Adil Shah — his character.

ISMAEL ADIL SHAH, on his accession, being too young to direct the affairs of the kingdom, the sole administration was intrusted to Kumal Khan Deccany. This chief had been one of the nobles of the court of Sooltan Mahmood Shah Bah-muny II.; but on Yoosoof Adil Shah assuming independence, he came over to his interests, and was appointed Meer Nobut. After this period, showing distinguished gallantry in the battle against Timraj, he rose in favour and influence till he became prime minister. Yoosoof Adil Shah, on his death-bed, enjoined him to become regent during the minority of his son, and earnestly entreated Duria Khan, Fukhr-ool-Moolk, Mirza Jehangeer, Heidur Beg, and the rest of his officers, to maintain a strict friendship with him, as also among themselves. On this account they respected Kumal Khan as their superior, and leaving all affairs to direction obeyed him as regent.

Kumal Khan, on assuming his new dignity, evinced great good sense by restoring the exercise of the Soony religion, a measure by which he gained the affections of the people, and secured by his affability the support and attachment of the nobility. He cultivated the friendship of the neighbouring princes, such as Ahmud Nizam Shah, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, and Ameer Bereed Shah. He also made peace with the Europeans, who, after the retreat of Yoosoof Adil Shah, had besieged Goa, and regained possession by giving large bribes to the governor. This event occurred on the accession of the infant King, and it was finally agreed that the Europeans should retain Goa, on condition of their not molesting the other towns and districts on the seacoast. Accordingly since that time the Portuguese have kept possession of Goa, and observing the treaty, have not made any farther encroachments on the Adil Shahy territory.

Kumal Khan, after thus settling the affairs of the kingdom, continued regent for some time. Meanwhile, Duria Khan and Fukhr-ool-Moolk dying, he divided their jageers among his own relatives and dependents, besides procuring for them honours and public employment. At the same time he deprived Mirza Jehangeer and Heidur Beg of some pergunas from their estates, to bestow upon his followers. The lands of all officers who died, or of persons convicted of treason, were confiscated, and he gave them to his own creatures. By these means Kumal Khan increased his power so greatly, that at last he became giddy with his elevated station, and his evil genius prompted him to form schemes for seizing the crown.

The ambition of treacherous ministers had already proved fatal to the lawful kings of the Deccan. Timraj was the first usurper: he had poisoned the young Raja of Beejanuggur, son of Shew Ray, had rendered his infant brother the tool of his designs, and, by degrees, overthrowing the ancient nobles, he at length established his authority over the kingdom. Kasim Bereed and others had reduced Mahmood Shah II. to a mere pageant, and at length caused their own names to be read in the Khootba: Kumal Khan, also, tempted by these successful examples, having obtained the requisite means for assuming independence, addressed himself artfully to Ameer Bereed. He observed, that if he wished to extend his possessions, a favourable opportunity now offered itself. Ahmudnuggur was at present held by a weak infant, and Imad-ool-Moolk, the sovereign of Berar, immersed in the pleasures of youth, had no inclination for military glory. Under these circumstances, Kumal Khan promised Ameer Bereed, that if he would support his views on the crown of Beejapoor, he would in return forward Ameer Bereed's views on Ahmud-nuggur. The latter heartily embraced the proposal, as he had been long secretly seeking an opportunity to extend his power; a secret treaty of offensive and defensive alliance was accordingly formed. It was stipulated that all the country formerly taken from Dustoor Deenar, such as Koolburga, Alund, Gun-jowty, and Nuldroog, as far as the banks of the Beema, should be ceded to Ameer Bereed; and that Beejapoor, Concan, Moodkul, and Rachore, with other places, should remain in the hands of Kumal Khan, who might depose, or even put to death, Ismael Adil Shah, and proceed, if he chose, to reduce Sholapoor, and the country belonging to Zein Khan.

Ameer Bereed, having first confined his sovereign Mahmood Shah II. to his palace, moved to Koolburga; and Kumal Khan, imprisoning Ismael Adil Shah, with his mother Booboojee Khanum, in the citadel of Beejapoor, marched with a force to Sholapoor, which he besieged for three months; and no relief coming from Ahmudnuggur, Zein Khan, on receiving security for the safety of his family and wealth, delivered it into his hands, together with five and a half districts, of which he had charge. The cause of this distribution was as follows:— When the nobles of the Bahmuny dynasty threw off their allegiance, they each seized on the districts they then held in trust. Khwaja Jehan Deccany, at that time governor of Purenda, had eleven districts under him. His brother Zein Khan, governor of Sholapoor, laid claim to half of the eleven districts, and he even endeavoured to obtain royal grants from Bidur to that effect; but Khwaja Jehan, supported by Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, was enabled to retain the whole, and to oppose successfully the pretensions of Zein Khan at the court of Bidur. At length, on the death of Ahmud Shah Bahmuny, Yoosoof Adil Shah marched against Khwaja Jehan, and compelled him to cede five and a half of the eleven districts to his brother Zein Khan. Ameer Bereed, who was now besieging Koolburga, after receiving from the Adil Shahy officers the places ceded to him by Kumal Khan, sent him a congratulatory letter on his success at Sholapoor; upon which the Regent, more haughty than before, returned to Beejapoor to complete his usurpation, by dethroning his sovereign, and usurping the kingdom.

On his arrival at Beejapoor, he brought the young King once into durbar for form's sake, to receive the compliments of the court. To strengthen his own party, he reduced the number of the Khaskheil, or royal guards, from three thousand foreign troops to three hundred, commanding the rest to quit Beejapoor in a week, under penalty of death, and forfeiture of their property to the state. The unfortunate exiles hastened with all speed to various parts to avoid such tyranny. The Regent having thus removed the chief obstacle to his accession, next adopted the practice of the court of Nizam Shah, and caused the officers of a thousand horse to be styled commanders of three thousand. He also raised a vast number of G'hora Rawoot, ^37a till at length, having an army of twenty thousand horse devoted to his

Suffur 1.
A. H. 917.
April 29.
A. D. 1511.

service, he called together his creatures on the 1st of Suffur, in the year 917, to consult with them regarding a lucky day for deposing Ismael Adil Shah, and for causing his own name to be read in the Khootba at Beejapoor. After much debate, the first of the ensuing month, Rubbee-ool-Awul, was fixed as the time propitious to his designs, he little supposing that the recorders of fate were then penning the concluding pages of the journal of his vainglorious life.

The young King and his mother were much alarmed at the intelligence of the Regent's intentions; and though the number of their friends was small, they contrived a plan to avert the danger. God having decreed the preservation of the Adil Shahy family, and the long continuation of its royal power, the astrologers represented to Kumal Khan, that the appearance of the heavenly bodies indicated certain days of the present month as unfavourable to his designs, he would, therefore, do well to avoid approaching any persons of whom he had the least suspicion. Fully impressed with these observations, the Regent committed the charge of the city to his own dependents; and having chosen an apartment in the citadel, close to the royal palace, shut himself up with his own family and officers, keeping the gates of the fort strongly barred within, and having guards without. After taking these precautions, he remained in one room for some days, pretending to suffer under a severe head-ache, vainly thinking by these precautions to evade that fate to which he was destined. The measures adopted by the Protector proved favourable to a plan which the Queen-mother had formed to destroy him. In order to carry it into effect, she applied to Yoosoof Toork, the foster-father of Ismael Adil Shah, who had been treated with great indignity by the Regent, and who mortally hated him, to be her agent in the business. This old officer entered into the Queen's plan, saying, that he would undertake to slay the Regent at all risks, and regretted that instead of one life he had not a thousand to sacrifice for his prince; for though it was clear one man could effect little against eight thousand Dec-canies and Abyssinians, yet as he knew his life would be taken the instant Kumal Khan ascended the throne, he was willing to render it up as a sacrifice for his sovereign, and desired to be informed how he could be useful.

The Queen now sent for an old female attendant of her own, whom she knew to be employed as a spy upon her actions by Kumal Khan, and pretended to be under great uneasiness at the report of the Regent's indisposition. She desired the old female to take a sum of money, as a wave-offering for his recovery, and to make enquiries regarding his health. When the old woman left her, and had gone some paces, the Queen called her back, as if suddenly recollecting something, and said that her faithful servant Yoosoof Toork was very much depressed in spirits, and wished to go on pilgrimage to Mecca; she, therefore, desired the old female to take him with her, and to prevail on Kumal Khan to grant him leave, and to give him, as usual, a pân ^39a of dismissal with his own hand, telling the Regent she should regard it as a personal favour. The female consented; and going first in to Kumal Khan, delivered the Queen's offering and message in such a manner, that the Protector was highly pleased, and gave orders to admit Yoosoof. The Toork approaching, according to custom, with great respect and humility, made his obeisance, and uttered several flattering speeches, which pleased Kumal Khan, who calling him nearer to him, stretched out his hand to give him a pân. Yoosoof putting his hands under the cloth that covered his shoulders, advanced as if to receive it. The Protector stretched forth his hand to put the pân on the cloth, when Yoosoof, with the quickness of lightning, drawing a dagger concealed beneath the cloth, stabbed Kumal Khan in the breast with all his force, so that he fell down and expired immediately with a loud groan; upon which the attendants rushing in cut the assassin to pieces with their swords, as also the old woman, whom they concluded had acted in concert with him.

The mother of Kumal Khan, a woman of masculine spirit, commanded the attendants to refrain from clamour; and placing the body dressed out, supported by pillows on a musnud, in a balcony of the palace, as if to receive compliments from the court, instructed the Protector's son, Sufdur Khan, to go down and tell the guards it was his father's orders to surround the royal apartments and to seize Ismael Adil Shah. She sent orders also to the troops without the citadel to enter the city, and pay their compliments to the Regent as their sovereign prince.

Sufdur Khan, conceiving the force within sufficient to take the young King prisoner, closed the gates of the citadel, and with his relatives and followers armed with musketry, sabres, spears, bows and arrows, advanced to the apartments where the Prince resided with his mother and family. The Queen apprehending that Yoosoof had failed in his attempt, and that Kumal Khan out of resentment had hastened his operations to dethrone her son, thought it prudent to pretend ignorance of Yoosoof's design, and to endeavour to avert the storm by flattery and submission. But the King's foster-aunt, Dilshad Agha, who had lately come from Persia to Hindoostan in the latter part of the reign of Yoosoof Adil Shah, remarked, that, in such a crisis as the present, valour and fortitude would be of more avail than submission. She instantly ordered the palace-gates to be shut, and sent out her eunuch, Mullik Sundul, to the few of her countrymen on duty in the outer court of the seraglio, informing them, that Kumal Khan, with a view of deposing Ismael Adil Shah their sovereign, who was of the same country as themselves, was advancing to assassinate him and the whole of the royal family. She entreated them, therefore, that if they were men, they would not regard the superiority of the enemy, but valiantly assist their Prince against the traitor, who, by the divine blessing, would be overwhelmed in the enormity of his accursed ingratitude.

The foreign guards declared their resolution to defend their young sovereign, and both Dilshad Agha and Booboojee Khanum (the Queen-mother) now came out, dressed as men, and clad in armour, with bows and arrows in their hands, attended by the young King, Ismael Adil Shah, who had the yellow umbrella of his father held over him by a Toorky female, named Moor-tufa.

Meanwhile Sufdur Khan, the Regent's son, who was endeavouring to force the gates, was opposed by the Toorks with arrows from the palace wall. The young King, as well as the women, assisted, but the enemy's superiority was so great, that the party of brave Toorks had little chance. Many of them were killed by musket-balls, and the rest falling back, a mournful cry of despair ensued. At this instant, Moostufa Khan and Sikundur Khan Koomy, who had formerly the charge of the citadel, (and whom Kumal Khan, thinking weak and insignificant, had not thought worth while to expel,) hearing of the disturbance, hastened with fifty Deccany matchlock-men to the foot of the palace wall, and hailing Dilshad Agha ascended the terrace, and joined the royal party. The minister's party, though now kept in check, could not effectually be repulsed. Many persons continued to fall on both sides; and Dilshad Agha sent a servant privately over the wall into the city, to inform all the foreigners of the danger to which their King was exposed, entreating them to hasten to his assistance, promising to admit them over a bastion behind the palace. The rebels not having secured this spot, many of the King's friends ascended by ropes thrown over to them by this enterprising female for the purpose, till at last the party in the palace amounted to one hundred and fifty foreign archers, fifty matchlock-men, nineteen Toorky slaves, and twenty-five Abyssinians. Dil-shad Agha, with a veil on her head, fought with them, and by animating speeches encouraged their exertions, promising that the King would reward them all with high honours. Sufdur Khan, perceiving that the numbers within increased, secured the approaches to the palace to prevent more from entering, and made a desperate attack with five hundred men, bringing cannon also to batter down the walls. Many of the besieged fell at this time, and almost all the Deccanies and Abyssinians threw themselves over the battlements and fled. The foreigners now concealed themselves, and remained silent behind the parapet wall. Sufdur Khan, concluding they had fled, broke open the outer gate of the palace, and entered the court, but while endeavouring to force the inner door the gallant Dilshad caused a volley of shot and arrows to be discharged from the terrace, which did great execution, killing and wounding some of the principal men of the minister's party. An arrow also pierced the eye of Sufdur Khan, who ran under a wall over which the King himself was standing; and the royal youth, knowing his person, rolled down a heavy stone from the terrace, which crushed him to death as he lay couched to avoid the shot. The troops, seeing their chief killed, ran to the house of Kumal Khan, where they now learned that he also was dead, upon which they opened the gates of the citadel, and fled in different directions. Khoosroow Khan Toork, a faithful slave of the late king, perceiving the numbers of the enemy without to be considerable, shut the gates again; and, at the suggestion of Dilshad, sent out the heads of the minister and his son with a guard by a sally-port, to be displayed through the streets of the city, for the information of the people. Mahomed Ein-ool-Moolk (who had given his daughter to Sufdur Khan in marriage), together with all the principal friends of the Regent, quitting their houses, made their escape out of the city. At length, the capital being cleared of the rebels, the King came out with the body of his foster-father Yoosoof, which he caused to be deposited near the tomb of the venerable Ein-ood-Deen Jooneidy; and after distributing alms, he ordered a dome to be erected over the remains of his faithful servant, and a mosque to be built, for the maintenance of which public lands were allotted. During his whole reign, Ismael Adil Shah went constantly once a month to visit this tomb.

Early the next morning, the King ascended the throne, and gave public audience; on which occasion all the officers of the court and the inhabitants of the city paid their respects, and made offerings according to their rank and ability. Letters were despatched to the surrounding states, with an account of the death of the Regent, and the fortunate emancipation of the King. Ameer Bereed, on receiving this information, raised the siege of Kool-burga; but Timraj, who had taken advantage of the times to invade the King's dominions, still continued before Rachore, which at last surrendered to him, Ismael Adil Shah being too much employed in establishing the authority of his government to afford it timely relief.

The King's first acts were to reward those who had assisted him in the late crisis; he next sent letters to Mirza Jehangeer, Raab-Jung, Heidur Beg, and other noblemen, who had fled from the persecutions of Kumal Khan, inviting them to return to his court, and resume their employments. With the magnanimity becoming a great prince, he drew the pen of forgiveness over the crimes of the Regent's mother, and the rest of his family, who had been taken prisoners; and giving them a considerable sum of money, ordered them to quit his territories. The astrologers, who had so truly foretold the danger of Kumal Khan, he took into his own employment. The veterans of his father now assembling from all quarters, he soon collected a gallant body of Toorks and Moguls. Khoosrow Toork, who had assisted in his late deliverance, was honoured with the title of Assud Khan, and had Belgam conferred on him as a jageer. During his confinement, the King had vowed not to enlist any Deccanies or Abyssinians in his service; and he kept his word for nearly twelve years, maintaining no other troops but foreigners, till at length, at their request, he permitted the children of foreigners born in India, to be received into the army, and afterwards, by degrees, consented to enrol Afghans and Rajpoots, provided they were not natives of the Deccan; a practice which was rigidly adhered to at the Adil Shahy court, till the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah II.

Mirza Jehangeer, on his return to court, having the districts of Koolburga conferred on him, expelled the forces of Ameer Bereed, with the loss of four hundred men on their side; he also retook the forts of Noosrutabad Sagur and Etgeer, and wholly recovered all the country taken from Beeja-poor during the regency of Kumal Khan. Ameer Bereed, incensed at these losses, issued orders in the name of Mahmood Shah to all the sovereigns of the Deccan, demanding assistance; upon which, Boorhan Nizam Shah, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, and Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, each sent troops to join the Bahmuny standard; and in the

A. H. 920.
A. D. 1514.

year 920, Ameer Bereed obliged the Bahmuny king to march from Ahmud-abad Bidur, at the head of the allies, consisting of twenty-five thousand horse, towards Beejapoor, committing vast depredations on his route.

Ismael Adil Shah deemed it prudent to remain in his capital, permitting the enemy to advance without opposition to Allapoor, a town built by Yoosoof Adil Shah, within a mile and a half of Beejapoor, when quitting the city at the head of twelve thousand horse, all of whom were foreigners, he attacked the allied forces. Notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy in numbers, the Beeja-poor troops defeated them so completely, that they fled, leaving behind them Mahmood Shah and his son, the Prince Ahmud, who both fell from their horses during the action. All the baggage of the fugitives fell into the hands of the victors. Ismael Adil Shah, on hearing of the situation of the princes, went to pay his respects to them: he made offerings of horses, with furniture set in jewels, and proposed to conduct them in magnificent palkies into Beejapoor, and to emancipate them from the oppression of Ameer Bereed. Mahmood Shah, however, not consenting to enter the city, encamped near Allapoor; where he remained some time to recover of the bruises he had sustained in his fall, and afterwards requested that Beeby Mus-seety, sister to Ismael Adil Shah, might now be married to his son Ahmud, to whom she had formerly been betrothed. Ismael Adil Shah giving his consent to the nuptials, the ancient city of Koolburga was fixed on for its celebration; and both kings repaired thither, where the marriage ceremony was conducted with great magnificence; and the bride being delivered to the Prince Ahmud, Ismael Adil Shah sent an escort of five thousand cavalry to attend the royal pair, accompanied by Mahmood Shah, to Ahmudabad, which was deserted by Ameer Bereed on their approach. Mahmood Shah II., for some time, tasted the sweets of liberty, and was released from the control of his minister; but the Beejapoor troops no sooner left Bidur than Ameer Bereed returned, and resumed the charge of affairs as before.

Some years previous to these events, the King of Persia, Shah Ismael Sufvy, had sent ambassadors to the several states of Hindoostan, who had been received with due respect both by the Ray of Beejanuggur and the King of Guzerat. At this time Mahmood Shah, also, received an ambassador from him with proper attention, and wished to dismiss him with royal presents, but was prevented by Ameer Bereed. In this dilemma the ambassador wrote to Ismael Adil Shah, complaining of his being detained at Ahmudabad Bidur. The King of Beejapoor demanded the dismissal of the Persian ambassador, who, having obtained his audience of leave, came to Beejapoor, where he was met by Ismael Adil Shah at Allapoor. He was honoured with rich presents, and a suitable escort attended him as far as the port of Dabul, from whence he embarked on his return to Persia. The King of Persia, in return for this attention to his

A. H. 925.
A. D. 1519.

ambassador, in the year 925 deputed Ibrahim Beg Toorkman, an officer of high rank, with letters and presents to Ismael Adil Shah: among the latter was a sabre set with valuable jewels. The King of Persia having in his letter addressed Ismael Adil Shah as an independent prince, he went twelve miles to meet the ambassador; and being highly gratified at the flattering acknowledgment of his sovereignty, he received Ibrahim Beg with extraordinary honours, and commanded the officers of his army to wear scarlet caps, having twelve points, a dress by which the followers of Sheikh Suffy were distinguished. He also ordered, that on Fridays and holidays a prayer should be recited at the mosques for the royal family of Persia.

A. H. 927.
A. D. 1519. In the year 927, Ismael Adil Shah made preparations for marching to recover Moodkul and Rachore from the Ray of Beejanuggur; who gaining early intelligence of his intention moved with a great force, and stationed his camp on the banks of the Krishna, where he was joined by many of his tributaries; so that his army amounted to at least fifty thousand horse, besides a vast host of foot. The King would now have deferred his expedition, as the enemy held possession of all the ferries of the Krishna, but his tents being once pitched, he considered it would be undignified to delay. He therefore marched with seven thousand cavalry, composed entirely of foreigners, and encamped on the bank of the river opposite to the Hindoos, waiting for the preparation of rafts to cross and attack. Some days after his arrival, as he was reposing in his tent, he heard one of his courtiers without the screens, reciting this verse: “Rise and fill the “golden goblet with the wine of mirth, before “the quaffer shall be laid in dust.” The King, as if inspired by the verse, called his favourites about him, and spreading the carpet of joy, gave way to the pleasures of music and wine. When the banquet had lasted longer than was reasonable, and the effects of the liquor began to exercise their influence, a fancy seized the King to pass the river and attack the enemy. He accordingly called on his military officers to state the cause of the delay in preparing the boats and rafts. He was told that one hundred boats were already finished, and the rest would be ready in a few days. The King, heated with the banquet, resolved to cross immediately; and mounting his elephant, without making his intentions known, proceeded to the river, as if to reconnoitre, but suddenly gave orders for as many of his troops as could go to embark on the rafts, directing others to follow him on elephants. The officers in vain represented the imprudence and danger of this precipitation; but the King, without reply, plunged his own elephant into the stream, and was instantly followed by some of his officers and soldiers, on about two hundred and fifty elephants. By great good fortune all reached the opposite bank in safety, and as many troops as could cross on the rafts and boats at two embarkations had time to arrive before the enemy opposed him. The Hindoos, however, were in such force as precluded every hope of the King's success, with whom were not more than two thousand men to oppose thirty thousand. The heroes of Islam, as if animated with one soul, behaved so gallantly, that above a thousand of the infidels fell, among whom was Sungut Ray, the chief general of Beeja-nuggur. The Mahomedans, however, found themselves so harassed by cannon shot, musketry, and rockets, which destroyed nearly half their numbers, that the survivors threw themselves into the river, in hopes of escaping. Tursoon Bahadur and Ibra-him Beg, who rode on the same elephant with their King, drove the animal across the stream; but so rapid was the current, that with the exception of that elephant and seven others the rest were all drowned. The King's rashness was severely punished by so great a loss. He took a solemn vow never to indulge again in wine till he had wiped away the stain of this defeat; and for this purpose he bent his whole mind to repair his misfortune.

Mirza Jehangeer having fallen in the late action, the King had recourse to the advice of Assud Khan as to the measures necessary to retrieve his disaster. Assud Khan observed, that as his loss was great, and the troops were dispirited, it would be advisabe to return for the present to Beejapoor, and lay aside all thoughts of revenge till he could strengthen himself by an alliance with Boorhan Nizam Shah, and remove his natural enemy Ameer Bereed from his border. These objects being once effected, the punishment of the infidels might be subsequently accomplished. The King approving this advice marched from the Krishna to Beeja-poor; and conferring the dignity of Sipahsalar on Assud Khan, added several districts to his jageer, and made him henceforward his principal counsellor in all important affairs.

Syud Ahmud Hirvy, who had formerly been sent as ambassador from Ismael Adil Shah to the King of Persia, was now despatched in the same capacity to Ahmudnuggur, to cement the bonds of friendship with that state; and being met near the city by Shah Tahir and the principal nobles, he was introduced to Boorhan Nizam Shah, and received with great honour. Letters and civilities having been previously interchanged, it was determined, that an interview should take place between the Kings of Beejapoor and Ahmud-nuggur at the town of Sholapoor. On which occasion, Boorhan Nizam Shah demanding the hand of Muryum, the sister of Ismael Adil Shah, the nuptials were concluded with due ceremony. Valuable presents, including elephants and horses, were interchanged by both kings; and the re-joicings in honour of this alliance continued during

Rujub,
A. H. 930.
May,
A. D. 1524.

the whole month of Rujub, of the year 930; after which, both kings took leave of each other, and returned to their respective capitals.

It is asserted, that in the treaty of alliance formed on this occasion Ismael Adil Shah consented to give up, as a marriage-portion to his sister, the fort of Sholapoor ^52a with its five and a half districts taken by the late regent from Zein Khan; but it is certain this article was not immediately fulfilled. Boorhan Nizam Shah, for some time, neglected noticing the omission; but in the next year, having secured the co-operation of Imad Shah, King of Berar, and of Ameer Bereed, Regent of Bidur, the confederates marched with forty thousand men to besiege Sholapoor, and to occupy the ceded districts.

Ismael Adil Shah, collecting ten thousand foreign cavalry, moved to oppose the invasion; and both armies continued encamped during forty days between the forts of Sholapoor and Nuldroog, at the distance of four miles from each other, without coming to action. Three thousand foreign bowmen of Ismael Adil Shah were sent forth daily to hover round the enemy's camp, and cut off his supplies; in which service they were very successful. Khwaja Jehan Deccany, governor of Purenda, in consequence, vexed with the inactivity of Boorhan Nizam Shah, quitted the camp attended by four thousand select Deccany cavalry, with the resolution of surprising the Beejapoor archers. On the following evening, the foreigners, as usual, took up their post for the night on the banks of a rivulet, and having picketed their horses, were unarming, and waiting for their servants to dress their food. At this time, when the night had just shut in, Khwaja Jehan Deccany, with a reconnoitring party, came upon them, but was discovered at a short distance from the outposts by a sentry, who gave the alarm. The bowmen instantly took to their horses; but before they were all mounted, Khwaja Jehan fell upon them, and killed about three hundred; the rest owed their escape to the speed of their horses. Khwaja Jehan's Deccanies, after returning from the pursuit, came to the spot on which the archers had been encamped, and dismounting, employed themselves in plundering and in eating the victuals which had been left in the pots on the fires. The Beeja-poories, stung by the disgrace of this shameful defeat, determined on turning it to advantage, and concluding the enemy's army might also be surprised, they resolved to make an attack on the camp of Boorhan Nizam Shah. They accordingly moved direct to his lines, and the sentinels, taking them for Khwaja Jehan's detachment returning to camp, permitted them to pass. When in the midst of the camp, the Beejapoor bowmen discharging their arrows made great havoc, and pursued their route direct to the tents of Boorhan Nizam Shah. Confusion soon prevailed in every quarter; friends could not be distinguished from foes; and the bowmen, when sated with slaughter and plunder, retired with very little loss. On the following morning, Ismael Adil Shah advanced to give battle to the enemy while yet suffering from the terror occasioned by the night-attack. Boor-han Nizam Shah and Imad Shah drew up their line, but in so great disorder and with such precipitation, that they were unable to withstand the assault of the Beejapoor troops. Imad Shah being charged by Assud Khan fled from the field without scarcely making any opposition, and did not halt, except at night, till he reached his fort of Gawul in Berar. Boorhan Nizam Shah was also on the point of giving way; but being timely reinforced by Ameer Bereed with six thousand fresh horse, continued to oppose for some time longer. At last, Khoosh-Geldy Agha and Ismael Agha, Toorky officers in the Beejapoor service, gained the enemy's rear with two thousand horse, while Assud Khan made a simultaneous attack on the right wing. These assaults threw the enemy into utter confusion; and Boorhan Nizam Shah, overcome by the weight of his armour, was nearly falling from his horse through faintness. In this state of the action, some Toorky slaves, observing the condition of the King of Ahmudnuggur, led his horse off the field, and the rout of his army instantly succeeded. About three thousand of the Ahmud-nuggur troops were slain in the pursuit, and the royal standard of Nizam Shah fell into the hands of Assud Khan, besides forty elephants, many pieces of cannon, and the tents and baggage of the enemy, which became the reward of the victors. Ismael Adil Shah, after this victory, returned in triumph to Beejapoor, where he made rejoicings for a whole month, and conferred rewards and honours on the officers who had most distinguished themselves. To Assud Khan he gave five large and six small elephants, and on the same occasion he increased the pay of every soldier in his army. To enable him to bear this expense, he appropriated all the lands hitherto allotted for the support of the seraglio to his troops, and gave up half the customs levied at the forts for the same object. Being one day told that some officers were still unprovided for, and on the ministers saying, that the treasury could not maintain so many troops on the present pay, he asked what number of districts were set aside for the support of his wardrobe and kitchen? and having ascertained they amounted to twenty-four, he commanded half to be allotted to the pay of the troops; saying, that it was better for him to suffer some inconvenience than that the soldiers should have reason to complain.

A. H. 935.
A. D. 1528. In the year 935, Boorhan Nizam Shah, accompanied by Ameer Bereed, again invaded the territories of Ismael Adil Shah. They were, however, completely defeated, within twenty coss of Beejapoor, by Assud Khan; on which occasion, Khwaja Jehan of Pu-renda and several officers of distinction were taken prisoners. Assud Khan pursued the fugitives as far as Purenda, and took much baggage and twenty elephants, among which was that which carried the ambarry ^56a of Nizam Shah. Ismael Adil Shah conferred all the elephants on Assud Khan, except one named Alla Buksh (or the Gift of God), and honoured his general with the title of Furzund (or Son) in the firmans addressed to him. The King, by his advice, this year, gave his sister Khoodeija in marriage to Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, King of Berar; and these two monarchs had a meeting in the town of Oorsingy to celebrate the nuptials; after which, they took leave of each other with mutual presents and professions of regard.

This year, also, Bahadur Shah of Guzerat having invaded the territories of Boorhan Nizam Shah, Ismael Adil Shah sent ten lacks of hoons† ^56b and six thousand horse to assist his ally. These troops, after the retreat of Bahadur Shah, returning to Beejapoor, informed their sovereign that Ameer Bereed had endeavoured to corrupt their fidelity, and to prevail on them to join him in an attack on Beejapoor, promising to reward them with a share of territory. Ismael Adil Shah, justly incensed at this treachery, resolved to punish

A. H. 936.
A. D. 1529.

Ameer Bereed; and in the year 936 sent intelligent ambassadors to Boorhan Nizam Shah, complaining that Ameer Bereed had frequently conspired against his family, and had more than once induced his enemies to invade his dominions; that he (Ismael Adil Shah) had hitherto refrained from attacking him, but that now he had resolved to do so, both from religious and political motives; for, he observed, it was contrary to wisdom to treat the wolf with gentleness, or the snake with kindness. He concluded by stating, that if Boorhan Nizam Shah would remain neutral on the occasion, he intended shortly to take ample vengeance on the ancient enemy of his house. Boorhan Nizam Shah, who lay under obligations to the King for his late succours, acquiesced in his wishes. The ambassadors returned with this answer; and Ismael Adil Shah immediately prepared for his intended expedition.

The King having now formed an army of ten thousand cavalry, consisting of Arabians, Persians, Toorks, Oozbuks, Koords, and other foreigners, whom his liberality had bound to his interest, marched towards Ahmudabad Bidur. On his approach, Ameer Bereed, who was old and infirm, by the advice of Heemajy, a bramin, his minister, committed the charge of the fort of Bidur to his eldest son Ally Bereed, and himself withdrew to the fortress of Oodgeer.

Ismael Adil Shah, on arriving before Ahmudabad Bidur, blockaded the city on all sides; but the garrison made repeated sallies, and being nearly equal in numbers to the besiegers, greatly retarded their operations. At length the sons of Ameer Bereed, with five thousand horse, came out of the city, resolved, as the Beejapoor troops were composed only of bowmen, to charge them under cover of their shields, and cut them to pieces in close combat with their swords. Ismael Adil Shah, who had foreseen such an event, had provided three thousand cavalry, expert swordsmen, whose horses, as well as themselves, were covered with iron armour. This body was commanded by Syud Hoossein, an Arab chief of distinction. A very severe action in consequence ensued, on the plain before the gate of Bahmunypoora, and foreigners and Deccanies both displayed great courage. Is-mael Adil Shah, in spite of the remonstrances of Assud Khan, engaged in the action, and killed with his own hand two of the sons of Ameer Bereed, who attacked him successively on that day. Both armies were loud in the praises of the King's valour, and his own officers, alighting from their horses, kissed his stirrup. The engagement was scarcely ended, when four divisions of troops were seen on the right, which appeared to consist of about four thousand. Assud Khan instantly sent off one of his attendants, named Goodurz, with forty horsemen to learn who they were. They proved to be four thousand cavalry detached by Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah of Golconda to the aid of Ameer Bereed; accordingly Ismael Adil Shah, having ordered Assud Khan to oppose them, prepared to renew his attack on the troops of Ally Bereed himself. At this moment Syud Hoossein Arab earnestly entreated to be entrusted with that duty, and begged the King not to expose his person unnecessarily. Moved by his remonstrances, the King promised to remain merely as a witness of the battle, at the same time presenting to Syud Hoossein his own sword, still reeking with the blood of his enemies. The Beejapoor generals were both successful; and the troops of the allies, after losing about five hundred men each, fled in disorder, leaving the field in possession of Ismael Adil Shah. Assud Khan, in this battle, gained great credit; for after driving off the four thousand Tulingas of Kootb Shah he came to the assistance of Syud Hoossein. When the King dismounted, after the victory, and was seated on an eminence overlooking the field of battle, he thanked all his officers, particularly distinguishing Assud Khan above the rest, by clasping him in his embrace. To Syud Hoossein he gave the horse he himself rode during the battle. On the part of the enemy, two of the sons of Ameer Bereed, and Roostoom Beg, commander of the Kootb Shahy auxiliaries, were slain.

Ismael Adil Shah now laid closer siege to the city than before; and Ameer Bereed, reduced to great distress, wrote to Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, earnestly requesting him to come and mediate a peace. Imad Shah, therefore, without even going to Oodgeer, to which place Ameer Bereed had retired, came and encamped within a mile of the besieging army at Bidur. Ismael Adil Shah went to visit the King of Berar, attended by his principal officers. On this occasion, after congratulating him on his late successes, Imad Shah declared that he had marched merely for the purpose of sharing in his victories, but that he now hoped to be able to mediate terms between him and Ameer Bereed. The King replied, that Ameer Bereed had done his family more injuries than could be enumerated; that in this war many of his brave officers had fallen, and that he would listen to no terms short of absolute submission. Imad Shah, perceiving the determination of Ismael Adil Shah, did not press him farther; and the two princes, after spending a week together in festivity, parted. Ameer Bereed, hearing of this circumstance, now left Oodgeer, and came to the camp of Imad Shah, again entreating him to effect a peace. But being informed no other offer than the actual surrender of the city would be listened to by Ismael Adil Shah, he retired in disgust to his own camp, near that of Imad Shah, and to drown his cares gave himself up to pleasure. The troops of Ameer Bereed were much harassed, and became careless at night; so that even the outposts lay down to sleep, while many, following the example of their leader, had recourse to wine.

Ismael Adil Shah, having heard of the arrival of Ameer Bereed, ordered Assud Khan, with two thousand chosen horse, to surprise his camp. Assud Khan warned the troops for the duty, as if intended to relieve those at the trenches as usual; but when he had got beyond the lines, he made known to them his designs, and proceeded as silently as possible towards the tents of the enemy. Having arrived close to the outposts, and not hearing the smallest noise, he ordered his own men to remain quiet, and sent spies to learn the situation and state of the enemy. The scouts soon returning, declared that they had advanced uninterruptedly to the tents of Ameer Bereed, where the few men on guard were all asleep; in confirmation of which assertion, they presented some turbans and sabres they had stolen from them. Assud Khan, ordering his troops to remain in profound silence where they were till his return, proceeded with twenty-five horsemen and a few foot through the enemy's camp to the tents of Ameer Bereed. Here he saw the guards lying on all sides, apparently dead-drunk, amid the broken vessels of liquor. Assud Khan, unwilling to murder them in so helpless a condition, ordered some of his infantry to stand over them with drawn sabres, in case any should awake, and attempt giving the alarm. He now dismounted, and entering the King's tent with a few of his soldiers, resolved to carry off Ameer Bereed Shah alive; but in case of any attempt at rescue, to put him to death, and carry his head to his master. Ameer Bereed Shah lay senseless on his couch, around which the dancers and singers, male and female, were indiscriminately jumbled together, amid the filth of broken vessels and spilt liquors. The bed of Ameer Bereed, that old, experienced, and crafty prince, was now lifted up by Assud Khan's soldiers. They were moving out of the tents quietly with their prize, when one of the lamp-men, (called “deoties” in the Deccan, and who watch by the chief at night,) awaking, was in the act of crying out, but Assud Khan clapped his hands on the watchman's mouth, and his people seizing him strangled him on the spot, after which the party reached the troops waiting on the skirts of the camp without molestation. Assud Khan, now addressing his soldiers, said, that the main object of their enterprise being accomplished, it was better to desist from a night-attack on the camp, as in the darkness the Hindoos could not be distinguished from the Mussulmans, and, consequently, many of the faithful must be slain. He accordingly moved towards the royal camp, carrying his prisoner on his bed without attempting to awaken him. Ameer Bereed Shah, however, finding his bed in motion, awoke, and fancying evil spirits or genii carried him through the air, began to cry out in terror, and called on God to protect him from enchantment. Assud Khan now explained to him his situation, and reproached him with imprudence; observing, that for a reverend old man, experienced as he was in the arts of government, to suffer himself to be taken in a state of intoxication in the neighbourhood of his enemy was as degrading to his character as to his sense. Ameer Bereed Shah, covered with shame and vexation, returned no answer; but Assud Khan consoled him by assuring him of his influence with the King to procure kind treatment.

On arriving at the Beejapoor camp, Assud Khan without delay presented his important prize to his master, who was overjoyed at the success of the enterprise. Sending for Ameer Bereed Shah, he asked how a person possessed of such art and cunning as he had displayed throughout a long life could allow himself to be so ensnared? The captive monarch replied, Fate and Providence had thus decreed it. The King then delivered him over to Assud Khan, and ordered him to bring his prisoner to court on the next day.

Ismael Adil Shah, on the following morning, being seated on his throne, Ameer Bereed was placed opposite to him, with his head bare, and his hands tied behind his back, exposed to a hot sun. When he had stood for two hours in this situation, the King gave orders for his being put to death, and an executioner advanced to do his duty with a drawn scimitar. Ameer Bereed Shah, perceiving his helpless condition, condescended to beg his life; saying that undoubtedly he had been guilty of many insults to the King and his late father, of blessed memory, and was conscious of meriting revenge at his hands; but if the King would forget these circumstances, and suffer him to live and repent, he would surrender to him the city of Ahmudabad, with the fortress of Bidur, whose battlements the ladders of an enemy had never yet scaled, — and he promised to deliver into his hands the treasures of the Bahmuny royal family.

The King having consented to spare his life on these terms, Ameer Bereed despatched a message to one of his sons, acquainting them with his situation, and the agreement he had made. His son returned for answer, that as he was very old, and the period of his existence drawing to a close, it were folly to surrender such a fortress for a few remaining days of life. The object of this message, however, was only to gain time, in hopes of assistance from the allies; for the sons sent secret instructions by a confidential person to agree to the terms if their father should be in real danger. Ameer Bereed Shah affected to complain of the cruelty of his sons; but Ismael Adil Shah, who suspected the scheme, gave orders for him to be thrown before a vicious elephant, observing that he would trust to his army for gaining the city by assault. Ameer Bereed again had recourse to entreaty, and begged that he might be carried before a certain tower of the fort, in order that his sons might behold his condition, and be thus moved to save his life. This being done, the sons seeing no other means but submission to save the life of their parent, offered to resign the city and fortress, on condition that they and their own families should be allowed to depart with the clothes on their persons without search. This being agreed on, they loaded themselves and their women with as many of the valuable ornaments and robes of the royal family of Bahmuny as they were able to conceal, and retired, with their followers, unmolested, to the fortress of Oodgeer.

Assud Khan, with some chosen troops, entered the city to prevent plunder, and commenced to take a list of the treasures and effects belonging to the vanquished. Ismael Adil Shah having fixed on a lucky moment proceeded on foot attended by all his officers and nobles from the gate of the city to the palace, and having entered the grand hall of audience, ascended the throne of the Bah-muny kings. On this occasion he offered up thanks to God for his success, and deputed his son, the Prince Mulloo Khan, accompanied by Assud Khan and other chiefs, to invite Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah to his court. Ismael Adil Shah met him at the steps of the palace, and the two kings sat down together on the same throne.

The treasures were now laid before the kings. They consisted of ten lacks of hoons ^65a in money, several valuable jewels, a large quantity of gold and silver plate, magnificent china, and rich dresses. Ismael Adil Shah desired Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah to take whatever he chose; and in order to avoid the imputation of having made war for the sake of the riches of the Bahmuny family, he divided the treasures into presents, which he sent partly to the surrounding states, and partly distributed among his own army, not reserving for himself a single coin. He intrusted fifty thousand hoons to Syud Ally Akheel, a person celebrated for his learning and integrity, to be distributed in charity to the poor inhabitants of Nujuf, Kurbela, and Mushed; and gave fifty thousand to Syud Ahmud Hirvy, to be bestowed on learned men in the Bee-japoor dominions. He then desired the poet Mow-lana Syeed of Koom to go to the treasury and take as much gold as he could lift; but the poet, who was infirm from sickness, observing, that when he first came to his court he was as strong again as at present, the King, laughing, desired him to take as much as he could carry away at two attempts. The poet, however, still desired to wait till he should recover from his indisposition before he made the effort: on which the King repeated the following verse:

“There is danger in delay, and it injures the petitioner.”

The poet contrived to carry off on two occasions as many bags as contained twenty-five thousand hoons; and the King, on being told the amount by his treasurer, replied, “The Mowlana spoke truth “in complaining of his weakness.” He then declared that he would not rise till he had disposed of all the plunder, and accordingly commanded Assud Khan to make a division among the troops; which was effected in such a just manner that every person was content with his share.

Imad Shah now again interceded for Ameer Bereed. Ismael Adil Shah at length consented to enrol him among the number of his officers, on Assud Khan's becoming security for his fidelity. Kulliany, Oodgeer, and some other districts, together with the revenue derived from the city lands, were allotted for his support, on condition of his attending the King's army with three thousand horse. A week after this event, the King marched his army to the south, attended by Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah and Ameer Bereed with their forces. The affairs of the kingdom of Beejanuggur had been lately thrown into confusion, owing to the death of Hemraj, to whom his son Ramraj had succeeded. Against this prince rebellions were excited by several rays, so that the Mahomedans met with no interruption to their progress. Ra-chore and Moodkul both surrendered by capitulation, after a siege of three months, after having been in possession of the infidels for seventeen years.

Ismael Adil Shah, who had vowed to refrain from wine till the reduction of these fortresses, was now induced to make a splendid festival, on which occasion he drank wine and gave full scope to his inclinations. Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah and Ameer Bereed partook of the banquet, and Assud Khan was also admitted to sit with them; he even drank out of the same goblet with his sovereign, who filled it with his own hand, and received another goblet in return from him. At the request of Assud Khan, too, fifteen hundred captives were released, and received presents of scarlet caps and vests. Many of these prisoners chose to remain in the service of Assud Khan, which the King permitted. During this festival, the King promised on his return to Beejapoor to restore to Ameer Bereed the government of Ahmudabad Bidur. These rejoicings continued for a whole month; in commemoration of which, Moolla Ibrahim Isfe-rahy wrote a poem consisting of a thousand verses descriptive of them. At this period intelligence was received that Bahadur Shah of Guzerat was again preparing to invade the Deccan; on which, Ismael Adil Shah having dismissed Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah to his capital returned to Beejapoor, when he agreed to restore the city of Ahmudabad Bidur to Ameer Bereed in six months, provided the latter should, within that period, deliver the forts of Kulliany and Kand'har into the King's hands; for which purpose he was permitted to quit Beejapoor. It is related, that on the late expedition the King being one day entertained by Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, received from him several trays of valuable jewels, of which he pressed his acceptance. The King, a few days afterwards, having invited Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah to a banquet, drew up twelve thousand of his foreign cavalry before him; observing, that these were the only jewels he had collected during his reign, and told him he might select from among them a number for his own use. Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah applauded his wisdom, and observed, with a sigh, that had he taken the same measures, he should not have lost the fortress of Mahoor.

Ameer Bereed neglecting to send the keys of the fortresses of Kulliany and Kand'har, Ismael

A. H. 938.
A. D. 1531.

Adil Shah resolved, in the year 938, to reduce them by force, and sent his tents with one of his sons out of Bee-japoor to prepare for his march. Ameer Bereed, meanwhile, applied to Boorhan Nizam Shah for aid, who sent ambassadors to Beejapoor, to request Ismael to forego his designs against Ameer Be-reed. Ismael Adil Shah observed, in reply, that he had not interfered in the attack of Boorhan Nizam Shah on Mahoor, and that, moreover, to oblige him, he had even refrained from endeavouring to recover Goa from the Portuguese. He went on to remark, that as the cool season had commenced, and he did not choose to remain at home, he proposed making a tour of his dominions, and intended to visit Sholapoor and Nul-droog; but that he hoped Boorhan Nizam Shah would warn the officers of his frontier not to be alarmed nor misconceive the object of his march. Boorhan Nizam Shah, being now under no apprehensions in the direction of Guzerat and Berar, replied, by acquainting Ismael Adil Shah, that he would do well not to refuse the request he had made, but be content to remain at home as better suited to his own interest.

Ismael Adil Shah having already marched from Beejapoor, received this communication at Bah-munhully while at evening prayers; and was so indignant that he moved with only four hundred horse and forty foot, and reached the river flowing under Nuldroog before evening prayer the next day. He then dismissed the ambassadors of Nizam Shah, telling them, he had done all that was incumbent on him to avoid a war, but that he should now wait for his royal brother to come, as he had repeatedly done before, and amuse himself with a view of the tempestuous ocean of war.

Boorhan Nizam Shah did not refuse the challenge, but, attended by Ameer Bereed, proceeded with twenty-five thousand horse and a considerable train of artillery to the frontiers of Bee-japoor. Ismael Adil Shah left the organisation of the troops to Assud Khan, who thus arranged them: — All the young men, sons of foreigners and Rajpoots, were formed into one body, composing a light division, under command of Sunjur Khan, son of Mirza Jehangeer Koomy, while their fathers, who were mostly old, remained in the line; observing that this was a day for the young soldiers to display their courage. Assud Khan assumed the command of the right wing, leaving the left to Moostufa Agha, Sikundur Agha, and Khoosh Geldy Agha, Toorky chiefs of distinction. The centre was commanded by the King in person, who joined as soon as the line was formed. On observing that the colour of the canopy, the royal standard, and flags of the enemy, which were formerly white, were changed to green, the King asked the cause of this alteration. He was told these were the insignia conferred on Boorhan Nizam Shah by Bahadur Shah of Guzerat. While he was yet speaking, the light division became engaged; and Ismael Adil Shah instantly advanced with his whole line, by which the action became general, and was so well maintained on both sides that victory was long doubtful. At length Khoorsheed Khan, commander of the Nizam Shahy army, being killed, his troops fled in disorder. Boorhan Nizam Shah was shortly after surrounded by the Beejapoor Mogul horse, and in danger of being taken prisoner, when his body guard, by a desperate effort, liberated their sovereign, and escorting him safely from the field, he fled with precipitation to Ahmudnuggur, without waiting to collect his scattered army. Much plunder fell into the hands of the victors; and the superiority of Ismael Adil Shah became established throughout the Deccan. The battle was called the Victory of the Foreign Boys, by whose exertions it was principally won. This corps now rose daily in the King's esteem, and many of them were raised to the rank of nobility, in reward for their services during the lifetime of their fathers. This was the last contest between Ismael Adil Shah and Boorhan Nizam Shah. An alliance was subsequently formed between them, when they had an interview on their frontiers, in which it was agreed that the former should be at liberty to reduce the country of Kootb Shah, and the latter be permitted to add Berar to his possessions without molestation.

A. H. 940.
A. D. 1533. In consequence of this arrangement, Ismael Adil Shah becoming reconciled to Ameer Bereed, induced him to join in the attack on Tulingana; and they accordingly proceeded and laid siege to Kowilconda, one of the principal fortresses on the frontiers of that kingdom. This fort had very nearly been reduced, when Ismael Adil Shah was attacked by a violent fever which obliged him to keep his bed. Finding his disorder increase, he sent for Assud Khan Lary and Ameer Bereed, who were both absent from the camp, laying waste the enemy's country. On their arrival he expressed his wish that they should continue the siege, while he retired to Kool-burga for change of air, till his recovery should enable him to rejoin his army. It was accordingly fixed that the King should begin his journey on the next morning in a pâlky; but before day-

Suffur 16.
A. H. 941.
Sept. 6.
A. D. 1534.

light, a severe relapse of fever coming on he was united with the elect on Wednesday the 16th of Suffur, 941, after a glorious reign of twenty-five years.

Assud Khan having embalmed the royal corpse, placed it in a close litter, and sent it privately to Gogy. He concealed the King's death for two days; at the end of which time he communicated the fatal intelligence to Ameer Bereed and all the nobility, whom he advised to keep the event secret, in order to avoid disputes between the two young princes in an enemy's country. It was proposed, therefore, to raise the siege of Kowil-conda, and to defer making arrangements for the succession till their arrival at Koolburga, where they might seek inspiration to direct their choice at the tomb of the blessed Syud Mahomed Geesoo-Duraz, who lies buried near that city. All the chiefs approving of this counsel, Assud Khan, at the head of the army, accompanied by the princes, began their march from Kowilconda.

Syud Ahmud Hirvy relates that Ismael Adil Shah was just, prudent, patient, and liberal; and from the abundance of his magnanimity he gave rewards without too minutely inspecting the condition of his treasury. He was extremely generous also, frequently pardoning state criminals, and was averse from listening to slander. He never used passionate language. He possessed great wit, to which he added a sound and acute judgment. He was an adept in the arts of painting, varnishing, making arrows, and embroidering saddle-cloths. In music and poetry he excelled most of his age. He was fond of the company of learned men and poets, numbers of whom were munificently supported at his court. He was delighted with repartee in conversation, and had a great fund of humour, which he often displayed in his intercourse with his courtiers: no other king of the Deccan equalled him in this respect. He was fonder of the Turkish and Persian manners, music, and language, than the Deccany: he seldom made use of the latter tongue. This partiality was owing to his being educated under the tuition of his aunt, Dil-shad Agha, ^72a who by desire of his father kept him as much as possible from the company of Dec-canies, so that he had little relish for that people. He was buried at Gogy, near the tomb of his father, Yoosoof Adil Shah.

Assud Khan of Belgam is left protector during the minority of the Princes Mulloo and Ibrahim — suspends the coronation till the army returns to Beejapoor. — The nobles divided in their inclinations towards the princes. — The ladies of the royal family are consulted as to the choice of a successor, and they recommend the coronation of Mulloo, the eldest son of the late King. — Assud Khan becomes minister — is disgusted with the conduct of the young King — resigns his office, and retires to his estate at Belgam. — Ismael Khan Deccany is made minister. — The King's vices disgust his nobles, who quit the court, and retire to their estates. — The King's grandmother employs Yoosoof Khan Toork, an officer of rank, to depose the King, and to raise his brother Ibrahim to the throne. — Mulloo Adil Shah deposed, and both he and his brother Alloo are deprived of sight. — Ibrahim Adil Shah is raised to the throne.

WHEN Ismael Adil Shah was about to take his departure from this temporary mansion of care, he addressed Assud Khan, saying, that although he feared his eldest son, Mulloo Khan, had not abilities to govern, yet paternal affection led him to wish he might succeed according to his birthright. He appointed Assud Khan protector of the kingdom, with full powers to place the Prince Mulloo on the throne; conjuring him to remain steadfast in his loyalty towards him; and concluded by saying, that he had full reliance on the minister's abilities, which he was sure would make up for any deficiency or imprudence to which his son might be prone.

The Prince Ibrahim, the King's youngest son, who had long entertained ambitious views towards the throne, had gained over many of the nobles to his interest; so that when their father's death could no longer be concealed from them, the brothers were on the eve of coming to open war, though in an enemy's country, and actually conducting the siege of Kowilconda. Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah of Golconda, obtaining information of the state of affairs, conceived the opportunity so favourable that he directed his troops to hover round the Adil Shahy camp, and stop its supplies of provisions; and he even caused the ears and noses of the prisoners to be cut off, and then released them in this mutilated condition to return to their camp. ^74a The officers of the army having espoused opposite parties refused to lead detachments against the enemy, lest advantage should be taken by their rivals of their absence; and the camp followers suffering from the attacks of the Tulingas, and unsupported by their own troops, refrained from bringing in forage or grain, so that famine began to rage, and discontent and consternation pervaded the army. Assud Khan, who was respected by all, finding the disorders daily increasing, boldly resolved to put an end to them by the exercise of his authority. In the first place, he seized and put to death those evil-disposed persons who had excited the princes against each other, and calling together all the nobles, he forbade them to visit either of the princes. He directed them, for the present, to attend him, as usual, daily at the audience-tents, in order that they might conduct public affairs till the time should arrive for seating one or other of the princes on the throne. Both parties submitted to these measures; and the whole army approved of the conduct of Assud Khan, and promised to fulfil his wishes. Having assumed the title of Protector, he detached a force to dislodge the Tulingas from the vicinity of the camp, and placed strong guards of his own dependents over the princes; informing them, that the astrologers had declared ten days must elapse before the favourable moment for accession to the throne; and as it was his opinion, that remaining much longer in an enemy's country would be imprudent, he advised the immediate march of the army to Kool-burga, where they might invoke the blessed spirit of Syud Mahomed Geesoo-Duraz to direct them in the succession.

The princes acceding to this proposal raised the siege of Kowilconda, and the army moved to Kool-burga, where Assud Khan consulted with the principal ladies of the haram of his late sovereign and the nobility on the choice of a king. Most of them being of opinion that the King's last will should be implicitly acted on, he acquiesced; and confining the Prince Ibrahim, he placed Mulloo Adil Shah on the throne, who was immediately acknowledged by the nobility and army. Assud Khan, on his return to Beejapoor, disgusted with the conduct of the new king, delivered over the Prince Ibrahim to the care of his grandmother, Booboojee Khanum; and resigning his office at court retired to his jageer of Belgam with all his family, and Ismael Khan Deccany was raised to the office of prime minister in his stead.^76a

Mulloo Adil Shah, free from all restraint, abandoned himself to excess as to women, wine, music, dancing, and low vices; in the indulgence of which he spent the whole of his time, leaving the direction of his affairs to a few profligate favourites. His conduct soon became offensive to all the respectable part of his subjects, whose children, if they pleased him, he seized by force, and dragged to his palace for shameful purposes. At length, he insisted on having one of the children of Yoosoof Khan, a Turkish nobleman of rank, sent to him. Yoosoof Khan refused compliance; and the King became so incensed, that he sent some of his guards, with orders, if Yoosoof Khan persisted in his refusal to bring his head. Yoosoof Khan being prepared for resistance repulsed the soldiers, and on the same day retired, in spite of great opposition, to his own jageer of Kittoor, with all his family and followers. Other persons of distinction soon followed his example, left court, and repaired to their estates; but the King took no notice of these indications of revolt, nor did he alter his conduct.

The Dowager Booboojee Khanum, mother to the late king, equally offended at the King's shameful vices, resolved to depose him, and wrote to Yoosoof Khan, that as Mulloo Adil Shah was unworthy to reign, she wished he would assist her in dethroning him, and in elevating his younger brother Ibrahim to the musnud. Yoosoof Khan, despatching one of his friends to Belgam, informed Assud Khan, that owing to the tyranny of Mulloo Adil Shah he had fled from Beejapoor, and explained the overtures made to him by the Dowager-queen. Assud Khan, in reply, observed, that as the conduct of the King had disgusted all ranks, the safety and honour of the state required that he should follow the council of Booboojee Khanum without delay; on which Yoosoof Khan sent back the Queen's messengers with assurances of implicit compliance with her commands; and shortly after, on a day fixed on between them, he arrived by forced marches at Beejapoor, and suddenly entered the citadel with two hundred armed soldiers. Noor Khan, the commander of the garrison, made little opposition. Mulloo Adil Shah was seized, and blinded, by orders of his grandmother, together with his youngest brother, Alloo Khan, after an inglorious reign of only six months. The Prince Ibrahim was immediately after seated on the throne, amid the acclamations of the nobles and the people.

The King proscribes foreigners from his court, with a very few exceptions — he entertains thirty thousand cavalry, composed of the inhabitants of the Deccan — causes the accounts of government to be kept in the language of the Deccan. — History of the civil war in the government of Beejanuggur. — Accession of the minister Ramraj to the throne — his title is disputed by Ibrahim Adil Shah. — War ensues, which ends in favour of the Hindoos. — Ibrahim Adil Shah becomes jealous of his minister and general Assud Khan. — The kings of Ahmud-nuggur and Bidur unite against Ibrahim Adil Shah. — The King of Berar mediates a peace between the parties, and Ibrahim becomes reconciled to his minister. — Serious confederacy of the kings of Ahmudnuggur and Golconda, and the Raja of Beejanuggur, against Ibrahim Adil Shah. — The Prince Abdoolla flies to the Portuguese at Goa, and induces them to promise him aid to dethrone the King. — The Prince Abdoolla is taken, and suffers death. — War with the King of Ahmudnuggur, during which he dies. — War continued with his successor. — Death of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

IBRAHIM ADIL SHAH, on his accession to the throne, having rejected the names of the Imams from the Khootba, restored the exercise of the Soony rites, and commanded that no person should in future wear the scarlet cap of twelve points, which had been adopted by all the troops of his father, in imitation of the Persians. Instead of foreign troops he enlisted Deccanies in his service, and permitted only four hundred foreigners to remain in his body-guard. All the foreign officers, with the exception of Assud Khan Lary, Khoosh Geldy Agha, Roomy Khan, and Shoojat Khan Koord, were degraded, and Deccanies and Abyssinians were promoted in their stead. All the foreign troops which were thus dismissed entered into the service of different princes. Ramraj, the Hindoo Prince of Beejanuggur, entertained three thousand of them; and in order to reconcile them to the act of making obeisance to him, he caused a Koran to be placed before him when they came to pay their respects; which enabled them to do so without a breach of the ordinances of their religion.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, by this new regulation, created an army of thirty thousand cavalry composed of men who rode the King's horses. ^79a The customs which prevailed in the reign of Ismael Adil Shah were wholly laid aside; and the public accounts, formerly kept in Persian, were now written in Hindvy, under the management of bramins, who soon acquired great influence in his government. Assud Khan was ordered to enlist Deccanies in his service, and to adopt the Soony faith. Out of a thousand foreigners, he discharged six hundred, but refused to change his persuasion, and both in his camp and on his own jageer he publicly exercised the Sheea ceremonies, an indulgence the King thought it prudent to allow. The year after his accession, the King led his army to Beejanuggur, on the requisition of the Ray; but before the particulars of the expedition are recited, it is necessary to relate the causes which led to it, and to give some account of the revolutions which had taken place at that court.

The government of Beejanuggur had remained in one family in uninterrupted succession for seven hundred years, when Shew Ray dying, he was succeeded by his son a minor, who did not long survive him, and left the throne to a younger brother. Not long after, he died also, leaving an infant only three months old. Timraj, one of the principal ministers of the family, celebrated for his wisdom and experience, became sole regent, and was cheerfully obeyed by the nobility and vassals of the kingdom for forty years. On the occasion of the young King's attaining the age of manhood, Timraj poisoned him, and put an infant of the family on the throne, in order to have a pretence for retaining the regency in his hands. Timraj at length dying, was succeeded in his office by his son Ramraj, who having married a daughter of Shew Ray, added by that alliance greatly to his influence and power. By degrees raising his own family to the highest rank, and destroying many of the ancient nobility, Ramraj aspired to reign in his own name, and intended totally to extirpate the race of Shew Ray. Many of the nobility, however, opposing this project, he complied with their wishes, and placing an infant boy of the female line on the throne, committed his person to the care of the child's uncle, one Bhoj Tirmul Ray, who being deemed almost an idiot, Ramraj considered he had little to apprehend from him. Ramraj, in the space of five or six years, cut off by treachery almost all those chiefs who formerly opposed his pretensions to the throne; and leaving the city of Beejanuggur in charge of a slave, whom he had raised to high rank, he marched with an army against some of the rays of the country of Malabar, who withheld their tribute. These princes he soon reduced, and deprived them of their fortresses; after which, having moved against a powerful zemindar to the south of Beejanuggur, he was detained for six months without making the smallest impression on him, though he had been engaged in several general actions.

Ramraj having expended the treasures of his military chest wrote to his deputy to send him a supply of money from Beejanuggur, in order to enable him to continue the war; but the deputy, on opening the vaults of the treasury, and perceiving the magnitude of its wealth, instantly resolved on rebellion against his patron, and set at liberty the young ray, having first induced Bhoj Tirmul Ray to embrace his interest. The deputy now assumed the office of minister, and began to levy troops. Several tributary rays, who were offended with Ramraj's administration, hastened to Beejanuggur to rally round their lawful King, and in a short time thirty thousand horse, and vast hosts of foot, were assembled under his standard at the city. Bhoj Tirmul Ray, apprehending that the slave, now the minister, might repent of his rebellion and eventually betray them to Ramraj, put his benefactor to death, and assumed the management of affairs at Beejanuggur.

Ramraj, on hearing of this revolt, concluded a hasty peace with his enemy, and returned towards Beejanuggur; but being deserted by several of his officers, who left him on the route to join their lawful sovereign, he thought it advisable at present to desist from war, and to rest content with his extensive jageer. A treaty was accordingly brought about between him and the young ray, by which Ramraj was suffered to remain in independent possession of his country. Quiet being now restored, the nobility, who had supported the revolution, left their sovereign under the care of his uncle Bhoj Tirmul Ray, and returned to their several districts. Not long after this event, the uncle, becoming ambitious of reigning, strangled his nephew, and seized the throne of Beejanuggur, and being a member of the royal family the nobility preferred his authority to that of Ramraj; but in a short time, being unwilling to endure his tyranny and oppression, they became disaffected towards him, and invited Ramraj to return, and assume the administration of affairs.

Bhoj Tirmul Ray, obtaining intelligence of their designs, despatched ambassadors with a sum of six lacks of hoons, ^83a and many valuable presents, to Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor, soliciting him to march to his assistance, in return for which he promised to acknowledge himself tributary, and to pay down a sum of three lacks of hoons for every day's march his army might make. Ibrahim Adil Shah, tempted by the greatness of the offer, and by the

A. H. 942.
A. D. 1535.

advice of Assud Khan, moved from his capital in the year 942, and arrived at Beejanuggur without opposition, when he was conducted into the city by Bhoj Tirmul Ray, who seated him on the royal musnud, and made rejoicings for seven days. Ramraj and the confederate nobles now sent letters to the Ray expressing contrition for their rebellion, and assuring him of their future firm allegiance. They represented in strong colours the evil consequences of introducing the Mussulmans into their country; that their temples and the idols would be defiled and destroyed, and that the children of all ranks of people, as in the times of the Bahmuny kings, would be carried away into captivity. Ramraj, moreover, swore never again to depart from his allegiance, if Bhoj Tirmul Ray would cause the retreat of the King of Beejapoor to his own dominions. Bhoj Tirmul Ray, thinking he had now no further use for his allies, requested the return of the Mahomedan army, and paid down fifty lacks of hoons, ^84a the amount of the settled subsidy, besides making presents to a vast amount to the King, among which were twelve fine elephants and some beautiful horses.

Ibrahim Adil Shah had not yet recrossed the Krishna, when Ramraj and the confederates, who had bribed many of the troops in the city, broke their promises, and hastened towards Beeja-nuggur, resolving to put the Ray to death, on pretence of revenging the murder of his predecessor. Bhoj Tirmul Ray, finding he was betrayed, shut himself up in the palace, and becoming mad from despair, blinded all the royal elephants and horses, and cut off their tails, that they might be of no use to his enemy. All the diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones and pearls, which had been collected in the course of many ages, he crushed to powder between heavy millstones, and scattered them on the ground. He then fixed a sword-blade into a pillar of his apartment, and ran his breast upon it with such force, that it pierced through and came out at his back; thus putting an end to his existence, just as the gates of the palace were opened to his enemies. Ramraj now became Ray of Beejanuggur without a rival.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, hearing of this revolution on his arrival at Rachore, despatched Assud Khan with the greatest part of his army to reduce the important fortress of Adony, which was on the point of surrendering, when Venkatadry, the younger brother of Ramraj, marched from Bee-januggur with a great army to relieve it. Assud Khan, upon his approach, raised the siege and moved towards him. A sharp engagement ensued; and Assud Khan, finding that he was likely to have the worst of the action from the vast superiority of the enemy, retreated in good order, and was followed to the distance of seven fursungs ^85a by the victors, when he pitched his camp. Venkatadry, in order to be ready to harass the retreat again the next day, halted in full security at the distance of six fursungs† ^85b from Assud Khan, who ardently wished for such an event. Before daylight, on the next day, Assud Khan, with four thousand chosen horse, surprised the camp of Venkatadry, whose self-confidence had thrown him wholly off his guard against such a manœuvre. Assud Khan penetrated to his tents before the alarm was given, and Venkatadry had scarcely time to make his escape, leaving his treasures, family, and elephants, in the hands of the victors. When day appeared, Venkatadry collected his scattered troops, and drew them up as if to engage; but seeing Assud Khan prepared to maintain his advantage, and apprehensive of the consequences to his wife and children, he declined a battle, and retiring some miles off, fixed his camp. From thence he wrote an account of his disaster to Ramraj, and requested reinforcements. Ramraj immediately sent supplies of men and money, giving out his intention of carrying on the war, but he privately informed his brother, that he had reason to imagine Ibrahim Adil Shah had not been induced to besiege Adony of his own accord, but that he suspected the zemindars of that quarter had invited him to make war, and that many of the officers with Venkatadry were secretly in the enemy's interest; therefore he thought he would act prudently by making peace with the Mussulmans at present, and obtaining the release of his wife and family from Assud Khan. In consequence of this advice, having procured the mediation and influence of Assud Khan, Venkatadry made overtures to Ibrahim Adil Shah for peace; which being granted, and the terms settled to the satisfaction of both states, Ibrahim Adil Shah returned to Beejapoor, accompanied by Assud Khan and the rest of his nobility and army.

In this expedition, some malicious persons told the King that Assud Khan had received a vast sum of money, besides jewels and gold and silver plate, from Ramraj, in order to procure the release of the prisoners, and for mediating the peace. Ibra-him Adil Shah, instead of being displeased, or coveting the great sum said to have been received, reproved the informers, and observed, he returned God thanks that he had a servant to whom great kings condescended to pay contributions, and who bore the yoke of submission on their necks. He then, in the presence of the informers, called for Assud Khan, and honoured him with a suit of his own robes, and conferred on him other distinguishing marks of favour; which confounded his enemies, and for some time prevented their further machinations against him.

The King, on his return to the capital, nominated Assud Khan to the office of prime minister, as well as commander-in-chief of his armies; which circumstance excited more and more the envy of his enemies, who took every opportunity of hinting that his influence was growing dangerous. Though these insinuations for a long time were disregarded, yet some impression was at length made on the royal mind, and the King was heard in private to express his wish to humble the minister. Yoosoof Toork, one of the King's chamberlains, thinking this a fit instant to alarm his master, observed, that Assud Khan, from a similarity of religious tenets, maintained a secret correspondence with Boorhan Nizam Shah, to whom he meditated resigning the fort of Belgam, and entering his service. This story confirmed the suspicion of Ibrahim Adil Shah, who now asked his confidant what would be the surest method of securing his minister. Yoosoof recommended that he should be invited to court from Belgam, on pretence of his being required on the ceremony of the circumcision of the young Prince Ally, when, if he came, he might be easily confined, or his authority curtailed. The King's water-cooler happening to overhear this consultation, told it in confidence to his own family, who revealed it to their friends; so that in a short time the King's displeasure against the minister became the topic of conversation among all ranks, and Assud Khan was placed on his guard. When the royal order was sent, commanding him to court, he excused himself from attending, on pretence of illness: attempts were then made to corrupt his servants to poison him, but all in vain; these measures only serving to render him more vigilant against treachery. At last it was resolved that Yoosoof should have lands conferred on him in the vicinity of Belgam, and retire to them with his dependents, to be at hand to seize any favourable opportunity that might offer of surprising the minister.

Assud Khan, an experienced and cautious politician, was not to be easily deceived by these arts. One day he proceeded with only a few attendants to visit a garden-house at some distance from Belgam, leaving orders for four hundred horsemen to follow. One of Yoosoof's spies obtaining information of Assud Khan's movement hastened to inform his master that the minister had gone out almost unattended, and might easily be surprised and taken prisoner. Yoosoof accordingly advanced towards the garden, which, to his astonishment, he found surrounded by troops. Seeing, however, his own party superior in numbers, he resolved on attempting to effect his object by force; but was repulsed by Assud Khan, who returned triumphant to Belgam after taking many prisoners.

Ibrahim Adil Shah denied that this attack was made with his consent; and in order to corroborate this assertion, he commanded Yoosoof to appear at court, and placed him in confinement; at the same time writing to Assud Khan that he was much offended with Yoosoof's conduct, and would punish him in any manner the minister wished. Assud Khan, who knew the real state of the case, sent back a reply, respectfully saying that he himself was the only guilty person, and would willingly have gone to court to implore forgiveness; but that as the King had been pleased of his own accord to overlook his conduct, he was at a loss for words to express his sense of the obligation. With this letter he sent back all his prisoners, after having presented them with honorary dresses, and committed to their charge valuable offerings for the King.

The breach between the King and his minister becoming public throughout the Deccan, Boorhan Nizam Shah and Ameer Bereed availed themselves of it to circulate insidious reports, that Assud Khan had promised to deliver up Belgam to them whenever they should approach; and accordingly, in the

A. H. 949.
A. D. 1542.

year 949, they invaded the territories of Ibrahim Adil Shah, and wresting the five districts dependent on Shola-poor from his officers, gave them up to the servants of Khwaja Jehan Deccany, after which they moved in the direction of Belgam. Assud Khan, though not originally privy to the invasion, deemed it prudent, in order to save his estates from plunder, to join them on their approach with six thousand horse. The allies, inspired with fresh courage by this accession of power, spread desolation through the country to the neighbourhood of Beejapoor; and Ibrahim Adil Shah, conceiving himself unable to oppose them in the field, retired with his family to Koolburga.

Assud Khan, true to the interest of his sovereign, though abandoned by him, secretly despatched Ally Mahomed Budukshy, one of his most faithful servants, to Elichpoor, the capital of Berar, representing to Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, ^90a that from the strange and inconstant vicissitudes of fortune an event had occurred, which had involved him in a maze of embarrassment, entreating Imad Shah to march to the aid of Ibrahim Adil Shah, and that he, Assud Khan, would join him as soon as he should reach the borders. Imad Shah, in compliance with this solicitation, moved without delay towards Koolburga; and Boorhan Nizam Shah and Ameer Bereed, then lying before the citadel of Beejapoor, raised the siege, and after devastating the suburbs of the city, marched for the purpose of preventing a junction of the Berar army with Ibrahim Adil Shah. Assud Khan, according to agreement, now quitted the allies, and with all his followers joined Imad Shah, to whom he represented, that the traitor Yoosoof having filled the mind of his prince with suspicions of his loyalty, and Ibrahim Adil Shah having listened implicitly to every idle report tending to his dishonour, the ministers of Boorhan Nizam Shah took advantage of the King's displeasure towards him, and with a view to promote their own advantage had openly declared that he, Assud Khan, had offered to join their master if the King of Ahmudnuggur would invade the territory of Beejapoor. Ibrahim Adil Shah believing this vile tale, became more incensed against him, and not only removed him from his office, but attempted in various ways to take his life. He stated that the enemy, on finding their arts had succeeded, entered his estates to give colour to their story, and finding himself unsupported by his sovereign, he was (from regard to self-preservation) obliged to join the confederates for a time; but that as Imad Shah had now come to his assistance, he relied on him to remove from the King's mind the effects produced by the accusation of his enemies; but if that could not be effected, he declared himself willing to submit to any punishment the King his master might think fit to inflict on him.

Imad Shah, convinced of the integrity of Assud Khan, heartily espoused his cause, and conducted him on the same day to Ibrahim Adil Shah, to whom he also soon made clear the error into which he had been led. Ibrahim Adil Shah clasped Assud Khan in his embrace, expressing contrition for his ill usage of him; and in order to convince him of his sincerity, he not only imprisoned Yoo-soof and his agents, who had abused his confi-ence, but conferred his estates on Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany, an officer of distinction whom Assud Khan had prevailed to quit the service of Ameer Bereed. The reconciliation between the King and his minister soon changed the state of affairs, and Ibrahim Adil Shah and Imad Shah marched to give the allies battle, who retreated with expedition towards Dowlutabad. They were hotly pursued by the Beejapoor and Berar troops, who took ample revenge for the depredations the enemy had committed in the Beejapoor territory. An event occurred, however, which brought about a peace. Ameer Bereed dying suddenly, Boorhan Nizam Shah was reduced to sue for terms; and the venerable Shah Tahir was sent as his ambassador to make the overtures. In the treaty which ensued, it was agreed that the Sholapoor five districts, which had been taken by the allies, should be restored to Ibrahim Adil Shah, and Boorhan Nizam Shah promised never again to lay claim to them. The treaty being signed and exchanged, each of the sovereigns returned to their respective capitals.

A. H. 950.
A. D. 1543. In the following year, 950, Ibrahim Adil Shah married the daughter of Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, ^92a named Rubeea Sool-tana, and the nuptials were celebrated with great splendour. Boorhan Nizam Shah, jealous of his military reputation, and vexed at the termination of the late war, declared he should enjoy no rest till he recovered the five districts he had been compelled to relinquish to Beejapoor. Accordingly, shortly after, availing himself of some disagreement which occurred between Ibrahim Adil Shah and Imad Shah, Boorhan Nizam Shah formed secret alliances with Ramraj of Beejanuggur, and Jumsheed Kootb Shah of Golconda, to wage war against the Beejapoor territories on the south and east, while with his own army, and the troops of Ally Bereed and Khwaja Jehan, he invaded them on the north-east. With this force he laid waste many districts, and on several occasions defeated the Beejapoor troops sent to oppose his progress. Jumsheed Kootb Shah, entering the kingdom on the east, seized the district of Kakny, in which he built a strong fort, and occupied the whole country to the walls of Koolburga, and, moreover, laid siege to the fortress of Etgeer, near the city of Sagur; while on the south Ramraj deputed his brother Venkatadry to reduce the fort of Rachore; so that the kingdom of Beejapoor, attacked at once by three powerful armies in separate quarters, seemed on the brink of destruction.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, at a loss how to act, and without confidence in the opinions of his counsellors, sent for Assud Khan from Belgam, and asked his advice. Assud Khan observed, that Boorhan Nizam Shah was the true enemy, who had instigated the rest to hostility, and that if he could be removed, it would be easy to manage the others. He advised, therefore, that peace should be concluded with him, by resigning the five districts dependent on Sholapoor. He recommended, also, that separate overtures should be made to Ramraj, and presents sent to propitiate his friendship; observing, that small concessions would suffice to ensure his forbearance, as his own country, the Carnatic, was as yet by no means in a settled state, many of the dependent rays being still in revolt. In conclusion, he stated, that when free from the attacks of these two powers, Assud Khan would himself undertake the chastisement of Kootb Shah, and promised in a short time to recover all the places he had taken from Beejapoor.

Ibrahim Adil Shah acted according to this advice, and peace being concluded with Boorhan Nizam Shah and Ramraj, Assud Khan marched against Jumsheed Kootb Shah, and reduced the newly-erected fort of Kakny after a siege of three months, and levelled it with the ground. He then moved on towards Etgeer, of which place the enemy raised the siege on his approach, and not thinking it prudent to hazard an engagement, retreated to his own dominions. Assud Khan followed him closely to the walls of Golconda, when Jumsheed Kootb Shah halting gave him battle. On this occasion, the King of Golconda was defeated in a severe action, and received a sabre wound in his cheek from Assud Khan as they fought hand to hand, which disfigured him for life. Thus Assud Khan, after a glorious campaign, returned triumphant to Bee-japoor, where he was received by the King with honour, having fulfilled to the utmost all that he had promised.

Some time after this campaign, Boorhan Nizam Shah was instigated by Ramraj to march for the purpose of reducing Koolburga, and Ibrahim Adil Shah moved from Beejapoor to oppose him. On his arrival near the town of Hoorchean, the Bee-japoor troops found Boorhan Nizam Shah strongly posted on the opposite bank of the river Beema; and seeing it impossible to cross at that spot, Ibrahim Adil Shah encamped on the right bank. Both armies lay inactive during three months of the rains, in sight of each other, with the river between them. At length, Ibrahim Adil Shah, tired of delay, found means to cross, and a general action ensued, in which the army of Boorhan Nizam Shah was totally routed with heavy loss, leaving on the field of battle two hundred and fifty elephants, one hundred and seventy pieces of cannon, besides ammunition, waggons, and all the royal insignia and camp-equipage. Ibrahim Adil Shah, in this action, fought personally with the utmost bravery, and slew three antagonists with his own hand; but he had the generosity to attribute his victory solely to the conduct of Assud Khan, on whom he conferred several districts in addition to his jageer.

The King, elated by vain-glory, treated the ambassadors of Boorhan Nizam Shah who came to treat for peace in a contemptuous manner; and from this time he behaved tyrannically even towards his own subjects, putting to death some of his best officers, and severely punishing others on slight pretences, measures which occasioned great disaffection in his government. Boorhan Nizam Shah, taking advantage of these discontents, again made war on the King of Beejapoor, and defeated him in two engagements in the space of six months, on which occasions he took many elephants; and the Nizam Shahy troops committed such ravages as seemed to threaten the very existence of Ibrahim Adil Shah's power. The Beejapoor king, fancying his losses were occasioned by the disaffection of his officers and by the intrigues of the bramins at the head of civil affairs, caused forty Hindoos and seventy Mussulmans of rank to be put to death in the short space of two months, on vague suspicions. At last, numbers of the nobility, reduced to despair, formed a conspiracy to dethrone the King, and to raise his brother Abdoolla to the throne. Matters had gone far, when one of the conspirators, in hope of obtaining a considerable reward, betrayed the plot to Ibrahim, who put him to death with most of those against whom he had informed. His brother Abdoolla, with much difficulty, made his escape to Goa, where he was honourably received by the Portuguese, who afforded him protection. ^96a The King, enraged at his flight, punished all the bramins whose office it was to superintend the police with tortures, in the great square of Beejapoor, where they expired in excruciating agonies. At this time, also, renewing his suspicions of the fidelity of Assud Khan, the King conducted himself so, that the old minister was induced to withdraw for self-protection to his estates at Belgam, from whence he sent a confidential friend with an offering of nine elephants, nine horses, and many valuable curiosities, with the following letter to the King:—

“Why, ah! why, art thou thus estranged from “me? What have I done, what hast thou heard, “what hast thou seen in me?

“If I have committed a crime, let my head fall “beneath the stroke of the sabre; but it is neither “generous nor just to be incensed without cause.

“I know not the reason of this unkindness, nor “what can have occasioned such coldness.

“Whatever crimes interested persons have attri-“buted to my charge, I may have committed an “hundred times; but I know not their accusations; “and, like the wolf accused of destroying Yoosoof, “I am innocent, and condemned unseen or un-“heard. The language they attribute to me has “never passed my lips, nor have evil designs been “conceived in my mind.

“The reason of my delay in this fortress, and “of my absence from the court, is to avoid the “designs of my enemies, who daily misrepresent “the purity of my intentions, and the sincerity of “my attachment. They have already tainted my “character with the stain of disaffection, and have “made the peaceful recess of the King's heart “a cave of spleen, nay, of grief, and a recess of “burning fire. By accusing me of treachery, they “diminish the glow of cheerfulness on the part “of the King. They pollute, with the alloy of “suspicion, the pure gold of my loyalty, and dis-“solve thine heart in the tormenting crucible of ‘jealousy.

“If, however, the kindness of the King of “kings should, in compassion for my situation, “cause mine enemies to be put to shame, and “command my presence, I will, when the rains “are at an end, proceed to throw myself at the “foot of the throne: in one month will I hasten, “with joyful presents and offerings, to the royal “court.”

Ibrahim Adil Shah, moved by this letter, treated the family of Assud Khan, then at Beejapoor, with many marks of favour, and was about to permit them to join him at Belgam, when the rebellion of the Prince Abdoolla suddenly breaking out, his mistrust of the minister was renewed, and his favourable disposition towards him removed.

The Prince Abdoolla, having effected his escape to Goa from the harsh treatment of his brother, was induced, by the advice of many of the nobility of Beejapoor who attended him, to enter into a correspondence with Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ah-mudnuggur, and Jumsheed Kootb Shah of Golconda, in hopes of obtaining their assistance. These princes, seeing the distracted state of affairs at Beejapoor, and fully aware of the disgust of Assud Khan, promised their aid to place Abdoolla on the throne, and wrote to the Portuguese of Goa, that, owing to the cruelty and tyranny of Ibrahim Adil Shah, they foresaw that such troubles would soon break out in his government as he could by no means suppress; and it was, therefore, their wish, that the Prince Abdoolla might be sent to them, as they intended seating him on his brother's throne. The Portuguese agreed to support this project; but observed, they could only hope to succeed by the cordial co-operation of Assud Khan.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, on receipt of this answer, despatched one of his principal bramins to Assud Khan to prevail on him to join in the plan: but that faithful minister, starting with horror at the idea of disloyalty, told the bramin indignantly, that but for the laws of civilised nations, which respect the persons of ambassadors, he would put him to death; commanding him, as he regarded his safety, to depart instantly from the reach of his authority, lest indignation should get the better of his reason, and induce him to forget what was due to his character. The bramin returned with this message to Boorhan Nizam Shah; but the Portuguese, perceiving that all the powers of the Deccan, excepting Assud Khan, were united in support of the Prince Abdoolla, they marched with him from Goa, and he openly proclaimed himself King. Most of the nobility at the capital were about to desert Ibra-him Adil Shah, and go over to Abdoolla, when an event occurred which changed the face of affairs. Assud Khan was taken dangerously ill; and Boor-han Nizam Shah, supposing he might die, cast his eye on the fort of Belgam; and instead of marching direct to Beejapoor with Abdoolla, which would have insured the accession of that prince to the throne, he halted at Mirch, to prosecute his own designs; and deputing the same bramin, who had formerly gone to Belgam, with a vast sum of money, he was directed to employ it in corrupting the soldiers of the garrison to deliver the fort into his hands, in case of Assud Khan's death. The bramin had nearly succeeded in his commission when the plot being discovered by Assud Khan, he slew the spy, together with seventy of the soldiers whom he had already bribed. The nobles of Bee-japoor, on hearing of this event, became fully convinced that the old minister took no share in the pretensions of the Prince Abdoolla, and accordingly remained firm in their allegiance to Ibrahim Adil Shah, while the adherents of the Prince began to fall off daily.^100a

The disorder of Assud Khan continuing, and old age having rendered him too weak to contend against it, he prepared to meet death, and entreated Ibrahim Adil Shah to honour him with a farewell visit in the following verses:—

“Haste, like the morning breeze, to the bower “of friendship; come, like the graceful cypress, to “the garden.”

Mohurrum,
A. H. 956.
January,
A. D. 1549. Ibrahim thinking it advisable to comply with his request, marched, in the month of Mohurrum, 956, towards Bel-gam. After passing Hookery he received accounts of the minister's death; from whence the King pushed on, and arrived on the same night at Belgam, where he administered consolation to his mourning family and attendants, giving them assurances of his favour; but he attached, in the meanwhile, all Assud Khan's estates and treasures. In this state of affairs, the Portuguese marched back to Goa, accompanied by the Prince Abdoolla, while the other confederates also retreated to their own dominions.

Assud Khan was remarkable for his judgment and talents; and his administration of the government during the reign of Ismael Adil Shah has justly rendered his name celebrated in history. For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of all the noble and distinguished men of the Dec-can. He lived universally respected and esteemed, and maintained a splendour and magnificence suited to his high station. The sovereigns of Bee-januggur, and others, acknowledged his great abilities and influence, by frequently honouring him with letters, and propitiating him with valuable presents. His household servants, Georgians, Circassians, Hindoos, and Abyssinians, amounted to two hundred and fifty. He had sixty large elephants, and one hundred and fifty of a smaller size. In his stables were four hundred Arabian horses, exclusive of those of mixed breed, foaled in India. During his administration he had amassed great wealth. In his kitchen were every day expended one hundred maunds ^101a of rice, Dec-can weight, fifty sheep, and one hundred fowls; from which some notion may be formed of the expenditure of other articles. He first introduced the fashion of wearing the waistband of gold cloth, and the dagger, which have been ever since assumed by persons of rank in this country. He also attempted to ride elephants with bridles, instead of managing them with the kujjuk, or goad; but as those animals have frequently sudden starts of vice, this mode of guiding them was not found to answer. Ibrahim Adil Shah, agreeably to his last will, gave the daughter of Assud Khan (Mah-tab Beeby) in marriage to Ally Bereed Shah, with whom he sought an alliance.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, soon after the death of Assud Khan, deputed ambassadors to Ramraj with presents, and professions of regard were interchanged between the Princes. On learning this circumstance, Ibrahim Adil Shah treated the ambassadors of the latter, who were with him at Beejapoor, with such marked neglect that they became alarmed, and retired abruptly, without taking leave, to Beejanuggur, where they communicated to Ramraj, that Ibrahim Adil Shah, out of resentment of his alliance with Boorhan Nizam Shah (had they not made their escape), would probably have put them to death. Ram-raj was much incensed; and in order to involve Ibrahim Adil Shah in war with the King of Ah-mudnuggur, he wrote to that prince, recommending him to attack Kulliany, belonging to Ally Bereed, the ally of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, accordingly, moved from Ahmudnuggur with an army, and surrounding Kul-liany, effectually blockaded it. Ibrahim Adil Shah, at the request of Ally Bereed, marched to relieve it; and encamping within sight of the enemy, threw up an entrenchment around his army, not choosing to risk a battle on the plain. Boorhan Nizam Shah, unwilling to raise the siege, also fortified his camp. In this state of affairs, Ibra-him Adil Shah ordered his Bergy ^103a officers, who were expert light troops, to occupy the roads, and prevent supplies of grain and forage reaching the enemy. These orders were so implicitly obeyed, that a famine soon prevailed in the camp of Boor-han Nizam Shah, so that in the month of Ram-zan†, ^103b the King and his army, true believers, and Hindoos, all fasted alike, from absolute necessity. Boorhan Nizam Shah, in this distress, consulted his generals; some of whom proposed to raise the siege, and retreat to Ahmudnuggur; while others recommended him to make peace with Ibrahim Adil Shah. Shah Jafur and Kasim Beg (two foreign chiefs) dissented from both these opinions, and strongly advised offering battle to the enemy; a resolution which Boorhan Nizam Shah determined to adopt. Accordingly Seif-ood-Deen Ein-ool-Moolk, with other chiefs, at daylight on the morning of the dissolution of the fast, surprised the camp of Ibrahim Adil Shah, whose troops were off their guard, and employed in preparing for the festival. The King, who was then in the warm bath, had scarcely time to make his escape; and his troops fled in such confusion, that all the tents, baggage, and artillery, were left in possession of the victors. Boorhan Nizam Shah, elated by his success, directed an assault to be made on the fort of Kulliany on the same day; and the garrison, intimidated by the defeat of their ally, laid down their arms, and surrendered the place without opposition.

Ibrahim Adil Shah was by no means disheartened by this affair; and in order to save his own territory from devastation he invaded that of the enemy. He came suddenly before Purenda, and finding the gates open, rushed with a body of troops into the fortress, which submitted, and was given over in charge to one of his Deccany officers. From thence he proceeded to lay waste the neighbouring districts; and after having levied considerable contributions, he retreated, on the approach of Boorhan Nizam Shah, towards Beeja-poor. Boorhan Nizam Shah proceeded to recover Purenda. Before he arrived within many miles, the dastardly governor, being alarmed, fled by night, without communicating his design to his followers, and on the next morning they imitated the example of their chief. The third day after this the evacuated fortress was quietly taken possession of by its former master.

Ibrahim Adil Shah put to death the Deccany chief on his arrival at Beejapoor, and began to make preparations for retaking the fort of Kulliany. Boorhan Nizam Shah, on receiving intimation of this design, sent ambassadors to Ramraj, who agreed to meet him near Rachore, in order to concert a plan of operations for the ensuing year. Ramraj accordingly moved with a considerable force to

A. H. 959.
A. D. 1551.

that place in the year 959, when it was resolved that the forts of Moodkul and Rachore should be conquered for Ram-raj, and that he should aid in reducing the city and dependencies of Sholapoor. The allies took Ra-chore, and on its falling into their hands the garrison of Moodkul also surrendered without opposition; and Ramraj having left his younger brother, Venka-tadry, with an army, to assist Boorhan Nizam Shah, returned to Beejanuggur. Boorhan Nizam Shah took Sholapoor in a short time, and having strengthened it, returned to Ahmudnuggur.

Some time after, Boorhan Nizam Shah dying, peace was concluded between his successor Hoos-sein Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Adil Shah. The two kings had a friendly meeting on their borders, and parted much pleased with each other; but this good understanding did not last long. Khwaja Jehan Deccany, ^105a who had fled to avoid the resentment of his sovereign, Hoossein Nizam Shah, coming to Beejapoor, inspired Ibrahim Adil Shah with hopes of retaking Sholapoor; and for this purpose Ibrahim Adil Shah concluded a treaty with Ramraj, and invited into his service Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, commander-in-chief of the army of the late Boor-han Nizam Shah, who had taken refuge in Berar from the oppression of the present sovereign. These overtures were accepted by that distinguished chieftain; and the King of Beejapoor conferred on him high titles, with considerable estates, and an immediate present of money. By his advice Ibrahim Adil Shah soon after espoused the cause of the Prince Ally, son of Boorhan Nizam Shah, who had taken refuge at his court. It was agreed between them, that on Ally Nizam Shah being seated on the throne of Ahmudnuggur, the forts of Kulliany and Sholapoor should be surrendered to the King of Beejapoor. In order to effect these objects, the Prince Ally, accompanied by the body of two thousand horse which had come with him from Ahmudnuggur, marched to the frontier for the purpose of drawing over the nobles of that kingdom to his cause; but in this attempt he met with little success: and Hoossein Nizam Shah having put his army in motion, Ibrahim Adil Shah marched from Beejapoor to support the Prince Ally, having previously distributed large sums among his troops.

Both armies met on the plains of Sholapoor, and drew up to engage. Ibrahim Adil Shah gave the command of his right wing to Seif Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany and Ankoos Khan, and that of the left to Noor Khan and Imad-ool-Moolk, himself taking post with the household troops in the centre. The hirawul, or advanced picquet, was commanded by Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, who pushed on from the line, and began the action with great impetuosity; Ibrahim Adil Shah, disapproving of his separation so far from the main body, directed that the picquet should remain nearer the line, in order the sooner to receive support, if necessary. The general returned for answer, that his Majesty's observation was very just; but that as he had advanced so far, to return would only give spirits to the enemy. Having sent this message, he went on, and seized the enemy's cannon, which he spiked, and drove their picquets back on their main body. Here, however, he was resolutely opposed by Hoossein Nizam Shah, who commanded in person, notwithstanding which the Nizam Shahy army began to give way, and must inevitably have been defeated, had the gallantry of Seif Ein-ool-Moolk met with proper support. At this crisis, several Nizam Shahy chiefs, who had been engaged on the left, advanced to the assistance of their sovereign, and almost surrounded Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, whose division was thrown into temporary confusion; but still seeing the standards of Ibrahim Adil Shah, though at a distance, he, as was his custom on desperate occasions, dismounted from his horse, resolved to conquer or die. Some of the troops, on seeing him dismount, told the King that Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, having gone over to the enemy, had just alighted to pay his respects to Hoossein Nizam Shah. Ibra-him Adil Shah, who from the first entertained suspicions of his fidelity, was now confirmed in them, and fled from the field without halting, till he reached Beejapoor. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, finding the King had fled, nobly fought his way through the enemy with great loss; and upon his arrival at the capital, sent word, respectfully, to his master, that he had lost all his baggage, and was without tents or any covering for himself or his miserable followers; he begged, therefore, an advance of cash, to enable him to repair his losses, and appear at court according to his rank and station. The King, who was persuaded his defeat originated in the first disobedience of his orders for the picquets to fall back, replied, that he wanted no such insubordinate and obstinate servants, and that he might provide for himself wherever he could. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, who could not accuse himself of any crime, was overwhelmed with astonishment, and sent another message to represent that he had served the King at the risk of his life with unshaken fidelity, and had sacrificed five hundred brave relations and friends in the battle; and that in his present miserable situation he could not move. He stated he had no other refuge but the King's threshold; and that having quitted his place of refuge at his invitation, he could not repair to any other court. The King conceiving the latter part of Ein-ool-Moolk's message to reflect on himself, ordered the bearer of it to be beaten, and turned out of his presence.

Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, despairing of redress, had recourse to the advice of his friends how to proceed; and they recommended his going to his jageers, and raising the collections of the autumn harvest, then just ripe, after which, should the King send a force to expel him, he might retire wherever he should see best. This plan he accordingly adopted; and having marched from Beejapoor to Man-Dese, ^108a collected the revenues, and divided them among his troops. Ibrahim Adil Shah sent one of his officers with five thousand horse to expel Ein-ool-Moolk from the country, but the royalists were defeated; and the chief, thus urged into revolt, growing bolder by success, collected the revenues of many disricts, such as Walwa, Mirch, and others. The King now detached against him ten thousand horse and foot, under command of Neeaz Koolly Beg and Dilawur Khan Hubshy. These troops were also defeated; and so many elephants and horses, with such a quantity of valuable baggage, fell into the hands of Ein-ool-Moolk, that he began seriously to think of establishing himself in the country as an independent chief, with which view he levied additional troops.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, at length thought it necessary to take the field in person, at the head of five thousand chosen horse, three thousand foot, and a train of artillery. Ein-ool-Moolk encamped on the river Man, and the King arrived, and halted some days on the opposite bank without attacking him. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk could not make up his mind to retreat, and resolved not to quit the country without fighting. For three days successively he advanced towards the King's camp, as if to engage, but as often returned; the royal army remaining under arms on each occasion from dawn till sunset, expecting the attack. On the fourth day, Ein-ool-Moolk put his troops again in motion; but the King supposing that his design was only to parade, as on the preceding days, neglected to make preparations for his reception, the common guards of the camp only getting under arms. At length the enemy's standard appearing in sight, Ibrahim Adil Shah marshalled his troops in great haste, and moved out of the camp to give battle. Ein-ool-Moolk, averse from engaging the King in person, consulted with his friends; observing, that it was treason to fight against the royal standard; to which all assented except Moortuza Khan Anjoo, who remarked, that the standards did not fight, and there was no danger of shedding royal blood. Ein-ool-Moolk, satisfied with this casuistry, and finding it too late to hesitate, charged the royalists, and attacking the centre, where Ibrahim Adil Shah was posted, pressed on it so vigour-ously that it was soon thrown into disorder, and the King fled; upon which his whole line broke, and victory declared in favour of Ein-ool-Moolk, who seized the royal canopy, elephants, and artillery, besides all the tents and baggage. The King shut himself up in the citadel of Beejapoor; and so great was the alarm of the people of the town, that the ruin of the royal family was pronounced to be inevitable. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, following up his success, appeared before Beejapoor, where he for several days assaulted various parts of the city, and endeavoured to cut off the supplies.

In this exigency, Ibrahim Adil Shah applied to the Hindoo prince Ramraj for assistance, sending him a present of 1,200,000 hoons; ^110a upon which he despatched his brother Venkatadry, with a considerable force, to expel the enemy. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, in imitation of Assud Khan, thought to surprise the infidel's camp; but Venkatadry having intelligence of his designs, ordered his troops to be on their guard, and having procured long faggots, with cloths steeped in oil bound round one end of each, commanded his followers, upon the alarm being given, to light them, and, holding them up as high as possible, afford the troops a full sight of the enemy. Ein-ool-Moolk, in prosecution of his intentions, having one night chosen two thousand men for the purpose, marched, accompanied by Sulabut Khan, to the enemy's camp, which he was allowed to enter unmolested; but upon the preconcerted signal being given, all the brands were instantly lighted up, and Venkatadry, who was fully prepared, fell upon the enemy with such success, that above five hundred of them were slain before the detachment could clear the camp. Ein-ool-Moolk and Sulabut Khan with the greatest difficulty made their escape; and losing the road through the darkness of the night, a report spread through his camp on the return of some of the fugitives that Ein-ool-Moolk was killed. The troops became panic-struck at their situation, and separating in all directions during the night, fled to different quarters. Ein-ool-Moolk and Sulabut Khan, with two hundred horse, about daylight arriving at their ground, and seeing it deserted, fled by the route of Man-Dese to the dominions of Hoossein Nizam Shah, where they sought protection, but were basely assassinated by his treachery, the particulars of which will appear in their proper place, in the history of that dynasty.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, soon after the restoration of his affairs, having long abandoned himself to hard drinking, and to promiscuous intercourse with women of bad character, was afflicted with a complication of disorders. During his illness, he put to death several physicians who failed in curing him, beheading some, and causing others to be trodden to death by elephants, so that all the surviving medical practitioners, becoming alarmed, fled from his dominions. At length, deserted by his physi-

A. H. 965.
A. D. 1557.

cians, he departed this life in the year 965, and was buried at Gogy, near his father and grandfather, after a reign of twenty-four years and some months. He left behind him two sons and two daughters.

Account of his early life — embraces the Sheea persuasion — engages the Raja of Beejanuggur to assist him in the war against the King of Ahmudnuggur. — After a successful campaign, Ally Adil Shah consents to accept of terms of peace. — The war renewed by the King of Ahmudnuggur in conjunction with the King of Golconda. — Ally Adil Shah and the Raja of Beejanuggur again take the field. — Peace concluded. — The Mahomedan kings of the Deccan unite against the Raja of Beejanuggur, who is slain in the battle of Talikote, and part of his kingdom wrested from his family. — Exertions made by Ally Adil Shah to occupy the dominions of Beeja-nuggur partially frustrated by the jealousy of the King of Ahmudnuggur. — Many Hindoo chiefs on the south rendered tributary. — The King marches against the surviving member of the house of Beejanuggur. — His Hindoo cavalry desert Ally Adil Shah, and act against him, which compels him to retreat — he cuts off the Hindoo officers by treachery — his death.

ALLY ADIL SHAH, from his childhood, was remarkable for his ready wit and various accomplishments. While yet a youth, his father Ibrahim, one day in his presence, praised God who had given him grace to abandon the heretical precepts of his father and grandfather, and embrace the orthodox religion. The Prince humorously remarked, that as his Majesty had thought proper to depart from the faith of his parents, it was incumbent upon all good children to follow so excellent an example. The King, displeased at this sarcasm, asked him what sect he admired; to which he replied, that at present he was of the same opinion with his Majesty, but hereafter God must direct him. Ibrahim Adil Shah, from this answer, conceiving him to be inclined to the Sheea persuasion, disgraced his preceptor Khwaja Inayut Oolla Shirazy, and in a few days after put him to death, in conformity with the sentence passed on him by the Soony doctors at Beejapoor; and Moolla Futteh Oolla Shirazy was nominated preceptor to the Prince in his stead. This learned man was also secretly a Sheea, though for his own safety he outwardly professed the doctrines of Mahomed Huneef, and was much beloved by his pupil. Not long after this event, a party of the nobility having entered into the schemes of Boorhan Nizam Shah, proposed, by bribing the clerk of the kitchen, to poison Ibrahim Adil Shah, after which it was intended to raise his brother Abdoolla to the throne, and to restore the public exercise of the Sheea worship. The clerk of the kitchen, who had at first favoured the design, no sooner heard that the intention was to change the form of religion of which he was a strict follower, than he revealed the plot to the King, who put all the conspirators to death; but the Prince Abdoolla escaped to the port of Goa. Ibrahim Adil Shah, from this moment, became suspicious of his son Ally, and sent him with his tutor to the fortress of Mirch, giving strict orders to the governor, Si-kundur Khan, to watch him closely, and to prevent any persons of the Sheea persuasion from approaching his person, or allowing their doctrines to be mentioned in his presence. It happened, however, that the governor and his son-in-law, Kamil Khan Deccany, were privately of the Sheea sect, so that, instead of observing the orders of the King, they attached themselves to the Prince, and endeavoured to acquire his good will by granting him every indulgence. When Ibrahim Adil Shah was taken ill, and his end appeared nigh, the Prince frequently ascended the pulpit in a mosque, and read the prayers after the ritual of the Sheeas, and sometimes Kamil Khan himself officiated. This behaviour coming to the King's knowledge, he resolved to nominate his younger son Tahmasp to be his successor; but learning that he was by far a more zealous Sheea than his brother, he became incensed against him, and committed him to confinement in the fortress of Belgam. He then said he must leave the succession to be determined by the decrees of Providence, and to the ministers of the government, who might elect either of the princes they chose for their sovereign after his death.

When the life of Ibrahim Adil Shah was des-spaired of, Mahomed Kishwur Khan, governor of the districts of Hookery, Belgam, and Raybagh, who possessed great wealth and influence in the state, moved towards the fort of Mirch, representing to Sikundur Khan, who commanded the latter place, that as the King's end was approaching, it was probable that many officers of the court and jageerdars would embrace the cause of the Prince Tahmasp, and raise dissensions in the state; that, therefore, it would be as well to prepare the royal insignia for the Prince Ally immediately, and at once to encamp near the walls of Mirch, in order that people might join his standard, and be able to move to Beejapoor without delay, on the death of the King. Sikundur Khan, accordingly, invested the Prince with the insignia of royalty, and sent his son-in-law, Kamil Khan, to attend him out of the fort. Ally was immediately joined by Kishwur Khan, who presented him with a large sum of money; and that chief in return was honoured with a dress, and received the office of commander-in-chief, while Kamil Khan Dec-cany was raised to the rank of a noble. The news of the Prince's proceedings spreading abroad, the King's troops repaired to his standard from various quarters; and many of the officers of the court, together with the body-guard, quitted Beejapoor, and hastened to pay their respects. Upon the death of Ibrahim Adil Shah, Ally, without delay, moved towards the capital, and was met on the route by all the members of the court with the regal insignia of his father, which they laid at the feet of the new sovereign; and on arriving within two miles of the city Ally Adil Shah ascended the throne in the garden of Kishwur Khan. All the syuds and learned men prayed for the prosperity of his reign, and the nobles and other officers of government, raising their voices in congratulation, presented offerings. The King gave orders for a town to be erected near the place, to commemorate his accession; which was soon built, and called Shahpoor. Of his disposition towards the Sheea religion he gave immediate proofs, by issuing orders for the Khootba to be read throughout his dominions in the names of the Imams, as in the reign of his grandfather; at the same time, he ordered forty persons to be employed in his train as criers, to utter curses against the Sahiba, agreeably to a ceremony adopted by those of the Sheea persuasion; so that curses were uttered in the mosques, at the public audiences, and in the King's presence whenever he appeared abroad. Justice is a treasure which increases by expenditure, and an edifice which fire cannot burn, nor the engines of vicissitude destroy: the King, by his strict attention to this virtue, became entitled to rank among the most upright of monarchs, paying such scrupulous attention to the rights of his subjects, that the revenues of his dominions were increased, and the limits of his kingdom greatly extended.

In the first year of his reign, being desirous of recovering the forts of Kulliany and Sholapoor, which had fallen into the hands of Hoossein Nizam Shah, the King, without waiting for the customary compliment of receiving ambassadors from the surrounding powers, to congratulate him on his accession, despatched Kishwur Khan and Shah Aboo Toorab Shirazy to negotiate a treaty of alliance with Ramraj ^117a at Beejanuggur; at the same time he sent Mahomed Hoossein Sadicky for the same purpose to Ahmudnuggur. Ramraj received the ambassadors with proper honours, and sent back one of his confidential officers with Kishwur Khan, to congratulate the King on his accession; but Hoossein Nizam Shah, jealous of the designs of Ally Adil Shah against Sholapoor, did not evince proper respect to his embassy, nor send any in return, but gave strong indications of decided enmity. Ally Adil Shah, intent on adding to his dominions, and repairing the losses sustained by his father, entered into a close alliance with Ramraj; and on the occasion of the death of a son of that Prince, he had the boldness, attended only by one hundred horse, to go to Beejanuggur, to offer his condolence in person on that melancholy occasion. Ramraj received him with the greatest respect, and the King, with the kindest persuasions, prevailed upon him to lay aside his mourning. The wife of Ramraj, on this occasion, adopted the King as her son, and at the end of three days, which were spent in an interchange of friendly professions and presents, Ally Adil Shah took his leave; but as Ramraj did not attend him out of the city he was offended, and treasured up the affront in his mind, though too prudent, for the present, to evince any signs of his displeasure.^118a

Ally Adil Shah's enmity towards Hoossein Nizam Shah daily increasing, he intimated to him, by a message sent through Shah Hoossein Anjoo, that it was clear to the whole world that the forts of Kul-liany and Sholapoor belonged to his family by ancient right, though, owing to the misfortunes of his father, they had passed into the hands of the Nizam Shahy government, but that now he hoped they would both be restored, or, at all events, the former. Shah Hoossein Anjoo failed in every argument in prevailing on Hoossein Nizam Shah to give up either place; and Ally Adil Shah sent another ambassador to Ahmudnuggur, representing that passion and obstinacy in the discussion of political questions of such importance did not become great kings; and that to prevent ill consequences, he trusted Hoossein Nizam Shah would see the justice of giving up the forts, when the friendship between their states would increase; but if not, he might expect the march of an army into his dominions, which should be laid waste without mercy.

Hoossein Nizam Shah, inflamed by this message, sent back a reply so indecent as to be unfit to relate; which increased the anger of Ally Adil Shah to such a degree, that changing the colour of his canopy and standard from yellow to green, the colour of Hoossein Nizam Shah, by way of defiance (according to the custom of the Deccan), challenged him to come and reclaim his honour.

A. H. 966.
A. D. 1558. In the year 966, Ally Adil Shah having invited Ramraj to join him, those two monarchs invaded the territory of Hoossein Nizam Shah, and laid it waste so thoroughly, that from Purenda to Joonere, and from Ahmudnuggur to Dowlutabad, not a vestige of population was left. The infidels of Beeja-nuggur, who for many years had been wishing for such an opportunity, left no cruelty unpractised. They insulted the honour of the Mussulman women, destroyed the mosques, and did not respect even the sacred Koran. Hoossein Nizam Shah, by the advice of Kasim Beg Hukeem, Shah Jafur, and other ministers, declining any opposition in the field, retired to Peitun, and after some time purchased peace by giving up Kulliany to Ally Adil Shah; but the enemy had no sooner retired than he entered into an alliance with Ibra-him Kootb Shah, and marched in conjunction with him to retake the fort he had just surrendered. Ally Adil Shah, on receiving intelligence of this league, again despatched Kishwur Khan and Aboo Toorab to Beejanuggur, to solicit aid from Ramraj; and also invited Ally Bereed Shah to enter into the same confederacy. Ramraj, who knew the character of the King, judging that should he refuse his assistance he would make peace with the Mussulman powers, and attempt the recovery of Moodkul and Rachore, marched to join him with fifty thousand horse and a great army of foot. The allies met on the banks of the Krishna, and moved immediately towards Kulliany, which was then besieged by the Nizam Shahy and Kootb Shahy forces.

Ibrahim Kootb Shah, according to his usual mode of embracing the strongest party, quitted his ally, and came over suddenly to Ally Adil Shah; upon which Hoossein Nizam Shah, without delay, retreated to Ahmudnuggur. The allies followed him with the utmost expedition to that city, and he did not think it prudent to remain there, but having thrown a reinforcement and supplies into the citadel, retired to the town of Joonere. The three sovereigns laid siege to Ahmudnuggur, and sent detachments on all sides to lay waste the country. The Hindoos of Beejanuggur committed the most outrageous devastations, burning and rasing the buildings, putting up their horses in the mosques, and performing their abominable idolatrous worship in the holy places. The siege was pushed with the greatest vigour, but the garrison held out with resolution, hoping that at the approach of the monsoon the enemy would be necessitated to retire. In this they were not disappointed; for when the rains set in, the floods, the damp, and the want of provisions, caused the utmost distress to prevail in the camp. At the same time, also, Ibrahim Kootb Shah maintained a secret correspondence with the besieged, to whom he privately sent in grain. Ally Adil Shah, suspecting the causes of the obstinacy of the besieged, and, probably, scandalised by the behaviour of his Hindoo allies, persuaded Ramraj to raise the siege, and to march against Sholapoor. Upon their arrival within some miles of that fortress, Kishwur Khan, seeing the danger of the aggrandisement of the Hindoo prince, represented to Ally Adil Shah, that if the fort of Sholapoor should fall, Ramraj would most probably keep it for himself, and extend his views to the neighbouring countries; it seemed, therefore, advisable to endeavour to reduce the fort of Nuldroog, and to leave the reduction of Sholapoor to a more convenient time, when there would be no apprehension of any rivalry for its possession. Ally Adil Shah, approving this advice, persuaded Ramraj to alter his views, and move to the place where Raja Nul had formerly erected a strong fortress. Here, after throwing up an extensive work of stone, the allies took leave of each other, and returned to their several dominions.

In the first expedition, when Ally Adil Shah had invited Ramraj to his assistance, the Hindoos committed great outrages at Ahmudnuggur, and omitted no mark of disrespect to the religion of the faithful, singing and performing their abominations and superstitious worship in the very mosques. The King was then much offended; but as he had not the means of preventing it he pretended not to observe it. In the conclusion of this campaign, Ram-raj, looking with contempt on the Islam monarchs, and regarding them as of little consequence, refused to pay proper honours to the officers sent to communicate with him. When he admitted them to his presence, he did not permit them even to sit, and treated them with the utmost contempt and haughtiness. He made them attend when in public in his train on foot, not allowing them to mount till he gave orders; and on the return from the last expedition to Nuldroog, the officers and soldiers of his army, in general, treated the Mussulmans with direct insolence, making use of contemptuous language to them. Ramraj, after taking leave, casting an evil eye on the countries of Kootb Shah and Adil Shah, despatched armies to the frontiers of each, and Ally Adil Shah was compelled to purchase his forbearance by ceding the districts of Etgeer and Bagrakote; and Ibrahim Kootb Shah, to obtain the same end, resigned Kowilconda, Pan-gul, and Guntoor.

Ramraj daily continuing to encroach on the dominions of the Mussulmans, Ally Adil Shah resolved to curb his insolence and reduce his power by a league of the faithful against him; for which purpose he convened an assembly of his friends and confidential advisers. Kishwur Khan Lary and Shah Aboo Toorab Shirazy, whose abilities had often been experienced, represented, that the King's desire to humble the pride of the Ray of Beejanuggur was undoubtedly meritorious and highly politic, but could never be effected unless by the union of all the Mahomedan kings of the Dec-can, as the revenues of Ramraj, collected from sixty ^123a seaports and numerous flourishing cities and districts, amounted to an immense sum; which enabled him to maintain a force, against which no single king of the Mussulmans could hope to contend with the smallest prospect of success. Ally Adil Shah commanded Kishwur Khan to take measures to effect the object of a general league; and an ambassador was accordingly despatched without delay to sound Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and to open to him, if prudent, the designed plan.

Ibrahim Kootb Shah, who had been inwardly stung with indignation at the haughty insolence and the usurpations of Ramraj, eagerly acceded to the proposed alliance, and offered to mediate a union between Ally Adil Shah and Hoossein Nizam Shah, and even promised to obtain for the former the fort of Sholapoor, which had been the original cause of their disagreement. With this view Ibrahim Kootb Shah despatched Moostufa Khan Ardistany, the most intelligent nobleman of his court, to Ally Adil Shah, with orders, if he should find him still sincere in his intentions towards the league, to proceed from thence to Ah-mudnuggur, and conclude the alliance. Moostufa Khan, on his arrival at Beejapoor, fully perceiving that the object of the alliance was for the sake of prosecuting war against the infidels, departed for Ahmudnuggur, and laid the subject before Hoossein Nizam Shah. He reminded him, that during the times of the Bahmuny princes the whole strength of the Mussulman power was united under one king, which maintained the balance against the force of the Ray of Beejanuggur; that now, though the Mussulman dominion was divided, yet policy required that all the princes of the faithful should unite in restraining the increasing power of their common enemy. He observed, that the authority of the Ray of Beejanuggur, who had reduced all the rajas of the Carnatic to his yoke, required to be checked, and that his influence should be removed from the countries of Islam, in order that the people of their several dominions, who should be considered as being committed by the Almighty to their care, might repose in safety from the oppressions of unbelievers, and their mosques and holy places no longer be subject to pollution from infidels.

These remarks had their full effect upon Hoos-sein Nizam Shah, who, pleased with the communication of Moostufa Khan, treated him with unreserved confidence, so that he had every opportunity he could wish of promoting the object of his mission. After some days it was agreed, that Hoossein Nizam Shah should give his daughter Chand Beeby in marriage to Ally Adil Shah, with the fortress of Sholapoor as her dowry; and that he should receive the sister of that Prince, named Huddeea Sooltana, as a consort for his eldest son Mooturza; that a treaty of eternal friendship should be entered on between both states, and that they should unite sincerely to reduce the power of Ramraj; for which purpose it was resolved to march against him at the earliest practicable period. These points being settled, Moolla Inayut Oolla accompanied Moostufa Khan as ambassador on his return to Beejapoor; on which occasion the political treaties and marriage agreements were drawn out, and mutually confirmed by the most solemn oaths. It was agreed, also, that on the same day, nuptial rejoicings and festivals should be held at Beejapoor and Ahmud-nuggur, and the two princesses be sent to their separate courts. Hoossein Nizam Shah, Ally Adil Shah, Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and Ally Bereed Shah, now began to make active preparations for the campaign against Ramraj.

Ally Adil Shah, preparatory to declaring war, and in order to afford himself a pretence for breaking with Ramraj, despatched an ambassador to his court, demanding restitution of Etgeer, Ba-grakote, Rachore, and Moodkul, which had at different times been wrested from him. Ramraj, as was expected, expelled the ambassador with disgrace from his court; and the united sovereigns made this circumstance a plea for hastening their preparations to crush the common enemy of Islam. In the

Jumad-ool-
Awul 20.
A. H. 972.
Dec. 26.
A. D. 1564.

year 972, the four princes, at the head of their respective armies, met on the plains of Beejapoor, and on the 20th of Jumad-ool-Awul of the same year marched from that neighbourhood. After some days they arrived at Talikote, ^126a and the armies encamped near the banks of the Krishna; where, as the country on the north bank belonged to Ally Adil Shah, he entertained his allies with great splendour, and sent strict orders to all the governors of his dominions to forward supplies of provisions from their districts regularly to the camp.

Ramraj, though he saw this formidable union of the Mussulmans against him, did not descend in the least from his former haughty language, but treated the Mahomedan ambassadors with scorn, regarding their enmity as of little moment. In the first instance he detached his youngest brother Yeltumraj, with twenty thousand cavalry, five hundred elephants, and one hundred thousand foot, to occupy the right bank of the Krishna, and secure all the passages of the river. He also sent his second brother Venkatadry with another equally large army, himself following by slow marches with the whole power of his dominions. The allies, finding that all the known ferries and fords were thus pre-occupied by the enemy, despatched spies to explore the river, in hopes of finding some place at which they might be able to cross their troops: it was at length fully ascertained that the only safe passage for the army was directly in the enemy's front, which was in his possession, and who had constructed field-fortifications, strengthened by cannon and fire-works, on the opposite bank. On obtaining this information the allies held a council, when it was determined that they should march to another part of the river, as if with the intention to cross, in hopes that the enemy might be induced to quit his position and follow, when the Mahomedans might return suddenly, and throw part of the army across at the desired ford without interruption. Agreeably to this plan, the army of Islam moved on the next morning, and continued to march for three days successively, which completely deceived the enemy, who quitted all his posts, and manœuvred along the opposite bank of the river. The allies, on the third night, suddenly struck their camp, and moved with such rapidity, that during the next day, they gained the ford which the enemy had deserted, and crossed the river without opposition. On the next morning they made a forward movement to within ten miles of the camp of Ramraj; who, though somewhat astonished at their activity, was by no means dismayed, but commanded his brothers to fall back and join him. The allies now drew up their army in order of battle. The right wing was intrusted to Ally Adil Shah, the left to Ally Bereed Shah and Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and the centre to Hoossein Nizam Shah. The artillery, fastened together by strong chains and ropes, was drawn up in front of the line, and the war elephants were placed in various positions, agreeable to custom. Each prince erected his particular standard in the centre of his own army, and the allies moved in close order against the enemy.

Ramraj intrusted his right wing to his brother Yeltumraj, to oppose Kootb Shah, and his left wing to his other brother Venkatadry, against Ally Adil Shah, while he himself commanded the centre. Two thousand war elephants and one thousand pieces of cannon were placed at different intervals of his line. About noon, Ramraj mounted a sing'-hâsun , ^128a in spite of the remonstrances of his officers who wished him to be on horseback, as much safer; but he said, there was no occasion for taking precaution against children, who would certainly fly on the first charge. Both armies being in motion soon came to battle, and the infidels began the attack by vast flights of rockets ^129a and rapid discharges of artillery, which did not discourage the allies. On this, the action became general, and many were slain on both sides. Ramraj, experiencing a very different reception to what he expected, descended from his sing'hâsun, and seating himself on a rich throne set with jewels, under a canopy of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold and adorned with fringes of pearls, caused his treasurer to place heaps of money around him, that he might confer rewards on such of his soldiers as merited the distinction; rich ornaments of gold and jewels were also placed before him for the same purpose. The infidels, inspired by the generosity of their prince, charged the right and left of the allies with such vigour, that they were thrown into temporary disorder; and Ally Adil Shah and Ibrahim Kootb Shah began to despair of victory, and even to prepare for retreat. Hoossein Nizam Shah, however, remained firm in the centre, and pushed on so ardently, that the division of Ram-raj was thrown into confusion, on which the Ray, although seventy years of age, again mounted his sing'hâsun, which was soon after abandoned by the bearers on the approach of a furious elephant belonging to Hoossein Nizam Shah; and before he had time to recover himself and mount a horse, a party of the allies took him prisoner, and conducted him to Chuleby Roomy Khan, commanding the artillery. This officer brought him before Hoossein Nizam Shah, who ordered his head to be instantly struck off, and caused it to be placed on the point of a long spear, that his death might be thus announced to the enemy. ^130a The Hindoos, according to custom, when they saw their chief destroyed, fled in the utmost disorder from the field, and were pursued by the allies with such success, that the river was dyed red with their blood. It is computed, by the best authorities, that above one hundred thousand infidels were slain during the action and in the pursuit. The plunder was so great, that every private man in the allied army became rich in gold, jewels, tents, arms, horses, and slaves, the kings permitting every person to retain what he acquired, reserving the elephants only for their own use.† ^130b Letters with accounts of this important victory were despatched to their several dominions, and to the neighbouring states, while the kings themselves, shortly after the battle, marched onwards into the country of Ramraj, as far as Anagoondy; ^131a and the advanced troops penetrated to Beejanuggur, which they plundered, rased the chief buildings to the ground, and committed every species of excess. When the allies had destroyed all the country around, Venkatadry, who escaped from the battle to a distant fortress, sent humble entreaties to the kings, to whom he agreed to restore all the places which his brother had wrested from them; and the victors being satisfied, took leave of each other at Rachore, and returned to their respective dominions. The kingdom of Beejanuggur since this battle has never recovered its ancient splendour; the city itself was so destroyed, that it is now totally in ruins and uninhabited; while the country has been seized on by the tributary chiefs, each of whom hath assumed an independent power in his own district.

Hoossein Nizam Shah dying not long after this event, was succeeded by his son Moortuza, then a minor. Ally Adil Shah, conceiving this a favourable opportunity of extending his dominions on the south, moved with an army to Anagoondy, in order to place Timraj, the son of Ramraj, on the musnud of Penkonda, and to depose Venkatadry; hoping, by degrees, to acquire for himself a portion of the territory of Beejanuggur. Venkatadry, informed of his designs, wrote both to Moortuza Nizam Shah and to his mother Khoonza Sooltana (who directed his affairs) for assistance. The Queen, unwilling to witness the aggrandisement of the King of Beejapoor, and acting by the advice of Moolla Inayut Oolla, took her son with her, and marched at the head of an army to Beejapoor; upon which, Ally Adil Shah was compelled to retreat expeditiously from Anagoondy, and return to protect his capital, before which he found the Ahmudnuggur army encamped. Frequent skirmishes took place between the two armies; when at length the Queen deemed it advisable to return with her son to Ahmudnuggur, without prosecuting hostilities any further.

The next year, at the request of the Queen-regent of Ahmudnuggur, Ally Adil Shah accompanied the army of Moortuza Nizam Shah to Berar, which they laid waste, and then returned on the approach of the rains to their capitals. This year the stone wall round Beejapoor was completed. In consequence of the mismanagement of the relatives of Khoonza Sooltana, the government of Moortuza Nizam Shah was much distracted, and Ally Adil Shah formed the project of adding some parts of its territory to his own. In furtherance of this project he presented Kumal Kishwur Khan with the standard of Assud Khan, on which was embroidered an angry lion; and

A. H. 975.
A. D. 1567.

in the beginning of the year 975 detached him, with a body of twenty thousand horse, to invade the Nizam Shahy territories. This general occupied some of the districts with little opposition; and in a short time after he constructed a fort for their defence, and named it Dharoor. Moortuza Nizam Shah, having now attained the age of manhood, wrested the authority out of the hands of his mother, and marched to recover his losses; on which Kishwur Khan shut himself up in the fort, which he had well stocked with stores and provisions, and prepared to sustain a siege. Ankoos Khan, and other chiefs, who had been sent to his support by Ally Adil Shah, whether from hatred of him, from dishonesty, or folly, chose to quit him, under pretence of drawing off the enemy's attention by plundering and laying waste the environs of Ahmudnuggur. Moortuza Nizam Shah, unaffected by this manœuvre, took an oath not to retire without reducing the fortress; and on reaching Dharoor, made an immediate assault, without any regular approaches, and succeeded, contrary to the expectations of his own troops, by the lucky accident of Kishwur Khan being killed by an arrow, as he was conducting the defence. After the death of their chief, his followers fled through a wicket out of the place, which fell into the hands of Moor-tuza Nizam Shah, with all the districts that had been wrested from him by the army of Ally Adil Shah. Khwaja Meeruk and Peer Khan Isfahany were immediately detached with a large force in pursuit of Ein-ool-Moolk, one of the Beejapoor officers, who had moved towards Ah-mudnuggur for the purpose of plunder; and overtaking him, a desperate action ensued, in which that chief was killed, the second in command, Noor Khan, taken prisoner, and the remains of Ally Adil Shah's army returned to Beejapoor with great difficulty.

A. H. 976.
A. D. 1568. In the following year Ally Adil Shah marched to Goa, in order to recover it out of the hands of the Europeans; but he retreated without effecting any object, after the loss of a vast number of his troops. ^134a He next moved against the fortress of Adony, which had hitherto resisted all the efforts of the Mahomedans. This fort was now in possession of one of the principal officers of the late Ramraj, who, on the death of his master, had assumed independence. Ankoos Khan was despatched on this service with eight thousand horse, a body of infantry, and a considerable train of artillery. Several indecisive actions were fought on the plain; till at length the chief shut himself up in the fortress, which, though well supplied with stores and provisions, yet, owing to the vigour with which Ankoos Khan carried on the siege, it submitted to his arms. Adony is situated on the summit of a high hill, and contains many ponds and fountains of clear and sweet water, with numerous princely structures. The rays of Beejanuggur, regarding it as impregnable, had all contributed to make it a convenient asylum for their families; and it was fortified with eleven walls, one within another, so that it appeared impossible to reduce it by force; and nothing but the close and the long blockade of Ankoos Khan could have effected that object.

This acquisition having added greatly to the military reputation of Ally Adil Shah, he resolved on prosecuting other conquests: prior to entering on which he judged it proper to have a meeting with Moortuza Nizam Shah, who, at his request, came to an interview on his borders; on which occasion it was agreed, that the latter should be allowed to occupy Berar, and that Ally Adil Shah should be permitted to conquer as much of the dependencies of Beejanuggur as he thought proper, without any interference on the part of Moortuza Nizam Shah.

A. H. 981.
A. D. 1573. In the year 981, Ally Adil Shah, accordingly, marched against the fortress of Toorkul, which he had lost during the invasions of Ramraj, after whose death it had fallen into the hands of Venkutty Yesoo Ray, an officer of the Beejapoor government, who had seized it for himself, and now, after a siege of seven months, surrendered himself prisoner, and was put to death by painful tortures. The King then moved to reduce Dharwar, one of the strongest of the forts in the Carnatic, and at that time in possession of one of the officers of the late Ramraj, who, though he paid annually a small tribute to Yeltumraj, had now acquired great power. By the ability of Moostufa Khan Ar-distany, who had been appointed prime minister, the fort was taken in six months; and when the surrounding country was perfectly reduced to order, Ally Adil Shah, at the persuasions of this minister, carried his arms against Bunkapoor. This place was the principal residence of Velapa Ray, who had been originally a principal attendant of Ramraj; after whose death he assumed independence, and had lately compelled the rays of Jerreh, ^136a Chundurgooty, and Karoor, to become his tributaries. Upon the approach of the Bejapoor army Velapa shut himself up in the fort, and detached his son, with a thousand horse and ten thousand foot, to occupy the woods and passes, in order to harass the enemy as opportunity offered, and to endeavour to cut off his resources. At the same time, he sent letters to Venkatadry, the brother of Ramraj, professing great contrition for his defection from him, and begging for assistance against the Mahomedans; in consideration of which he promised to pay annual tribute, and in future to continue firm to his allegiance. Venkatadry, in reply, wrote him, that by his wickedness and evil example most of the dependents on his house had become rebels, and departed from their duty, so that it was with difficulty he could support himself at Penkonda and Chundergeery, the only places which the kings of Islam had left him. He advised him, therefore, if money or jewels could purchase terms from the Mahomedans, to procure them on any conditions; but if he should find this impossible, he recommended him, by all means, to induce the neighbouring rajas to espouse his cause, and to prevail on them to join his son with their followers, in order to harass the Mus-sulmans, by cutting off their supplies, and by making frequent night attacks. He promised, moreover, to issue his orders to all his vassals to assist him, though he could not rely on their obedience.

Velapa Ray, by this answer, was reduced to despair, yet, in compliance with the advice it contained, he prevailed on some chiefs to join his son; who acted with such vigour, that grain became scarce in the King's camp, which was molested every night by bands of robbers and assassins, who did much execution. The infantry of the Car-natic , ^137a who value their lives but little, were quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent their being easily seized: thus prepared, they entered the tents at night and stabbed the soldiers, while sleeping, without mercy. Every night numbers were killed by them in this treacherous manner; and so great a dread and discontent prevailed among the troops, that they were near forcing the King to raise the siege. At length Moostufa Khan provided a remedy, both to ward off famine and to repel the nightly murderers. He detached the Bergy chiefs with six thousand horse against the enemy in the field, and stationed a chain of eight thousand foot round the camp every night. By this precaution the robbers became tired of making further attempts, as they found it impossible, if they once got within the lines, to escape with impunity. The Bergy chiefs performed their duty so well, that the communication with the country was again opened, and plenty restored to the camp. The siege, however, continued for one year and three months, when provisions in the garrison began to fail, and the son of Velapa Ray dying, all the feudal rajas who had attended him retired home. Velapa Ray, despairing of relief, at length sent offers for surrendering the fort to the King, on condition of being allowed to march away with his family and effects, which Ally Adil Shah thought proper to grant, and the place was evacuated accordingly. The King ordered a superb temple within it to be destroyed, and he himself laid the first stone of a mosque, which was built on the foundation, offering up prayers for his victory. Moostufa Khan acquired great credit for his conduct, and was honoured with a royal dress, and had many towns and districts of the conquered country conferred upon him in jageer. The King, who was much devoted to his pleasure, intrusted to the sole management of Moostufa Khan all affairs of state, and resigned to him his seal, with orders to use it as he pleased, without waiting for particular instructions.

Four months after the reduction of Bunkapoor, when the country was properly settled by the royal officers, and the different chiefs had submitted to pay tribute, Ally Adil Shah took up his residence in the fort, where he spent his time in a round of amusements, and detached Moostufa Khan, with twenty thousand horse and a considerable body of infantry and artillery, to reduce the forts of Jerreh and Chundurgooty. On the arrival of the minister at the former place, the Ray made offers of submission and tribute, which were accepted; and the army moved on, without molesting him, to Chun-durgooty, the Ray of which prepared to resist. Moostufa Khan laid siege to the fort, and detached the Bergy chiefs to oppose the rays who had come to its assistance. At the end of fourteen

A. H. 983.
A. D. 1575.

months the fort was carried by storm, in the year 983, and Ally Adil Shah came from Bunkapoor to visit it; where having continued three months, he returned in triumph to Beejapoor, after an absence of rather more than three years from his capital. Moostufa Khan remained at Chundurgooty to regulate the country, and the royal seal was left in his possession; while instructions were given to the heads of departments for all orders to be expedited by them from Beeja-poor for his approval.

The following year a petition came from Moos-tufa Khan, representing, that the ancient fortress of Chundurgooty was situated upon a lofty hill, and better calculated for defence than that now standing on the plain; so that he wished the King would come and view the old site, in order that, if he approved, it might be refortified. Ally Adil Shah, in compliance with his minister's request, went with a small train; and approving the plan submitted to him, ordered a fort to be constructed. It was finished in the space of one year, and the King came again from Beejapoor to view it. Shunkur Naik, having come to visit the King, invited him to make the tour of his country; and Ally Adil Shah, accepting the offer, left his army at Chundurgooty, and with Moostufa Khan and four or five thousand men, proceeded to the fortress of Karoor. This place is situated in a mountainous country, full of forests, and so difficult of access, that in most of the passes only one horseman can enter at a time. The King disliking the appearance of the country returned to Chundurgooty, leaving the Naik all his possessions; but Moostufa Khan, in order to make a merit of his master's generosity, told the Naik that it was with difficulty he had dissuaded him from reducing it; therefore, if he consulted his own safety, he would submit to pay tribute, and induce the surrounding rays to do the same. Shunkur Naik, by his representations, prevailed on Seeva Naik of Jerreh, the Rany of Barcelore, and several other chiefs, to pay their respects to the King, to whom they presented offerings of considerable amount, and agreed to pay annual tribute. On the day on which these chiefs received their dresses from the King, women's habits were prepared for Hur Devy, Bhar Devy, the Rany of Barcelore, and another rany, which they declined accepting, saying, that though women in sex, ^140a they held their dominions by the power of masculine minds; upon which the King gave them men's dresses, and applauded their high spirit. These countries have been long governed by women, the daughters always succeeding to the raj, and the men serving under them as officers: the husbands of the ranies have no power in the state.

Ally Adil Shah having settled his new conquests, appointed a bramin to superintend the revenue, and left Moostufa Khan commander-in-chief of the whole, conferring the office of vakeel upon Afzul Khan Shirazy; after which he returned to Beeja-poor. Moostufa Khan, who was a faithful servant, and anxious to extend the power of his sovereign, sent, not long after, one of his confidential friends to court, proposing to his Majesty to march against Penkonda. Ally Adil Shah, approving the suggestion, ordered his forces to assemble, and moved to Adony; from whence, on the junction of Moos-tufa Khan with the troops of the Carnatic, he proceeded towards Penkonda. On his approach, Venkatadry, committing the place to the care of one of his nobles, retired with his treasures and effects to the fortress of Chundurgeery. The King surrounded the city, blocking it up closely for three months; at the end of which time the garrison were nearly submitting for want of provisions, when Venkatadry bribed Hundiatum Naik, the chief of the Bergies, with twenty-four lacks of rupees and five elephants, to desert with his followers from the King, and harass his camp; which he did so effectually, that Ally Adil Shah was compelled to raise the siege, and to retire to the neighbourhood of Bunkapoor; from whence he shortly after marched back to Beejapoor, leaving Moostufa Khan to protect the frontiers.

A. H. 986.
A. D. 1578. In the year 986, the Bergies committing excesses in their jageers about Beejanuggur, the King sent Moortuza Khan Anjoo against them with three thousand foreign archers and a number of Deccanies and Abyssinians, with whom they carried on skirmishes for nearly a whole year, without being at all weakened. Moostufa Khan then represented to the King that it was useless sending troops against them, and he had better prevail upon them by stratagem to come to Beejapoor, when he might punish them in a manner worthy of their treachery. Ally Adil Shah, approving this advice, despatched Yeesoo Pundit, and others of their friends, to invite them to return. Hundiatum Naik in vain represented to them that it was not possible the King could forgive a treachery which had disappointed him of the conquest of Penkonda; but said they were only invited to court that their destruction might be effected. Most of the chiefs and their followers, however, returned; but Hundiatum Naik retired to Penkonda, where he engaged in the service of Venkatadry. For some time the King treated the Bergies with kindness, but at length put most of them to death.

A. H. 987.
A. D. 1579. In the year 987, as the King had no son, he appointed his nephew Ibrahim, son of his brother Shah Tahmasp, his successor; and the following year he was assassinated by a eunuch, whom he had forced against his inclination to come to his court from Ahmud-abad Bidur.^142a

He was buried in the city of Beejapoor, where his tomb, which is called Roza Ally, is still to be seen. During his reign he received two ambassadors from Akbur Padshah of Dehly; the last of whom was in the city when he was assassinated. The jooma musjid, the howz-i-shapoor, the city wall, and the aqueducts which convey water throughout all the streets, were constructed by his orders.^143a

Chand Beeby, the Dowager-queen of Ally Adil Shah, assumes charge of the government — she procures the minister to be seized and put to death, and raises another officer to his station, who, apprehensive of the Dowager's conduct, causes her to be seized, and confined in Satara. — The minister is expelled by the people, and the Dowager is released. — Dissensions at the court. — The kings of Ahmudnuggur and Golconda unite to attack Beejapoor — they besiege it, but are compelled to withdraw. — Dilawur Khan protector. — Chand Beeby retires to Ahmudnuggur. — Civil war in Ahmudnuggur. — War between Ahmudnuggur and Beejapoor. — The protector Di-lawur Khan is compelled to fly from the capital. — The young King assumes charge of his government. — War against the Hindoos of the Carnatic and Mysore. — The Prince Ismael aspires to the throne, and suffers death. — War with Ahmud-nuggur. — The King of Ahmudnuggur is killed in battle.

IBRAHIM ADIL SHAH, upon his accession to the throne, being only in his ninth year, the management of public affairs devolved on Kamil Khan Deccany, and to the dowager Chand Beeby, the late king's widow, was intrusted the care of the young king's education. Every day, excepting on Wednesdays and Fridays, Ibrahim was seated on his throne in the hall of audience, when the current business was transacted in his presence. For some time Kamil Khan behaved with due moderation in his high office; but at length, intoxicated with power, he became guilty of some disrespect towards Chand Beeby, who turned her thoughts to effect his destruction. She therefore secretly sent a message to Hajy Kishwur Khan, an officer of high rank, observing, that as the Regent was unfit for his office, she wished to remove him, and to bestow it upon himself. Hajy Kishwur Khan, allured by these hopes of advancement, formed a plot, with several chiefs, to seize Kamil Khan; and one evening, while he was holding a durbar in the green palace, Kish-wur Khan suddenly entered the citadel with four hundred armed men, shut the gates, confined the commanding officer of the garrison, and proceeded to secure the Regent. Kamil Khan, alarmed, attempted to fly towards the haram, in hopes of finding protection with Chand Beeby, when he was informed, by some of the eunuchs well disposed towards him, that the plot was formed by her. Confounded at this intelligence, he ran out of the palace, and, as his only chance of escape, flung himself over the wall of the citadel into the ditch, then full of water. He swam over, and passed undiscovered to the Imam gate of the city. This was, however, shut; but by the help of his turban, sash, and other cloths tied together, and fixed to one of the battlements of the city-wall, he descended, and hastened to his own house at no great distance, where he prepared for flight with his friends. Hajy Kishwur Khan, not finding his intended victim, supposed he was in the fort, and was employed near an hour in searching all the buildings and places of concealment; after which he despatched a force to seek him without. Kamil Khan, having provided himself with as many jewels and as much money as time would allow, fled with seven or eight attendants towards Ahmudnuggur; but he had not gone above four miles before he was overtaken, and seized by the people of Kish-wur Khan, who cut off his head, and carried it to their patron; but they appropriated all the jewels and treasure found on his person to their own use.

Hajy Kishwur Khan, following the example of Kamil Khan, and supported by the patronage of Chand Beeby, grasped at the whole authority of the state, and ruled with uncontrolled sway. At this period, Behzad-ool-Moolk Toork, Meer Nobut to Moortuza Nizam Shah, advanced from Ahmudnuggur, with fifteen thousand horse, to reduce some districts belonging to Beejapoor; upon which the Regent detached Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany with an army to repel the enemy on the frontiers. Behzad-ool-Moolk suffered a total defeat near Shahdoorg, when all his tents, baggage, elephants, and artillery, fell into the hands of the victors, who returned in triumph to Beejapoor. The minister, by the advice of Chand Beeby, ordered rejoicing for three days, and conferred rich gifts and honorary distinctions on all the officers who had signalised themselves in this expedition; but some time after, he thought proper to issue an order requiring the elephants taken on the occasion to be given up to the King. This act gave much offence to many of the nobles, who not only refused to comply, but secretly combined to remove him from the regency. Some advised that they should address Chand Beeby, and recommend her to send for Moostufa Khan from Bunkapoor, to take upon himself the administration of affairs; while others were for deferring any measure for the present, conceiving that as Syud Moortuza, governor of Berar, was on his march from Ahmudnuggur to revenge the defeat of Behzad-ool-Moolk, it would be inexpedient to attempt a change in the ministry till the enemy was driven away from the frontiers; but that object being once effected, they proposed retiring, as if in disgust, to Beejanuggur, and there taking measures, in concert with Chand Beeby, for accomplishing their ends.

Kishwur Khan, informed of these designs, took steps to prevent them. He sent an order under the royal seal to Meer Noor-ood-Deen, a ja-geerdar near Bunkapoor, to assassinate Moostufa Khan, promising to reward him for the deed with the estates and honours of that nobleman. Noor-ood-Deen, though he had been patronised by Moostufa Khan, and was indebted to him for his present office, undertook to perform this base action. He sent the bearer of the royal order into the fort, and at the same time private instructions by one Mahomed Ameen, addressed to the principal officers of the garrison, informing them, that Moostufa Khan meditated to put them to death, and to deliver up the fort to the Raja of the Car-natic, with whom he had entered into a design to subvert the royal authority; therefore it was required that they should fulfil the contents of the order intrusted to the hands of Mahomed Ameen, the bearer, and rid themselves of their treacherous governor, for which they would be amply rewarded by the King. Mahomed Ameen, upon his arrival at the gates of Bunkapoor, sent word to Moos-tufa Khan, that he had brought a letter from the King; upon which he was admitted with great respect, and orders were given for his accommodation. Pretending that it was late, he desired to be excused showing the mandate till the next morning; and Moostufa Khan, unsuspicious of treachery, took no notice of the delay. During the night, Mahomed Ameen showed the paper to the officers of the garrison, who seeing the King's order for the death of Moostufa Khan, agreed to put it into execution. Accordingly, while he was at prayers the following morning, a number of them rushed upon him, and strangled him with a bow-string.

When intelligence of this transaction reached Beejapoor, Chand Beeby was highly incensed, and expressed in bitter terms of reproach her disapprobation of the conduct of Kishwur Khan. The minister for the present concealed his resentment against her; but in a short time accused her of having secretly instigated her brother, Moortuza Nizam Shah, to invade Beejapoor, and obtained the King's order to confine her for some time in the fortress of Satara. She was, accordingly, forced out of the haram, with many indignities, and sent prisoner to that place. After this measure Kishwur Khan became self-secure, and conducted affairs with uncontrolled authority. He sent Meean Buddoo Deccany, on whose fidelity he had reliance, to command on the frontiers, with instructions to seize, by treachery, most of the Abyssinian officers of the army, and to confine them in Shahdoorg. This design coming to the knowledge of the intended victims, they resolved to seize Meean Buddoo, and then to remove Kishwur Khan. With this view, Yekhlass Khan, the principal Abyssinian chief, pretending that he had received news from Beejapoor of the birth of a son, made a grand entertainment, to which he invited Meean Buddoo, who, not suspecting his intentions, went to his tent, attended only by a few of his friends, and was made prisoner by the very same stratagem he had designed to practise. Yekhlass Khan, with all the chiefs, and the whole army, moved on the same day towards Bee-japoor; while Ein-ool-Moolk and Ankoos Khan, with such of the nobility as were friends to Kishwur Khan, deserted on the route to their several jageers.

Kishwur Khan, on hearing of this league against him, gave over all thoughts of opposition. To preserve appearances, however, as well as to prevent his being seized by the inhabitants of the city, he invited the young King to a feast at his own house; but as he attended him through the streets, the common people, and even the women, uttered loud exclamations of abuse against him, calling him the murderer of syuds ^149a and the gaoler of Chand Beeby. The Regent, finding the minds of the populace incensed against him, thought it time to prepare for his escape. When he heard the army was arrived within a day's march of the city, he prevailed on the King to go with him, on pretence of hunting, to Koolabagh, one of the royal gardens; where, on his arrival, he expressed fears lest the heat of the sun should hurt his Majesty's health, and begged he would return to the palace, promising to follow himself, as soon as he had taken a view of the gardens of Shahpoor. The King returned agreeably to his request; when Kishwur Khan, who had a train of four hundred horse, among whom he had distributed his jewels and money, leaving his women and children behind in the city, took the road of Ahmudnuggur. On his arrival he found that court did not wish to afford him protection; on which he moved towards Golconda, the capital of Kootb Shah, where he was shortly after assassinated by one of the relatives of Moostufa Khan, in revenge for his treachery towards that nobleman.

The Abyssinian chieftains entered Beejapoor without opposition, and were honoured by the young king with dresses and other marks of approbation. Yekhlass Khan assumed the regency; and Chand Beeby, being conducted from her confinement in Satara to the capital, was again intrusted with the care of the young King's person. At her request, Afzul Khan Shirazy was appointed Peshwa, ^150a and Yessoo Pundit Moostowfy of the kingdom; but the new regent, not long after, put the two latter to death, on suspicion of their entertaining designs prejudicial to his interest in concert with Chand Beeby. He banished many officers of rank from Beejapoor, and, in conjunction with Humeed Khan and Dilawur Khan, ruled the state as his caprice directed. He invited Ein-ool-Moolk from his jageer to court; and on his arrival near the city, the minister, with his two companions, went out to meet him, as a mark of respect. Ein-ool-Moolk, seeing the three ministers with but few attendants, treacherously seized them, put heavy fetters on them, and the next morning prepared to enter the city with his prisoners upon elephants, in order to secure the government. On his entering the city he found that the garrison had shut the gates of the citadel, and meant to oppose him; upon which, without securing his captives, he withdrew with expedition, and again retired to his jageer. Yekhlass Khan and his companions, being thus unexpectedly released, re-assumed their authority; but some of the nobility at court opposing them, great dissensions prevailed in Beejapoor, which gave encouragement to enemies to invade the kingdom.

Behzad-ool-Moolk, the general of Ahmud-nuggur who after his defeat had retreated, now returned with Syud Moortuza, the Ameer-ool-Omra of Berar. Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, also, having entered into alliance with Moortuza Nizam Shah, marched from Golconda, and joined his generals before Shahdoorg, to which place the allies laid close siege. The governor, notwithstanding the distracted state of affairs at Beejapoor, made a gallant defence, and refused splendid offers to betray his charge; observing, that he would not forfeit his honour, the loss of which nothing could restore to him, as he must give up with it the esteem of the world. The allies, finding all their attempts fruitless, resolved to raise the siege, and to march against Beejapoor, where the dissensions among the ministers would probably favour their cause; and they concluded that if they succeeded in taking the capital, the dependencies must soon fall. The allies, accordingly, broke up their camp from Shahdoorg, and appeared before Beejapoor with forty thousand horse.

As there were then at the capital not more than two or three thousand troops, the Abyssinians kept themselves close in the city till the arrival of Ein-ool-Moolk and Ankoos Khan, with eight thousand horse, who subsequently arrived and encamped near the Allapoor gate, and maintained repeated skirmishes with the enemy, notwithstanding their inferiority of numbers. At length about twenty yards of the wall of the city fell down, owing to heavy rain; and Ein-ool-Moolk and Ankoos Khan, disgusted at the conduct of the Abyssinian chiefs, went over to the enemy on the same night. The allies now resolved on making an assault; but Syud Moortuza, who was displeased at being superseded by Behzad-ool-Moolk, prevented the immediate execution of that design, and the Beejapoor troops found time to repair the breach. At length the Abyssinian chiefs, finding that the principal nobles and officers disliked their authority, and on that account declined coming to the King's assistance, they represented to Chand Beeby, that they were willing to give up their power to whomsoever she chose to appoint, as they were loyal, and wished to see the government flourish, though they admitted they could not conduct it themselves, owing to the jealousy of the rest of the nobles.

Chand Beeby, relying on their declarations, conferred the robes of Ameer Joomlagy ^153a on Shah Abool Hussun, son of Shah Tahir, who immediately sent off expresses with orders to encourage the Bergy chiefs of the Carnatic to return to their duty. He also wrote to Syud Moortuza, who had a profound veneration for the family of Shah Tahir, advising him to prevail upon the allies to quit the territories of Beejapoor; threatening, if they did not, that when the Bergies joined the King (which would shortly take place) their retreat should be cut off. Syud Moortuza, the Berar general, unwilling that the efforts of the allies, under Kootb Shah and Behzad-ool-Moolk, should succeed, adopted measures to induce them to retreat. In the first place, he sent to Ein-ool-Moolk and Ankoos Khan, the two chiefs who had deserted from Beejapoor, recommending them to return; observing, that it was unworthy of them at such a moment of danger to quit the service of their king on pretence of dislike to his ministers. They accordingly re-entered Beejapoor the same evening, where they renewed their allegiance to Ibrahim Adil Shah. Most of the nobility and the Ber-gies, hearing of the change in the administration, also hastened to court with their followers, and by the loyal exertions of Abool Hussun in less than a month an army of above twenty thousand men was collected at the capital, where affairs assumed a more propitious aspect. The Bergy chiefs were detached to harass and cut off the enemy's supplies; and succeeded so well, that in a short time famine pervaded their camp, and the allies repented of their expedition to Beejapoor.

As the distress of the besiegers increased, they held councils as to what measures they should adopt. It was at last determined that they should separate their forces; that Kootb Shah should proceed against Koolburga, and that Behzad-ool-Moolk and Syud Moortuza should recommence the siege of Shahdoorg. They accordingly moved suddenly from before Beejapoor; but the Nizam Shahy army, on account of some events which will hereafter be mentioned, returned to Ahmudnug-gur, plundering the districts of Kolhar and Mirch on their route; while Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, having left a detachment under his general Moostufa Khan to reduce some districts of Ibrahim Adil Shah, returned to his capital of Golconda. Moostufa Khan, at the end of three months, was totally defeated by an army sent from Beejapoor, under the command of Dilawur Khan, who, pursuing his success, followed the enemy to the gates of Golconda, and took much plunder on the road.

It will hardly be credited that the city of Beejapoor, which had been invested for twelve months by the united armies of the confederate sovereigns of Berar, Ahmudnuggur, and Golconda, and during which time a large breach was made in the city walls, and the garrison within mutinous, while the kingdom was in a state of anarchy: it will not be believed, I say, that, under such circumstances, the Beejapoor monarchy should have been saved by the exertions of one man. This person was Shah Abool Hussun, who in the course of two or three months brought together an army of twenty thousand horse, and in one month afterwards not only attacked the enemy, and raised the siege, but even pursued the army of one of the confederates to the very gates of his capital, and took from him, among other spoils, no fewer than one hundred and fifty elephants. On the return of Dilawur Khan from his successful expedition against the Kootb Shahy troops, he became so elated that he aspired to the office of minister. To attain this end, he gained over Heidur Khan, the commandant of the citadel of Beejapoor, wherein the King resided, and resolved to seize the minister Yekhlass Khan. Every thing being ripe for the execution of his design, he marched expeditiously to the capital; and encamping near the Allapoor gate, sent in such flattering messages and declarations of attachment to Yekhlass Khan as threw him off his guard, and rendered him neglectful of the security of the city and palace. One day when Yekhlass Khan was reposing in his own house without the citadel, Dilawur Khan with his sons, attended by seven hundred horse and fifteen elephants, suddenly entered the city, and proceeded to the palace, into which he was admitted, according to promise, by Heidur Khan; after this, having payed his compliments to the young king, he stationed his own guards in every direction. Yekhlass Khan soon after advanced towards the gates with four thousand men, but the cannon from the walls obliged him to retire to a distance. He now blocked up the citadel for nearly four months; but being deserted by Buleel Khan, his principal chief, with the greatest part of his followers, and disdaining to fly, he was taken in his own house by Dilawur Khan, who, forgetting all his favours and kindness, ungratefully put out his eyes, and confined him. On this occasion, much injury was sustained by the inhabitants of the town from both parties, and many fine edifices were destroyed by the cannon.

Dilawur Khan, on his accession to the regency, endeavoured to attach the nobility to his interest, by courting their alliance; strengthening, also, his own party, by placing his relations in the highest offices, particularly his sons, who held situations immediately about the King's person. Buleel Khan, who had by his desertion from Yekhlass Khan contributed greatly to his exaltation, was adopted by Dilawur Khan as his son, and retaining only about one hundred foreigners and sixty Abyssinians, he banished all the rest from the King's dominions. Shah Abool Hussun, the saviour of Beejapoor, who had been sent prisoner to a hill-fort subsequent to the siege by Yekhlass Khan, was first blinded by Dilawur Khan, and then put to death, as was also Hajy Basheer, a favourite of the late king; and the power of the Regent Chand Beeby was so completely nullified, that none of the court any longer attended to her commands. The new minister by stratagem got into his power Ghalib Khan, governor of the fortress of Adony, who had rebelled, and caused him to be blinded. He established the Soony ceremonies of religion in Beejapoor. He ruled the kingdom with absolute sway and authority in every department for eight years, during which period he restored the pecuniary resources of the government to a flourishing condition.

The first act of his power, after he found himself secure, was to detach Buleel Khan with an army to collect the arrears of tribute from the rays of Malabar. Buleel Khan, after being joined by Arsapa Naik, Ray of Jerreh, marched against the fort of Shunkur Naik, Ray of Caroor, who refused to pay the tribute. One night, during the siege, while visiting the batteries, Buleel Khan had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by a body of the enemy, and was carried into the fort, where he was confined in heavy chains. His troops, missing their chief, raised the siege and separated to various quarters. Buleel Khan, after some time, by promises of great rewards, prevailed on his keepers, and a seller of grass, to assist in his escape; and he was carried out by the latter upon his shoulders, concealed in a bundle of forage. When he had gained a convenient spot, he contrived to strike off his chains, and hastened with all expedition towards the Beejapoor frontiers, where, arriving in safety, he procured a horse and proceeded to Bunkapoor, from whence he informed Dilawur Khan of his escape, and requested to be supplied with another army to take revenge on Shunkur Naik; but the Regent declined for the present to make any farther attempts in that quarter.

Dilawur Khan, the same year, in order to conclude a treaty of alliance with Moortuza Nizam Shah, sent ambassadors to the court of Ahmud-

A. H. 992.
A. D. 1584.

nuggur; and in the year 992 Moortuza Nizam Shah requested of Ibrahim Adil Shah his sister Khoodeija Sooltana in marriage for his son the Prince Hoossein; which being agreed on, Kasim Beg came with a train of four hundred horse to Beejapoor to receive the Princess, and escort her to Ahmudnuggur. She departed in great pomp at the end of four months, and was accompanied by her aunt Chand Beeby, who desired to visit her brother Moortuza Nizam Shah.

A. H. 995.
A. D. 1586. In the year 995, the King having attained to years of discretion, it was thought advisable, in conformity with the dictates of God, pronounced by his prophet, “increase and multiply,” that he should marry; and for this purpose an ambassador was sent to the capital of Bhagnuggur, since called Hy-durabad, to solicit in marriage the Princess Mullika Jehan, sister to Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah. The person deputed on this delicate occasion was Khwaja Tilla Beg Shirazy, who was entertained sumptuously at every stage by the King's order, and graciously received at Bhag-nuggur. This step having been undertaken without the concurrence of Moortuza Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, that monarch was so incensed, that Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah thought it prudent to abstain from sending the Princess till he obtained his consent; a measure which he was the more induced to adopt, as the late Ibrahim Koolly Kootb Shah had, upon his death-bed, enjoined his son not to give away Mullika Jehan in marriage without the consent of Moortuza Nizam Shah. Dilawur Khan, the minister and regent of Beejapoor, supposing that the cause of the Princess's detention originated with Moortuza Nizam Shah, marched with the Beejapoor troops to the Ahmud-nuggur frontier. On his arrival at the fort of Owsa, Moortuza Nizam Shah, who had long retired from public affairs, judging that some conduct of his ministers had occasioned this invasion, confined Sulabut Khan, and gave his office to Kasim Beg, who by his entreaties prevailed on Dilawur Khan to quit the country. The Beejapoor army then moved towards the dominions of Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, who, in order to maintain peace, sent his sister to Ibrahim Adil Shah; and the nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence at Shahdoorg, from whence the King returned to Beejapoor.

A. H. 996.
A. D. 1587. In the year 996, Moortuza Nizam Shah, long supposed to be deranged, now evinced symptoms of downright madness, and endeavoured to take the life of his son Meeran Hoossein; upon which the minister, Mirza Khan, thought it best to assist the Prince, in confining Moortuza Nizam Shah; to effect this object, he requested the assistance of Dilawur Khan, who marched with his sovereign from Beejapoor; but before he arrived at Ahmudnuggur, Meeran Hoossein had dethroned his father. Ibrahim Adil Shah sent congratulations to him upon his accession, and intended to have had an interview with him and the Queen, his sister, for which purpose he remained encamped some miles from Ahmudnuggur; but upon hearing that Hoossein Nizam Shah had atrociously put his father to death, after confining him, he was so struck with horror that he resolved not to see him. He sent Meer Hoossein Koord, who was remarkable for his freedom of speech, to Hoossein Nizam Shah to tell him, that he had marched from Beejapoor solely with the desire of placing him on the throne, and obliging his father to retire to some fort where he might pass his time in the exercise of religious duties; but as he understood that he, Meeran Hoossein, had wickedly put his parent to death, he would not see him; and, lest the world should suppose that he acted with any views of conquest, he should leave him to the vengeance of the Almighty, and return to his own dominions. The King, after sending this message, returned to Beejapoor; from whence Buleel Khan was again detached with twelve thousand horse to collect the arrears of tribute from the rays of Malabar; and in case they refused payment, to reduce their forts.

A year had scarcely elapsed, when Hoossein Nizam Shah was assassinated, and one Jumal Khan became all powerful in the government; upon which Dilawur Khan advised Ibrahim Adil Shah to move towards Ahmudnuggur, to take advantage of these dissensions; and orders were accordingly issued to Buleel Khan, directing him to return

A. H. 997.
A. D. 1588.

from Malabar without delay. In the year 997, the King marched from Beejapoor, and Dilawur Khan caused the army to halt near Shahdoorg above a month, in hopes of the junction of Buleel Khan; but he not appearing, the Regent judged farther delay dangerous, and moved on towards Ahmudnuggur. Meanwhile, Jumal Khan, with Ismael Nizam Shah, attended by fifteen thousand horse, and a considerable body of foot and artillery, advanced to meet him, and both armies lay near each other for many days without engaging. At length, Jumal Khan thought proper to sue for peace; and Dilawur Khan consented to grant it, on condition that the Princess Khoodeija, sister to Ibrahim Adil Shah, and widow of the late Hoossein Nizam Shah, should be sent back to her brother; also, that the court of Ah-mudnuggur should pay the expenses of the war. Jumal Khan, without delay, sent the Princess with all her private property and jewels, besides a large sum of money, upon which Dilawur Khan retreated; and on the same day Buleel Khan joined the army, where his services were not now wanted, and his departure from Malabar regretted, as he had nearly brought affairs in that quarter to a final adjustment, which was disturbed by his recall.

Dilawur Khan, displeased at Buleel Khan's delay, which he supposed to be designed, undervalued the articles he had brought as part of the tribute, and demanded the immediate payment of the balances due from the rays who had accompanied him to pay their compliments to the King. In order to disgrace this officer still more, he accused him, in presence of the King, of disobeying the royal orders in not hastening sooner to the royal camp; but Buleel Khan, knowing the King was well inclined towards him, boldly replied, that he had been guilty of no fault, nor delayed longer than he could well avoid. He stated, that he was just on the point of receiving a large sum in part of the arrears of tribute, which would have been lost to the treasury had he immediately made public his orders of recall, and the troops would also have met with great difficulties. He observed, that the minister himself, rather than he, was to blame for having led the King precipitately against an enemy; whereas, if he had remained fifteen days longer at Shahdoorg, the troops from Malabar would have joined, and the country of Nizam Shah might have been successfully invaded. Yet he was ready to confess his own errors, and throw himself on the King's mercy for any fault he might have committed. Dilawur Khan, though much offended at this boldness, apprehending that any notice of it at the time might occasion a disturbance, thought it best to conceal his displeasure; and assuming an air of approbation, he addressed the King, saying, that Buleel Khan was a loyal subject, and had performed great services; and that as his excuses for delay had some reasonable foundation he requested his Majesty to forgive him, and to confer upon him marks of the royal favour. The King, readily complying with this request, honoured Buleel Khan with a rich dress; and after the breaking up of the court, Dilawur Khan took him apart to his tents, where he entertained him with much hospitality; and by way of apology for his late usage said, that as it was known to the public that he had adopted him as his son, if in the affairs of government he did not behave to him with the same strictness as to others it would be said that he showed undue partiality to his own favourites. Shortly after, a robe was conferred on the son of Arsapa Naik, who had attended Buleel Khan to pay his respects to the King, as well as on many others of the rays of Malabar, who were all honourably dismissed to their own country. The minister having by his hypocritical behaviour thrown the gallant general off his guard, a few months after the return of the army to Beejapoor, forgetting all his great services to himself in the time of Yekhlass Khan, he caused Buleel Khan to be treacherously seized and deprived of sight without the knowledge of the King, who, though much displeased, was too completely in the hands of Dilawur Khan to be able to express the indignation he felt. An opportunity, however, shortly offered of freeing himself from his intolerable thraldom.

A. H. 998.
A. D. 1589. In the year 998, the King, at the request of his minister, marched from Beejapoor, in order to wrest the crown of Ahmudnuggur from Jumal Khan, who had set up the son of Boorhan Nizam Shah in opposition to his father. Jumal Khan, having raised a considerable army, advanced with Ismael Nizam Shah to within sixteen miles of the King's camp, but without any intention to engage. In this situation he sent ambassadors with great offers to Dilawur Khan, if he would grant him peace; but the minister refusing to listen to any terms, and many officers at the same time deserting from Jumal Khan, the latter, in order to secure himself from any sudden attack, took up a strong post surrounded by declivities and broken ground, at some distance from his former camp, on the banks of the Beema. Dilawur Khan thinking his enemy weak, and feeling himself secure of victory, marched to attack him, contrary to the express wish of the King, with thirty thousand horse, confident of taking him prisoner. Upon his arrival at the spot where Jumal Khan was so strongly posted, he repented of his rashness, but ashamed to retire, he halted, in hopes that all the troops would soon join. At this instant an officer from Ibrahim Adil Shah arriving, represented, that as the army was not prepared for action, the King desired he would defer it for the present, and stay till the troops were properly organised. Dilawur Khan returned for answer that he would shortly bring Jumal Khan bound to the presence of the King, and instantly advanced towards the enemy. Having with great difficulty passed over much marshy ground, full of hollows, his troops, without order or proper disposition, reached the enemy's front, when Dilawur Khan detached the Bergy cavalry to fall upon the rear, to prevent any of the fugitives escaping. Jumal Khan, seeing himself surrounded, resolved to rely on his sword alone, and drew out his troops, prepared for a desperate resistance. In the very beginning of the action, Ein-ool-Moolk, Ankoos Khan, and Alum Khan, who knew that Ibrahim Adil Shah was displeased with the minister, retired with their divisions, and leaving him in the gulf of destruction, withdrew to the royal camp at Da-rasun. Dilawur Khan, notwithstanding this, fought so valiantly with his own troops, that he threw the enemy into disorder; upon which his soldiers separated to seize the plunder of the camp, according to the loose custom of the people of India, leaving their general with not more than two hundred horse. A party of the enemy, who had retired in good order with their Prince, Ismael Nizam Shah, perceiving this, returned to the attack; and Dilawur Khan, after a gallant struggle, preferring his safety to certain destruction, fled with seven persons, among whom was the author of this history, from the field. On his way, spies brought intelligence that Ein-ool-Moolk with the other officers who had deserted him were hastening to the King, in hopes of destroying his influence; upon which he redoubled his speed, and reached Darasun before them, with three thousand of his defeated troops, who joined him by parties on his route. Lest the victors should pursue, he marched with the King all night towards Shah-doorg, where he arrived the next morning. Jumal Khan, after this very unexpected success, having taken above one hundred elephants, advanced to Darasun, where the author, who had received some wounds, and could not travel from weakness, fell into his hands, but made his escape by a stratagem. Jumal Khan, learning that Boorhan Nizam Shah, with his allies Raja Ally Khan and the chiefs of Berar, were advancing, moved to the northward from Darasun, followed by the Beejapoor army, which pursued him for nearly one hundred and sixty miles. The King now thought proper to halt with the main body, and to detach the Bergy cavalry in pursuit, in order to cut off the enemy's supplies, and to harass him on his route. Dilawur Khan insisted that the King ought to march on without delay to the Ro-hunkehra Ghat. The minister's conduct and language on this occasion gave great offence; and Ibrahim Adil Shah, now of an age to act for himself, and tired of being led in the trammels of the Regent, resolved to free himself by effecting his destruction.

As all the officers of the royal household and the body guards were attached to Dilawur Khan, the King was fearful of communicating his wishes to them, lest they should betray him. After much precaution, he fixed upon two Hindoos, common servants of no note, to be his confidents on this important occasion. These he sent privately to Ein-ool-Moolk, the Ameer-ool-Omra, to complain of the unreasonable conduct of Dilawur Khan; and he received in answer solemn assurances of his support and assistance. After much negotiation conducted through the two Hindoos, it was agreed that the King should, on a certain night when Dilawur Khan was asleep, repair suddenly to the camp of Ein-ool-Moolk, which was only a mile distant, where he was to be joined by him, by Alum Khan, and by Ankoos Khan, who would faithfully obey his commands. Ibrahim Adil Shah, relying

Rujub 14.
A. H. 998.
May 8.
A. D. 1590.

on these promises, on the night of the fourteenth of Rujub, 998, came out of his private apartments, and commanded Kufshdar Khan to bring him a horse. The keeper of the stables refused obedience, saying, that he dared not comply without the orders of Dilawur Khan. Kufshdar Khan, provoked at this insolence, gave him several blows; upon which the grooms of the stables became terrified, and brought horses immediately. The King, mounting, issued forth, attended by his servants from his tents. On the way Elias Khan, his nurse's son, who was upon guard, running up to him, asked the cause of his movement, and received for answer, that the present was not a time for explanation, but he should know if he chose to attend him; which he immediately did, with rather less than a hundred horse. When he arrived within a short distance of the camp of Ein-ool-Moolk he halted, till that nobleman, with Alum Khan, and Ankoos Khan, joined him. As soon as the King's march became known, several officers, among whom was myself, with about three thousand soldiers, hastened to join him during the night.

Dilawur Khan, though above eighty years of age, had devoted that night to a beautiful virgin of the Deccan, whom he had long sought to gain, so that, though several emissaries frequently requested admittance to inform him of the King's flight, his attendants, who had received the strictest orders not to disturb him, refused to tell him; a circumstance which gave full time for Ibrahim Adil Shah to complete his designs. Towards sunrise, the minister was roused from his dream of pleasure, and with his sons and six thousand horse, with many elephants, followed his sovereign, in hopes that, on his arrival, the King would be deserted by his friends, and be again obliged to throw himself into his hands. When he came in sight of the royal army, the King ordered Ein-ool-Moolk to prepare to oppose him; but that nobleman sent word privately to the minister, offering to stand neuter while he attempted to carry off the King. Dilawur Khan, encouraged by this assurance, stopped his followers at a little distance, and coming on with a hundred horse and four elephants close to the King, addressed him, saying, that marching at night was extremely improper, but hoped the King would now return to his encampment. Ibrahim, enraged at this insolence, exclaimed, “Will no one punish this traitor?” Upon which an inferior officer of the body guard, named Adeena Khan, spurring his horse up to Dilawur Khan, gave him a wound with his sabre, and was preparing to inflict another stroke, when the minister's horse, rearing at the flashing brightness of the weapon, threw him; and his elephant drivers rushing between him and Adeena Khan, he had time to escape to his own troops, whom he endeavoured to lead on against the King; but they hesitated to assault their sovereign, and many of them even deserted to him. Dilawur Khan, overwhelmed with confusion, effected his escape to Ahmudnuggur; but his son Kumal Khan was overtaken at Darasun by the royalists, and put to death.

When the hand of Providence had thus de-troyed the power of the Regent, and the veil of obscurity was removed from before the King's person, he gave honorary dresses to Ein-ool-Moolk, Alum Khan, and Ankoos Khan, although they had failed in strictly performing their promises; and ascending the throne on the spot, the King gave public audience. Such persons as had distinguished themselves by their loyalty during the night he rewarded with a generosity beyond their expectations, and gratified the nobility and army by liberal largesses. Upon his retiring into his private apartments to take repose, a circumstance happened worth mentioning. Dilawur Khan being one of the disciples of Hunefy had established the Soony ceremonies during his regency; but many of the nobility, among whom were some strict Soonies, hastily concluding that the King, adopting the tenets of his father and his uncle, must be a Sheea, began to proclaim evening prayer according to the custom of the latter sect. The King, who had, by education, become a disciple of Hunefy, on hearing the call to prayer, was offended at the change, and gave orders for the criers to be confined; but upon being informed of the cause of the alteration, he smiled at the sudden conversion of the Soony nobility, and would frequently rally them upon it, calling them political Sheeas. He, however, left every one to follow his own opinion as to his form of worship; and both sects were allowed to practise their religious ceremonies as in the time of his ancestor Yoosoof Adil Shah.

Soon after the expulsion of the Regent, intelligence arrived of the defeat of Jumal Khan, and of the accession of Boorhan Nizam Shah. The King sent letters of congratulation to him on the occasion; and, as there now remained no cause for continuing in the field, the King returned to Beeja-poor, where he employed himself in regulating the affairs of his government; which he did with so much justice, clemency, and prudence, that his people soon forgot their late troubles, and had reason to congratulate each other on the happy deliverance of their sovereign from the thraldom of his late minister.

When Dilawur Khan fled to Ahmudnuggur he was favourably received by Boorhan Nizam Shah, enrolled among his nobles, and appointed to reduce the forts of Sholapoor and Shahdoorg; which coming to the knowledge of Ibrahim Adil Shah, he sent ambassadors to request that the rebel might be sent to him, together with the elephants which had been taken from him by Jumal Khan. Boorhan Nizam Shah, instead of granting this demand, forgetting every former obligation, prepared for war; and, at the instigation of Dilawur Khan, in the month

Jumad-oos-
Sany,
A. H. 1000.
March,
A. D. 1592.

of Jumad-oos-Sany, A. H. 1000, marched towards the territories of Beejapoor; and having passed the frontiers, laid waste the country as he advanced. Upon his arrival at Mungulwera, seeing that no army was sent into the field to oppose him, the King of Admudnuggur became suspicious of some stratagem to draw him into the heart of the Beeja-poor kingdom; and he would have retreated, but was prevailed upon by Dilawur Khan to continue his advance as far as the river Beema, where he halted, and there finding a ruined fortress, ordered it to be repaired. Ibrahim Adil Shah, who, during this time, had neither given orders to assemble his nobility, nor taken measures to defend his country, on hearing this, said, that Boorhan Nizam Shah would shortly act like the child who builds walls of clay, and then destroys them with his own hands. The King of Beejapoor acted as if unmindful that an enemy was in his country; and contenting himself with despatching a few horse to observe his motions, appeared to give himself totally up to amusements, which behaviour became the wonder of all; and every man formed his own conjectures regarding it, both in his own dominions and the enemy's camp, without being able to account for his conduct. Boorhan Nizam Shah consulted with his officers on the subject, as well as with Dilawur Khan. Some said that Ibrahim Adil Shah, being a youth, was immersed in pleasures, and neglected the affairs of his kingdom; while others believed that he suspected the fidelity of his officers, and was afraid of calling them together. The King's spies brought him regular information of all that passed, and gave alarming accounts of the confidence infused into the enemy by his extraordinary supineness.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, at length, finding matters ripe for the execution of his design, sent a messenger to Dilawur Khan, requesting him to return, and again take the charge of his affairs; observing, that he saw, though late, the folly of his conduct, in having listened to the representations of designing men against so worthy a servant; but said, if he would once more accept of his office, he might depend on meeting with the utmost consideration. Dilawur Khan, overjoyed at this invitation, returned for answer, that if his Majesty would assure him he should not suffer any injury in his life or property, he would hasten to throw himself at his feet. All the securities he required being granted, the minister, in hopes of once more attaining absolute power, and confining the King as formerly, obtained his dismission from Boorhan Nizam Shah, who in vain represented to him that he was hastening to his own destruction; observing, that such behaviour as his towards his sovereign could never be sincerely forgiven. The minister came to Bee-japoor, where he arrived in the evening, as the King was returning in state, from the garden of the twelve Imams, towards the palace. After having paid his respects, he proceeded on foot in the train. When he had passed on a little, the King called to Elias Khan, and ordered him to show Dilawur Khan a specimen of his own favourite punishment, in putting out eyes. The minister in vain represented that he had come to court on his Majesty's assurances of pardon and safety. The King told him that he had only promised not to injure his life or property, and that depriving him of sight would affect neither. He was accordingly blinded, and sent to the fortress of Satara, where he remained a prisoner till he died.^173a

The King having successfully got rid of his dangerous enemy, sent orders to all his nobility to hasten from their jageers without delay, and to make preparations to march against Boorhan Nizam Shah II. He first sent the Bergy chiefs, with six thousand horse, to cut off all communication and

Shaban,
A. H. 1000.
April,
A. D. 1592.

supplies from the enemy's camp; and in the month of Shaban, having appointed Roomy Khan Deccany commander of his army, detached him at the head of ten thousand horse, and soon after Elias Khan was sent to reinforce him with three thousand of the household troops. The Bergy cavalry greatly distressed the enemy, defeating several detachments sent against them; till at last Boorhan Nizam Shah proceeded in person to attack them. Unable to oppose regular troops the Bergies recrossed the Beema, which was then fordable, and a lucky flood of the torrents from the mountains having swelled the river immediately after, prevented their being pursued; upon which Boorhan Nizam Shah returned to his lines. A famine and pestilence now prevailed to a great extent in the enemy's camp, carrying off great numbers of men and animals, and obliged him to retire some marches towards his own country in order to obtain relief. When he had received supplies of provisions, and the pest had somewhat abated, Boorhan Nizam Shah moved again with a design to lay siege to the fortress of Sholapoor; but was opposed on his march by Roomy Khan and Elias Khan, who defeated a principal part of his army under Noor Khan, Ameer-ool-Omra of Berar, and took a hundred elephants and four hundred horses.

After this loss the affairs of Boorhan Nizam Shah declined daily; and numbers of his troops, tired of a long and fatiguing campaign, deserted from his camp; and a conspiracy was formed against his life by several of the officers, who wished to place his son Ismael upon the throne in his stead. Discovering the plot, and growing suspicious of all around him, he began his retreat towards Ahmud-nuggur; but was so harassed on his first march that he thought it imprudent to attempt moving further till he could make peace with Ibrahim Adil Shah, to whom he sent ambassadors to treat, and for which purpose he halted at Kurmulla. Ibrahim Adil Shah for nearly a whole month refused to listen to any accommodation, till he compelled Boorhan Nizam Shah to destroy the fort he had erected within his territory, on the bank of the Beema, which he reluctantly did, throwing down the first stone with his own hands; after which his troops demolished the whole fabric, which had cost much trouble and expense. He then marched expeditiously back to Ahmudnuggur, heartily repenting of his unprovoked invasion of the territories of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

A. H. 1001.
A. D. 1593. The King's affairs being now restored to order, he resolved to humble the rays of Malabar, who, since the recall of Buleel Khan, had neglected to pay their tribute. For this purpose he despatched Munjun Khan with a considerable army. This general on arriving at Bun-kapoor halted, and summoned all the rays to meet him with their tributes, promising protection to those who obeyed, but threatening the refractory with vengeance. Most of them prepared to comply with his demands, and intended coming in a body to visit him; but as Gunga Naik, who was one of the principal rays of Malabar, and had eight or ten thousand horse and foot in his pay, went first to pay his respects, the rest, jealous of his power, and suspecting that he had gone to form some plan against them with Munjun Khan, broke off their engagements, and withdrew to the mountains. Mun-jun Khan, not thinking it prudent to follow them into an unknown country, marched with Gunga Naik against Jerreh, which belonged to Arsapa Naik; who with his allies, to the number of twenty thousand men, endeavoured to interrupt the siege. For three days bloody skirmishes were maintained by the Beejapoor troops, who could not make use of their cavalry owing to the nature of the ground, so that their success was frequently doubtful; but at length the good fortune of the King prevailed; and Arsapa, seeing further resistance vain, consented to pay tribute, and made a present of two fine elephants to Munjun Khan, with many curious and valuable effects for the King. He also joined the army, and assisted at the siege of Mysore, belonging to Venkatadry Naik, which was reduced in three months, and twenty fine elephants were taken with it. Munjun Khan was proceeding rapidly in his conquests, when the rebellion of the King's brother in Belgam occasioned his recall, and left the affairs of Malabar once more in an unsettled state.

The Prince Tahmasp had two sons, Ibrahim Adil Shah and the Prince Ismael. The latter was brought up with his brother till he arrived at the age of puberty, when Dilawur Khan sent him to be kept prisoner in the fortress of Belgam, according to the usual policy of governments. ^176a After the expulsion of the Regent, Ibrahim Adil Shah sent one of his confidential servants to his brother, to express his concern that reasons of state policy did not permit him to satisfy the desire he had that they should live in the same place together, and to assure him of every indulgence and mark of affection consistent with his situation. At the same time he sent orders to the governor of Belgam to give the Prince Ismael the full liberty of the fort, and to provide him with every convenience and amusement that could make his captivity less irksome: he also allowed him a monthly income of one thousand hoons† ^176b for his private expenses. The Prince for some time seemed satisfied with his condition; but suddenly losing all sense of the generosity of his brother conspired against him, and by degrees bringing over the governor and garrison

Rumzan 9.
A. H. 1002.
May 12.
A. D. 1593.

of Belgam to his interest, and secretly corrupting many of the officers of the court, on the 9th of Rumzan, 1002, he took possession of the fort, and openly raised the standard of revolt.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, regarding this behaviour as proceeding chiefly from the treachery of some of his ungrateful nobles, and unwilling to proceed to extremities against his brother, endeavoured to try the effects of admonition upon his mind; for which purpose he sent the venerable Shah Noor-Alum to wait on him, with solemn assurances that if he laid aside his extravagant designs, he should be pardoned, and be treated with every respect and mark of affection as before. The Prince, instead of listening to the remonstrances of this holy man, put him into confinement, and expedited his preparations to take the field; at the same time he sent ambassadors soliciting the assistance of Boorhan Nizam Shah, who promised to support him with a considerable army. The Prince Ismael had also gained over to his interest Ein-ool-Moolk, Ameer-ool-Omra, and the adopted son of Ankoos Khan. The former not wishing that the disputes for the throne might soon be settled, declined for the present giving any open assistance, so that Ismael was obliged to content himself in the mean time with the fortress of Belgam and its environs, where the Khootba was read in his name. Ein-ool-Moolk, in order to deceive Ibrahim Adil Shah, redoubled his semblance of loyalty, till matters should be ripe for the execution of his designs in favour of the Prince. The King, on learning the conduct of his brother towards Shah Noor-Alum, was much incensed, and directed Elias Khan (meer nobut) to proceed with an army to quell the rebellion, and to besiege Belgam.

Elias Khan, with six thousand men, soon arrived before Belgam; and as Ismael had not yet been joined by his adherents, he shut himself up in the fort, which was closely besieged by the royalists. Ein-ool-Moolk, also, agreeably to the King's orders, joined the besiegers, in order to preserve appearances; but being secretly attached to the Prince, he kept up constant correspondence with the besieged, and supplied them at night from his camp with grain and other necessaries. Intelligence of this treacherous conduct reaching the King, he, in order to try the fidelity of Ein-ool-Moolk, despatched an order summoning him to court, on pretence that he wished to have his advice on some affairs of importance, which could not be communicated to any other than himself. Ein-ool-Moolk, for fear of exciting suspicion, set out, with many of his friends, to Beejapoor, where he acted with so much art, as left the King in doubt of the accusations against him; and Ibrahim Adil Shah, unwilling to destroy an old servant on bare suspicion, hoped, that should it have any foundation in reality, the favours he received at his hands would sink so deeply in his mind, as to make him lay aside any treacherous designs he might have formed. With this view, and in order to do him honour, he received him with the greatest marks of attention in a full court. Ein-ool-Moolk, according to custom, kissed the ground three times, and advanced to the throne, the feet of which he also kissed; but his conscience at this time smote him so forcibly, that he was seized with a trembling, which being observed, he was desired to sit down, and the King turned his face away, in order to give him time to recover. He afterwards permitted him to eat with him; and after evincing every mark of kindness, and having conferred upon him a dress of great value, a dagger set with jewels, some fine horses, and a bracelet of diamonds, he was permitted to return to the army without delay. The traitor departed from the capital the next day, and, forgetting his Majesty's clemency, renewed his correspondence with the Prince Ismael, and afforded him every aid as before; which conduct soon became the topic of common conversation throughout the royal camp. Not long after this, Heiat Khan, kotwal of Beejapoor, who had been to escort ammunition and stores, passed, on his return from camp, near to the residence of Ein-ool-Moolk, who invited him to an entertainment. Heiat Khan, in hopes of obtaining a sum of money from him, upbraided him with his treachery, of which he had received full proofs in the camp; at the same time threatening to disclose all he knew to the King. Ein-ool-Moolk, concluding that his designs were now beyond the power of concealment, put Heiat Khan into fetters, and openly declared his defection; writing letters to the governors of garrisons to join him without delay, in favour of the Prince. Most of them sent fair promises, but waited to see the turn of affairs before they dared to act openly; but the soldiers of the garrison of Mirch, having confined their governor, proclaimed Ismael King. Ein-ool-Moolk now sent expresses to Boorhan Nizam Shah, requesting him to expedite his march from Ahmud-nuggur, as the affairs of Ismael were in a prosperous train, and with his aid would easily be brought to a happy issue; for which the forts of Sholapoor and Shahdoorg, with their dependent districts, were to be delivered into his hands. Boorhan Nizam Shah, allured by this offer, began his march, and Ein-ool-Moolk withdrew his division, acting in concert with Elias Khan, from before Belgam; upon which great confusion prevailed through all the territories of Beejapoor. The Hindoos of Malabar, seizing the opportunity, invaded the districts of Bunkapoor; and Elias Khan, either through fear or treachery, raised the siege of Belgam, and returned, without orders, to the capital, where his arrival threw the whole court into great consternation. Dangerous insurrections ensued, and many courtiers formed designs of taking possession of the palace for the rebel prince, to gain his favour; but the firmness of mind evinced by Ibra-him Adil Shah on this trying occasion prevailed over all the schemes of the seditious. He disgraced Elias Khan, Hajy Mahomed, and Roomy Khan, and put them under strict confinement, in order to deter others from treachery, of which he had strong presumptions they were guilty; at the same time he issued orders to all the nobles to repair to the capital.

Ein-ool-Moolk, seeing no army to oppose him in the field, marched with ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot to Belgam, where he prevailed upon Ismael to quit the fort, and without waiting for the junction of Boorhan Nizam Shah, who had already begun his march from Ahmudnuggur, resolved to move against the King at Beejapoor. Ibrahim Adil Shah, upon intelligence of this design, appointed Humeed Khan to the command of his army, and sent him against the rebels. On his arrival at Eesapoor he was met by some confidential persons from the rebel army, to induce him to join them. According to the secret orders of the King, he received the messengers favourably, assuring them that he had no designs of opposition, and meant to join the Prince Ismael; who, if he would quit the fort and take command of the army, might gain possession of the throne without trouble, or putting himself under any obligations to Boorhan Nizam Shah. Ein-ool-Moolk was deceived, and forgetting his usual caution, imprudently moved with the Prince Ismael to an extensive plain at some distance from Belgam; where, fancying himself quite secure, he was intent only on making preparations for the reception of Humeed Khan and the other chiefs of the royal army. Ghalib Khan, the son of Ein-ool-Moolk, who had remonstrated with his father in vain on his ingratitude towards Ibrahim Adil Shah, now warned him against Hu-meed Khan, and begged of him at all events to be upon his guard against surprise. Humeed Khan advanced in good order towards the camp of the rebels, where the Prince and Ein-ool-Moolk waited, with their principal adherents, in a magnificent tent to receive him; so that he was allowed to approach close to their lines without opposition. He then suddenly removed the mask, and made a vigorous charge, which threw the camp into disorder. The Prince and Ein-ool-Moolk, on being undeceived, mounted their horses, and endeavoured to collect their troops, but in vain. Ein-ool-Moolk, having received a sabre-wound, fell from his horse, and his head was immediately cut off by Soheil Khan. The Prince Ismael was taken prisoner in trying to effect his escape to Ankoos Khan, with whose assistance he intended to join Boorhan Nizam Shah. The rebel army dispersed to different quarters, and Humeed Khan sent the head of Ein-ool-Moolk, with congratulatory accounts of his victory, to Beejapoor. Ibrahim Adil Shah ordered the head of the traitor to be placed on a high pole, before the principal gate of his palace, where it remained nearly a week, and Shoojat Khan Koord was sent to the camp; where, in order to prevent fresh rebellions, he put an end to the existence of the Prince Ismael by the King's order. Humeed Khan returned to Beejapoor, and with many other nobles was highly distinguished by the King's favour. The head of Ein-ool-Moolk being put into a great gun was blown into the air, that no traces might remain of it; and seventeen persons of the garrison of Mirch, who had confined their chief and declared for the rebels, were put to death for example's sake, after being brought in chains to Beejapoor. Boorhan Nizam Shah, who had advanced as far as the fort of Purenda, to assist in the rebellion, on hearing that it was quelled, and the authority of the government restored, retired with expedition towards Ahmudnuggur.

The great First Cause, who created the universe by his single word, in order to display the fulness of his power, at frequent periods effects revolutions surprising to human imagination, of which there could not be a greater proof than this victory, which was unexpected by all; as most of the nobility favoured Ismael, and the zemindars throughout the kingdom of Beejapoor were ripe for revolt.

Not long after these events, Boorhan Nizam Shah, entering into alliance with the Ray of Pen-konda, resolved again to invade the territories of Ibrahim Adil Shah, and accordingly despatched Moortuza Khan Anjoo, at the head of ten thousand horse, with orders to reduce Shahdoorg and Shola-poor, while his ally laid siege to some of the forts on the frontiers of the Carnatic. Moortuza Khan Anjoo advanced as far as Purenda, when finding that the Ray of Penkonda had not yet begun his march, he thought proper to halt; but sent out detachments to lay waste and plunder the adjacent country. These troops received a severe check from those of Ibrahim Adil Shah; and their commander, Oozbuk Khan, was killed in the action, which struck the rest of the army with terror, and stopped

their operations. In the month of Ru-jub, Boorhan Nizam Shah was taken dangerously ill of dysentery. The news of this event occasioned great commotions in the army at Purenda, where dissensions arose among the chiefs; and Moortuza Khan, with many of his friends, fearing assassination from the mutinous officers, left his command and retired to Ahmudnuggur. At the same time Khuleefa Arab and Kuzilbash Khan fled for refuge to Ibrahim Adil Shah. Boorhan Nizam Shah, wasted in body by illness, and in mind by the dissensions of his officers, died. He was succeeded by his son Ibra-him, and Meean Munjoo Deccany became regent of the kingdom. The young king's mother, however, who was an Abyssinian, gave so much encouragement to the chiefs of her own nation, that the power of the minister's office was withheld from him; and the upstart Abyssinians behaved so disrespectfully to the Beejapoor ambassadors, as to make them quit Ahmudnuggur in disgust.

Ibrahim Adil Shah was so much offended at this affront, that he resolved to be revenged on Ibrahim

Shaban 20.
A. H. 1003.
May 18.
A. D. 1595.

Nizam Shah; for which purpose, on the 20th of Shaban, having marched from his capital, he encamped at Bahmunhully, and moved from thence towards Shah-doorg. Being, however, not fond of unnecessary war, he had determined in his own mind, if ambassadors should be sent from Ahmudnuggur with apologies for the conduct of the ministers, and professing a wish for peace, to lay aside his expedition, and in this hope he made, designedly, but very slow marches to Shahdoorg, where he fixed his head-quarters.

Yekhlas Khan, and the Abyssinian chiefs of Ahmudnuggur, instead of endeavouring to make peace, marched with Ibrahim Nizam Shah at the head of thirty thousand men and a great train of artillery, to their borders, upon which Ibrahim Adil Shah, thinking delay no longer advisable, despatched Humeed Khan with other officers of distinction against them; at the same time giving instructions that if Ibrahim Nizam Shah did not attempt marching into his country, they should refrain from hostilities. The Nizam Shahy army passed the boundaries of Beejapoor, upon which Humeed Khan without delay attacked them: a severe action ensued, in which the Beejapoor troops were near being defeated. The left wing having given way fled from the field, closely pursued by the right wing of the enemy. Humeed Khan, however, resolutely continued the battle with his centre and right wing. Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who had at first remained in the rear, to be out of danger, seeing the flight of part of the enemy's line, advanced with his household troops, which being perceived by Soheil Khan, a eunuch who commanded the right wing of the Adil Shahy army, he charged. At this instant the King of Ahmudnuggur's guards begged him to retire, but he would not consent, exclaiming, that as his brother Ismael had disdained to fly from Dilawur Khan, it would be dishonourable in him to give way before a eunuch. Having said this he drew his sabre, and pushed on his elephant towards Soheil Khan; but after a short struggle he received a mortal wound from an arrow, and died immediately: his attendants took up the body, and fled towards Ahmudnuggur. The other part of the army, engaged with Humeed Khan, learning the fate of their king, was seized with a panic, and hastened from the field, although they had nearly gained the victory. The fugitives left all their baggage and artillery, with most of the royal elephants, to be plundered by the Beejapoor troops, who found themselves victors when they least expected it. While Humeed Khan was enjoying the fruits of his success, Ibrahim Adil Shah received intelligence at Shahdoorg that his army was defeated, as many of the fugitives of the left wing, which had broken and dispersed in the beginning of the action, had fled as far as the royal camp, which was thrown into great consternation by their alarming accounts. Some said most of the nobles had been slain, and that all the elephants except one had fallen into the hands of the enemy. For three days uncertain intelligence and alarming reports were received; but on the fourth, full accounts were brought of the unexpected victory, and the death of Ibrahim Nizam Shah, which changed the terrors of the multitude to the extravagance of joy. The King, notwithstanding this signal advantage, and the confused state of the enemy's government, would not consent to invade his territories, but recalled Humeed Khan from the borders; and in the latter part of the month marched back towards Beejapoor, but

did not enter that capital till 1004. He halted on the banks of the Beema, from whence he despatched a force against one of the zemindars of the Carnatic, who, taking advantage of the war, had besieged the fortress of Adony, now in danger of falling from

Mohurrum 13.
A. H. 1004.
September 9.
A. D. 1596.

want of provisions. On the 13th of Mohurrum the King made a triumphant entry into Beejapoor, amid the acclamations of his people, who on this occasion had adorned the streets with gold and silver tissue, velvets, brocades, other rich cloths, and costly ornaments. Soon after this, intelligence arrived that the infidels of the Carnatic had on the approach of the royal troops raised the siege of Adony, and fled to their own country, but that many of them were cut to pieces in the pursuit. Meer Mahomed Saleh Humdany, a venerable syud, arriving near Beejapoor, and bringing with him some hairs of the Prophet, the King, eager to pay his respects to such valuable relics, ^187a went out to meet him; and having conducted him into the city, entertained him with royal munificence for many days. The King endeavoured to prevail upon this holy man to fix his residence at his court, but he was too earnest to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca; and at his departure the King conferred on him many rich presents, and received from him two of the sacred hairs, which he placed with care in a golden shrine set with jewels, and constantly visited it every Friday night, and upon all holidays.

Disputes growing to a great height in the government of Ahmudnuggur, Moorad Mirza, son of the Emperor Akbur, was invited into the Deccan by one of the parties; and eager to take advantage of these dissensions in order to spread the authority of the Moguls in that country, he marched from Guzerat to Ahmudnuggur with an army of thirty thousand men, and laid siege to that city, which he was after many months obliged to raise, Ibrahim Adil Shah having despatched Soheil Khan with a great army to the relief of the besieged Nizam Shahies,— and before his arrival the Moguls retired. ^188a

To face page 189. Vol. III.]

>genealogy<

His origin and early history — is appointed governor of Joonere — declares his independence on the murder of his father at the court of Bidur — extends his territorial possessions — assumes the title of king — builds the fort and city of Ahmudnuggur — takes Dowlutabad from the officers of the Bahmuny government — reduces Antoor and several hill-forts in the southern hills of Kandeish — compels the rajas of Galna and Buglana to pay him tribute — supports the claims of Alum Khan Farooky to the throne of Kandeish, but is compelled to relinquish his interference by the King of Guzerat. — Death of Ahmud Nizam Shah — his character. — The manners of his court described.

AHMUD NIZAM SHAH was the son of Mullik Naib Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry, originally a bramin of Beejanuggur, whose real name was Timapa, the son of Bheiroo. In his infancy he was taken prisoner by the Mahomedan army of Ahmud Shah Bahmuny, when, being admitted among the number of the faithful, and having received the name of Hussun, he was brought up as one of the royal slaves. The King was so struck with his abilities, that he made him over to his eldest son, the Prince Mahomed, as a kind of companion, with whom he was educated, and attained eminence in Persian and Arabic literature. From his father's name Bheiroo, he was called Mullik Hussun Bheiroo; but the Prince being unable to pronounce the word correctly, he obtained the appellation of Bheiry. When the Prince ascended the throne, he raised his favourite to the rank of a noble of a thousand horse; and it is also said, on account of his surname Bheiry, which signifies a falcon, he was nominated to the office of falconer, which in Toorky is called Koosh-begy: some people have asserted that he obtained the name of Bheiry from his office alone. In course of time he rose to the first offices in the state, and was dignified by the titles of Ashruf Hoomayoon and Nizam-ool-Moolk. Being a great favourite of the minister Khwaja Mahmood Gawan, he was recommended by him to the government of Tulingana, including Rajmundry and Condapilly, which were granted to him in jageer. On the death of that minister he succeeded to his office under the title of Mullik Naib; and on the demise of Mahomed Shah Bah-muny he was appointed prime minister to that monarch's son, Mahmood Shah, who added Beer, and other districts in the vicinity of Dowlutabad, to his estates. The administration of this new jageer was made over to Mullik Naib's son, Mullik Ahmud, who took up his residence at Joonere, while Khwaja Jehan Deccany was appointed governor of Purenda. Although Mullik Naib had procured for his son the necessary orders to occupy those districts, yet several Marratta officers, in whom Khwaja Mahmood Gawan placed great confidence, refused to give them up, until the King was of an age to act for himself. Mullik Ahmud, having determined to enforce the orders, attacked the fort of Soonere, ^191a situated on the top of a hill, and of uncommon strength. After a siege of considerable duration, the garrison came forward with swords suspended from their necks, and habited in shrouds, to sue for quarter. The place being occupied, it was found to contain five years' revenue of Marhatt and Concan, which had been deposited therein; and this sum enabled Mullik Ahmud to assume a new line of conduct. Having rewarded his officers and soldiers liberally for their services, he proceeded to reduce the following places which refused to submit to his authority; viz. Chawund, Lohgur, Toong, Kooary, Tikona, Koondhana†, ^191b Poorundhur, Bhorup, Joodhun, Kuhrdroog‡, ^191c Murunjun‡, ^191d Maholy, and Pally; the whole of which he occupied by force. He soon after conquered the Concan, and was besieging the sea-port of Dunda Rajpoor, when he heard of the assassination of his father Mullik Naib Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry. On this information he raised the siege, for the present, and returned to Joonere, where he assumed the titles of the deceased, under the appellation of Ahmud Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry; and although he did not immediately adopt the title of Shah (or King), yet, as he is uniformly so called by historians, the author (Mahomed Kasim Astrabady Ferishta) has thought proper to designate him, in the future pages of his work, Ahmud Nizam Shah Bheiry.

On his return to Joonere, having spent a decent time in mourning for his father, he devoted himself to promote the good administration of his country; and such was his justice, that, without his sanction, the loadstone dared not attract iron, and the kah-rooba ^192a lost its power over grass. The character of Mullik Ahmud as a general, when he had the government of Tulingana, stood so high, in repelling the rays of Ooreea, that no officer of the Bahmuny government was willing to march against him, although it was the desire of the court to reduce his power. The King, by the advice of Kasim Bereed, his prime minister, sent repeated orders to Yoosoof Adil Khan Savaee of Beejapoor to unite with Khwaja Jehan Deccany, and Zein-ood-Deen Ally Talish, to march against Joonere. Yoosoof Adil Khan, however, not only evaded the duty, but even apprised Ahmud Nizam Shah of his danger, and directed his own troops to evacuate Indapoor, which properly belonged to his jageer.

Ahmud Nizam Shah created Zureef-ool-Moolk Afghan his Ameer-ool-Omra, and to Nusseer-ool-Moolk Guzeratty he assigned the office of Meer-Joomla. ^193a He then made overtures to Zein-ood-Deen Ally Talish† ^193b (who had before marched to attack him) to unite his fortunes with his in the approaching struggle against the Bah-muny forces. Zein-ood-Deen listened to the proposals, and made some advances to meet his wishes; but when Sheikh Mowullid Arab, one of the Bahmuny generals, volunteered his services to reduce Ahmud Nizam Shah, and had reached Purenda on his way towards Joonere, Zein-ood-Deen Ally, dreading the consequence of uniting with Ahmud Nizam Shah, resolved to join the King's troops. Ahmud Nizam Shah left his family in the strong hill-fort of Soonere, and marched to oppose the royal army, but conceiving himself unequal to contend with so numerous a force in a fair battle, he hovered round the King's camp with his cavalry, and cut off its supplies. It was at this time that he first heard of the intended defection of Zein-ood-Deen Ally Talish; and he determined, if possible, to prevent it. He, accordingly, put in practice a manœuvre as daring as it proved successful. Making a sudden countermarch during the night from the vicinity of the royal army, he appeared before Chakun, the headquarters and jageer of Zein-ood-Deen, which he escaladed without waiting a moment. Ahmud was the first man on the walls, and actually succeeded in getting footing for seventeen of his comrades in armour before the garrison was alarmed; the rest of his party soon following, an indiscriminate slaughter succeeded. The garrison fought nobly, but in vain; Chakun was taken; and no less than seven hundred persons, among whom was Zein-ood-Deen Ally, fell in the assault.

Ahmud Nizam Shah had left the main body of his army under his general Nusseer-ool-Moolk to watch the motions of Sheikh Mowullid; but that officer having imprudently ventured to attack the Bahmuny forces, with very unequal numbers, was twice defeated. Upon hearing this, Ahmud Nizam Shah left Chakun, and rejoining his army, made a night-attack on Sheikh Mowullid's camp. The Bahmuny troops were completely routed, their leader, with many officers of distinction, fell in the action, and all the heavy baggage, elephants, and tents, came into the possession of Ah-mud Nizam Shah, who now returned to Joonere, and devoted himself with the utmost attention to the civil administration of his government.

On the defeat of Sheikh Mowullid, Mahmood Shah Bahmuny ordered Azmut-ool-Moolk Du-beer, with another army of eighteen thousand men, against Ahmud Nizam Shah, who, adopting the same policy as before, avoided a battle, and moved with his troops to the hills of Kadurabad. ^195a When Azmut-ool-Moolk reached the Moory pass, Ahmud Nizam Shah, with three thousand horse, made rapid marches to Ahmudabad Bidur. Having previously gained over the city guards, he was admitted by night into the place, and after getting possession of the females of his father's family, despatched them to Joonere. In the morning he seized the women of all those officers who had marched to attack him, and moved with them towards Purenda, taking proper precautions to treat them with becoming respect. Upon his arrival near the King's army the officers sent word to him, that they could not think of opposing him, as an enemy, who had behaved so well to their families; but that it was unbecoming him to fly like a thief from his foes, and wage war with women and children; a conduct unworthy even of Franks and Koords. Ahmud Nizam Shah, having generously sent back the families to their respective relatives, marched on to Purenda. In the mean time an order from the Bahmuny king, full of resentment, was received in camp. He complained of the disgrace to which his troops had been subjected, in allowing Ahmud, the son of Nizam-ool-Moolk the falconer, to soar aloft like the falcon, while they lay trembling in their nests, and were unable to preserve their mates and young from his talons. He observed, that if they seized the person of Ahmud, well and good, but if not, they would be disgraced in the eyes of the King and of the world. The army halted at Beer; and the officers remonstrated against this reproach, declaring they were ready to attack the enemy wherever he was to be found; that their general, Azmut-ool-Moolk, had no intelligence of his motions; but that if any other general was at their head, who would afford them the opportunity of distinguishing themselves, the King's good fortune alone would ensure them success. Mahmood Shah now recalled Azmut-ool-Moolk, and deputed Jehangeer Khan, governor of Tulingana, with three thousand horse, to assume the command of the army of Beer; an officer who had before much distinguished himself, and who now moved from Beer to Pu-renda. Khwaja Jehan, the governor of Purenda, unwilling to oppose Ahmud Nizam Shah, sent his son Azim Khan to join him, and himself retired into his fort.

In this state of affairs Ahmud Nizam Shah applied for aid to Imad-ool-Moolk Gavully, the ruler of Berar, and fell back on Joonere. Jehangeer Khan, meanwhile, occupied Peitun; and this movement induced Ahmud Nizam Shah to approach the Jeeoor Ghat, where he was reinforced by Nus-seer-ool-Moolk Guzeratty, with a body of troops from Kadurabad, ^196a and a convoy of provisions; upon which, having secured the Jeeoor pass, he remained among the hills. Jehangeer Khan crossed the hills by the ghat at Teesgam, ^197a and encamped at Bingar, where both armies remained within six coss of each other for nearly a month; when Jehangeer Khan†, ^197b fancying himself secure during the rains, gave himself up to his comforts and pleasures; an example which soon spread throughout his army.

Ahmud Nizam Shah, in the mean time, having good intelligence of the state of the enemy, made

Rujub 3.
A. H. 895.
May 28.
A. D. 1490.

a night-attack on the 3d of Rujub, A. H. 895, accompanied by Azim Khan.‡ ^197c They entered the enemy's camp just as the day broke, and falling suddenly upon it, completely routed the Bahmuny troops. Jehangeer Khan, Syud Isaac, Syud Lootf Oolla, Nizam Khan, and Futteh Khan, all officers of distinction, were slain; and those who were taken prisoners were mounted on buffaloes, and led about the camp for the diversion of his soldiers; after which, they were sent back to Ahmudabad Bidur. This victory was called the Victory of the Garden, as on that spot Ahmud Nizam Shah built a palace, and laid out an elegant garden, which was beautified by his successors, who having constructed a fortification round it denominated it Bagh Nizam.§ ^197d After this success, Ahmud Nizam Shah returned public thanks to God; and having given away the proprietory right of a village near the spot in charity, as a residence for holy men, he returned to Joonere, without rival or enemy. By the advice of Yoosoof Adil Shah of Beejapoor, he soon discontinued the names of the Bahmuny kings in the public prayers, for which he substituted his own, and assumed the white canopy; but Khwaja Jehan and some of his own officers remonstrating with him, he commanded his name to be discontinued in the public prayers; and to save appearances declared, that he used the canopy to screen him from the sun, and not to affect royalty. The officers, observing this to be the case, considered there would be no objection to their using umbrellas also, to which he assented; and from that day to this no distinction exists in the Deccan in that respect between the King and a subject, excepting in the colour of the canopy used by the King, which has a scarlet cloth on the inside, while the others are white; a custom which prevails in the Deccan, but not in Hindoostan. ^198a The officers of Ahmud Nizam Shah's government, however, shortly afterwards insisted on his re-assuming the regalia, by having his name read in the Khootba or public prayer, to which he assented, declaring it was only at their particular request.

Ahmud Nizam Shah now resolved to take the sea-port of Dunda Rajpoor, near Choul, which after a long siege he reduced; and having thus secured the peaceable possession of the Concan, he turned his thoughts towards Dowlutabad, and commenced an intrigue with the governor, to induce him to deliver it into his hands. Mullik Wujee and Mullik Ashruf, two brothers, were originally servants of Khwaja Mahmood Gawan, after whose death they became enrolled among the corps of silehdars of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, and were at length raised to the rank of nobles by the patronage of Mullik Hussun Nizam-ool-Moolk Bheiry, the father of Ahmud Nizam Shah. Mullik Wujee was by him appointed governor of Dowlutabad, and his brother Mullik Ashruf governor of the surrounding districts dependent on it. At this time, also, one of the Marratta chiefs, who, during the late commotions in the Bahmuny court, had seized on the fort of Galna, was obliged to give it up to Mullik Ashruf, and to relinquish his predatory incursions on the neighbouring country. The brothers conducted their administration so admirably that the robbers, so long notorious about Dowlutabad, were brought under subjection, and the roads to the frontier of Sooltanpoor, Nundoorbar, Buglana, and Guzerat, for the first time, became so safe that merchants and travellers passed to and fro without guards; and the inhabitants being happy under their government, the country assumed a flourishing appearance. ^199a Both the brothers, in gratitude for the patronage of Nizam-ool-Moolk, kept on terms of friendship with his son Ahmud Nizam Shah, who, to cement their alliance still stronger, after the victory of Bagh Nizam, gave his sister Beeby Zeenut in marriage to Mullik Wujee. A son being born by this marriage, the younger brother, Mullik Ashruf, who had entertained the ambitious idea of succeeding Mullik Wujee, and founding a kingdom for himself, perceiving his hopes would be cut off by this event, atrociously assassinated both father and son; after which he assumed independence at Dowlutabad, and endeavoured to form alliances with the ruling princes of Boorhanpoor, Berar, and Guzerat. Beeby Zeenut, after the murder of her husband and child, making her escape to Joonere, sought protection with her

A. H. 899.
A. D. 1493.

brother, who marched in the year 899 against Mullik Ashruf in Dowlutabad. His army, however, had only reached Bagh Nizam, when he was met by letters from court, sent by Kasim Bereed, soliciting his aid against Yoosoof Adil Khan, who was now besieging Bidur; after which Kasim Bereed promised to assist him in reducing Dowlutabad. Ahmud Nizam Shah, abandoning his designs against Dowlutabad for the present, proceeded to Bidur, which he relieved in the manner related in the history of Yoo-soof Adil Shah, and then marched to Dowlutabad; to which fort he laid siege for two months without success, and returned towards Joonere.

On his arrival at the town of Bingar, a village situated equidistant between Joonere and Dow-lutabad, he resolved to found the capital of his dominions, from whence he determined to detach an army every year, to lay waste the country about Dowlutabad till he reduced it. With

A. H. 900.
A. D. 1494.

this view, in the year 900, he laid the foundation of a city in the vicinity of the Bagh Nizam, upon the bank of the Sena river, to which he gave the name of Ahmud-nuggur. So great exertions were made in erecting buildings by the King and his dependents, that in the short space of two years the new city rivalled Bagdad and Cairo in splendour; and it henceforward became a custom for the Ahmud-nuggur army to take the field twice a year ^201a at stated periods to devastate and plunder the country contiguous to Dowlutabad, in order, if possible, to reduce it by famine. Mullik Ashruf, in the mean time, solicited the aid of Mahmood Shah Be-

A. H. 905.
A. D. 1499.

gurra† ^201b of Guzerat; and in the year 905 that monarch marched for the double purpose of humbling the power of Adil Khan Farooky, the ruler of Kandeish, and also of relieving Dowlutabad, now besieged by Ahmud Nizam Shah. On the arrival of the Guzerat army at Sooltanpoor, Adil Khan Farooky requested the aid of Imad-ool-Moolk Gavully and Ahmud Nizam Shah to oppose Mahmood Shah of Guzerat; on which Ahmud Nizam Shah raised the siege of Dowlutabad, and repaired with fifteen thousand cavalry to Boorhanpoor. The united forces of Adil Khan Farooky, Imad-ool-Moolk Gavully, and Ahmud Nizam Shah Bheiry, encamped at that city, while Mahmood Shah Begurra still lay before Aseer. In this state of affairs, Nusseer-ool-Moolk Guzeratty, the general of Ahmud Nizam Shah, was deputed to the enemy's camp as ambassador. During his mission, at the instance of his master, he bribed the Guzerat elephant-keepers to be ready to let loose a must ^202a elephant at a certain moment when required. On the night appointed, Nizam Shah, at the head of five thousand infantry, consisting of archers, rocketers, and matchlock-men, besides five thousand Coly† ^202b cavalry, made a night-attack on the Guzerat camp, and at the same moment the must elephant being set free, as had been concerted, the consternation became general throughout the enemy's lines. Mahmood Shah Guzeratty and his officers, who did not apprehend an attack from so inferior a force, were sleeping quietly in their tents, but being alarmed at the uproar, sprung from their beds in dismay. At this instant, the elephant running towards the tents of the Guzerat seraglio, the ladies uttered fearful shrieks. The King of Guzerat, concluding the enemy had penetrated his camp and was committing slaughter among his family, made his way through his pavilion, and fled with a few attendants to the distance of six miles. The Deccanies continued on the limits of the camp, firing rockets, till the Guzerat officers had turned out their troops. They then quietly retreated. The confusion having in some measure subsided, the Guzerat chiefs hastened in a body to the royal tents to congratulate the King; but not finding him, they thought proper to follow the next morning with the whole army, and Ahmud Nizam Shah and the allies took up the ground the enemy had left. A peace being shortly after concluded with Mahmood Shah Guzeratty, Ahmud Nizam Shah returned towards Dowlutabad, and ascending the ghats from Berar, encamped at Elloora, and relaxed from his cares in a variety of amusements. The Guzerat historians have omitted to mention this defeat, desirous, perhaps, to conceal this blot on the fame of Mahmood Shah Begurra; so that God only knows whether it be true or false.

Ashruf Khan, reduced to great distress, applied once more for assistance to Mahmood Shah of Guzerat; promising, if he would relieve him from the attacks of Ahmud Nizam Shah, to read the public prayers at Dowlutabad in his name, and to pay him annual tribute. Mahmood Shah tempted by these offers, returned with a large army to the bank of the Tapty, upon which Ahmud Nizam Shah raising the siege retired to his capital. Ashruf Khan, agreeably to his promise, read the Khootba in the Kootb-ood-Deen mosque at Dowlutabad in the name of Mahmood Shah of Guzerat; and going to his camp made him valuable presents, which he agreed to renew every year as his vassal; and Mah-mood Shah, after collecting tribute from Adil Khan of Boorhanpoor, returned to his own dominions. His retreat was no sooner communicated to Ahmud Nizam Shah than he again marched to Dowlutabad, where he found the garrison so indignant at the idea of becoming tributary to the King of Guzerat that they sent word to Ahmud Nizam Shah of their devotion to him, of which they would soon afford him a convincing proof. He received this intimation when he reached the Godavery; upon which, having made a forced march with three thousand men, he surrounded Dowlutabad by daylight on the following morning. Mullik Ashruf, on discovering the disaffection of his troops (who were principally Marrattas), appeared deeply affected, and being taken suddenly ill, died in five days; when the garrison delivered up the keys into the hands of the King of Ahmudnuggur. He now entered the fort, gave orders for the necessary repairs, and established therein a garrison of his own troops. On his return to Ahmudnuggur, he built a citadel round the Bagh Nizam, in which he erected a palace of red stone. During this year, also, he reduced the forts of Antoor and other places in Kandeish, and compelled the rajas of Galna and Buglana to pay him tribute.

A. H. 913.
A. D. 1507. In the year 913, Dawood Shah Fa-rooky of Boorhanpoor dying, disputes arose concerning the succession. Mullik Hissam-ood-Deen, one of the principal officers of his government, solicited the aid of Ahmud Nizam Shah in favour of Alum Khan, while Mahmood Shah Guzeratty had resolved to place his nephew, Meeran Adil Khan, the son of Hussun Khan Farooky, on the musnud; for which purpose the King of Guzerat marched towards Kandeish. In the mean time, Mullik Larun, a third competitor for the throne, having possession of the fort of Aseer, refused to acknowledge the supremacy of either of the Farooky princes. Ahmud Nizam Shah and Imad-ool-Moolk Gavully had just reached Boorhanpoor, when they discovered the real state of affairs; and having heard that Mahmood Shah Guzeratty, with a considerable force, had absolutely arrived at Talnere on the Tapty, the allies consented to leave four thousand cavalry each to assist Alum Khan, and themselves fell back on Gavulgur. These troops, however, soon after deserting the cause of Alum Khan, the campaign ended by the Deccan allies retreating to their capitals; and Ahmud Nizam Shah was shortly after joined by Alum Khan, who came thither to crave his protection. On the return of Mahmood Shah to Guzerat, Ahmud Nizam Shah advanced with an army to the frontier, and demanded of Mah-mood Shah of Guzerat that he should give a portion of the Kandeish dominions to Alum Khan; but Mahmood Shah treated the ambassadors with indignity, and asked them what right a slave of the Bahmuny king had to write to him as an equal, or meddle with affairs beyond his own threshold? He told them, also, that if their master did not shortly alter his conduct he should be compelled to punish him. Ahmud Nizam Shah, notwithstanding this insulting behaviour, deemed it imprudent to push the matter farther, and returned quietly with Alum Khan to Ahmudnuggur.

Though the virtues of this prince exceed all description, yet in compliance with the custom of historians, the author will attempt to relate a few. Among his great qualities were continence and modesty. When he rode through the streets of the city he never looked aside to the right or left, lest his eyes should fall on another's wife. When he was a young man, and marched to reduce the fort of Gawulgur, there was taken among the captives a young lady of exquisite beauty, who was presented as an acceptable gift to him by one of his officers. Ahmud Nizam Shah was charmed with her person, but being told by her that she had a husband, who, with all her family, was among the prisoners, he restrained his desire, and restored her uncontaminated to her friends, with a present. It was his custom, when any of his officers were backward on the day of battle, to reward instead of reproaching them. One of his courtiers once taking the liberty of enquiring the cause of this unusual line of conduct, he replied, that he should have an explanation of his motives at some other time. Nor was it long before an officer of this description distinguished himself very much; and having received honorary marks of the King's favour, Ahmud Nizam Shah said to the courtier, “ Princes like masters of the hunt, alone know “how to train for the chase.”

The practice of yekung ^207a (single-stick) was also introduced by this prince, who was himself well skilled in the sword, and delighted much in the exercise; accordingly, as is ever the custom, the people being eager to copy the prince, both high and low devoted themselves to it, and instead of colleges, as is usual in Mahomedan cities, schools for single-sword and wrestling were established in all quarters of the city of Ahmudnuggur. Nothing was talked of but this art in every assembly, till at length things grew to such a pitch in the strife-engendering climate of the Deccan, that people vaunted over their neighbours; and brawls arising between rash young men, they frequently begged to make good their cause before the King, who used to see them combat with swords in his presence; and he who gave the first wound was considered the victor. In consequence of this encouragement, a crowd of young men were in the habit of assembling daily at the palace for the purpose of displaying their skill, till at length a day seldom passed without one or two persons being killed. The King, thinking it time to discountenance this practice, gave orders, that no more exhibitions of this sort should take place in his presence, though the combatants were at liberty to settle their disputes on the outside of the town; and it was commanded, that if either party were killed in fair combat, no retaliation should be required. This vile custom is so congenial to the Mahomedans of the Deccan, that it has spread far and wide from Ahmudnuggur; and it is so fashionable at the present day, that even learned divines and philosophers, as well as nobles and princes, practise duelling; and if their children show any backwardness in this way they do not esteem them as lads of proper spirit. As an instance of which, the writer of these pages (Mahomed Kasim Ferishta) saw the following transaction occur in the streets of Beejapoor. Syud Moortuza and Syud Hussun, two brothers whose beards were grey, and who were in high estimation at court, had a trifling dispute with three Deccanies, who were also brothers, who frequented the court, and were also respectable grey-headed men. First, the son of Syud Moortuza, a youth of twenty, engaged one of the Deccanies, but was immediately killed. The father and uncle engaged the other two Deccanies, and they were also killed; and before their bodies could be removed and buried, the three opponents died of the wounds they had received, so that, in a few minutes, six respectable persons, who had no real animosity towards each other, were lost to their relatives and to society. The Mahomedans of the Deccan are certainly very expert in the use of the sword, and particularly in single combat; but as they generally practise on foot, and do not accustom themselves to throwing the lance on horseback, they are inferior as cavalry; and their skill is of no avail when acting in masses of infantry, though in private quarrels, and street contentions, they fight like lions.

Since the extinction of the dynasty of Bahmuny this practice has rather been encouraged than discouraged by other princes of the Deccan, excepting by Ibrahim Adil Shah II. of Beejapoor, who seems to set his face against the custom; and it is to be hoped, that this abominable habit, which is unknown in any other civilised country in the world, will, by the happy exertions of wise princes like him, be altogether abolished.

The King ascends the throne in his seventh year. — Mookumil Khan Deccany minister and regent. — His son, entitled Azeez-ool-Moolk, commander of the household troops. — The nobles are offended with Azeez-ool-Moolk, and resolve to remove his party — they endeavour to obtain possession of the King's younger brother Raja-Joo, but their plan is defeated — they quit Ahmudnuggur with eight thousand men, and join the King of Berar, who is induced to lead an army to attack the Nizam Shahy dominions. — The enemy is defeated in the battle of Ranoory by the troops of the young King of Ah-mudnuggur — is pursued, and compelled to quit Berar. — Applies to the King of Kandeish to mediate a peace. — Moo-kumil Khan demands the cession of the town of Patry in exchange for some other place. — The King of Berar not only declines compliance, but fortifies the town. — Mookumil Khan some time afterwards makes a night-attack on Patry, and occupies it. — The King espouses Ameena, a dancing girl, and takes to drinking wine. — Mookumil Khan resigns his office of minister, which is conferred on Sheikh Jafur Deccany. — The King marries the Princess Muryum, sister of Ismael Adil Shah. — The fort of Sholapoor promised to be obtained for the King of Ahmudnuggur by Assud Khan of Belgam, the ambassador — but the cession is not acceded to by the King of Beejapoor. — The King's first wife assumes superiority over the Princess Muryum. — The latter complains to her brother, who remonstrates, and threatens the King of Ahmud-nuggur. — Formidable confederacy against the King of Bee-japoor. — The allies march to take Sholapoor — are defeated. — The King of Berar is encouraged by the King of Beejapoor to attack Patry — it is taken and retaken, and subsequently rased to the ground. — Boorhan Nizam Shah is attacked by the kings of Berar and Kandeish — they are both defeated, with the loss of three hundred elephants — they apply for aid to Bahadur Shah of Guzerat. — Boorhan Nizam Shah obtains the aid of Ameer Bereed, King of Bidur, and a body of troops from Beejapoor. — Ameer Bereed attacks and discomfits two divisions of the Guzerat army near Beer — but Boorhan Nizam Shah is eventually compelled to retreat, first to Pu-renda, and then to Joonere. — Bahadur Shah of Guzerat, after being proclaimed King at Ahmudnuggur, retires to Dowlu-tabad. — Boorhan Nizam Shah removes Sheikh Jafur from the office of Peshwa, and confers it on a Hindoo named Kawur Sein. — Obtains peace. — The confederates retire to their own capitals, Boorhan Nizam Shah is constrained to read the Khootba in the name of Bahadur Shah of Guzerat. — Bahadur Shah, after subduing Malwa, arrives at Boorhanpoor in Kandeish. — Boorhan Nizam Shah is invited to meet him. — Difficulties occur, which are removed through the address of the ambassador Shah Tahir. — Description of the meeting. — Disputes concerning territorial limits occur between the kings of Ahmudnuggur and Beejapoor — mediated by ambassadors. — Boorhan Nizam Shah supports the Sheea persuasion — avails himself of the jealousy of the King of Beejapoor against his minister Assud Khan of Belgam to wage war with him — is eventually compelled to retreat — renews the war in concert with the King of Golconda and Ramraj. — The King of Ah-mudnuggur makes three campaigns, but with little success. — His death — his body sent to Kurbula.

BOORHAN NIZAM SHAH ascended the throne of his father at Ahmudnuggur, in the seventh year of his age. Mookumil Khan Deccany, an able statesman and general, who held both the offices of Peshwa ^211a and Ameer Joomla† ^211b in the lifetime of the late king, was appointed Vakeel or Protector; while his son, Meean Jumal-ood-Deen, received the title of Azeez-ool-Moolk, and had the office of Sur-Nobut ^212a assigned to him. The father and son having thus placed the royal household under their control obtained the fullest power over all the affairs of government. Nearly three years elapsed, during which the pride and insolence of Azeez-ool-Moolk had grown so intolerable to the other nobles, such as Roomy Khan, Kur-reem Khan, and Meer Khan, that becoming envious of his authority, they strove to subvert his influence; and having gained over to their interests Beeby Eisha, (nurse to the young King's mother, who enjoyed much of her confidence,) it was agreed that she should deliver over to them Raja-Joo† ^212b the infant brother of the King, whom they determined to raise to the throne; so that by deposing Boorhan Nizam Shah they might free themselves from the despotic sway of the minister and his son. Beeby Eisha, accordingly, having one day dressed the young prince in girl's clothes, and put him in her own palky, took him with her towards the city. She was scarcely gone when the Queen-mother sending for the child found he was missing. Great consternation spread among the attendants both within and without the palace. Some, conjecturing that he might have fallen into a fountain or well, went to search for him, while others, having followed Beeby Eisha, and overtaking her before she reached the city, brought both her and the child back. This old lady having been always regarded as a grandmother to the princes, was frequently in the habit of taking them with her to town, where they sometimes remained for two or three days, so that on this occasion she pretended that she was carrying the young prince only on a visit: in a few days, however, the secret being disclosed, that she had done so in concert with the nobles, the minister took measures to watch the princes more narrowly. So much attention was paid to the education of Boorhan Nizam Shah, that in his tenth year he read poetry with facility and proper emphasis, and wrote exceedingly well. The author has seen a treatise on the duties of kings, in the royal library at Ahmudnuggur copied by that monarch at that tender age. The enemies of the Peshwa (Mookumil Khan) were soon after induced to quit Ahmudnuggur with their followers, to the number of eight thousand men. They entered the service of Alla-ood-Deen Imad-ool-Moolk, ruler of Berar, whom they excited to attack the dominions of Boorhan Nizam Shah. Imad-ool-Moolk, deeming the conquest an object of easy attainment, marched with a large army from Elich-poor towards the Nizam Shahy frontier; while Mookumil Khan, aided by the forces of Khwaja Jehan Deccany ^214a of Purenda, and attended by the young King, opposed the enemy near the town of

A. H. 916.
A. D. 1510.

Ranoory, in the year 916, when Imad-ool-Moolk sustained a total defeat; flying from the field without halting till he reached Elichpoor, and leaving in the hands of the Nizam Shahies all his baggage, horses, and elephants.

In this battle Boorhan Nizam Shah, on account of his tender years, rode on horseback with his tutor Ajdur Khan, and was seated before him on the same saddle. Imad-ool-Moolk, finding himself pursued, left Elichpoor and fled to Boorhan-poor, where he solicited the aid of the ruler of Kandeish to mediate a peace. Some learned men were accordingly sent to Mookumil Khan, who represented that it was contrary to the law of the prophet for the faithful to wage war against each other, a peace was concluded, and both parties returned to their respective dominions.

It is said that the ancestors of the Nizam Shahy kings were natives of the town of Patry; but for some cause, one of them, a Coolcurny†, ^214b quitting his birth-place, removed to Beejanuggur and settled. When the family attained regal power, its relations came to Ahmudnuggur, and expressed a desire to recover their ancient rights in the village of Patry, situated within the territory of Berar, but close on the Nizam Shahy frontier. On which Mookumil Khan wrote to Imad-ool-Moolk, as from Boorhan Nizam Shah, requesting that he would, out of private regard, give up the Patry district, in which the Nizam Shahy family had so much interest, and receive in lieu of it another, yielding even a greater revenue. Imad-ool-Moolk refused to consent to the exchange; and fearing that a war might ensue in consequence of his refusal, began to build a fort at Patry. Moo-kumil Khan requested him to desist, but in vain; till at length the work being completed, Mookumil Khan, being some time after at Dowlutabad, went on a party of pleasure to see the caves of Elloora in its vicinity, from whence he made a sudden march against Patry, and carried it by assault. After which he left it in charge of Meean Maho-med Ghoory, who had distinguished himself on the occasion, and conferred on him the title of Kamil Khan.

The young king, in the mean time, having attained the age of manhood, became enamoured of a dancing girl called Ameena, whom he married, and placed at the head of the ladies of his seraglio. From her he learned to drink wine, which Moo-kumil Khan having understood, he approached the throne, and laid the seals of his office at the feet of the King, saying, “While your Majesty was a “child, I (the humblest servant of your throne) “carried on the affairs committed to my charge to “the best of my ability; but now that you are “able personally to conduct the affairs of the state, “you must excuse me from interfering in public “business.” Boorhan Nizam Shah complied with the minister's request, but raised his sons to high rank, and conferred the office of Peshwa on Sheikh Jafur Deccany. Mookumil Khan ever after lived retired, going to court occasionally only at the earnest request of his friends; but resisted every attempt to induce him again to engage in public business, till at length he died a natural death.

A. H. 930.
A. D. 1523. In the year 930, Boorhan Nizam Shah and Ismael Adil Shah, through the intervention of Shah Tahir Jooneidy, had a meeting in the fort of Sholapoor; and Beeby Muryum, the sister of Ismael Adil Shah, was given in marriage to Boorhan Nizam Shah, when the nuptials were celebrated with great splendour. It appears, also, on this occasion, that Assud Khan of Belgam, the envoy on the part of Ismael Adil Shah, had promised in his master's name to give Sholapoor as a dowry with his sister; but as that Prince afterwards denied having authorised such a condition, Boorhan Nizam Shah, at the intercession of Shah Tahir, was induced to drop the demand, and to return to Ahmudnuggur. Ameena, the favourite queen of Boorhan Nizam Shah, assuming her usual right of superiority over the Beejapoor princess, the latter complained to her brother Ismael Adil Shah of the affront offered to her rank by putting a public actress above her in the royal apartments. The Beejapoor monarch remonstrated with the resident ambassador from Ahmudnuggur then at his court in very strong language, and out of this an enmity grew; and Boorhan Nizam Shah despatched missions to the courts of Bereed Shah of Bidur and Imad Shah of Gavulgur, to induce those princes to unite against Is-

A. H. 931.
A. D. 1524.

mael Adil Shah. Accordingly, in the year 931, the confederates marched against Sholapoor. Ismael Adil Shah moved to defend the place with nine thousand bowmen; and an engagement took place on the borders, so sanguinary that nature revolts at the remembrance. Imad Shah was opposed, and his ranks broken, by Assud Khan of Belgam, and fled precipitately to Gavulgur; while Boorhan Nizam Shah, overcome with the extreme heat of the day, was borne off the field in a palankeen, and conveyed by his foreign troops to Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 933.
A. D. 1527. In the year 933, Imad Shah, at the instance of Ismael Adil Shah and Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, led an army against the fort of Patry, which he recovered; but which was shortly afterwards retaken by Boorhan Nizam Shah, after a close siege of two months. On this occasion he rased the works to the ground, and gave over the district dependent on it in charity to his relations the bramins, in whose hands it continued for several generations till the reign of the Emperor Akbur. After destroying Patry, Boorhan Nizam Shah marched and reduced the fort of Ma-hoor, and afterwards moved on to Elichpoor. Imad Shah, unable singly to contend with the Nizam Shahytroops, fled to Boorhanpoor, where he induced Mahomed Khan Farooky, the ruler of Kandeish, to assist him. Thus united, the allies marched against Boorhan Nizam Shah; but experienced such a total defeat, that they lost three hundred elephants and all their baggage, besides many places in Berar which fell into Boorhan Nizam Shah's hands. Imad Shah and Mahomed Khan Farooky, seeing things in this state, sent ambassadors to Bahadur Shah of Guzerat to request his aid. Bahadur Shah readily complied with their wishes, and

A. H. 935.
A. D. 1529.

marched an army, in the year 935, into the Deccan by the route of Sooltanpoor and Nundoorbar. Boorhan Nizam Shah, alarmed at the accession of Guzerat to the confederacy, sent letters of congratulation to Babur on his elevation to the throne of Dehly; and also addressed Ismael Adil Shah, Ameer Bereed Shah, and Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah. Of these Ameer Bereed Shah only rendered any assistance, by marching to join him with six thousand foreign horse.

Bahadur Shah Guzeratty having entered Berar, with a view to recover Mahoor and Patry, liked the country so much, that he remained some time in it; when Imad Shah, fearful lest his dominions might be laid waste, represented, that if he would move into Boorhan Nizam Shah's country, and procure some parts of it for him, he would remove his family from Gavul, and resigning that fortress to Bahadur Shah, attend constantly at the royal stirrup. Bahadur Shah, accordingly, marched towards Boorhan Nizam Shah's army, and encamped in the hilly district near Beer; where Ameer Bereed Shah, with a force of Adil Shahy horse, and three thousand of his own, made an attack on a division of the Guzerat army, which was completely cut off between the towns of Beer and Peitun. On this occasion three thousand men were killed on the field, and upwards of seventy camels, laden with treasure, fell into the hands of the assailants. On intimation of this defeat, Bahadur Shah instantly detached his vizier, Khood-awund Khan, with twenty thousand horse, to revenge the disgrace. This division, being drawn into an ambuscade, was also defeated by Ameer Bereed; but a third detachment of twenty thousand horse, under the command of Imad Shah, arriving to reinforce Khoodawund Khan, Boorhan Nizam Shah was compelled to fall back first on Purenda, and eventually to retire into Joonere.

Bahadur Shah reached Ahmudnuggur without further opposition, and took up his quarters in the palace of Boorhan Nizam Shah, where he remained for forty days. At last, leaving the siege of the fort to be conducted by Imad Shah, he marched to Dowlutabad; while, in the mean time, Boorhan Nizam Shah, hovering about the Guzeratties, endeavoured to cut off their supplies.

In this state of affairs, Boorhan Nizam Shah wrote to Ismael Adil Shah, that if he did not march in person to his relief, as became a brother, he must sink under the pressure of his enemies. Ismael Adil Shah replied, that the infidels of Bee-januggur were encamped near Rachore, and that if he left his country they would instantly invade it; but that he sent him five hundred chosen horse under the command of his general Heidur-ool-Moolk Kuzveeny, and hoped that he would shortly repel the enemy. Boorhan Nizam Shah, disappointed in his hopes, deprived Sheikh Jafur, who had now become very unpopular among all classes of people, of the office of Peshwa, which he bestowed on one Kawur Sein a bramin; a person at once endowed with wisdom, penetration, and integrity. By his advice he marched with all the troops he could collect from Joonere to Ahmud-nuggur; and shortly after, decamping with great caution, took up a position in the hills near Dow-lutabad, and within eight miles of the Guzerat army. While in this post he harassed the enemy by frequent skirmishes and night-attacks for nearly three months, when a general action took place, in which Boorhan Nizam Shah being defeated, was at last induced to sue for peace through Mahomed Khan Farooky and Imad Shah, to whom he promised to return the forts and the elephants he had taken from them during the war. These two princes accordingly represented to Khoodawund Khan, that they had called in the aid of Bahadur Shah Guzeratty only to recover Ma-hoor and Patry; for which service they had engaged to cause the Khootba to be read in his name, both in Berar and Ahmudnuggur, and also to make him annual presents, but that the King seemed now to have extended his views to the absolute possession of their country. Khoodawund Khan remarked, that this was their own fault, for if the kings of the Deccan would agree together, all would be well. They understood his meaning, and resolved to break up the league. Imad Shah, accordingly, permitted supplies of provisions to pass through his camp to Dowlutabad, and retired at the commencement of the rains to Elichpoor.

Bahadur Shah and Meeran Mahomed Khan Farooky now consulted whether to stay or retreat. The ministers of both parties observed, that when the rivers swelled in the rainy season it would be impossible to obtain supplies either from Guzerat or Kandeish; and it being possible that the kings of the Deccan might still unite, it appeared to them prudent that Bahadur Shah should leave the possession of their countries both to Imad Shah and Nizam Shah, and be content with the acknowledgment of their homage. Bahadur Shah consented to this arrangement, and a communication was made to that effect to Boorhan Nizam Shah, who sent the ambassadors back with presents, and caused the public prayers to be read in the name of Bahadur Shah, who returned to Guzerat. Boorhan Nizam Shah, on his arrival at Ahmudnuggur, received a requisition from Meeran Mahomed Khan for the elephants which had been taken from him, and they were restored; but Imad Shah having made a similar demand for the forts of Mahoor and Patry, an evasive answer was given, and the request was not acceded to.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, the following year, sent Shah Tahir with rich presents of cloth, elephants, and horses, to Bahadur Shah, who delayed giving him an audience, and wrote to Meeran Mahomed Khan that he understood Boorhan Nizam Shah had only read the Khootba in his name once, and then discontinued it. Meeran Mahomed Khan, however, assured him that Boorhan Nizam Shah was his loyal vassal, and that if he had only read it once, it was merely to save appearances with the other kings of the Deccan; he trusted, therefore, he would forgive him, and receive his embassy. Bahadur Shah, accordingly, received Shah Tahir, but did not for some time treat him with any consideration; till at length his great talents and learning obtained for him the esteem of the King of Guzerat, who altered his conduct; and at the end of three months dismissed him with honour.

A. H. 937.
A. D. 1530. In the year 937, when Bahadur Shah had subdued Malwa, Boorhan Nizam Shah sent Shah Tahir with Nursoo Pundit to congratulate him upon his conquests. These two personages were introduced to the King at Boorhanpoor by Meeran Mahomed Khan of Kan-deish, who observed, that as the empire of the chief provinces of Hindoostan had devolved on the family of Teimoor, the star of whose prosperity was daily ascending, it was politic for him to make a friend of Boorhan Nizam Shah. Bahadur Shah, who was a prince of great ambition, and pretended to an equality with the sovereigns of Dehly, listened to the advice of Meeran Mahomed Khan, and conferred many favours on Shah Tahir, who was dismissed with expedition from Boorhanpoor to Ah-mudnuggur, to induce his master to have an interview with Bahadur Shah at the former city.

Boorhan Nizam Shah at first declined, but was at length induced to give his consent, at the instigation both of Shah Tahir and Kawur Sein; and having left his son, the Prince Hoossein Nizam Shah, in charge of the government during his absence, under the care of Kawur Sein, he marched with a body of about seven thousand horse, as an escort, to Boorhanpoor, sending on Sumbajee Chitnevees and Khwaja Ibraheem as ambassadors before him, to ensure him a suitable reception. Upon his arrival at Changdevy, on the bank of the Tapty, near Boorhanpoor, he was met by Meeran Mahomed Khan, who informed him that Bahadur Shah would receive him on his throne, on each side of which holy men were permitted to sit, but that all persons else, of whatever rank, stood with their arms crossed before them.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, understanding his reasons for this remark, said nothing in reply; but when Meeran Mahomed Khan took leave, he called his confidential officers to him privately, and declared that he never would submit to the indignity of standing before the throne of Bahadur Shah, after having declared his independence from the house of Bah-muny; that he would rather decline the meeting, and commit his safety to the hands of the Almighty. Shah Tahir observed, God is merciful, and would, he hoped, grant every thing agreeably to his desire; but that he must not be hasty, nor repeat such declarations, since policy might demand that he should one day submit to a humiliation, in order that he might pass the rest of his life in power. Boorhan Nizam Shah, who was a person of judgment, partially acceded to the arguments used by Shah Tahir, who now said that he had thought of a mode of averting this indignity. ^223a He stated that he had in his possession a Koran in the handwriting of Ally, which Bahadur Shah was very desirous of seeing; that he would carry this with him, so that the King of Guzerat would be compelled to descend from his throne, out of reverence, to meet it. On the following day, accordingly, when the interview was to take place, and the King of Ahmudnuggur with his attendants arrived at the royal tents, Shah Tahir placed the Koran on his head; and Bahadur Shah, seeing him at a distance, asked his vizier, Khoodawund Khan, what he was carrying. Upon being told it was a Koran in the hand-writing of Ally, he instantly descended from the throne, kissed it three times, and put it to his eyes and his forehead. He then received the compliments of Boorhan Nizam Shah, and asked him in the Guzerat language if he was well; to which Boorhan Nizam Shah replied in Persian. Bahadur Shah now re-ascended his throne, and Boorhan Nizam Shah and Shah Tahir stood before it. Observing that Shah Tahir, a holy man of the first rank, was standing, Bahadur Shah desired him to be seated, but he excused himself as his master was standing. He then requesed Boorhan Nizam Shah to sit also. After which Bahadur Shah, addressing him in Persian, enquired how he had passed the days of his late vicissitudes. Boorhan Nizam Shah replied, that afflictions which lead to prosperity, and absence terminating in happy meetings, cause the remembrance of the past to be forgotten; and in conclusion he observed, that the present moment was a sufficient recompense for all the trials he had experienced in a series of years. When Bahadur Shah heard this answer, he turned to Meeran Mahomed Khan, and said, “Did you hear “the answer of Boorhan Nizam-ool-Moolk?” (for he had not yet called him Shah:) he replied that he did not: upon which Bahadur Shah put the same question, and received the same reply. He then praised him in a very loud voice to be heard by all present. On which Shah Tahir, arising, said, “May “such proofs of the royal favour daily increase!” Bahadur Shah now taking a sword, and a dagger set with jewels, from his own waist, girded them on Boorhan Nizam Shah, and said, “May the title of “Shah prove auspicious to you!” at the same time he presented him with the chutr or royal canopy, taken from the King of Malwa, and commanded his vizier, Khoodawund Khan, and Mee-ran Mahomed Khan Farooky, to conduct him to the tent pitched for his reception, which had also belonged to the same Prince, Sooltan Mahomed Khiljy of Malwa. On the following day Bahadur Shah gave an entertainment, and seated Boorhan Nizam Shah and Meeran Mahomed Khan on chairs of gold in front of the throne. At the breaking up of the party he presented Boorhan Nizam Shah with five horses, two elephants, and twelve fighting deer. The two kings then played together at chowgan. Boorhan Nizam Shah in his turn made offerings to Bahadur Shah; the whole of which he highly approved, but would only accept of a Koran, and a sword, (on which was engraved the name of one of the Abassy caliphs,) with four elephants, and two Arab horses. He then said, “I give you “back all the rest of your offerings, and all the “country of the Deccan,” at the same time dismissing him, with permission to return to Ahmudnug-gur. Boorhan Nizam Shah accordingly took his departure, and going by the route of Dowlutabad, paid his devotions at the shrines of the holy men buried at that place; after which he encamped at the Houz-i-Kootloo, where he was met by his son, Hoossein Nizam Shah, and his minister Kawur Sein, as well as by ambassadors from the courts of Beejapoor and Golconda, who came to congratulate him.

The disagreements between Bahadur Shah and Boorhan Nizam Shah being now at an end, the latter was at leisure to attend to the administration of his dominions, and accordingly, by the wise policy of Kawur Sein, he reduced, in a very short space of time, thirty forts belonging to Marratta rajas who had not paid allegiance since the death of Ahmud Nizam Shah; after which he enlisted them in his service, giving them back their lands in jageer, on condition that they should supply troops when required for the state. The two ambassadors, Khwaja Ibrahim and Sumbajy Chitnevees, ^226a who had preceded the King to Boorhanpoor, were honoured with the titles of Luteef Khan and Purtab Ray, on their return to Ahmudnuggur, and were henceforward admitted as confidential officers of the government.

A. H. 938.
A. D. 1531. In the year 938, Ismael Adil Shah having contemplated the conquests of the forts of Kulliany and Kand'har from Ameer Bereed Shah, that prince solicited aid from Boorhan Nizam Shah, who wrote an imperious letter to Ismael Adil Shah, requiring him immediately to desist. This again brought on the disputes about the boundaries; and Ismael Adil Shah observes in his answer; “Have you so soon for-“gotten your late condition at Ahmudnuggur? “If you pride yourself on the tattered rags of the “King of Malwa, the boast is ridiculous. Nor need “you be too vain of the title of Shah, conferred on “you by the King of Guzerat, since I derive my “royal lineage from a race of sovereigns, ^227a and am “so styled by the kings of Persia, descendants of “the prophet. I advise you to repent of your “folly and arrogance, or I shall compel you to “quit your enjoyments in the Bagh-i-Nizam, and “try how you like the clashing of steel in the field “of battle.”

Boorhan Nizam Shah, though really ashamed of his conduct, yet marched directly to Oomruzpoor, where he remained some days to collect his forces, and then crossed the border of Ismael Adil Shah's territory. The latter gave Boorhan Nizam Shah a total defeat, and obliged him to retreat to Ahmud-nuggur, with the loss of all his baggage, and nearly four thousand men, a disaster which fully humbled his pride.

A.H. 939.
A. D. 1532. In the year 939, through the mediation of ambassadors, a meeting was effected between Boorhan Nizam Shah and Ismael Adil Shah, when it was agreed that the former should undertake the conquest of Berar, and the latter of Tulingana, and that they should divide the Deccan in a brotherly manner between them; but this project was frustrated by the sudden death of Ismael Adil Shah, and the disputes which took place between his successor and Boor-han Nizam Shah.

A. H. 944.
A. D. 1537. In the year 944, at the instigation of Shah Tahir, Boorhan Nizam Shah rejected the names of the Sahiba ^228a from the Khootba, and substituted those of the Imams; and as the colour of their standards was green (it is believed that at the day of judgment those of the Prophet will also be of that colour), he changed the colour of his canopy and standards to the same. He also (God forgive him!) settled pensions on persons to curse and revile the three first caliphs and their followers, in the mosques and streets; thus fulfilling the wish which Yoosoof Adil Shah of Beejapoor was unable to accomplish, owing to the opposition of his nobles, and which he carried with him to the grave. Boorhan Nizam Shah, however, ran some risk from his religious zeal. He was besieged in his palace by a number of malecontents, headed by one Moolla Peer Ma-homed, a furious Soony, whom he took prisoner and confined; on which the tumult subsided. The kings of Guzerat, Beejapoor, and Kandeish, enraged at the insult offered to the Soonies, entered into alliance with each other, and agreed to divide the dominions of Boorhan Nizam Shah between them; upon which the latter sent an embassy to the Emperor Hoomayoon, offering his services to assist in an invasion of Guzerat; but the rebellion of Sheer Shah taking place at this period, prevented that measure. Boorhan Nizam Shah found means to satisfy the kings of Guzerat and Kandeish; and entertaining in his service all the Sheea foreigners who had been lately disbanded by Ibrahim Adil Shah, marched to invade Beejapoor. In this campaign he was so successful as to capture one hundred elephants and some pieces of cannon, which were brought triumphantly to Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 949.
A.D. 1542. In the year 949, dissensions arose at the court of Beejapoor between As-sud Khan of Belgam and his master, Ibrahim Adil Shah. Boorhan Nizam Shah, taking advantage of this circumstance, invited Ameer Bereed Shah of Bidur to a coalition; at the same time he promulgated a report, that Assud Khan had, in conformity with his religious feelings, invited those two monarchs into the kingdom, and promised to give up Belgam to Boorhan Nizam Shah. Although there was not the slightest truth in this story, it was sedulously spread by the enemies of Beejapoor, and so successfully as to poison the King's mind more than ever against his minister. Boorhan Nizam Shah having marched to Sholapoor, he seized on and made over to Khwaja Jehan Dec-cany the five and a half districts, ^229a and then proceeding to Belgam, took possession of it, and plundered the towns that did not submit to his authority. Assud Khan used all his exertions to induce the King to march against the enemy, but he was apprehensive of treachery; and to such a height were their mutual jealousies carried, that Assud Khan saw no security but that of going over to Boorhan Nizam Shah. He joined him accordingly with six thousand troops attached to his person, and Boorhan Nizam Shah marched direct to Beejapoor. Ibrahim Adil Shah, deprived of his minister, and without confidence in those around him, deserted his capital, and took shelter at Koolburga, till the arrival of a reinforcement under Imad Shah. The proximity of the Berar army to that of Boorhan Nizam Shah, a short time afterwards, enabled Assud Khan to quit the side he had espoused, and to unite himself with the ally of his country. Assud Khan no sooner joined the Berar army than Boorhan Nizam Shah retreated towards Ahmudnuggur, whither he was pursued by the allied forces of Berar and Beejapoor; and being compelled, in his turn, to quit his capital, and to leave it a prey to the invaders, he took post in the strong fortress of Dow-lutabad. At this place Ameer Bereed Shah of Bidur dying, Boorhan Nizam Shah concluded a peace, and restored to Ibrahim Adil Shah the five and a half districts of Sholapoor.

On the following year, Boorhan Nizam Shah deputed Shah Tahir as ambassador to the court of Jumsheed Kootb Shah of Golconda, congratulating him on his accession to the throne, and making private overtures to induce him to form a league with Ramraj, the Hindoo prince of Beejanuggur, against the state of Beejapoor.

Boorhan Nizam Shah now sent his trusty minister, Shah Tahir, to beg the assistance of Ally Bereed Shah of Bidur, who, however, declined. This induced him, on the following year, to march an army against Bidur, commencing his operations by the siege of Owsa. Ally Bereed Shah, in the mean time, promised to cede the fort of Kulliany to Ibrahim Adil Shah, in case he would march to his assistance; and the Beejapoor troops formed a junction with the Bidur forces at Kulliany. The allies now raised the siege of Owsa; and an action took place with the Nizam Shahy army within four miles of that fort, in which the allies were defeated with considerable loss, and the fall of Owsa shortly afterwards took place. From thence Boorhan Nizam Shah marched against Oodgeer, which he also reduced, and then proceeded against Kand'har. At this place the allies made another effort to raise the siege; but being a second time defeated, with the loss of their heavy baggage, Kand'har shortly after fell, and Boorhan

A. H. 955.
A. D. 1548.

Nizam Shah returned towards his capital, in the year 955. On the road he was met by deputies from a political party in Beejapoor, who stated that the people were so oppressed by the cruelties and mal-administration of Ibrahim Adil Shah that the nobles were desirous of substituting in his stead the Prince Abdoolla, the King's younger brother. This prince had at that time sought an asylum with the Portuguese at Goa; but they had said nothing could be effected without the assistance of Boorhan Nizam Shah. Jumsheed Kootb Shah of Golconda was also invited to coalesce with the King of Ahmudnuggur for this purpose, and the allied sovereigns accordingly moved towards Beejapoor. Boorhan Nizam Shah first invaded the country, and failing in an attempt to seize Belgam, he was compelled to retreat; and the death of his favourite minister, Shah Tahir, which occurred about this period, induced him to fall back on his capital, and to make over the seals to Kasim Beg Hukeem and Gopal Row a bramin.

Nearly at the same time, also, Assud Khan of Bel-gam dying, Boorhan Nizam Shah resolved to make another attack on the Beejapoor dominions. He accordingly deputed ambassadors to Ramraj, inviting him to a confederacy, when presents and professions were interchanged between them. Upon hearing which, Ibrahim Adil Shah treated the resident ambassadors of the latter at Beejapoor with evident marks of disrespect; and they quitted his capital in great indignation, without taking leave. On arriving at Beejanuggur, they told Ramraj what had been the behaviour of Ibrahim Adil Shah, on account of the league the Beeja-nuggur court was about to form with Boorhan Nizam Shah; and concluded by saying, that had they not made their escape they should probably have been put to death. Ramraj, enraged at this affront, wrote to Boorhan Nizam Shah, that as Ally Bereed Shah of Bidur had preferred to his alliance that of Ibrahim Adil Shah, it would be desirable to take from him the fort of Kulliany.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, without delay, moved from Ahmudnuggur, and surrounding Kulliany effectually blocked up all communication from without. Ibrahim Adil Shah marched to relieve it; and advancing within sight of the enemy, pitched his camp and intrenched himself. Boorhan Nizam Shah, unwilling to raise the siege, also fortified his lines. The Beejapoor Marratta horse were employed to infest the roads leading to the enemy's camp, and to cut off his supplies; and were so successful as to cause the greatest distress for provisions to the Nizam Shahies. Boorhan Nizam Shah, in this situation, called a council of his nobles, some of whom proposed to raise the siege, and, retreating on Ahmudnuggur, to make peace; while Shah Jafur and Kasim Beg recommended a sudden and vigorous attack on the enemy. The latter advice being adopted, Seif-ood-Deen Ein-ool-Moolk, with several other Toorky officers, on the morning of the fast of Rumzan, surprised the Beejapoor army at dawn of day. Ibrahim Adil Shah, who was then in a warm bath, had scarcely time to make his escape, and fly towards Beer and Purenda, while his troops were so completely surprised, that they deserted their tents, baggage, and artillery, all of which fell into the hands of the victors. At the same moment, also, an attack was made on the fort of Kulliany, which surrendered without much opposition. After this defeat, Ibrahim Adil Shah, in order to save his own territories from devastation, fled through the enemy's country, and coming suddenly before Purenda, rushed in before the gates could be shut, and taking possession, gave charge of it to one of his Deccany officers. He then laid waste the surrounding country, and levied heavy contributions on the people; but hearing of the approach of Boorhan Nizam Shah, he retreated towards Beejapoor. The Nizam Shahy troops continued to advance towards Purenda; and the dastardly governor, whom Ibrahim Adil Shah had left there, fled during the night, before the enemy had arrived within forty miles of the place. Shah Jumal-ood-Deen Anjoo, a contemporary, told me, ^235a that the governor of Purenda persisted in declaring he heard the trumpets of Boorhan Nizam Shah when he was forty miles distant, and this proved to be nothing but the buzzing of a gnat in his room. The third day after his flight, the empty fortress was occupied by the Nizam Shahy troops; and Boorhan Nizam Shah having restored it to Khwaja Jehan Deccany, retreated to Ahmudnuggur.†^235b A. H. 957.
A. D. 1549. On the following year, Boorhan Nizam Shah marched his army through great part of the Beejapoor territory without opposition, and had a conference with Ramraj in the vicinity of the fort of Rachore, when it was resolved that they should both aggrandise themselves by attacking the Beejapoor territories; that Ramraj should take the forts of Rachore and Moodkul, with their dependencies on the south of the Krishna, and that Boorhan Nizam Shah should attack Sholapoor and Koolburga.

Sholapoor was accordingly besieged, and after a blockade of three months was carried by assault. Boorhan Nizam Shah was about proceeding to Koolburga, when hearing that Ramraj had already reduced Rachore and Moodkul, and had returned to Beejanuggur, he also thought it advisable to retreat to Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 961.
A. D. 1553. In the year 961, Boorhan Nizam Shah again formed an alliance with Ramraj, and marched towards Beejapoor, while Ibrahim Adil Shah, unable to cope with him, retired to Pu-nala. ^236a Beejapoor was besieged by the allies, when Boorhan Nizam Shah was suddenly seized with a violent disorder in his bowels, which obliged him to return to his capital, and he soon after expired. His body was embalmed, and sent to Kurbela, where he was entombed near the burial-place of Hussun, the son of Ally, and the grandson of the Prophet.

Boorhan Nizam Shah died at the age of fifty-four, after a reign of forty-seven years. He left two sons, Hoossein and Abdool Kadur, by his favourite wife Ameena, and two others, Shah Ally and Meeran Mahomed Bakur, by Beeby Muryum, the daughter of Yoosoof Adil Shah. He had also another son, Shah Heidur, married to a daughter of Khwaja Jehan Deccany.

Ascends the throne at the age of thirteen, and is supported by the foreign troops — his brother Abdool Kadur disputes his title, and is supported by the Deccanies. — The King's half-brothers fly to their uncle the King of Beejapoor. — The King declares war against Beejapoor — besieges Sholapoor. — Death of the King of Beejapoor. — The war prosecuted. — Hoossein Nizam Shah retreats to Peitun — is besieged in Ahmudnuggur. — Peace concluded. — The fort of Ahmudnuggur strengthened. — War renewed. — The King of Golconda joins in an alliance with the King of Ahmudnuggur against the King of Beejapoor and the Raja of Beejanuggur. — The King of Ahmudnuggur loses six hundred pieces of cannon in one action. — Ahmud-nuggur besieged a second time. — The enemy lose twenty-five thousand men by the swelling of the Sena river during the night. — Peace concluded. — Confederacy of the Moslem kings of the Deccan against Ramraj Raja of Beejanuggur, who is defeated and slain. — Death of Hoossein Nizam Shah I.

HOOSSEIN NIZAM SHAH succeeded his father in the thirteenth year of his age. His full-brother, the Prince Abdool Kadur, with the other princes, fled from the capital on the same day, and from that moment two parties were formed in the government: the foreigners and Abyssinians embracing the cause of Hoossein Nizam Shah, and the Deccanies (both Mahomedans and Hindoos) that of Abdool Kadur, who was, however, at length deserted by his party, and flying to Berar, sought an asylum with Imad-ool-Moolk.

Shah Ally and Meeran Mahomed Bakur fled to their uncle, Ibrahim Adil Shah, at Beejapoor, and Shah Heidur having gone to his father-in-law, Khwaja Jehan Deccany, at Purenda, laid claim to the throne. Hoossein Nizam Shah hesitated not to march against the pretender, Shah Heidur, who with Khwaja Jehan was obliged to seek refuge at the court of Beejapoor, and Purenda fell to the Nizam Shahy forces. On the occurrence of this event, Ibrahim Adil Shah openly espoused the cause of Shah Heidur and Khwaja Jehan, and declaring war against Hoossein Nizam Shah, marched to the fort of Sholapoor, which had been taken during the last reign. In the mean time, Hoossein Nizam Shah having formed an alliance with Imad Shah of Berar, and receiving from that prince a reinforcement of seven thousand cavalry, moved to raise the siege of Sholapoor, an account of which expedition has been given in the history of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

Seif Ein-ool-Moolk, who had left the Nizam Shahy service and gone over to Beejapoor, being driven from that kingdom, asked leave to return to Ahmudnuggur, which was granted him by Hoossein Nizam Shah, by whom he was subsequently treacherously put to death. His family, however, was saved by the gallantry of his chief dependent, Kubool Khan, who conducted it in safety to Golconda, where the latter was received into the service of Ibrahim Kootb Shah. Seif Ein-ool-Moolk was celebrated throughout the Deccan for his courage, and for the efficiency of his party of horsemen, with whom he lived on the terms of a brother. At this time, Ibrahim Adil Shah dying at Beejapoor, Hoossein Nizam Shah, in concert with Ibrahim Kootb Shah of Golconda, marched to invade that country; but the latter not entering with zeal into the cause, and returning to his capital, Hoossein Nizam Shah was also compelled to fall back on Ahmudnuggur. Ally Adil Shah, the successor of Ibrahim, now formed an alliance with Ramraj and Ibrahim Kootb Shah; while Hoossein Nizam Shah made fresh overtures to Imad-ool-Moolk of Berar, who having met him

A. H. 967.
A. D. 1559.

in the year 967, at the town of Sonput, on the banks of the Godavery, received his daughter in marriage on that occasion.

In the same year, also, Hoossein Nizam Shah detached Mahomed Wostad Nyshapoory and Chu-leby Roomy Khan ^239a against the fort of Reevadunda, built by the Portuguese on the sea-coast, who having made peace, promised not to molest the subjects of the Ahmudnuggur state. He also carried his arms into Kandeish, and subdued the fortress of Galna.

In the mean time, the allied sovereigns of Bee-japoor, Golconda, and Beejanuggur, invaded the Nizam Shahy territories, and the forts of Kul-liany and Sholapoor were demanded as the terms of peace; which being refused, the confederates reached Ahmudnuggur with an army amounting to one hundred thousand horse and nine hundred thousand infantry.

Hoossein Nizam Shah, unable to cope with these forces, fled from Ahmudnuggur to Peitun, whence he deputed embassies to Imad-ool-Moolk in Berar, to Meeran Moobarik Shah Farooky of Kandeish, and to Ally Bereed Shah at Bidur, soliciting each of them to march to his assistance. Khan Jehan, the brother of Ally Bereed Shah, having left Bidur some time before, had entered the service of Duria Imad-ool-Moolk, whom he now not only dissuaded from rendering any assistance to the King of Ahmudnuggur, but even prevailed on him to allow him to take the command of six thousand horse, and march to the frontier to attack him. This measure was, however, anticipated, and Khan Jehan was so completely defeated by a small detachment of Nizam Shahy horse, that he was ashamed to return to Imad-ool-Moolk, and came over to the Adil Shahy army. The allies now laid siege to Ahmudnuggur; but Ibrahim Kootb Shah, unwilling that Ally Adil Shah should add this fort to his dominions, connived at supplies passing through his camp to the garrison. At the same time, also, Moolla Inayut Oolla Névayut, then in the Kootb Shahy service, kept up a communication both with Hoossein Nizam Shah at Peitun and with the besieged. As these proceedings could not long remain secret, Ally Adil Shah and Ramraj demanded an explanation of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, who, without affording it, decamped during the night and marched to Golconda, while Moolla Inayut Oolla finding his way first into the fort, afterwards joined Hoossein Nizam Shah at Peitun. Duria Imad-ool-Moolk, after the defeat of Khan Jehan, by way of reparation to Hoossein Nizam Shah, sent a large force under Jehangeer Khan to join him. This division was employed to cut off the supplies of the besiegers, which soon produced a famine; and all circumstances combined to compel the allies to raise the siege and to encamp at Ashty, where it was determined to send one division of the army to Purenda, and another to Ousa, and that after having secured supplies, to return to the siege of Ahmudnuggur.

Hoossein Nizam Shah, however, having deputed Kasim Beg and Moolla Inayut Oolla to Ramraj to sue for peace, it was granted on the following conditions:—

First, That he should cede the fortress of Kul-liany to Ally Adil Shah.

Secondly, That he should put to death Jehan-geer Khan, who commanded the auxiliary troops of Duria Imad-ool-Moolk, who had been extremely active against the enemy.

Thirdly, That Hoossein Nizam Shah should submit to pay Ramraj a visit, and to receive a pân ^241a from his hands.

Hoossein Nizam Shah, to save his kingdom, accepted the terms, and fulfilled the second article, by employing a band of assassins to put to death the gallant Jehangeer Khan in his tent. After having thus, at the instigation of an infidel, murdered one of the faithful, and verified the proverb, that “there is no faith in princes,” he proceeded to the camp of Ramraj, who rose on his entering his tent, and took him by the hand. Hoossein Nizam Shah, who possessed great pride, called for a basin and ewer, and washed his hands, as if they had been polluted by the touch of Ramraj, who said, in his own language, “If he were not my guest I would cut off “his hands and hang them round his neck;” then calling for water, he also washed; and such were the bad feelings which prevailed, that a tumult nearly occurred on the spot. Hoossein Nizam Shah, on giving the keys of Kulliany to Ramraj, said, “I give them to you as a present.” Ramraj immediately sent them to Ally Adil Shah, and gave Hoossein Nizam Shah pân, when he returned to Ahmudnuggur without visiting Ally Adil Shah. On his arrival, he caused the fort, which was originally built of mud only, to be rebuilt with stone, and a deep ditch to be excavated around it. The treaty of peace was concluded by Kasim Beg and Moolla Inayut Oolla on the part of Hoossein Nizam Shah, and by Venkatadry and Yeltumraj on the part of Ramraj.

A. H. 970.
A. D. 1562. In the year 970, Hoossein Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Kootb Shah met in the neighbourhood of Kulliany, where they celebrated the marriage of Beeby Jumally, the eldest daughter of the former, with the latter sovereign, and immediately after laid siege to that fortress. In this situation they were attacked by Ramraj and Ally Adil Shah, who were also joined by Ally Bereed Shah from Bidur, and Boorhan Imad Shah from Berar, who had lately succeeded his father, Duria Imad Shah, in the government. The latter prince was particularly incensed against Hoossein Nizam Shah for his shameful assassination of Jehangeer Khan. On the approach of these forces Hoossein Nizam Shah sent his family into the fort of Ousa, and accompanied by Ibrahim Kootb Shah marched with seven hundred pieces of ordnance of different calibres, and five hundred elephants, to within twelve miles of the enemy. It happened that he had scarcely encamped, when a violent storm came on, which blew down all the tents, and the rain pouring in torrents, his cattle, and his guns in particular, were rendered almost useless, the latter being immovable in the heavy black clay in which he was encamped. On the following morning the enemy's Bergy horse cut in upon Ibrahim Kootb Shah's lines, whose army fled without making resistance; and Hoossein Nizam Shah, finding himself deserted, commenced his retreat also, taking with him only forty out of seven hundred pieces of ordnance, which he had brought into the field.^243a

On the third day he was compelled to quit the few guns he had, and to fly to Ahmudnuggur. In his retreat, however, he carried the umbrella of royalty over his head; and though attended only by a thousand horse, he made his way good through six thousand of the enemy. Being remarkably strict in his observance of prayers at stated hours, one afternoon, when closely pursued, his friends represented the danger of dismounting to pray, but he disregarded them; and the enemy were so struck with his dauntless courage, that they stopped at some distance to admire it. After prayers, on observing that he had on a girdle of gold, he recollected that it was unlawful to pray in it, and casting it off, he repeated his devotions. The enemy deeming it unnecessary to follow him farther resolved on giving over the pursuit. The King having thrown supplies into Ahmudnuggur retired to the fortress of Joonere. The allies again laid siege to Ahmudnuggur; and the Hindoos of Ramraj committed every species of indignity and atrocity on the persons and property of the faithful, polluting the mosques, and dishonouring the women. Ally Adil Shah, scandalised at these indignities, but unable to prevent them, advised Ramraj to raise the siege, and to pursue Hoossein Nizam Shah to Joonere, who upon this retired among the high mountains in the vicinity, and employed Hoossein Roostoom Khan Deccany, Adhum Khan Hubshy, and Sabajee Coly, with their troops, to hover round the confederates, and to cut off their supplies; and so effectually did they lay waste the country as to prevent their advance. Hoossein Roostoom Khan met the enemy at the village of Canoor, and during the absence of Ally Adil Shah, who was hunting at the time, fell suddenly on the Beejapoor army. The uncle of Ally Adil Shah was killed on this occasion; but the Beejapoories were so successful in the end, as to leave Hoossein Roostoom Khan and two thousand of his men dead on the field of battle. At the approach of the rainy season, the allies returned to the siege of Ahmudnuggur. The army of Ram-raj encamped south of the fort, on the bank of the Sena river, when the rain having fallen very heavily in the hills, and the river swelling suddenly during the night, three hundred horses and a vast number of carriage cattle were drowned; besides which, no fewer than twenty officers of rank, and upwards of twenty-five thousand men of all descriptions, were swept away in the torrent. Ramraj, in consequence of this disaster, raised the siege, and moved towards the Carnatic; and Ally Adil Shah, following his example, marched to Nuldroog, to put that fort in a state of defence. When the allies reached the town of Ootgy, Ramraj, under the pretence of foraging, halted, and took that opportunity of plundering some of the Beejapoor and Golconda districts, and eventually obtained from both these princes a cession of territory before he retired to his capital.

Having placed Moortuza Khan Anjoo in the command of Nuldroog, Ally Adil Shah retreated to Beejapoor. His officers made frequent incursions into the Sholapoor district belonging to Hoossein Nizam Shah, who dreading an attack on the town sent thither one thousand bullock loads of grain, under a strong escort, to enable it to sustain a siege. Moortuza Khan of Nuldroog, obtaining intimation of this convoy, left his station with a large body of Bergy cavalry, and fell in with the Nizam Shahy detachment between Shola-poor and Purenda: an action ensued, in which the latter was defeated, with the loss of one hundred and fifty elephants. The Bergies, elated with success, began to plunder and spread over the country. Moortuza Khan sent the elephants to Beejapoor, and retired towards Nuldoorg. In the mean time the Nizam Shahies, having learnt from one of their own soldiers who had been taken and released by Moortuza Khan of the dispersed condition of his army, collected about two thousand horse, and pursuing the Adil Shahy troops, came suddenly upon Moortuza Khan, took him prisoner, and sent him to Ahmudnuggur. Hoossein Nizam Shah, still bent on supplying Sholapoor with the means of resistance, marched from Ahmudnuggur in person at the head of his army, and succeeded in throwing into the place twelve thousand loads of grain.

A. H. 972.
A. D. 1564. It was in the year 972 that the league was entered into by the four Maho-medan kings of Ahmudnuggur, Beeja-poor, Bidur, and Golconda, to crush the rising power of Ramraj, the Hindoo prince of Beeja-nuggur. The armies united and marched to the southward: they crossed the Krishna and encamped on the Hookery river, situated twelve miles from the former. Ramraj marched to oppose them at the head of seventy thousand cavalry and ninety thousand infantry, chiefly matchlock men, besides archers and artillery-men. The kings of the Deccan made overtures to him, promising the restitution of the districts they had taken from him on the march, in order to obtain peace, conceiving themselves unequal to cope with his formidable army. Ramraj, however, refused to listen to any accommodation; and having detached his brother Venkatadry, at the head of two hundred thousand infantry, twenty-five thousand cavalry, and five hundred elephants, to oppose Ally Adil Shah on the left, and his other brother Yeltumraj, with twenty thousand horse, two hundred thousand infantry, and five hundred elephants, to oppose Ibrahim Kootb Shah and Ally Bereed on the right, himself remained in the centre with fifteen thousand chosen auxiliaries (supplied by the neighbouring rajas), one thousand elephants, and five hundred thousand infantry, to oppose the army of Hoossein Nizam Shah. He directed his soldiers to endeavour to take Ibrahim Kootb Shah and Ally Adil Shah prisoners, in order that he might keep them in iron cages during the rest of their lives; and he directed his own column, if possible, to bring him the head of Hoossein Nizam Shah.

The Mahomedan kings, despairing of coming to any terms with the enemy, resolved to fight desperately; and they thus disposed their troops: Ally Adil Shah was on the right, Hoossein Nizam Shah in the centre, and Ibrahim Kootb Shah and Ally Bereed on the left. Each of which divisions erected twelve standards in honour of the twelve Imams before proceeding to the attack. Hoossein Nizam Shah's front was covered by six hundred pieces of ordnance of different calibres. They were placed in three lines of two hundred each: in the first line were the heavy guns, in the second were the smaller, and the third line was composed of zumbooruks, or swivels; the whole commanded by Chuleby Roomy Khan, an officer of distinction from Asia Minor, who had served in Europe. In order to mask this disposition, two thousand foreign archers were thrown out in front, who kept up a heavy discharge on the enemy as he approached: these fell back as the Hindoos advanced, till they were close to the heavy battery, which opened upon them with such effect, that they retreated in confusion with dreadful loss. Recovering, however, from the panic, they rallied, and were induced to charge the guns a second time, after having received some money, and promises of more from Ramraj. The assault had now become general along the Maho-medan line, and the two flanks had already fallen back, when the guns in the centre were thus attacked. Chuleby Roomy Khan had provided bags of copper money to load with, should the enemy close; and these proved so destructive, that upwards of five thousand Hindoos were left dead close to the muzzles of the guns, before they retreated. The repulse of this charge seems to have decided the fate of the day: the confusion of the enemy was taken advantage of by Kishwur Khan Lary, an officer of the Beejapoor army attached to the centre, who, charging through the intervals of the guns with five thousand cavalry, pursued the enemy into the centre of Ramraj's line; where, in attempting to make his escape on foot, the Hindoo prince was overtaken by one of the Nizam Shahy elephants, which seized him in his trunk; and on being brought to Hoossein Nizam Shah, Ramraj was beheaded by that monarch's order, and his army fled to Beejanuggur. The details of the remaining events have been already related in the Adil Shahy history; suffice it to say, the country of Beejanuggur fell to the Mahomedan armies, and Hoossein Nizam Shah returned to Ahmudnuggur, where he died, shortly after, of a disorder brought on by excess. He left behind him four sons and four daughters. His death has been commemorated in the following words:—

◌

“The sun of the Deccan has become obscured.”

The Dowager-queen Khoonza Sooltana assumes the office of regent during the King's minority — she proceeds to attack Beejapoor. — Peace concluded. — The governments of Beeja-poor and Ahmudnuggur unite to conquer Berar, but which is only plundered. — The young King compels his mother to retire from public life, and assumes charge of his government — he makes war with Beejapoor — attacks Dharoor, which is taken. — The King endeavours to expel the Portuguese from Reevadunda on the sea-coast, but fails. — Partition treaty of Berar and Beejanuggur formed between the courts of Ahmud-nuggur and Beejapoor. — Berar conquered by the King of Ahmudnuggur. — The Emperor Akbur of Dehly requires him to relinquish it. — Character of Chungiz Khan the Ahmud-nuggur general and minister — his death. — Sulabut Khan minister. — The King attempts his son's life. — His son murders him.

AS this Prince ascended the throne during his minority, his mother, Khoonza Sooltana, became for six years regent and manager of the affairs of the kingdom. She raised her three brothers, Ein-ool-Moolk, Taj Khan, and Etibar Khan, to the first rank of nobility. She appointed Moolla Inayut Oolla to the office of peshwa; and sat daily in durbar, transacting public business, behind a curtain; while her son, Moortuza Nizam Shah, was engaged in those amusements suited to his age.

Such was the state of affairs at the Nizam Shahy court when Ally Adil Shah led his army against the Hindoos, who now remained in the provinces of Beejanuggur, at Anagoondy, and whose chief, Venkatadry, the brother of the late Ramraj, resided at Penkonda. Venkatadry, in this extremity, applied for relief to Khoonza Sooltana, who having marched at the head of an army, accompanied by her young son, against the dominions of Beejapoor, compelled Ally Adil Shah to retire from before Anagoondy to defend his own country; but peace was soon after concluded between these Mahomedan princes; and a league was subsequently entered into against Toofal Khan, the prime minister of Boorhan Imad Shah, who had usurped the authority of Berar. Both the Adil Shahy and Nizam Shahy troops having entered that country plundered it, and marched back again before the rains. On their return Ally Adil Shah treacherously endeavoured to seize the person of the young King of Ahmudnuggur; but his mother, the Regent, gaining intimation of his intention, suddenly decamped during the night, and a river which intervened having swelled rapidly, the two armies were effectually separated, and the Nizam Shahies were enabled to gain the fort of Ahmud-nuggur.

A. H. 975.
A. D. 1567. In the year 975 Ally Adil Shah invaded the Nizam Shahy dominions, and taking several places, defeated the Ah-mudnuggur forces. In the mean while the conduct of the Regent, Khoonza Sooltana, in providing for her relations at the expense of the most deserving nobles in the state, gave umbrage to the whole of that class; till at length Shah Jumal-ood-Deen Hoossein Anjoo, Kasim Beg Hukeem, and others, the companions of the King, complained to him of his mother's conduct. The King replied, “The whole of my ministers are attached “to the Queen, how then am I to subvert her “usurped authority?” They answered, that, with his permission, they would gain over some of the principal nobles, and effect the object. Moortuza Nizam Shah having given his consent, the chiefs above mentioned, with their friends, repaired some time after to the palace, where the King happened to be sitting with the Queen-mother: his childish fears made him conclude the secret was betrayed, so that, in order to save himself, he revealed to her that certain chiefs had resolved to seize her; upon which she instantly caused the principal conspirators to be secured.

A. H. 977.
A.D. 1569. In the year 977 the Dowager-queen marched, with her son, to oppose the encroachments of Kishwur Khan, the Beejapoor general. Upon their arrival at D'ha-mungam, Moortuza Nizam Shah, now able to judge for himself, and resolving to become free from his mother's trammels, gained over the principal nobles, and sent Hubbush Khan to inform the Queen that it was his pleasure she should no longer engage in public affairs, but live retired, like the other princesses. Enraged at this message, she summoned her creatures, and throwing a veil over her face, came from the palace on horseback, armed with a bow, a sword, and dagger. She was, however, seized, after a short resistance, and her attendants fled. The King now assumed charge of the affairs of his government; and having levied forces, marched towards Dha-roor, with the intention of attacking Kishwur Khan, the Beejapoor general.

On arriving within a short distance of the enemy's camp, a messenger from Kishwur Khan brought him a sealed paper, which, upon being opened, was found to contain such insolent expressions as enraged him to the highest pitch. Mounting his horse he swore that he would not alight till he entered the fort of Dharoor, towards which he rode at full gallop. His attendants represented that fortresses were not to be taken by cavalry, and with a handful of men, and that he ought not to expose his person so imprudently. The King replied, that by the Almighty God he would force the gate with his sword, and hew his passage into the place; that if victory was decreed him, no injury could happen to him; and that if his death was fixed, it was vain to avoid the danger. The officers, seeing his determination, begged, at least, that he would put on armour, which was allowed by the Prophet; to this he consented, and then proceeded to the attack. Having reached the gate, he was assailed by showers of shot, arrows, and rockets poured forth from the fort walls, which killed many men, and some elephants and horses. Moortuza Nizam Shah still persevered, and escaped unhurt. At length the fire from the fort suddenly ceasing, the King was astonished; and on sending persons to enquire the cause, the troops entered unopposed, and found the fort evacuated. An arrow, it seems, had by chance pierced the heart of Kishwur Khan, who lay dead on the ground. The victors cut off his head, and hung it over the battlements; on which the King offered up thanksgiving for his victory. The Nizam Shahy army now invaded Beejapoor, in conjunction with Ibrahim Kootb Shah of Golconda, against whom Moortuza Nizam Shah afterwards conceived enmity, produced through the artifice of Shah Abool Hoossein, to such a degree, that Ibrahim Kootb Shah found it necessary to make his escape, leaving his camp to be plundered by the Nizam Shahies. Shortly after this, a treaty was concluded between Ally Adil Shah and Moortuza Nizam Shah, when the latter returned to Ahmud-nuggur, where he appointed Jumal-ood-Deen Hoos-sein his prime minister, and then marched against the fort of Reevadunda, belonging to the Portuguese, but was obliged to raise the siege, after a blockade of some months, as the enemy obtained provisions by sea, owing to the treachery of the Nizam Shahy officers, who were bribed by presents, particularly of wine. The King, upon his return from this expedition, displaced several of his ministers, and conferred the office of vakeel on Chun-giz Khan, a nobleman of great abilities, who, by his attention, restored the public affairs. This minister defeated, by his address, a proposed alliance between Ally Adil Shah and Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and effected an union between his master and the former, who had an interview on the borders, when it was agreed, that Ally Adil Shah should conquer as much of the Carnatic as would produce a revenue equal to Berar and Bidur; which latter kingdoms Moortuza Nizam Shah should be at liberty to wrest from the hands of Toofal Khan and Ally Bereed Shah.

A. H. 980.
A. D. 1572. In the year 980 Moortuza Nizam Shah marched to Berar; and by the gallantry and good conduct of his general Chungiz Khan drove Toofal Khan from Elichpoor, compelling him and his son, Shumsheer-ool-Moolk, to fly to the hills, taking from them two hundred elephants, besides all their heavy baggage. Toofal Khan was driven from jungle to jungle for six months, at the end of which time, being forced into a narrow defile blocked up by the King's troops, he would certainly have been taken, had not the King been delayed by religious superstition for some time on his march by a mad devotee, Meer Moosa Mazinderany, who, meeting him on the road, conjured him by the love he bore to the twelve Imams not to move further till he had given him the sum of 12,000 hoons. ^255a The King waited on the spot till he could comply with his request, though the minister entreated him to defer giving the money till the camp was pitched. The delay which ensued enabled Toofal Khan to make his escape, and fly to Boorhanpoor, where he sought protection with the ruler of Kandeish, who was, however, afraid to grant it, for fear of the vengeance of Moortuza Nizam Shah. Thence Too-fal Khan returned to Berar, and took refuge in the hill-fort of Nurnala, from which place he applied for assistance to Akbur Padshah, Emperor of Dehly. Akbur sent an envoy to Moortuza Nizam Shah, requiring him immediately to desist from his invasion of Berar; but no attention was paid to the communication, so that Nurnala, and all the other principal forts in Berar, fell into the hands of Moor-tuza Nizam Shah; and Toofal Khan, with his sovereign, Boorhan Imad-ool-Moolk, and all his family, being captured, were confined in one of them; where they shortly after died suddenly, and, it is conjectured, by poison.

Moortuza Nizam Shah would now have returned to Ahmudnuggur; but Chungiz Khan representing that as Ally Adil Shah was aggrandising himself by the reduction of the country of Beejanuggur, it was desirable for him, also, to prosecute his project against Ahmudabad Bidur, to which place he accordingly marched. In the mean time, Meeran Mahomed Shah, the ruler of Kandeish, taking advantage of the absence of Moortuza Nizam Shah from Berar, sent a force of three thousand horse, and seven or eight thousand infantry, to support a person who pretended to be a son of the late Duria Imad-ool-Moolk, ruler of Berar. This force succeeded in expelling several of the Nizam Shahy posts, and in retaining a great portion of the country. On hearing this, Moortuza Nizam Shah returned with the greatest expedition, accompanied by a light force only, directing Chungiz Khan to follow with the main army. Syud Moortuza, a Nizam Shahy general, who preceded the King, having come up with the Berar pretender, at the head of eight thousand horse, obliged him to fly, and his adherents to disperse. Meanwhile, Moortuza Nizam Shah entering Kan-deish by the Rohunkehra Ghat, ravaged the country to the very gates of Boorhanpoor.

Chungiz Khan, desirous of seeing the fortress of Aseer, to which Meeran Mahomed Shah Farooky had retired, went with eight thousand horse in order to reconnoitre it. Meeran Mahomed Shah employed a detachment to endeavour to cut off his retreat; but it was repulsed with loss, and some officers even were taken prisoners. Moortuza Nizam Shah now marched in person to Aseer, from whence he sent out parties who left not a vestige of population in the surrounding country, so that Meeran Mahomed Shah was in the end compelled to purchase the retreat of the Nizam Shahies by the payment of a large sum of money.

Shortly after this Mirza Khan Isfahany reached the Nizam Shahy camp, as ambassador on the part of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, in order to prevent the meditated attack on Bidur. To effect this object he offered a large sum of money to Chungiz Khan, who refused it with indignation, telling him that the treasures of the Nizam Shahy kingdom were at his disposal. He said, however, that after the reduction of Bidur, it would be prudent for Moortuza Nizam Shah, Ibrahim Kootb Shah, and Ally Adil Shah, to unite against the encroachments likely to be made on their power by the Emperor Akbur. The ambassador failing in bribing the minister, endeavoured to effect his purpose by bringing over to his design Sahib Khan, a favourite minion of the King, who had been ill treated by Chungiz Khan; insinuating that that minister intended to assume the royal titles in Berar. Sahib Khan willingly received the accusation, and informed the King, who at first did not believe it, ascribing it to the effect of malice on the part of Sahib Khan towards the minister. Sahib Khan, however, persisting in his assertion, pretended to weep; entreating the King, if he did not believe him, to send for Mirza Khan Isfahany, who was a townsman of the minister, to hear what he knew. The intelligence being confirmed by Mirza Khan, made some impression on the King's mind, though he resolved to wait for further proof. At length, one day having sent for Chungiz Khan, he signified his wish to return to Ahmudnuggur, as he was tired of the field. The minister observed, that in a newly-conquered province it was advisable for his Majesty to remain five or six months, in order to gain the good will of the inhabitants; but in case that did not suit him, at all events to leave him with an army for that purpose. This suggestion convinced Moortuza Nizam Shah of the truth of the accusations against the minister, and the King immediately altered his behaviour towards him. Chungiz Khan perceiving this became alarmed for his safety, and staid away some days from court on the plea of indisposition. This conduct only tended the more to confirm the King's suspicions; who having resolved to put him to death, directed his physician to administer a poisoned draught to the minister as medicine. Chungiz Khan discovered the device, and at first refused to take it; but knowing it would be of no avail, he at last resolved on the sacrifice, and drank the potion. During his last moments he wrote the following address to the King: —

“The faithful servant Meeruk, the sun of whose “age has passed through sixty mansions, and was “hastening to the seventieth, having bowed the “head of submission on the threshold of devotion, “represents, that he has quaffed the draught mixed “with the water of life. In obedience to the “duty and loyalty he owes to the King (by whose “bounty he was cherished), he has shut his eyes “from all other considerations. Had he his wish, “it would be that the life and reign of the King “should be as permanent as the grave will be to “his servant; and he solicits that the King will “esteem him after life as he did during its ex-“istence, and classing him among the most loyal “and devoted of his subjects, will act according “to the wishes now expressed, written in his own “hand. Firstly, That he will send his body for “interment to Kurbela. Secondly, That he will “show favour to the under-mentioned officers, ^259a as “worthy of his distinction, and that he will enter-“tain his foreign servants among his own guards.”

This last testament, with some instructions, he committed to the care of Syud Moortuza, and then reclined upon his bed till the next day, when his soul departed from his body — that temporary and perishable tenement which is only borrowed for a while.

Moortuza Nizam Shah became, too late, convinced of the uprightness and the sincere attachment of his minister, whose death he regretted with unfeigned sorrow; and upon the King's return to Ahmudnuggur he resolved on retiring from the world. He called before him the principal inhabitants of Ahmudnuggur, and said to them, “Be it known that I am unfit to rule; for I find I “want the capacity to distinguish right from wrong, “so that I frequently am guilty of oppression, “under the cloak of justice, and when the truth “becomes apparent I am grieved at my want of “discretion. I now, therefore, call you to witness, “and require you to testify on the last day, that “I have appointed Meer Kazy Beg my Vakeel “Mootluk, ^260a who is one of the descendants of “the Prophet, that he may act unto every one “agreeably to the law, and by not giving a prefer-“ence to the strong over the weak, he will disre-“gard all private considerations. Should any person “take even the needle of a weak old woman, and “I be questioned concerning it at the day of “judgment, I will answer, that I had no business “in such affairs, which depended on Kazy Beg, the “descendant of the Prophet.” Then, addressing himself to that minister, he said, “The government “is now in your hands: if thou canst not direct “it alone, let Ameer-ool-Moolk, Mirza Mahomed “Tuky, and Kasim Beg Hukeem, be your part-“ners in the administration; while I, who am “fearful and apprehensive of the anger and punish-“ment of the Almighty, sincerely repenting of “my conduct towards Chungiz Khan, seek retire-“ment, and employ my days in penitence and “prayer.” The King, after this, retired to an apartment in the palace of Ahmudnuggur, called Bagdad, where no one, male or female, was admitted to his presence but Sahib Khan.

At this time Boorhan Nizam Shah, the King's brother, escaped from the fort of Joonere, and created an insurrection, which obliged Moortuza Nizam Shah to return suddenly to Ahmudnuggur, and to recall Sulabut Khan. Sahib Khan in consequence left the King a second time, and Boorhan Nizam Shah, being defeated, fled to Beejapoor. The King endeavoured again to conciliate and soothe Sahib Khan; but he was put to death by the nobles who were sent to effect the reconciliation, and who persuaded the King he fell in the act of making resistance. Upon the death of Sahib Khan, Sula-but Khan became minister, without a rival, and continued in power for some years, to the satisfaction of the people. The Marratta country was never so well governed as by Sulabut Khan since the reign of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny.

A. H. 992.
A. D. 1584. In the year 992, the King sent a splendid embassy to Beejapoor to solicit in marriage Khoodeija, the sister of Ibrahim Adil Shah, for his son Meeran Hoossein, and his request being acceded to, the Princess was brought to Ahmudnuggur in great pomp. Several nobles at this time formed a combination to displace the minister Sulabut Khan, who persuaded the King to take up his residence in the fort, and himself marched against the confederates, whom he dispersed. Shortly after this, a discontented faction having brought Boorhan, the King's brother, in the disguise of a holy man, to Ahmudnuggur, conspired to set him on the throne; but on the very day intended for the attempt, Sulabut Khan discovered the plot, and Boor-han, making his escape, fled to the Concan; but not thinking himself secure there, he sought an asylum with the Emperor Akbur at Dehly, from whom he some time afterwards procured a force under Mirza Azeez Koka to attack Moor-tuza Nizam Shah. The instant this intelligence reached Ahmudnuggur, Moortuza Nizam Shah detached an army of twenty thousand men, under Mirza Mahomed Tuky, to the frontier, who, in conjunction with Raja Ally Khan of Kan-deish, marched to Hundia on the banks of the Nerbudda. Mirza Azeez Koka had already crossed the river, and finding he could not oppose the Deccanies in the field with success, suddenly moved ground, marched into Berar, and took Elichpoor and Balapoor; but finding himself pursued, and his retreat cut off by the route he came, he proceeded westward, and coming suddenly upon Sooltanpoor and Nundoorbar, plundered them, and returned to Malwa, ^264a when the Nizam Shahy and Kandeish troops retired to their respective capitals.

At this time one Futteh Shah, a dancer, who had succeeded Sahib Khan in the King's favour, began to abuse his power, by obtaining large grants of land, and gifts of the royal jewels, which were lavishly bestowed upon him by his master. At length, he asked for two necklaces, which had been brought into the treasury from the plunder of Ramraj, composed of valuable rubies, emeralds, and pearls. The King commanded them to be given to him; but Sulabut Khan, unwilling that such inestimable curiosities should be lost to the royal family, substituted two strings of mock jewels in their place. After some time, Futteh Shah discovering the imposition, complained to the King, who being enraged, commanded the Regent to lay out in an apartment all his jewels for inspection. Sulabut Khan having concealed the most precious, placed the rest as he was ordered; but the King missing them, was so angry, that he threw all before him into a large fire, and withdrew in a passion to his chamber. On his departure, the Regent hastened to save them from the flames, and only the pearls had received any damage. From this period the King was considered mad.

The King now took it into his head that his son Meeran Hoossein designed to dethrone him, and attempted to put him to death; but Sulabut Khan watched over the safety of the young prince. At this time, Ibrahim Adil Shah demanded that the nuptials of his sister should be celebrated with the King's son, or that the Princess should be sent back to Beejapoor; but Sulabut Khan having refused compliance with either demand, unless he delivered up the fortress of Sholapoor, Ibrahim Adil Shah declared war, and laid siege to the fort of Owsa. Moortuza Nizam Shah, offended at the conduct of his minister, upbraided him with treachery, and declared himself weary of his control; on which the Regent, to show his loyalty, begged the King to appoint any place for his confinement, and he would voluntarily put chains on his own feet, and repair to it. Moortuza Nizam Shah named the fort of Dunda-Rajpoor; and Sulabut Khan, in spite of the remonstrances of his friends and numerous dependents, immediately submitted himself to the King's guards, and was carried to his prison.

On the imprisonment of Sulabut Khan, the King conferred the regency on Kasim Beg Hukeem, and the vizarut on Mirza Mahomed Tuky, commanding them to conclude peace with Ibrahim Adil Shah; after which the nuptials of the Princess Khoodeija with the Prince Meeran Hoossein were celebrated with great splendour. Not long after this event the King becoming suspicious of his son resolved to destroy him; for this purpose he told his ministers that he longed for his son's society, and they, delighted at his returning kindness, sent the young prince into the fort to him. The King, as if in the abundance of affection, gave him a chamber near his own; but the next morning, while the youth was sleeping, the King set fire to his bedclothes, and fastened the door upon him. The Prince was awakened by the smoke, and freeing himself from the clothes, hastened to the door. Finding it locked, he cried out for help, and was almost suffocated, when he was released by his father's favourite, Futteh Shah, and carried to the minister, who conveyed him secretly to Dowlu-tabad. The King, after some time, going to the apartment to examine the ashes for the bones of his intended victim, and not finding them, was enraged. Futteh Shah told him the Prince had been burned to ashes; but he did not believe it, and demanded the Prince from the favourite, whom he suspected of having saved him from the fire. At length, Futteh Shah revealed the truth, and the King sending for the ministers, ordered them all to be confined, and appointed others. The new ministers also refusing to kill the Prince, the King, after nine days, displaced them, and gave the regency to Mirza Khan.

Mirza Khan, seeing the disordered state of the King's intellect, pretended acquiescence with his commands, and courted the favour of Futteh Shah and his dependents, by frequent gifts, but wrote privately to Beejapoor, that as the King was mad, and wanted to murder his son, if a detachment were sent to the borders, he would make it a pretext for raising troops, and would then openly espouse the cause of the young Prince. Dilawur Khan, Regent of Beejapoor, complied with his request, and Mirza Khan asked the King what steps he should take against the enemy. Moortuza Nizam Shah directed him to pursue what measures he thought proper; and Mirza Khan, collecting the troops, marched from Ahmudnuggur, and encamped near the town of Ranoory, where they halted by his orders. The King, surprised at their not moving onwards, sent the writer of this history to enquire the cause. As the Regent knew my attachment to the King, he concluded, that if I discovered his designs I should make them known. Mirza Khan therefore bribed Futteh Shah to obtain the King's order for my recall, and for the immediate advance of the army. I was in the camp when Futteh Khan arrived, and had discovered the real designs of the minister, who had given orders to prevent my return; but having timely notice, I made my escape in the night. On my arrival in the city, I related what I had seen and heard to Futteh Shah, who pretended not to believe me. I observed, that I had no interest or hatred to gratify, to induce me to accuse the minister falsely, and that the truth of my account would quickly appear. While we were talking, intelligence was brought that Mirza Khan had marched to Dowlutabad, in order to bring the Prince Meeran Hoossein, and seat him on the throne. The King now asked my advice how to avert the threatened storm. I replied, that there were two measures which promised success: first, that the King should leave his retirement, and march from the city at the head of his guards, when, probably, most of the nobles would desert the Regent and join him; on which he replied, he was too ill to mount a horse. I then recommended that he should send for Sulabut Khan from confinement, and put him at the head of affairs, as he was beloved and respected by all ranks, who would flock to his standard, and that his Majesty should also proceed in a litter to meet him as far as the fort of Joonere. The King, approving of this advice, instantly sent off express orders to release Sulabut Khan, and prepared to move himself; when Futteh Shah fell at his feet, and, weeping, said, that should his Majesty quit the palace, the guards would immediately seize and send him prisoner to the Prince, in order to pay their court to a new sovereign. The King, on this remark, altered his intention, and resolved to wait in the palace for the arrival of Sulabut Khan. The troops, perceiving the King's imbecility, deserted in crowds to Dowlutabad, from whence Mirza Khan hastened to the capital, accompanied by the Prince, so as to arrive before Sulabut Khan. At the time he came I had the guard of the palace, and wished to defend it; but being deserted by my people, and no one being left with the King but Futteh Shah and a very few domestic attendants, opposition was vain. The Prince and Mirza Khan rushed into the fort with forty thousand armed men, without opposition, and put to death whomsoever they found. The Prince fortunately knew me, and reflecting that we had been school-fellows, and brought up together, ordered my life to be spared. Having reached his father's presence, the Prince behaved to him, both in word and action, with every possible degree of insult. Moortuza Nizam Shah was silent, and only looked at him with contempt, till the Prince, drawing his naked sabre across his breast, said, “I will put you to death.” Moortuza Nizam Shah then breathing a deep sigh, exclaimed, “O thou accursed of God! it would be better for “thee to let thy father be thy guest for his few re-“maining days, and treat him with respect.” The Prince, relenting for a moment at this speech, withdrew from the apartment. Not having patience, however, to wait for his death, though he was then ill of a mortal disease, he caused the King to be put into a warm bathing room, and closing fast the doors and windows, so as to exclude the air, he lighted a great fire underneath, and the King was

A. H. 996.
A. D. 1568.

speedily suffocated. This parricide was perpetrated in the year 996. The deceased King was buried with due ceremony in the Roza garden; but his bones were afterwards taken up and conveyed to Kurbela, where they were deposited near those of his father and grandfather. Moortuza Nizam Shah reigned twenty-four years and some months.

Alas! there is no stability in fortune; for endless is the circle of her revolution. Expect not thou to be free from the encroachments of time. For there is quarter to no one from his cruel sword.

The King gives way to scandalous excesses, and exercises the most wanton cruelty. — Mirza Khan, the minister, is suspected of a design to raise the King's uncle to the throne. — The minister is confined — is again released, and recommends all the surviving male members of the royal family to be put to death. — Fifteen princes assassinated in one day. — The minister is again accused of treason. — Plot to seize him converted by the minister against the King himself. — The King's person is secured. — The Prince Ismael, being only twelve years of age, is placed on the throne by the minister and the foreign troops. — Jumal Khan, a Deccany leader, heads a tumult to oppose the measures of the minister Mirza Khan. — Jumal Khan demands the restoration of Meeran Hoossein — the latter is assassinated, and his head exposed upon a pole to the populace. — Jumal Khan insists on the Deccanies having the lead in the government, and excites the people to attack the fort of Ahmudnuggur. — They burn the gates and enter it. — The foreigners, both in the town and city, sought for, and put to death by the Deccanies and Abyssinians. — The minister Mirza Khan is disgraced, and suffers a cruel death.

MEERAN HOOSSEIN NIZAM SHAH, on his accession to the throne of Ahmudnuggnr, being of an impetuous and cruel disposition, began his reign by tyranny and oppression. He appointed Mirza Khan prime minister, but paid little regard to his advice; so that he was disappointed in the hopes he had entertained of making a pageant of the Prince, and keeping the real power in his own hands. The King having promoted several young persons of his own age to high rank, made them the companions of his pleasures and excesses. It was frequently his custom, in fits of intoxication, to ride through the city with his drunken associates and put persons to death, though guilty of no crime. Having learned that Mirza Khan had privately brought Shah Kasim, brother to Moortuza Nizam Shah, from the fort of Soonere, and concealed him in his house with a view to create a revolution in his favour, the King became alarmed, and confined the minister. The next day, however, finding the accusation false, he restored him to his employments, and gave him his full confidence; and Mirza Khan, in order to prevent future suspicion, advised the King to put to death the surviving males of the royal family. At his instance fifteen princes were accordingly murdered in one day. Not long after this event, the power of Mirza Khan becoming irksome to the King's companions, they again accused him of treachery, and the King believing it, would in his drunken hours exclaim at one time that he would behead him with his own hand, and at another, that he would have him trod to death by elephants. These circumstances being reported to Mirza Khan, he resolved to ensure his own safety by deposing the King, who, in his turn, tried every means to get the minister into his power. On the 10th

Jumad-ool-
Awul 10.
A. H. 997.
March 15.
A. D. 1588.

of Jumad-ool-Awul, 997, the King repaired to the house of his favourite Bungush Khan, and sent for Mirza Khan to partake of a banquet, intending to have him assassinated; but the minister, being on his guard, excused himself, under pretence of sudden illness, sending his friend Agha Meer to make his excuse. Agha Meer reached the house of Bungush Khan just as the King had dined, but the master of the house had waited, out of complaisance, to dine with Mirza Khan. When Agha Meer had eaten some dinner, he pretended to be seized with violent pains, declaring that he was poisoned, and left the house. Mirza Khan, soon after, sent a message to the King, that the Agha was dying, and entreated to see him. The King unsuspiciously repaired with a few attendants to the fort, where he was seized by the minister and confined. Mirza Khan then sent off Meer Tahir Nyshapoory to bring the two sons of the King's paternal uncle, Boorhan Nizam Shah, from the fort of Lohgur, that he might choose one of them to place on the throne, concealing the circumstance of the King's imprisonment till their arrival.

On the third day, Meer Tahir returned with the Princes, the one named Ibrahim, and the other Ismael; and the minister summoning several of the principal nobility into the fort, declared to them the deposal of Meeran Hoossein, and the accession of Ismael Nizam Shah (the younger brother), then only in his twelfth year. While the assembly was engaged in saluting the new king, a great tumult was heard at the gates of the fort, where Jumal Khan, a military leader, with several other officers and soldiers, chiefly Abyssinians and Deccanies, had assembled, demanding to see Meeran Hoossein their lawful sovereign. Mirza Khan sent them word, that Meeran Hoossein, being unworthy to govern, had been deposed, and that he had been succeeded by his cousin Ismael, who should appear and receive their homage. Jumal Khan became more clamorous, and sent persons to proclaim through the city, that the minister, aided by his foreign mercenaries, had deposed their sovereign, and seated another prince on the throne, and that if he were allowed to make kings and to act uncontrolled in this manner, the native nobles and inhabitants of the country would soon become slaves to foreign adventurers. The Deccany troops and the inhabitants, inflamed by this proclamation, flew to arms, and in a short time about five thousand horse and foot, with a numerous mob, joined Jumal Khan, who was also supported by all the Abyssinians.

Mirza Khan, thinking to appease the tumult by the death of Meeran Hoossein, commanded his head to be struck off, and placing it on a pole, planted it on one of the bastions of the citadel. At the same time, a person cried out to the multitude below, that as they must now be convinced of the death of the King, if they would retire quietly to their houses they should be rewarded by the favour of Ismael Nizam Shah, now their sovereign. Several of the leaders proposed to retire; but Jumal Khan cried out, that if Meeran Hoossein were murdered, they ought to revenge his death on the foreigners, take into their own hands the administration of the government of Ismael Nizam Shah, and not suffer the country to be governed by strangers. On this, a resolution was formed to attack the fort; and having heaped piles of wood and straw against the gates, the mob set them on fire. About sunset, the gates were burned; but the quantity of hot ashes yet glowing prevented any one passing in or out till midnight, when Mirza Khan and his friends rushed from the citadel, and tried to make their escape. Numbers of others were slain in the attempt by the populace; but Mirza Khan having effected his retreat, fled towards the fort of Joonere. The Deccany troops, the Abyssinians, and the mob, having entered the fort, put to death every foreigner they found within, amounting to nearly three hundred, among whom were several persons of high rank and eminent character. Their bodies were dragged out on the open plain, and orders given that they should lie unburied. Not content with the past slaughter, Jumal Khan commanded his adherents to murder the foreigners of every rank and occupation in the city, and to plunder and burn their dwellings. The soldiers and their followers, being once let loose, put to death indiscriminately the noble, the master, the servant, the merchant, the pilgrim, and the travelling stranger. Their houses were set on fire, and the heads of those lately exalted to the skies were brought low, and trampled in the dust; while the very females, who from modesty concealed their faces from the sun and moon, were dragged by the hair into the assemblages of the drunken. On the fourth day, Mirza Khan, who had been seized near Joonere, was brought to Jumal Khan, and being first carried through the city on an ass, his body was hewn in pieces, which were affixed on different buildings. Several of his friends taken with him were also put to death, and their bodies being rammed into cannon, were blown into the air. In the space of seven days, nearly a thousand foreigners were murdered; some few only escaping under the protection of Deccany or Abyssinian officers. The reign of Mee-ran Hoossein Nizam Shah lasted only ten months and three days. Among those princes recorded in history as murderers of their fathers, we find none whose reigns extended beyond one year; and a poet observes, “Royalty befitteth not the destroyer “of a parent, nor will the reign of such a wretch “be long.”

The power of Jumal Khan is firmly established — he becomes leader of a sect called Mehdvies. — All the surviving foreigners in the dominions required to quit them. — The author quits Ahmudnuggur, and proceeds to Beejapoor. — Sulabut Khan, the exiled minister, leads an army from Berar to oppose Jumal Khan — is defeated. — The regent of Beejapoor also leads an army against him. — Peace concluded. — Jumal Khan pays eighty-five thousand pounds sterling to defray the expense of the war. — Chand Beeby, the Dowager of Ally Adil Shah, is required to be sent to Beejapoor. — The Emperor Akbur supports the claim of Boorhan, the father of the young King, and who for many years had quitted the court and lived in exile, from apprehension of his brother Moortuza Nizam Shah the Mad. — Boorhan is also supported by the court of Beejapoor. — Jumal Khan defeats the Beejapoor army, and marches to oppose that of Boorhan. — A battle ensues. — Jumal Khan is killed. — The young King escapes from the field, but is afterwards taken and confined by his father, who ascends the throne under the title of Boorhan Nizam Shah II.

IT has been already mentioned in the history of Moortuza Nizam Shah, that his brother, Boorhan Nizam Shah, ^276a having been foiled in an attempt to dethrone him, fled for protection to the court of the Emperor Akbur. On his departure, he left behind him his two sons, Ibrahim and Ismael, who were confined in the fortress of Lohgur. The younger being raised to the throne, on the death of Meeran Hoossein Nizam Shah, assumed the title of Ismael Nizam Shah, and was acknowledged by the successful partisan, Jumal Khan.

Jumal Khan being of the sect of Mehdvy persuaded the King to embrace the same tenets, and to commit the power of government into the hands of his followers. In the beginning of his administration, he obliged the few foreigners who had escaped the massacre in the last reign to quit Ah-mudnuggur, after seizing their effects. Most of these obtained service with the King of Beejapoor. Among them was the writer of this history, who subsequently obtained rank at that court. The Mehdvies are a schismatic sect of Mahomedans. They assert that in the year 960 (A. D. 1550) ^277a a person of the Hunefy sect, styling himself Syud Mahomed, was in reality the promised Imam Mehdvy; and as there were some circumstances which the impostor turned to his advantage, representing them to be the signs of the coming of the Imam Mehdvy, many people of India believed him to be the real Imam. Among these believers was Jumal Khan, commonly called Mehdvy, and who was considered as the leader of that sect in the service of Ismael Nizam Shah. He had at different times distinguished himself by his personal courage, and particularly on the occasion of the accession of the King, who was now a mere pageant in the hands of this wily chieftain. He commenced his power by persecuting all those not of his own persuasion, and by promoting to high offices, and retaining about his person, such as were Mehdvies. Among the discontented nobles were the chiefs of Berar, who, being at some distance from the capital, released Sulabut Khan, who had long been confined in the fort of Kehrla, on the Berar frontier. They joined his standard to oppose the Mehdvies, whom the Berar chiefs determined to expel from Ahmudnuggur; for which purpose they marched towards the capital. At the same period, also, Dilawur Khan, the Regent of Beeja-poor, during the minority of Ibrahim Adil Shah, marched from the southward for the same purpose.

Jumal Khan, undismayed at this double invasion, and encouraged by his adherents, marched, in the first place, against Sulabut Khan, and gave him a total defeat at the town of Peitun, on the Go-davery, obliging him to retreat to Boorhanpoor. Thence he countermarched to oppose the Beeja-poories, whom he encountered at the village of Ashty, where the two armies halted in the vicinity of each other for fifteen days, without making any hostile movement. At length a peace was concluded, in which it was agreed that Chand Beeby, the widow of the late Ally Adil Shah, and aunt to the present King of Ahmudnuggur, should be sent to the Beejapoor camp, and that the Nizam Shahy government should pay two hundred and seventy thousand hoons (Nalbaha), ^278a for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war.

A. H. 998.
A. D. 1589. In the year 998 Sulabut Khan, now in his seventieth year, sent a petition from Boorhanpoor, begging permission to be allowed to return to his country, in order that he might lay his bones there. The request was granted; and he retired to the town of Tulegam, ^279a founded by himself: he, however, died during that year, and was buried in a mausoleum†, ^279b erected during his ministry, on a hill lying south of Ah-mudnuggur. Intelligence of the commotions in the Nizam Shahy capital having reached the Emperor Akbur, he recalled Boorhan Nizam Shah from his jageer of Bungush, lying between India and Kabul, and offered him a force to recover the kingdom of his ancestors, now his right, but usurped by his own son, aided by a despotic minister. Boorhan Nizam Shah represented, that should he accept the assistance of the Moguls, the Deccanies would be alarmed, and object to his authority; but that if his Majesty would allow him to repair to the borders of the country with his own dependents, he would try to gain over his subjects by conciliation. Akbur, approving his proposal, permitted him to depart for the Deccan, and allotted the frontier district of Hundia for his support till he should regain his authority. At the same time he wrote to Raja Ally Khan, ruler of Kandeish, to afford him support. Boorhan Nizam Shah, having received overtures from many of the nobility, marched against his son, but was defeated. In a short time after this, however, he renewed his attempt, on being joined by a vast number of Nizam Shahy troops, as well as by an army from Beejapoor, which also made several marches to his assistance.

At this period Jumal Khan collected his troops, among whom were ten thousand Mehdvies; and having ordered Syud Umjud-ool-Moolk of Berar, with the whole of his force, to oppose Raja Ally Khan and Boorhan Nizam Shah, on the northern frontier, marched himself against the Beejapoo-ries. The two armies met at the village of Da-rasun: an action took place, in which the Beeja-poories were defeated with the loss of three hundred elephants; but four days afterwards, information being received that the Berar troops had gone over to Boorhan Nizam Shah, Jumal Khan coun-termarched his victorious army towards Berar, to oppose the pretender, while Ibrahim Adil Shah despatched the whole of his Bergy cavalry to follow Jumal Khan, and to cut off his supplies. Jumal Khan relying on the Mehdvies, whose very existence was identified with his welfare, proceeded to the Rohunkehra Ghat, notwithstanding he was daily deserted by his other troops. On his arrival there he found the pass occupied; and not being disposed to risk the loss that would attend forcing his way, he took another road, which was almost impassable, and which offered very little water. He had just pitched upon a spot to encamp, when he was informed that six miles farther on there was plenty of water, to which place he marched; but he found that position already occupied by the allied forces. His army, now in the greatest distress, was constrained to encamp where it was, as from the heat and difficulties it had encountered it was equally unable to proceed or to retreat. The troops, in the first instance, having obtained water, Jumal Khan ordered them under arms, and determined to decide his fate by an action, which was very near terminating in his favour, when he was killed by a chance shot. His death was the signal of defeat; for his army, having no other leader, fled in all directions, accompanied by Ismael Nizam Shah, who being taken in a village, was afterwards confined by his father, and deprived of his throne, after a reign of two years.

His early life — his former attempts on the throne recapitulated. — The Mehdvies are expelled the kingdom. — The Sheea persuasion is re-established. — Dilawur Khan, the late regent of Beejapoor, arrives at Ahmudnuggur, and is courteously received. — His delivery into the hands of Ibrahim Adil Shah is required. — The demand is rejected. — War ensues. — Boor-han Nizam Shah attempts to recover Reevadunda from the Portuguese. — Constructs the fort of Korla. — Siege of Reevadunda continued. — The Portuguese attack the besieging army, which retreats into Korla. — The fugitives are followed by the Portuguese, and twelve thousand Deccanies are killed. — The King elevates foreigners to high offices in the state — he affords his aid to the brother of the King of Beejapoor, in order to depose Ibrahim Adil Shah, but the intended revolution is crushed, and the pretender suffers death. — Boorhan Nizam Shah forms a league with Venkatadry, the brother of Ramraj, against the King of Beejapoor, and himself attacks Sholapoor — his troops defeated, and his general slain. — The King falls sick — proclaims his son Ibrahim his heir. — A faction, headed by Yekhlas Khan, is raised in favour of the Prince Ismael Nizam Shah, who had been dethroned. — Ismael takes the field, but is defeated, and flies to Purenda. — Death of Boorhan Nizam Shah.

BOORHAN NIZAM SHAH II., during the reign of his brother, Moortuza Nizam Shah, was confined in the fort of Lohgur, but had a large estate allowed him for his support, so that he passed his days not without many comforts. At the time when Sahib Khan, disgusted with Moortuza Nizam Shah, left the capital, and the King followed him to Bidur to induce him to return, a party at the court besought Boorhan Nizam Shah to put forth his claim to the throne, on the plea that his brother was mad, and unfit to reign. Allured by promises of support, Boorhan Nizam Shah gained over the governor of Lohgur, and appeared in arms at the head of six thousand horse, with which force he moved towards Ahmudnuggur. Moortuza Nizam Shah, upon intelligence of this insurrection, hastened back from Bidur to Ahmud-nuggur. On passing through the streets to the palace, he stopped his elephant at the shop of a druggist, and asked him if he had any medicine that would cure madness, saying, that he did not know who required it most, himself, who wished to live the life of a recluse, and yet to rule a kingdom, or his brother, who, with the enjoyment of ease, was plunging himself into the cares of public life. The man replied, that his brother was the madman, who could ungratefully rebel against so kind a protector, and would not prosper in his treason. The next day, Boorhan Nizam Shah was defeated, and fled to Beejapoor. Two years afterwards, he made another attempt, but with no better success, and sought protection with the Emperor Akbur, with whom he continued till the accession of his son to the throne, of which he dispossessed him as above related.

Boorhan Nizam Shah was advanced in years when he ascended the throne, notwithstanding which, he gave himself up to pleasures unbecoming both his age and his dignity. The first act of his reign was to annul the orders respecting the Mehdvy doctrines, which Jumal Khan had so strenuously enforced, and he even gave orders to put to death all who persisted in them, which had the effect of expelling the sect out of his dominions. The Sheea religion was again restored to its pristine glory. On which many of the foreigners, who had been expelled in consequence of the rebellion of Mirza Khan, returned. At the same period, also, Dilawur Khan the Abyssinian, the late regent of Beejapoor, but who had been compelled to fly from Ibrahim Adil Shah, and take protection at Bidur, came to the Nizam Shahy court, where he was honourably received. Ibrahim Adil Shah immediately wrote letters to Boorhan Nizam Shah, remonstrating against the protection afforded to Dilawur Khan; to which Boorhan Nizam Shah sent an insulting answer, which brought on the war that has been detailed in the history of Ibrahim Adil Shah II.

A. H. 1001.
A. D. 1592. In the year 1001, Boorhan Nizam Shah marched his army against the Portuguese of Reevadunda; and despatching a large force to the sea-port of Choul, ordered that a fort should be built to prevent the entrance of the Portuguese into the harbour of Reevadunda, and this fort he called Korla. The Portuguese sailing during the night effected their escape, but they returned with reinforcements ^284a from many other ports which had also fallen into their hands; after which, they made two night-attacks on the Mahomedans, and on each occasion killed between three and four thousand Deccanies. Boorhan Nizam Shah now sent a body of about four thousand men, under Furhad Khan, to reinforce Korla; and as other troops were expected from Duman and Bassein, he appointed one Bahadur Khan Geelany, at the head of all the foreign troops, governor of the fortress of Korla, to blockade Reevadunda. The Mahomedans were now so watchful, that they could not again be surprised; and in an attack which the Portuguese made on Reevadunda they lost one hundred Europeans and two hundred native Portuguese. After this, Reevadunda was so closely besieged, and the harbour so commanded by the fort of Korla, that no assistance could reach it by sea; and the enemy was on the point of capitulating, when the tyranny of the King at Ahmudnuggur induced many of the officers to quit the camp and proceed to court. At this time, a fleet of sixty vessels belonging to the Portuguese, full of men and military stores, passing close to Korla, under cover of the night, anchored safely in the harbour of Reevadunda, where they landed four thousand men, and on the following morning, at daylight, proceeded to attack Korla. Many of the Mahomedans, on the approach of the Europeans, fled in confusion to the fort, whither they were so closely followed by the Portuguese that they rushed in at the gates with them, and commenced an indiscriminate slaughter of the King's troops, who, though two to one, made little resistance, and upwards of twelve thousand Mahomedans were put to the sword. The Portuguese subsequently reduced the fort to ashes. This destruction of the Deccanies was considered by Boorhan Nizam Shah as a fortunate event. He elevated foreigners to the principal stations in the empire, and ordered them to proceed to Choul; but his intentions were for the present deferred, while he assisted Ismael, the brother of Ibrahim Adil Shah, in deposing that monarch. Accord-

A. H. 1003.
A. D. 1594.

ingly, in the year 1003, Boorhan Nizam Shah marched from Ahmudnuggur towards Belgam; but having heard, on his arrival at Purenda, that the Prince Ismael had been taken and put to death, he returned, covered with mortification, to his capital, where he was shortly afterwards taken dangerously ill. Ibrahim Adil Shah, in his turn, resolved to punish him for supportiug his brother, and ordered his army to lay waste the Ahmudnuggur frontier. Boorhan Nizam Shah now sent ambassadors to court the alliance of Venkatadry of Penkonda, when it was agreed he should invade Beejapoor on the south, and take the fortress of Bunkapoor, while on the north, Boorhan Nizam Shah should reduce Sholapoor. These operations consequently commenced on both sides, and Oozbuk Bahadur, the Ahmudnuggur general, was killed, and his force defeated under the walls of Sholapoor. This news increasing the irritation of Boorhan Nizam Shah's disorder, he became confined to his bed, when he sent for his son Ibrahim, whom he nominated his successor, passing over Ismael, who was known to be an enemy to the Sheeas, and a strict Mehdvy. Before the King's death, a report prevailed that Ismael was to succeed, and all the foreigners, deserting their posts, fled to Beejapoor. Yekhlas Khan Movullid, ^287a who wished for the succession of Ismael, went to such lengths as to raise a force in his favour, and to march to Ahmudnuggur. Upon which, Boorhan Nizam Shah, notwithstanding his disease, got into a palankeen, and at the head of the royal forces marched to Hoomayoonpoor, where the Prince was defeated, and fled to Purenda; but the King being much weakened by the march, died on the following day, on his return to his ca-

Shaban 18.
A. H. 1003.
May 15.
A. D. 1594.

pital, on the 18th of Shaban, 1003, after a reign of four months and sixteen days. Mowlana Zuhoory dedicated his Saky Nama to that prince, containing nearly four thousand verses.

Meean Munjoo Deccany is appointed minister. — Yekhlas Khan is pardoned, and permitted to return to court — he puts himself at the head of a party to oppose Meean Munjoo. — The Bee-japoor ambassador is insulted, and quits the court. — A war ensues. — The leaders of the opposite parties unite and march with the King to the Beejapoor frontier. — Meean Munjoo proposes to his colleague, Yekhlas Khan, that they should obtain peace, and unite with Ibrahim Adil Shah for the purpose of repelling the encroachments of Akbur Padshah of Dehly. — His proposal is overruled. — A battle is brought on through the intemperance of the King, who is killed, and his army defeated. — Meean Munjoo sends the King's only son Bahadur, an infant in arms, to the fort of Chawund — he brings a boy named Ahmud from the fort of Dowlutabad, and raises him to the throne.

AFTER the death of his father, Ibrahim Nizam Shah succeeded to the throne, and in conformity with his dying request, he appointed his father's tutor, Meean Munjoo Deccany, to be his prime minister. Upon his accession, Yekhlas Khan (though he had during the late reign opposed his sovereign in the field) now made overtures to obtain pardon; and the King and his new minister, taking into consideration the daring and ambitious character of Yekhlas Khan, thought it politic to grant it. He no sooner arrived at Ahmudnuggur than he began to collect a number of Abyssinians and Movullids about his person; which being observed by the minister, he began also to collect adherents, so that in fact, in a few days, it was evident that two parties existed, each of whom insisted on preeminence. The consequence was, that the affairs of state were thrown into confusion, and civil war appeared inevitable. In every meeting it was discussed, whether it were not advisable to march against the King of Beejapoor; and both parties behaved insolently towards Meer Sufvy, the ambassador of Ibrahim Adil Shah II., who had arrived to condole and congratulate as is usual in lineal successions to the throne; a conduct the more unjustifiable, when we know he was a syud of indisputable descent. Ibrahim Adil Shah no sooner heard of these proceedings than he declared war, and marched to Shahdoorg for the purpose of supporting Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who had now entirely lost his authority. Yekhlas Khan made preparations to oppose the Beejapoories; while the minister, Mean Munjoo, making overtures to him, proposed that a peace should be concluded with Ibrahim Adil Shah, in order that the whole of the forces of the Deccan might co-operate against the intended invasion of Akbur Padshah. Yekhlas Khan, however, was not to be diverted from his purpose, and determined to risk every thing by fighting an action with Ibrahim Adil Shah. Meean Munjoo said nothing, while Ibrahim Nizam Shah assented to the measure. When the Nizam Shahy troops reached the frontier they found that Ibrahim Adil Shah had yet made no attack on the Nizam Shahy territory, and Meean Munjoo again ventured to recommend that overtures for peace should first be made; but Ibrahim Nizam Shah, having engaged in a fit of debauchery, thought of nothing less than retreating; and accordingly, having passed the frontier, he levied contributions on the Beejapoor villages. Humeed Khan, the Adil Shahy general in advance, marched to oppose him; and Meean Munjoo, who saw matters approaching to a crisis, sent some confidential persons to Humeed Khan, apologising for the King's conduct; saying, that he was but a boy; that he had given himself up to drinking, and was in the hands of designing and wicked people; that the present also was the month of Zeehuj; that it was unlawful to fight in these days; and he therefore requested that he would defer attacking Ibrahim Nizam Shah for a short time, before the expiration of which, he hoped to bring the King's mind to consent to peace. Meean Munjoo having pledged himself to refrain from attack, Humeed Khan avoided the Nizam Shahies, and encamped at the distance of two miles from them; but Ibrahim Nizam Shah concluding that this manœuvre proceeded from the weakness of Humeed Khan's force, resolved to attack him on the following day; and although Meean Munjoo and several officers sat up the whole night to endeavour to restrain his folly, he persisted in drinking, and on the next day attacked Humeed Khan. The two armies consisted of nearly fifty thousand cavalry besides infantry: a severe action ensued, but a most extraordinary occurrence took place. The right wing of the Nizam Shahies broke the left of the Adil Shahies, while those on the right wing compelled the enemy's left to give way, pursuing them to the distance of six miles from the field of action. Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who was with the right wing, concluded he had gained a victory, while Soheil Khan, who commanded the Adil Shahy right wing, still kept his ground during the night, which closed the action. On the morning, the opponents were mutually astonished each to find his enemy still on the ground; and Ibrahim Nizam Shah adding some strong doses of liquor to the former night's debauch, ordered his troops under arms, many of whom were absent in pursuit of the fugitives of the Adil Shahy left wing, while others were employed in plunder. Soheil Khan, the second in command in camp, now took the command of the Adil Shahies, and sustained the onset of the Nizam Shahies, headed in person by their King, who, receiving a shot in the head, was killed, and his troops fled to Ahmudnuggur with his body. Meean Munjoo also accompanied them; and upon his arrival at the capital, sent for Ahmud, a boy of twelve years of age, from Dow-lutabad, where he had been confined, under the pretence that he was one of the royal family; at the same time the late King's son Bahadur, then a child in arms, was sent away to be kept in the fort of Chawund. Thus fell Ibrahim Nizam Shah, after a short reign of four months.

The nobles unite with Meean Munjoo in raising Ahmud to the throne. — Yekhlas Khan institutes an enquiry into his origin. — His pretensions to royal descent disputed. — Meean Munjoo and his minion are besieged in the fort by Yekhlas Khan. — He obtains the release of Nehung Khan and Hubbush Khan, two chiefs confined in Dowlutabad; and being unable to obtain possession of the Prince Bahadur, the son of the late King, he procures a boy of the same age in the bazar of Ah-mudnuggur, and proclaims him King. — Meean Munjoo sends a deputation to the Prince Moorad Mirza, the son of Akbur Padshah of Dehly, inviting him to march to Ahmudnuggur. — Dissensions among Yekhlas Khan's party. — Meean Mun-joo attacks and defeats it. — The Prince Moorad Mirza reaches Ahmudnuggur with an army of thirty thousand men. — Meean Munjoo resolves to oppose them — takes measures to defend the fort. — Leaves Chand Beeby there, and quits the fort with Ahmud Shah. — Chand Beeby procures the assassination of the governor of the fort, and proclaims her grandnephew, Bahadur Nizam Shah, King. — Forms a regency. — Ahmudnuggur besieged. — Four pretenders to the throne. — Chand Beeby unites with one of the parties headed by Nehung Khan, an Abyssinian chief. — The King of Beejapoor sends a division of twelve thousand men to co-operate with Chand Beeby under Soheil Khan. — Meean Munjoo and Yekhlas Khan also join him. — The King of Golconda sends an army of six thousand cavalry to assist in repelling the Moguls. — The Moguls storm Ahmudnuggur. — Gallant defence of the garrison. — Intrepidity of Chand Beeby. — The Moguls are repulsed. — A treaty concluded, by which the Nizam Shahy state formally cedes the sovereignty of Berar. — The Moguls retreat. — The allies arrive at Ahmudnuggur. — The claims of Bahadur Shah established. — Chand Beeby appointed regent — and the late King Ahmud is provided with an estate by Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor.

AS Yekhlas Khan and his adherents, with the other chiefs, had by their folly and imprudence ruined the thoughtless young man, Ibrahim Nizam Shah, Meean Munjoo, arriving at Ahmud-nuggur, took possession of the treasury and fortress. Upon the arrival of Yekhlas Khan and the other officers, Meean Munjoo sent for them into the fort, to consider the most advisable plan for conducting the government. Most of the Abyssinians espoused the cause of Chand Bee-by, aunt to the late king, and proposed that the King's only son Bahadur, an infant in arms, should be proclaimed under her regency. Meean Munjoo, deprecating this plan, it was agreed that Ahmud, said to be descended from the Nizam Shahies, then at Dowlutabad, should be placed on the throne; and accordingly a formal deputation was sent there with great pomp, to bring Ahmud the son of Shah Tahir, who

Zeehuj 10.
A. H. 1003.
August 6.
A. D. 1594.

was crowned on the 10th of Zeehuj, A. H. 1003, and the Khootba read in the name of the twelve Imams. The chiefs divided almost the whole of the kingdom into estates for themselves; and having removed Bahadur, the late king's orphan son, from the charge of his aunt, sent him by force to the fortress of Chawund. Shortly afterwards it was discovered that Ahmud Shah was not of the Nizam Shahy family, and that his pretensions to the crown were unfounded. On which Yekhlas Khan, and the other Abyssinians, repented of their consenting to his accession. The following is the true account of this youth's pedigree.

When Boorhan Nizam Shah the First, son of Ahmud Nizam Shah, died, and was succeeded by his son (Hoossein Nizam Shah), his five brothers,

1. Mahomed Khoodabunda,
2. Shah Ally,
3. Mahomed Bakur,
4. Abdool Kadur,
5. Shah Heidur,

concluding that they should fall victims to the jealousy of their brother on the throne, fled the kingdom. In the latter end of the reign of Moortuza Nizam Shah, a person calling himself Shah Tahir, arrived at Dowlutabad, giving out that Mahomed Khoodabunda died on a certain day in Bengal, and that he (Shah Tahir) was his own begotten son, and that being reduced to distress, he had come into the Deccan. The nobles of Moortuza Nizam Shah, desirous of ascertaining the fact, represented the circumstance to the King, and particularly to the famous Sulabut Khan. The facts were not then satisfactorily cleared up, owing to the distance of Bengal, and with reference to the period which had elapsed; but as Shah Tahir claimed royal descent, and might one day set up pretensions to the throne, he was confined in a fortress. Some time afterwards persons of respectability, acquainted with the late Prince Khoodabunda, were sent to Agra to Boorhan Nizam Shah, afterwards King of Ah-mudnuggur, but then at Akbur Padshah's court, in order to ascertain the fact. That prince refuted Shah Tahir's story, by stating that his uncle, the Prince Khoodabunda, died in his (Boorhan Nizam's) house; that his family, male and female, who were still alive, were at present with him at Agra; and if any person had stated himself to be the son of the Prince Khoodabunda, the assertion was false, and the individual an impostor. The minister Sulabut Khan, however, said, that as this person had declared himself to be the son of Prince Khoodabunda, it would be difficult to persuade the people of the fraud; and it would always give him a plea on which to found pretensions to the crown; it therefore appeared advisable that he should be confined in some fort for life. Shah Tahir was accordingly imprisoned, and died some years afterwards, leaving a son whose name was Ahmud, and whose claim to affinity to the blood royal was supported by Meean Munjoo, who proposed his elevation, as we have seen. Yekhlas Khan, with the Movullids and Abyssinians, when they discovered the truth, deserted his cause; and Meean Munjoo, with the Deccanies, encamped in a large body on the plain of the Kala Chubootra, near the fort of Ahmudnuggur. Meean Munjoo despatched his son Meean Hussun, with seven hundred horse, to disperse the mob under Yekhlas Khan; and himself, accompanied by Ahmud, went upon a cavalier, from whence they could see the result. The two parties engaged, and the struggle was long doubtful, till a shot from the insurgents striking the King's canopy occasioned great confusion in the fort.

Page 296 and 296 are missing. (PHI)

hadur Shah King of Ahmudnuggur, taking the whole management of affairs into her own hands, assisted by Mahomed Khan. She also induced Shumsheer Khan Abyssinian, and Afzul Khan Borishy, with many of their adherents, to join her in the fort.

Rubbee-oos-
Sany 23.
A. H. 1004.
December 14.
A. D. 1595. On the 23d of Rubbee-oos-Sany of the same year, the Prince Moorad Mirza appeared on the northern face of Ahmudnuggur; and upon his arrival at the Eedgah, a few shot passed between his line and the fort. The Mogul army encamped in the Husht-i-Behisht gardens, formed by Boorhan Nizam Shah I. The Prince Moo-rad immediately sent off a strong guard to protect the inhabitants of Boorhanabad, (founded by Boorhan Nizam Shah II.) with directions to treat them with lenity; and the troops were also ordered to proclaim protection to all the natives, so that they relied entirely on the good disposition of the Moguls towards them. On the second day the Prince in person went out, and, with the advice of his engineers, marked out the ground for the trenches against the fort, and allotted to each division of the army its separate post round

Rubbee-oos-
Sany 27.
A. H. 1004.
December 17.
A. D. 1595.

the garrison. On the 27th of the same month, Shahbaz Khan, one of the Mogul generals, (who was notorious for his tyranny over his troops, and cruelty to all classes of inhabitants,) mounted, and, under pretence of hunting, sallied forth towards Boorhanabad, and there, in spite of the Prince's orders, encouraged his men to plunder, himself setting the example: the consequence was, that in the course of an hour the towns of Ahmudnuggur and Boorhanabad were completely sacked. The Prince no sooner heard of this transaction than he ordered several of those actually taken with plunder to be hanged in front of the lines; but the inhabitants, no longer relying on the faith of the Prince's promises, deserted both towns during that night.

At this period it must be observed, that besides the government in the fort the Nizam Shahies were divided into three other parties.

First, Meean Munjoo and his minion Ahmud Shah, who were encamped on the Adil Shahy borders soliciting the assistance of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

Secondly, Yekhlas Khan, in the vicinity of Dowlutabad, who had procured another child, called Moty, in that neighbourhood, declaring him to be the rightful heir to the crown.

Thirdly, Nehung Khan, the Abyssinian, who went to the Beejapoor territories, and induced Shah Ally, ^299a the son of Boorhan Nizam Shah I., then upwards of seventy years of age, to emerge from his retirement at Beejapoor, and consent to assume the royal canopy.

Yekhlas Khan, with a force of twelve thousand men, was on his march to the capital when Dow-lut Khan Lody, with a body of six thousand Mogul cavalry, being directed to attack him, gave him a total defeat on the banks of the Godavery; and from thence, following up his success, arrived at Peitun, at that period a flourishing town, and sacking it, he scarcely left the inhabitants sufficient to cover themselves.

Chand Beeby, although she had proclaimed Bahadur Nizam Shah, yet, as he was still in confinement at Chawund, and Meeran Munjoo with the present king also in force on the Beejapoor frontier, thought it advisable to make overtures to Nehung Khan and Shah Ally to join her in the fort. Nehung Khan, accordingly, put his troops in motion, consisting of seven thousand men, and arrived within twelve miles of Ahmudnuggur, from whence he sent a messenger to ascertain the position of the Moguls, and the possibility of throwing himself into the place. Being informed that the east face of the fort was not invested, and that it was the only road by which he could make good his entry, Nehung Khan marched during the night, taking the precaution of having flankers and scouts all round him. On his arrival within about three miles of the place, he discovered that part of the Mogul camp was on the direct road pointed out for his entry. This division had been sent during that very day from the Husht-i-Behisht, and consisted of a piquet of three thousand men under Khan Khanan, in consequence of the oversight in not investing that part of the fort having been observed on the former morning by the Prince when visiting the different posts. Nehung Khan, however, resolved to force his way; and coming upon the party unexpectedly, cut off a number of the Moguls, and upon the post being reinforced, he dashed on with a few followers into the fort. Shah Ally, unable to make his way good, attempted to retreat; but his followers, to the number of seven hundred, were cut off by the Moguls under Dow-lut Khan Lody.

Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor no sooner heard of this defeat, and of the great power of the Moguls, than he despatched Soheil Khan, an eunuch, with twenty-five thousand horse to Shahdoorg, on his frontier, there to await further orders. Here he was immediately joined by Meean Munjoo and Ahmud Shah, as well as by Yekhlas Khan, who had for the present laid aside every private consideration, in the hope, by forming a union, of saving the government. This army was soon after joined by Mehdy Koolly Sooltan Toorkoman with six thousand Kootb Shahy horse, sent express from Hydurabad.

When the Prince Moorad Mirza heard of the assemblage of this force at Shahdoorg (he and his commander-in-chief having lately disagreed on some subjects), he assembled a council of war, when it was resolved that the fort should be attacked as soon as possible, before the allies could relieve it. In a few days five mines were accordingly carried under the bastions, on one face of the fort: they were all charged with gunpowder, and built up

Rujub 1.
A. H. 1004.
Feb. 20.
A. D. 1590.

with mortar and stones, excepting where the train was to be laid, by Tuesday night the 1st of Rujub, and it was resolved on the following morning to explode them.

During the night, Khwaja Mahomed Khan Shirazy, admiring the resolution of the besieged, and unwilling they should be sacrificed, made good his way to the walls, and informed them of their danger. The garrison immediately commenced countermining, at the instance of Chand Beeby, who herself showed the example; and by daylight they had destroyed two mines, and were searching for the others, when the Prince Moorad Mirza, without communicating with Khan Khanan, ordered out the line, and resolved to storm without him. The besieged were in the act of removing the powder from the third mine which was the largest, when the Prince ordered them to be sprung. Many of the counterminers were killed, and several yards of the wall fell. Immediately as the breach was made, many of the principal officers of the besieged prepared for flight. Chand Beeby, on the contrary, put on armour, and with a veil on her face, and a naked sword in her hand, flew to defend the breach. This instance of intrepidity brought back the fugitives, who now one and all joined her; and as the Prince and the Mogul storming party were waiting for the springing of the other mines, time was afforded to the besieged to throw rockets, powder, and other combustibles into the ditch, and to bring guns to bear up on the breach.

The Moguls at length advanced to storm. An obstinate defence took place at the foot of the breach, where the assailants suffered severely from the heavy fire of the besieged. The ditch was nearly filled with dead carcasses; and although several storming parties succeeded each other from four o'clock in the evening till night-fall, they were successfully repulsed. The feats of the valiant heroine, Chand Beeby, who had been seen by all defending the breach, became the subject of universal admiration and conversation in the enemy's lines. From that day the Regent, who had been always called Chand Beeby, now acquired the title of Chand Sooltana. ^303a During the whole night she superintended in person the repairs of the breach, and by dawn of day it was built up to the height of seven or eight feet. On the following day she despatched letters to the allied armies, then at Beer, to hasten their approach, representing the distress of the garrison for supplies. These despatches fell into the enemy's hands, who forwarded them to their destination, with a letter from the Prince Moorad, inviting them to hasten, as he was most anxious to meet them. “The sooner,” said he, “the better.”

The allies, on receiving these letters, marched by the Manickdown hills to Ahmudnuggur. By this time the Mogul camp, already much distressed for provisions, became more so from the approach of the allies, who continued to circumscribe the resources of the besiegers. The Prince Moorad, therefore, thought it advisable to make overtures to the fort, and agreed to quit the country, on condition of receiving a grant for the cession of Berar, the sovereignty of which was required to be formally renounced by Ahmudnuggur. Chand Sooltana at first refused these terms; but upon reflecting that if the allies were defeated, she might not obtain even such conditions, she signed the treaty in the name of Bahadur Shah; and the Moguls retreated by the route of Dowlutabad, and the Jeipoor Kotly Ghat.

The allies arrived three days after the raising of the siege by the Moguls,—and Meean Munjoo expected allegiance to be paid to Ahmud Shah. To this, however, the nobles in the fort would by no means consent; and Nehung Khan, shutting the gate of the fort against him, sent a force to bring Bahadur Shah from his confinement in the fort of Chawund. Chand Sooltana now requested the assistance of her nephew, the King of Beejapoor, to quell the internal commotions of the Ahmud-nuggur state, when Ibrahim Adil Shah deputed Moostufa Khan with a body of four thousand horse to her aid. At the same time he addressed a letter to Meean Munjoo, requiring him to desist from pressing the claims of Ahmud Shah, and to repair to Beejapoor, when all things should be taken into consideration. Meean Munjoo accordingly proceeded with Soheil Khan and Moostufa Khan to that capital. Upon his arrival at Beejapoor, Ibra-him Adil Shah having satisfactorily ascertained that Ahmud was not a lineal descendant of the Nizam Shahy family gave him a handsome estate for life, and enrolled Meean Munjoo among the nobles of his own kingdom.

Queen Chand obtains the release of Bahadur Nizam Shah. — He is formally crowned. — Mahomed Khan appointed peshwa — he raises his relatives to high offices. — The old chiefs disgusted. — The peshwa seizes many of them. — Queen Chand applies for aid to her nephew, Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bee-japoor, who sends an army under his general Soheil Khan to her assistance. — The peshwa Mahomed Khan intrigues with the Mogul general Khan Khanan. — Mahomed Khan's treachery discovered — he is seized by the garrison of Ah-mudnuggur, and made over to Queen Chand for punishment. — The Moguls seize districts not included in the late treaty. — A formidable army, composed of the troops of Ah-mudnuggur, Beejapoor, and Golconda, under Soheil Khan, amounting to sixty thousand men, advances towards Berar. — Battle of Sonput. — The Deccan troops are eventually defeated on the second day. — The Mogul forces canton at Jalna. — Nehung Khan is created peshwa by Queen Chand. — He attempts to seize her — is excluded from the fort — lays siege to it — recovers some of the districts south of the Goda-very occupied by the Moguls. — The Prince Moorad Mirza dies — is succeeded in the command of the army of the Deccan by his brother Daniel Mirza. — Akbur Padshah proceeds to the Deccan — besieges Aseer, while his son Daniel advances to attack Ahmudnuggur. — Nehung Khan attempts to oppose their march, but eventually retires to Joonere. — Second siege of Ahmudnuggur. — Queen Chand calls a council of war — she recommends the surrender of the fort — her opinion overruled — she is seized by the garrison, and murdered. — Ahmudnug-gur taken by storm, and the garrison put to the sword. — Bahadur Nizam Shah conveyed prisoner to the fort of Gualiar.

THE Queen Chand having succeeded in obtaining the person of Bahadur Nizam Shah from his imprisonment in Chawund, he was publicly proclaimed King of Ahmudnuggur, when she appointed her friend and adviser, Mahomed Khan, to the office of peshwa; but he in a short time (as is the way of the world) after establishing his authority promoted his own adherents and relatives to the chief offices of the empire. It was unlikely, however, that those persons who had distinguished themselves in the war should now tamely submit to degradation; he thought it politic, therefore, to seize and confine Nehung Khan and Shumsheer Khan, Abyssinians. On which the rest of the chiefs, apprehensive of a similar fate, fled the kingdom.

The Dehly troops had occupied Berar, and were still in that quarter. Mahomed Khan's influence and power at the capital was unrestrained; and Queen Chand saw, at this period, the approaching dissolution of her authority. She accordingly wrote a letter to her nephew, Ibrahim Adil Shah, begging his interference, and requesting that a considerable force might be sent to re-organise the government, now usurped by Mahomed Khan. Soheil Khan was despatched for this purpose with an army to Ahmudnuggur, with instructions to regulate his conduct agreeably to the wishes of Queen Chand.

A. H. 1005.
A. D. 1596. In the beginning of the year 1005 Soheil Khan arrived; and as Mahomed Khan opposed his entry, he invested the fort, the blockade of which continued for four months. Mahomed Khan, finding a strong party against him, addressed letters to Khan Khanan, the commander-in-chief of the Mogul force then in Berar, to join him, promising to hold the country of the Emperor of Dehly. The garrison, when they heard of this desperate measure, seized Ma-homed Khan, and delivered him over to the Queen. This step at once restored her authority: on which she instantly released Nehung Khan Abyssinian, and appointed him peshwa; and having presented Soheil Khan with an honorary robe, and some presents, permitted him to return to Beejapoor. On the road to that city, at the village of Rajapoor, on the banks of the Beema, he heard that the Moguls had not only occupied the kingdom of Berar, but had laid violent hands on the town of Patry, &c., which was not included in the Berar cessions. He accordingly halted, and wrote to Ibrahim Adil Shah informing him of the circumstance, and Queen Chand also sent advices to the same effect from Ahmudnuggur to the Beejapoor and Hydurabad sovereigns. Soheil Khan now received orders to march against the invaders; and Mahomed Koolly Sooltan, with a force from Golconda, was directed to co-operate with Soheil Khan, who having been also joined by twenty thousand Nizam Shahy troops, sent from Ahmudnuggur, marched towards Berar with an army consisting of nearly sixty thousand horse, and encamped at the town of Sonput.

Khan Khanan, the Mogul general, who was at that period in cantonments at Jalna, called in all his detachments, and himself went to Shahpoor to receive instructions from the Prince Moorad. He was there joined by Raja Ally Khan of Kandeish, Raja Jugnat, and several other officers of distinction, and returning to Jalna, marched direct towards the Deccanies, and encamped on the banks of the Godavery, where, taking up a position close to the enemy, he intrenched his camp. During fifteen days no action beyond partial skirmishes took place between the cavalry. The object of the Mogul in this was to know something of the Dec-canies as soldiers; but on the fifteenth day he

Jumad-oos-
Sany 18.
A. H. 1005.
January 26.
A. D. 1597.

formed his line to attack them, being the 18th of Jumad-oos-Sany, A. H. 1005. It was about nine o'clock in the morning when the battle commenced, though no close engagement took place till about three in the afternoon, at which time the action became general; and Raja Ally Khan of Kandeish and Raja Jugnat were both killed by the Beejapoor artillery. The Nizam Shahy and Kootb Shahy troops, unable to withstand the brunt of the Mogul cavalry, fell back before sunset; Soheil Khan, however, still gallantly maintained his position singly; and the Adil Shahy cavalry breaking through the Moguls, drove them before them as far as Shahpoor; where the Prince Moorad was on the eve of evacuating his camp, till he heard that Khan Khanan still maintained his ground. The Deccanies, looking upon this as a victory, imprudently began plundering during the night, notwithstanding the exertions of Soheil Khan to prevent it, and taking their spoils with them, retreated to their capitals.

Some hours of the night elapsed before Khan Khanan and Soheil Khan discovered that they were within musket-shot of each other, upon which they both made exertions to collect their scattered troops. The dawn discovered to each his enemy ready mounted for the attack. Khan Khanan proposed overtures of peace; but Soheil Khan, refusing any accommodation, immediately opened his guns on the Moguls. A severer action than that of the preceding day now ensued; when the Adil Shahies being at length defeated, Soheil Khan was compelled, with a few retainers, to make good his retreat to Shahdoorg; while the Nizam Shahies and Kootb Shahies, who had fled on the former day, continued their route, the former to Ahmud-nuggur, and the latter to Hydurabad. After this victory Khan Khanan despatched the greater part of his army to reduce the forts of Nurnala and Gavul in Berar, while he himself remained encamped at Jalna.^309a

The Prince Moorad (at the instigation of his tutor Sadik Mahomed Khan, an officer of five thousand horse,) recommended that the late victory should be followed up, and that the Mogul troops should march immediately for the reduction of Ah-mudnuggur and the occupation of that country. Khan Khanan replied, that there were still many strong forts in Berar to be taken, and it appeared advisable to wait till the following year for the invasion of the Nizam Shahy territories. The Prince, offended at this difference of opinion, wrote complaints to his father Akbur Padshah at Dehly, which he procured to be supported by other private letters from his camp at Shahpoor, till at length

A. H. 1006.
A. D. 1597.

his Majesty recalled Khan Khanan, and deputed Sheikh Abool Fuzl ^310a to the situation of commander-in-chief of the army of the Deccan.

Meanwhile Nehung Khan, the peshwa of Ah-mudnuggur, having obtained unlimited power, concerted a scheme to seize Queen Chand, and to take upon himself the management of the orphan King and the government. The Queen, gaining intimation of his intentions, shut the gates against him; and securing the person of the King, refused the former admittance, saying that he might transact the public business in the town, but not in the fort as hitherto. Nehung Khan for some days submitted quietly; but at length, throwing off the mask, attacked the fort. Several partial skirmishes between the royalists and the rebels took place; and although Ibrahim Adil Shah made overtures to effect a reconciliation, they were invariably rejected by both parties; each of whom would only be satisfied by the unqualified submission of his enemy. Nehung Khan, who had gradually acquired strength from his local position, now took advantage of the absence of Khan Khanan from the Deccan, and also of the rainy season, when the Godavery was full, and not fordable, to send a detachment, and retake the town of Beer from the Moguls. Sheer Khwaja, the governor of Beer, marched twelve miles to oppose the Nizam Shahies, but being wounded, and his party defeated, he with great difficulty reached Beer, when the Nizam Shahies invested the place. Sheer Khwaja wrote petitions to the Emperor at Dehly, complaining that no reinforcements were sent to him, and representing his situation. Akbur was on the point of sending Khan Khanan again to the Deccan, and recalling Abool Fuzl, when information was received of the death of the Prince Moorad, at Shah-poor, an event brought on by extreme dissipation. His Majesty accordingly deputed his youngest son, the Prince Daniel Mirza, to the government of the Deccan, attended by Khan Khanan as commander-in-chief. They had scarcely reached the frontier when his Imperial Majesty, at the earnest entreaties of Sheikh Abool Fuzl, marched in

A. H. 1008.
A. D. 1599.

person to the south, in the beginning of the year 1008. Upon his arrival at Boorhanpoor, having enquired into the Deccan politics, and finding that the Nizam Shahy government was still distracted by the factions of Queen Chand and Nehung Khan, Akbur laid siege to the fort of Aseer, and detached the Prince Daniel Mirza and Khan Khanan against Ahmudnuggur. Nehung Khan Abyssinian immediately raised the siege, and marched with fifteen thousand horse and foot to occupy the Jeipoor Kotly G'hat, and there to oppose the Moguls; but having intimation of this movement, the Prince marched round by the village of Manoory, and avoided the pass. Ne-hung Khan, finding himself out-manœuvred, and unable to withstand the Mogul forces, set fire to his heavy baggage, and retreated to Ahmud-nuggur, where he wished to compromise matters with the Queen, who refusing to listen to him, he fled to Joonere. The Mogul forces reached the fort without opposition, and having laid siege to it as before, commenced mining. At this period the unfortunate, though heroic, Queen Chand, placing no reliance on the persons about her, applied to Humeed Khan an eunuch, and an officer of rank in the fort, for advice. He recommended that they should fight, and defend the place against the Moguls, while the Queen declared, that after the conduct of the several officers whom she had seen within the last few years she could place no reliance on them, and for her own part she considered it most advisable to negotiate for the evacuation of the fort, on condition of obtaining security for the lives of the garrison and private property, and then to retire to Joonere with the young King. Humeed Khan ran out into the streets, declaring that Chand Sooltana was in treaty with the Moguls for the delivery of the fort; and the shortsighted and ungrateful Deccanies, headed by Humeed Khan, rushed into her private apartments, and put her to death. In the course of a few days the mines were sprung with effect, and several breaches made. The Moguls stormed and carried the place, giving little or no quarter. Bahadur Shah with all the children of both sexes of the royal family were taken prisoners; and the unfortunate King, with the regalia and jewels, were sent to Akbur Padshah at Boorhanpoor. The fort of Aseer falling also at the same time, his Imperial Majesty made over Kandeish and the Deccan conquests to the Prince Daniel, and returned to his capital of Akburabad Agra; notwithstanding which, the Nizam Shahy officers having declared Moortuza, the son of Shah Ally, King, for some time made Purenda the capital.

Bahadur Nizam Shah's reign lasted for three years; and that unfortunate prince is, at the present day, confined in the fortress of Gualiar.

Moortuza, the son of Shah Ally, proclaims himself King — is supported by some of the Nizam Shahy chiefs. — Mullik Ambur and Meean Rajoo, two Deccany leaders, occupy the whole of the Nizam Shahy territories. — Unsuccessful efforts made by Khan Khanan, the Mogul governor of Ahmudnuggur, to dispossess them — he at length forms a treaty with Mullik Ambur. — The King joins Mullik Ambur, and holds his court at Dowlutabad. — The Prince Daniel Mirza arrives at Ah-mudnuggur, and receives homage from Mullik Ambur — he espouses the daughter of Ibrahim Adil Shah. — Moortuza Nizam Shah invites Meean Rajoo to assist him against Mullik Ambur. — War between the rival chiefs. — Mullik Ambur conciliates the King. — Removes the seat of government to Joo-nere. — Meean Rajoo is eventually defeated by Mullik Ambur, and almost the whole of the Nizam Shahy dominions fall under the control of the latter.

AFTER the return of Akbur Padshah, two persons of the late Nizam Shahy government distinguished themselves by their enterprise and conduct. The one, Mullik Ambur an Abyssinian, and the other, Meean Rajoo Deccany, ^314a who have, in spite of the Mogul forces, down to the present period, retained almost the whole of the Nizam Shahy dominions.

The former, Mullik Ambur, possesses the country from the Kootb-Shahy and Adil Shahy boundaries, as far north as within one coss of Beer, and four of Ahmudnuggur, and from eight coss west of Dowlutabad to within the same distance of the port of Choul.

The latter, Meean Rajoo, possesses Dowlutabad as far north and south as from the Guzerat frontier to within six coss of Ahmudnuggur: both officers profess the semblance of allegiance to Moortuza Nizam Shah II. In the first instance they gave up the fort of Owsa for the King's residence, and the revenues of a few of the surrounding villages for his subsistence. But as these partisans were extremely envious of each other, frequent disputes arose between them; and Khan Khanan, the Mogul governor of the fort of Ahmudnug-gur, having intimation of their mutual jealousy, directed a party from Berar to march and occupy a small district belonging to Mullik Ambur, on the Tulingana boundaries. Upon intimation of which that chief proceeded to its relief with a detachment of between six and seven thousand horse, and succeeded in defeating the Moguls and recovering the district. Khan Khanan immediately despatched his son, Mirza Eeritch, with a select force of five thousand horse to attack him, and wipe off the stain from the Mogul arms. Mirza Eeritch encountered Mullik Ambur at the town of Nandere, where a severe action took place, in which many soldiers were slain on both sides, and the Deccanies were eventually defeated. Mullik Am-bur, who lay wounded on the field, was only saved by the devoted gallantry of his attendants from falling a prisoner into the enemy's hands; an object they effected after losing a number of men. Mullik Ambur no sooner recovered from his wounds than he began to collect more troops; and Khan Khanan, well aware of his enterprising character and of his popularity in the country, feared the Moguls might be eventually overpowered by numbers under so active a leader, and for these reasons made overtures for peace: while Mullik Ambur, on the other hand, aware of the enmity of Meean Rajoo, and not without suspicions even of his having urged the late attack, gladly accepted the offer, and a treaty was concluded which marked out their respective future boundaries. From that period to the present day Mullik Ambur and Khan Kha-nan continue on the most friendly terms.

At this period, Venkut Row Coly, Furhad Khan Movullid, and Mullik Sundul, an eunuch, with other officers, deserted Mullik Ambur, and joined Moortuza Nizam Shah II. at Owsa, where they collected a force. Mullik Ambur, marching against this faction, dispersed it under the very walls of the place. In this action Venkut Row was taken prisoner; but the other chiefs, flying with the King into the fort, made terms on the following day. As Mul-lik Ambur had long wished to obtain possession of Purenda, he took the King with him to that fortress; the governor of which, Mittun Khan, an Abyssinian, who had been nearly twenty years in the situation, intimated to the King that he was willing to receive and admit him as his liege lord; but that Mullik Ambur, having made peace with the Mogul general, had in fact become one of that party, and he therefore refused to receive him within the walls. Mullik Ambur replied, that it was true he had been compelled, on account of the late conspiracy against him, to be on friendly terms with Khan Khanan, but that he was a true and loyal servant of the Nizam Shahy family, and was ready to support it with his last breath. The governor was not moved by these arguments; and Mullik Ambur, to prevent the King uniting with Mittun Khan, kept him for the present a state-prisoner. The moment that Furhad Khan and Mullik Sundul heard of the King's confinement, they flew to Purenda, and threw themselves into the fort, which was defended for upwards of a month against Mullik Ambur; but the governor's son having committed some cruelty on the inhabitants of the place, they rebelled and slew him, and his father was himself compelled to fly, accompanied by Furhad Khan and Mullik Sun-dul, to Beejapoor, where they entered into the service of the Adil Shahy monarch. The garrison of Purenda held out for some time longer, till at length Mullik Ambur having removed all restraint from Moortuza Nizam Shah II., he was permitted to introduce the King into it, while himself remained encamped without.

A. H. 1013.
A. D. 1604. In the year 1013, the Prince Daniel marched from Boorhanpoor towards Ah-mudnuggur, by the route of Dowlutabad and Nassuk, in order to receive the hand of the daughter of Ibrahim Adil Shah in marriage; and expected that Meean Rajoo would pay him the compliment to meet him, and acknowledge his authority in the Deccan, as Mullik Ambur had done. Meean Rajoo was invited to camp for the purpose; but having no faith in the Prince's promises refused his attendance; and although he was not able to oppose him in the field he so harassed Daniel's army with eight thousand light cavalry that he was obliged to send to Khan Khanan for reinforcements from Jalna, who himself made a forced march with five thousand cavalry, and joined him, which obliged Meean Rajoo to withdraw. On the Prince's return from Ahmudnuggur, with his bride, he encamped at the town of Peitun, on the banks of the Godavery, and remained there some days, in order to celebrate his marriage; after which he proceeded to Boorhanpoor, and Khan Khanan returned to his cantonment at Jalna.

Moortuza Nizam Shah II., in the mean time, sent persons to Meean Rajoo, complaining of the treatment he experienced from Mullik Ambur. That active partisan reached Purenda without opposition, had a conference with the King, and promised to reduce his rival, who, when he heard of his approach, marched to oppose him. The two forces encamped near the fort walls of Purenda, and during a month several skirmishes took place, which generally terminated in favour of Meean Rajoo, while Mullik Ambur despatched letters to Khan Khanan, begging of him to send him assistance from Jalna.

The Mogul general despatched orders to Mirza Hoossein Ally Beg, commander and governor of the district of Beer, to proceed immediately with three thousand cavalry to the support of Mullik Ambur; and upon the arrival of this detachment it attacked and defeated Meean Rajoo, who fled to Dowlutabad.

At this period the death of the Prince Daniel and the absence of Khan Khanan from Jalna, who proceeded to Boorhanpoor as his successor, gave Mul-lik Ambur an opportunity of aggrandisement. He accordingly collected his troops, and marched against Meean Rajoo to Dowlutabad, where he was again defeated, after which he sent petitions to Khan Khanan for aid; but that officer, seeing the state of affairs at Dowlutabad, marched thither, and for a period of six months prevented the rival chiefs from attacking each other. Mullik Ambur, now perceiving that Khan Khanan was rather well disposed towards his rival, deemed it politic to yield to his wishes, and make peace, after which Mullik Ambur returned to Purenda, and Khan Khanan to Jalna; but as Mullik Ambur saw that Moortuza Nizam Shah II. was constantly intriguing, and raising factions against him, he thought it advisable to depose him, and find some less troublesome pageant to fill the throne.

Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor was consulted on this subject, but refused to countenance the measure, and Mullik Ambur abandoned his intention.

A. H. 1016.
A. D. 1607.

In the year 1016 he made that monarch's situation easier, and began to treat him with more respect: the consequence was, that a mutual confidence grew up between them; and in the same year Moortuza Nizam Shah II., accompanied by his general, Mullik Ambur, marched at the head of ten thousand cavalry from Purenda against Joonere, which that monarch now again made the seat of the Nizam Shahy government, whence he despatched an army to Dowlu-tabad against Meean Rajoo. That chief, after a short time, was defeated and taken prisoner, and his country again reverted to the Nizam Shahy authority. Mullik Ambur ^320a continues to add daily to his influence and power; and at the present day, Moortuza Nizam Shah II., the son of Shah Ally, fills the throne of the Nizam Shahy dynasty. The affairs of the state are conducted by his minister, though it appears that this kingdom is on the very verge of destruction, as the Emperor of Dehly seems to be only waiting for a favourable opportunity to conquer and annex it to that of his own. — The ways of God are known only to himself.

To face page 321. Vol. III.]

>genealogy<

His origin — of Toorkman descent — arrival in India — is appointed one of the secretaries to the government — volunteers to tranquillise the district of Tulingana — is ennobled — assumes the title of King — introduces the Persian customs and religion into his government — is assassinated by order of his son.

IN the reign of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, a person named Shah Khoorsha, an inhabitant of Persia, wrote a work containing a history of the origin of the Kootb Shahy family; but as I have been unable to obtain a copy of it, I am obliged to content myself with such details of the history of that dynasty as have been procurable.

Sooltan Koolly is said to be descended from the tribe of Baharloo Toorkmans, of the Ally Shukur persuasion. Some of his courtiers have asserted that he was grandson to Meerza Jehan Shah of Persia; but I have no good authority for supporting this opinion. It is related that he was born at Humadan, and that in the end of the reign of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny he arrived in the Dec-can, in the prime of youth. As that monarch retained a large train of Toorks in his bodyguard, he was admitted as one of the number. Having received an excellent education, he was subsequently appointed to the situation of secretary in one of the public offices. Shortly after, complaints arriving at court that the inhabitants and petty land-holders of Tulingana refused to pay the revenues, and had rebelled, the King resolved to send an officer with a force into that country; but Sooltan Koolly volunteered to go without troops, and to bring matters to a favourable conclusion. He was accordingly appointed to the duty, and succeeded so completely, that in a short time he recovered many small districts which had been usurped by the Hindoos.

In the reign of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, Sool-tan Koolly was ennobled, and received the title of Kootb-ool-Moolk; and when Yoosoof Adil Shah, Ahmud Nizam Shah, and Futteh Oolla Imad Shah, threw off their allegiance from the house of Bahmuny, and the former ordered public prayers to be read in the name of the twelve Imams, Sooltan Koolly also, as general and commander-in-chief of the reigning family, caused the names of those saints to be introduced into the public worship; but he did not declare his independence

till the year 918, when the imbecility of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny's government was apparent to the whole world, and the ascendency of his ambitious minister completely established.

Contrary to the practice of India, he introduced the customs of Persia at his court; among which was that of beating the nobut, or imperial band, five times daily. He filled all the offices of his government with his own countrymen. After assuming the regal state, he used to send annually magnificent presents to Mahmood Shah Bahmuny of Bidur.

Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah remained at peace and friendship with all the other kings of the Deccan, excepting on the occasion when Bahadur Shah of Guzerat invaded that country, at the instance of Futteh Oolla Imad Shah, and laid waste great part of the Nizam Shahy territories. At that time Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah sent an envoy, and made friendly overtures to the foreign invader. But when Bahadur Shah returned to Guzerat, Ismael Adil Shah, instigated by Boorhan Nizam Shah, laid siege to the fort of Kulliany,

A. H. 940.
A. D. 1533.

in the year 940. The King of Golconda, unable to cope with the Adil Shahy forces, only sent a detachment of cavalry to cut off their supplies. Fortunately, Ismael Adil Shah, being taken suddenly ill, died about this time; upon which Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah sent an envoy to Boorhan Nizam Shah to mediate a peace, which was concluded.

Some years afterwards Jumsheed, the King's eldest son, who had long been wishing for his father's death, induced one of his slaves to undertake to assassinate him; and accordingly, when the King was one day examining some jewels, this slave drew his dagger and stabbed him to the heart.

A. H. 950.
A. D. 1543.

This event took place in the year 950. The slave flew to relate the news to Jumsheed, who, fearing lest the circumstance of his connivance might become known, struck the assassin dead on the spot.

Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah reigned for a period of nearly thirty-three years, and left three sons, Jumsheed, Heidur, and Ibrahim.

The King unites with the King of Ahmudnuggur against the King of Beejapoor — takes the fort of Kakny — besieges Etgeer — is compelled to retreat — pursued by the Beejapoor army — receives a severe wound in the face which disfigures him for life — contracts a lingering disease — his brothers fly from the capital out of apprehension — his death.

ON the death of his father, Jumsheed Kootb Shah ascended the throne, and was congratulated on the occasion by the arrival of the holy Shah Tahir, prime minister and spiritual guide of Boor-han Nizam Shah. Sometime after, a war breaking out between the Adil Shahy and Nizam Shahy sovereigns, Jumsheed Kootb Shah collected his forces in support of the latter, and marched to Kakny, where he built a strong fort. Adil Shah, being fully engaged at that moment in opposing the united forces of Ramraj and Boorhan Nizam Shah, could not spare troops to oppose Kootb Shah, so that the latter monarch marched from Kakny to the fort of Etgeer, which he invested; but in the mean time, Ibrahim Adil Shah having concluded a peace with his other enemies, Assud Khan Lary was detached with a considerable force to raise the siege of Etgeer. Jumsheed Kootb Shah now wrote to Boorhan Nizam Shah, stating, that he had only acted in concert with him and Ramraj, and upbraided him for making peace without consulting him or advising him of the transaction. Boorhan Nizam Shah said, that he had only done so as a temporary measure of policy; and recommended Jumsheed Kootb Shah to keep a good garrison in Kakny, promising that after the rains he would act in concert in attacking the Adil Shahy territory, and would occupy all the country east of the Beema. He proposed that Etgeer, Sagur, and Koolburga, should belong to Kootb Shah, and Nuldoorg and Sholapoor to Nizam Shah. Jumsheed Kootb Shah, aware of the intriguing character of his ally, not only retained Kakny, but laid closer siege to Etgeer. The Beejapoor general, in the first instance, attacked and carried by storm the fort of Kakny, after a siege of three months, putting the whole garrison to the sword, and from thence proceeded by forced marches to Etgeer. On his approach, Jumsheed Kootb Shah raised the siege and retreated to his own territories, pursued by Assud Khan the Beeja-poor general, who in several actions which took place was always victorious. In the last of these actions Assud Khan encountered the King of Golconda, and cut him down with a sabre, which struck off the tip of his nose, his cheek, and part of his upper lip. This wound not only disfigured him for the rest of his life, but rendered it difficult for him either to eat or drink. Upon his return to his capital he sent ambassadors, who concluded a peace with the Beeja-poor monarch, and afterwards employed himself in reducing much of the country of the Hindoos. During these wars he fell sick, and for two years was in a lingering state of health. As his distemper increased, his disposition became morose, and he put many persons to death on the most trivial occasion. His cruelty now excited the terror of his subjects; and his two brothers fled to Bidur, where Heidur Khan, the eldest, shortly afterwards died, and his younger brother Ibrahim fled to Beejanuggur.

A. H. 957.
A. D. 1550.

In the mean time, Jumsheed Kootb Shah died, in the beginning of the year 957, after a reign of nearly seven years.

Account of his flight from Golconda; and his reception at the Hindoo court of Beejanuggur described — is invited to ascend the throne — his arrival at Golconda — engages to attack the Bee-japoor territory — withdraws from the war — engages to assist the King of Beejapoor against Ahmudnuggur — he suddenly withdraws from the alliance — espouses Beeby Jumally, the daughter of Hoossein Nizam Shah — engages to assist in the reduction of Kulliany — the confederacy is dissolved — becomes a party in the general league of the Mahomedans against Ramraj — is present at the battle of Talikota — his son, the Prince Abdool Kadur, aims at the throne — he is seized, and put to death. — The King's illness — his death.

THE following account may serve to show to what lengths the practice of duelling was at this period carried in the Deccan. While Ibrahim Kootb Shah, during his brother's lifetime, was at Beeja-nuggur, Ramraj showed him every attention, and assigned for his support an estate which was at that time possessed by Ambur Khan the Abyssinian, an officer in Ramraj's pay. Ambur Khan, enraged at the alienation of his estate, and meeting Ibrahim Kootb Shah in the streets of Beejanuggur, accused him of depriving him of it. The latter replied that monarchs were at liberty to dispose of their own property, and that the King of Beejanuggur had chosen to give him the estate. Ibrahim Kootb Shah proceeded on his way; but the Abyssinian called him coward, in refusing to dispute his title with the sword. Ibrahim warned him of his imprudence; but the Prince's mildness only added fury to the Abyssinian's anger, who proceeded to abuse him in grosser language. On this the Prince dismounted and drew: the Abyssinian rushed upon him; but the Prince's temper giving him the advantage, he killed his antagonist, whose brother, standing by, insisted on taking up the cause, and he also fell a victim to his temerity. On the death of Jumsheed Kootb Shah, the ministers at court placed his son, an infant of two years old, on the throne. The Deccan nobles crowded into the palace, and were clamorous for situations, and became so riotous, that Moostufa Khan, the prime minister, immediately wrote off to Ibrahim Kootb Shah to Beejanuggur, inviting him to court. On his arrival on the frontier, he was met by Moostufa Khan, whom he honoured with the office of Meer Joomla and a dress of honour, and was shortly after joined by Sulabut Khan with three thousand foreign cavalry, besides many other officers who now deserted the Deccanies and the infant King. Before the arrival of Ibrahim Kootb Shah at the capital of Golconda upwards of six thousand horse had joined him, which ensured his accession to the throne; an event that took place on the following day, without opposition, in consequence of the extreme popularity of his minister, Moostufa Khan, to whom he shortly afterwards gave his sister in marriage.

A. H. 971.
A. D. 1564.

sequently, in the year 971, the two monarchs marched from their respective capitals to reduce that fortress. On his arrival near Kulliany the nuptials between Beeby Jumally and the King of Golconda were celebrated, after which they both laid siege to that place. Ally Adil Shah had in the mean time formed a strong confederacy with Ramraj, Toofal Khan, and Ameer Bereed, against the kings of Ahmud-nuggur and Golconda: they thought it prudent to raise the siege, and retreat to their own capital. Ramraj and Ally Adil Shah pursued Hoossein Nizam Shah to Ahmudnuggur, devastating his country on the route; and on their return they encamped at the town of Orgy, on the Tulingana frontier, for nearly six months, during which they plundered part of Tulingana, and alarmed the whole kingdom, when Ibrahim Kootb Shah sent an envoy, and sued for peace. In the following year,

A. H. 972.
A. D. 1565.

972, Ibrahim Kootb Shah, in conjunction with the other Mahomedan monarchs of the Deccan, marched against Ramraj, when that King was killed, and his territory occupied. On his return from that glorious campaign, the King's minister and brother-in-law, Moostufa Khan Ardustany, having left him at the town of Rachore, under pretence of going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, joined the camp of Ally Adil Shah. In the reign of Moortuza Nizam Shah some account is given of the conduct of his mother, Khonza Sooltana, who caused discontent, and created factions throughout the empire. Ally Adil Shah at this time deputed his famous general, Kishwur Khan Lary, to build a strong fort on the Beejapoor eastern frontier, which he called Dharoor, having conquered at the same time several towns of the Nizam Shahy government.

Moortuza Nizam Shah, now coming of age, was induced, from motives of self-preservation, to confine his mother in a fort; and he deputed Khan Khanan with a force to reduce Dharoor, at the same time inviting Ibrahim Kootb Shah to assist him; but before that monarch reached the place, it had fallen to the Nizam Shahy forces, and the allies marched on together into the Beejapoor territory. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, at this period, wrote a letter full of friendship to Ally Adil Shah, proposing terms of peace for himself alone. The latter sent his communication direct to Moortuza Nizam Shah, who, on discovering his treachery, sent a party of horse to attack his camp. Ibrahim Kootb Shah fled without opposition to Golconda, and lost one hundred and fifty elephants in his retreat, besides a number of his best officers and men. His son, Abdool Kadur, when he arrived on the frontier, begged of his father to permit him and some of his officers to lie in wait, and attack the rear of the enemy in their pursuit. The King, naturally jealous, supposing that the Prince intended to compass his death, and to effect his own elevation, confined him in a fort, and shortly afterwards ordered him to be poisoned.

A. H. 989.
A. D. 1581. Ibrahim Kootb Shah died suddenly, in the year 989, after a reign of thirty-two years.

Proceeds towards Koolburga in support of an alliance formed with the King of Ahmudnuggur — returns to his capital, leaving one of his officers to conduct the campaign. — The King of Ahmudnuggur is attacked by the Regent of Beejapoor, and defeated, with the loss of one hundred and twenty elephants. — Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah sends an embassy to Beejapoor — espouses the sister of Ibrahim Adil Shah — builds the city of Bhagnuggur, so called after his favourite mistress Bhag-mutty .

IBRAHIM KOOLLY KOOTB SHAH left three sons, the eldest of whom, Mahomed Koolly, succeeded to the throne at the age of twelve. He immediately married the daughter of Shah Nizam Isfahany, a syud of the Tubatibba tribe, who had long held the office of Ameer Joomla under the late King. At the Syud's instigation the King marched to co-operate with Syud Moortuza Subzwary, the general of Ahmudnuggur: the first object of their attack was Nuldoorg; but as the governor resisted a long siege, they resolved to march to Beejapoor; being equally unfortunate and unsuccessful there, the courtiers of Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah represented that it was customary among the kings of the Deccan, if they went in person to war, to beg the aid of their allies, who themselves proceeded in person to their assistance, as had always been usual between the two kings of Ah-mudnuggur and Golconda; but that it could not be considered respectable for his Majesty in person to attend one of the generals of Ahmudnuggur. The King, struck with the justice of the remark, which was in fact levelled at the minister who advised the measure, accordingly refused to accompany the army. Upon this the Ahmudnuggur general recommended to his master that the allies should return towards their respective countries, advising that the Nizam Shahies should occupy part of the Adil Shahy territory contiguous to Ahmudnuggur, while the Kootb Shahy monarch should be at liberty to take Koolburga and other places on his frontier. On this resolution the camps separated, each army returning to its own border. Upon his arrival at Koolburga, Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah left Mirza Zein, entitled Moostufa Khan, with a force of seven thousand cavalry, and many elephants, to reduce that district, whence he proceeded to his capital, and confined his minister and father-in-law, Shah Mirza, for the advice he had given. Soon after he ordered him to be sent to his native city of Isfahan; but he died on the voyage.

Moostufa Khan, in the mean time, reduced many of the towns contiguous to Koolburga, when being attacked by Dilawur Khan from Beejapoor, with a strong force, an action ensued, in which the latter was victorious; and following up his successes, took from Moostufa Khan, before he reached Golconda, one hundred and twenty elephants, besides other valuables.

After this event a peace was concluded, which

has ever since existed; and in the year 995 an ambassador was deputed from Beejapoor to Golconda, to ask in marriage the King's sister for Ibrahim Adil Shah, and the Princess was accordingly conveyed to Beejapoor.

In the beginning of the reign of Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, that young Prince became enamoured of a public singer of the name of Bhag-mutty, to whom he assigned one thousand cavalry as an escort for her attendance; and as the air of Golconda had become impure and unhealthy, he built a magnificent city at the distance of eight miles, which he called Bhagnuggur, after his favourite mistress; but this city has since received the name of Hydurabad, although one part of it still retains the former name of Bhagnuggur. It is ten miles in circumference; and its principal streets, contrary to the other towns in India, are wide and clean: its air is healthy, and running streams are conveyed through some of the principal markets; on each side of which are rows of trees planted, affording a pleasing shade and sight, and the shops are all of solid masonry. The King's palace is described as the most beautiful and extensive in India.

THE Translator, desirous of filling up the chasm alluded to by Ferishta, was enabled some years ago to procure a work, entitled “The History of “Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah,” written about the time Ferishta lived; and although the Author has not mentioned his name, it seems probable that it may be the identical work adverted to. At all events, having been translated, it is now included, in order to complete that portion of the history of the Deccan. — All endeavours to obtain some detailed accounts of the Kings of Bidur and Elichpoor have failed, although the Translator visited those capitals more than once for the express purpose of making search for them.

His origin — arrival in India from Persia — distinguishes himself in repulsing an attack on the King's person at Bidur — is created governor of Tulingana. — Death of the King. — Sooltan Koolly declares his independence, and builds the town of Mahomednuggur, near the fort of Golconda — extends his dominions by foreign conquests — takes Rajconda, Dewur-conda, and Pangul, from the Raja of Beejanuggur, also Gunpoora and Kovilconda. — War with Seetaputty Raja of Tulingana. — Sooltan Koolly takes Wurungole and Cumamett. — War with Guja Ramchundur. — Takes Belumconda. — War with the Raja of Beejanuggur. — War with Ismael Adil Shah, King of Beejapoor. — Capture of Koheer and Nul-goonda from the Hindoos. — Siege of Etgeer. — Death of Sooltan Koolly.

THE Prince Sooltan Koolly is the son of Ooveis Koolly, the son of Peer Koolly, the son of Ameer Alwund, the son of Ameer Iskundur, the son of Ameer Kurra Yoosoof, the son of Ameer Kurra Mahomed, the son of Ameer Toorsin, the son of Kurra Munsoor, the son of Kurra Beirum, the son of Kurra Toormish, the son of Ameer Tora Beg, who carries his pedigree up to Oghz Khan, lineally descended from Japheth, the son of Noah.

During the reign of Ameer Hussun Beg, ^339a the chief of the tribe of Ak Koovinloo, that monarch, satisfied of the peaceable disposition of Ameer Peer Koolly, the head of the rival tribe of Kurra Koovinloo, which had been lately expelled from the throne, refrained from molesting him or his family. After the death of Ameer Hussun Beg, his eldest son, Ameer Khuleel Sooltan, succeeded him, and adopted the same line of conduct towards Ooveis Koolly, the son of Ameer Peer Koolly Kurra Koovinloo; but upon the accession of Ameer Yakoob Ak Koovinloo, his courtiers pointed out to him the rising genius of Ooveis Koolly's son, Sooltan Koolly, the subject of our history. He was upheld as the darling of his father, and the hope of his tribe, which looked up to him for the re-establishment of its power. Historians have even gone so far as to state, that Ameer Yakoob Beg consulted the astrologers concerning the fate of Sooltan Koolly, who foretold that he would be a king, though not in Persia, but that he was destined to spread the banners of the true faith on the plains of Hindoostan. This report reached the ears of his father, Ooveis Koolly; and it was said, that on this account Ameer Yakoob Beg Ak Koovinloo sought the young prince's life, which was the cause of his being sent with his uncle, Ameer Alla Koolly, to India.

The following account from the Murghoob-ool-Koolloob, written by Sudr-i-Jehan, is stated to be taken down from the mouth of Sooltan Koolly himself, who is lineally descended from Ameer Kurra Yoosoof Toorkman, and nearly related to Ameer Jehan Shah, King of Persia, as mentioned in several histories. The birth-place of Sooltan Koolly is Saadabad, a small village in the province of Huma-dan. His own words are as follow:—“After the “subjugation of my tribe of Kurra Koovinloo “by that of Ak Koovinloo, I was compelled to fly “my country when a child, and I came with my “uncle Ameer Alla Koolly to the Deccan in “India, where after remaining some time I re-“turned to my father at Humadan; but the splen-“dour of the Bahmuny court, and the attentions “which we received, so filled my youthful ima-“gination, that the Deccan and India were always “present to my thoughts. As my uncle would “not leave so young a boy as I then was, he “compelled me to return with him to Persia. On “the accession of the enemies ^341a of our tribe, and “when it was ascertained beyond a doubt that “Ameer Yakoob Ak Koovinloo sought my life, I “consented to proceed again to the Deccan, with a “number of fine horses and other presents for the “Bahmuny king; but I previously went to take “leave of my grand-uncle, Shah Noor-ood-Deen, at “Yezd. Shah Noor-ood-Deen was my spiritual “pastor, as well as my near relation, having “married my grandfather Ameer Peer Koolly “Beg's own sister; and as he was skilled in “astrology, and by the divine favour had an insight “into futurity, he told me, on my departure, that “I should one day be a king over a portion of “Hindoostan. On which, taking from his pocket “a quantity of gold coin, he gave it to me, and “conferred on me his blessing, saying, ‘Consider “this as a symbol of your future success.’ It is “unnecessary to say that this circumstance made a “deep impression on my mind, and I already fan-“cied myself a king, when my uncle and I pro-“ceeded together towards India. Having got over “the voyage, we went direct to the city of Ahmud-“abad Bidur, then the capital of the Deccan. “After two or three days we had an audience of “Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, and presented the “horses and other rarities we had brought with “us, after which a place was allotted by the “King for our residence. Shortly afterwards, my “uncle requested his audience of leave to return to “his native country; and although the King did “all he could to induce him to remain, he could “not be prevailed on, particularly as he had just “heard of the death of the inveterate enemy of “the family, Ameer Yakoob Beg, ^342a from whose “tyranny I was compelled to fly. Mahmood Shah “Bahmuny, unable to persuade my uncle to stay, “insisted on his leaving me at the court, declaring “he would treat me as his own child. I readily “embraced the opportunity, and my uncle left “India alone.”

Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, as he had promised, always treated Sooltan Koolly with the greatest affection; and as he was informed of the illustrious descent of his young friend, his attentions towards him increased daily. This degree of favour excited envy in the minds of the King's sons and the nobles of the court, who omitted no opportunity of defaming his character to the King.

In the Towareekh-i-Hind we find it related, that Mahmood Shah Bahmuny one night having collected his courtiers about him was enjoying the pleasures of the festive board, amid the voices of damsels and the sound of music, when he was attacked by a body of Abyssinians and Deccanies. ^343a Fortunately Sooltan Koolly, with ten foreigners, was on the spot on guard over the King's person. When they heard the noise they rushed out with the rest of his guard, and having repulsed the assailants, accompanied the King, who retired to the fort. Five of Sooltan Koolly's party were killed on this occasion, while he with the other five, and the King in person, defended the palace with their bows and arrows. In the mean time a message was despatched to Hussun Khwaja Jehan to occupy the bastions of the fort with all the Khorassanies he could collect. In the execution of this order many men were lost in forcing their way to the ramparts. The assailants were in the end defeated in all quarters; and the King's guards took possession of the gates of the city, to prevent the traitors from making their escape. In consequence of the extreme darkness torches were used by the King's troops, who with lights in one hand and swords in the other fought desperately during the early part of the night. The moon rose about midnight, when the King, who had been joined during the confusion by a few more adherents, made his way good to Hussun Khwaja Jehan. He was accompanied by Sooltan Koolly, who, proceeding in advance, cut his way through the opposing foes. In the morning, the royalists appeared every where victorious, while the rebels, being dispersed, fled through the streets, or sought safety from the sword by throwing themselves over the battlements. Others, who had secreted themselves in houses, were dragged forth and put to death.

Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, who certainly owed his life to the personal exertions of Sooltan Koolly, honoured him with the title of Mullik Kootb-ool-Moolk, and conferred on him the appointment of second minister; he also granted titles and rewards to the five remaining Persians who had so gallantly defended his person.

In the history of the Deccan it is related, that when the imbecility of the Bahmuny dynasty became apparent, several of the military nobles, separating themselves from the crown, declared their independence. Among these was Mullik Deenar the Abyssinian, and Mullik Khoosh Kud-dum Toork, who refused to acknowledge the authority of the King in their districts. Mahmood Shah Bahmuny marched against them, and took their leader, Mullik Deenar, prisoner; but at the instance of some of his advisers he was pardoned, and all the elephants taken in the action were restored to him. In consequence of the gallantry displayed by Sooltan Koolly on this occasion he was honoured with the government of the province of Tulingana, and received the title of Ameer-ool-Omra, besides having the towns of Kotgeer and Ootgy added to his personal estates.

In the history of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny it is related, that after the death of Kishwur Khan, Bahadur Geelany, an officer of the Bahmuny court, distinguished for his bravery in action, succeeded him in the government of the Concan, including Dabul and Goa, and other sea-ports, and declared his independence from the court of Bidur. Shortly after which, he laid violent hands on all the trading vessels proceeding along the coast, and captured several ships laden with merchandise, belonging to the subjects of Mahmood Shah of Guzerat, which had been driven on shore.

When Mahmood Shah of Guzerat heard of the fate of his vessels, he addressed letters to Bahadur Geelany, requiring him to restore the property. Bahadur not only refused to yield up his prizes, but wrote insolent replies to the King of Guzerat's letters.

Mahmood Shah of Guzerat, in consequence, sent an ambassador to Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, requesting his interference, as Bahadur Geelany was one of his subjects. The Bahmuny monarch wrote peremptory orders, directing the Guzerat ships to be sent to Cambay, and the property to be forwarded to the capital of Bidur, in order that it might be made over to the Guzerat ambassador then at court. Bahadur Geelany, having intimation of the approach of the messengers conveying these orders, caused them to be detained on the road, and declared his independence from the court of Bidur.

Mahmood Shah Bahmuny immediately marched to reduce the rebel chief, and arrived without opposition at the fort of Mirch, where he was met by Pota Naig, the zemindar of that district, at the head of five thousand cavalry, and an army of one hundred thousand infantry; but the Hindoo chief was compelled to take shelter within the walls of Mirch, wherein he was besieged by the royal army. During the operations, Dew Naig, the son of Pota Naig, with a large force, attacked a division of the King's army commanded by Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk. The Hindoos fought bravely hand to hand with the Mahomedans, from daylight till sunset, and Dew Naig was every where successful. At this moment he came in contact with Sooltan Koolly in person, and was slain. The Hindoos withdrew on the following day; and Pota Naig, despairing of maintaining the place after the death of his son, sent a number of fine elephants and horses as presents to the King, besides consenting to pay an annual tribute. It was, moreover, agreed that the fort of Mirch, with all the public property it contained, should be delivered to the King, on condition that the lives of the inhabitants and their property might be spared. Pota Naig, on the day after the treaty, had an audience, and received the fort back at his Majesty's hands. The public property was delivered over in charge to Sooltan Koolly. After reducing the power of Bahadur Geelany, the King returned to his capital, and Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk repaired to his government of Tulingana. Shortly after which, Mullik Kasim Bereed, an ambitious noble of the Bahmuny court, seeing the King without his best advisers about him, took this opportunity of insinuating himself into his favour, and not long after, he was honoured with the situation of prime minister a second time. The first effects of his influence were the removal of the old officers from the King's person; and he at length assumed such power as to take upon himself the entire government of the kingdom. Kasim Bereed, well aware that his conduct would not be supported by Yoosoof Adil Khan, Kootb-ool-Moolk, and the other governors of provinces, endeavoured to remove the King altogether; but his plans were discovered and frustrated by the union of most of the respectable officers of the state, who resolved not to permit Mullik Kasim Bereed to continue to treat the King as a mere pageant. It was resolved, therefore, by several of the officers commanding provinces, to march to the capital, and to compel Mullik Kasim Bereed to restore to the King his authority. Yoosoof Adil Khan of Beejapoor and Mullik Deenar the Abyssinian of Koolburga, were the two who first moved with their respective forces to the capital of Bidur, where they were joined by Kootb-ool-Moolk.

Mullik Kasim Bereed, on the near approach of the confederates, clothed himself in a shroud, slung a sword round his neck, and threw himself at the King's feet, imploring his forgiveness, and craving protection against the nobles. Mah-mood Shah Bahmuny, whose greatest fault was his indolent disposition, deputed all the holy men of Bidur to go out and entreat the chiefs to desist from any measures against Kasim Bereed. It was required, however, that he should withdraw to his jageers of Owsa and Kand'har, leaving the King in full possession of the capital of Bidur; and the different chiefs demanded that they might be allowed to come to court once annually to pay their respects, and proceed to the attack of the Hindoos of Beejanuggur. After these arrangements, the chiefs returned to their respective governments.

A. H. 908.
A. D. 1502. In the middle of the year 908, Mahmood Shah Bahmuny marched from the capital, with the nobles who were in his train, to attack the infidel Hindoos. On his arrival at the town of Ootgy, Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, receiving intimation of his approach, joined the royal army with three thousand cavalry, ten thousand infantry, and thirty elephants. At this time the King of Bidur was also joined by Yoosoof Adil Khan of Beejapoor, Futteh Oolla Imad-ool-Moolk of Berar, Mullik Ahmud Nizam-ool-Moolk of Joonere, and Mullik Deenar, the Abyssinian of Koolburga, agreeably to the compact of the former year. The first movement from Ootgy was made by the detachment of Mullik Ein-ool-Moolk, who proceeded by the route of Koolburga towards Bee-januggur; while the King with the grand army marched by easy stages to Rachore, one of the strongest forts in that part of India, which was now besieged on all sides by the Mahomedan forces; and the Hindoos were at last reduced to purchase forbearance, by stipulating for the payment of tribute. On this occasion the forts of Rachore and Moodkul were delivered over to the charge of Yoosoof Adil Khan of Beejapoor. After which, without prosecuting the war farther, Mahmood Shah Bahmuny returned to the capital, and the great chiefs received permission to proceed to their respective estates. The King being left with only a small force, Mullik Kasim Bereed marched against him, and besieged the capital, where he arrived

Zeehuj 9.
A. H. 909.
May 23.
A. D. 1504.

on the 9th of Zeehuj, A. H. 909; and having bribed the officers of the foot-guards, he was admitted through the gates, and proceeded direct to the palace of the minister, Khan Jehan, whom he put to death, and re-assumed the functions of minister to the unwilling monarch, whom he deprived of all authority. On the imprisonment of the King becoming known to the governors, they collected their troops as before, and marched for his relief to the capital. On their arrival they found Mullik Kasim Bereed and the King, whom he had brought out by force, encamped outside the city. The King's presence sanctioned the elevation of the royal standard, and made it appear as if Mah-mood Shah Bahmuny enjoyed his full power. An action took place, which was maintained with much spirit on both sides. Mullik Kasim Bereed, in the first instance, compelled the allies to give way; but a vigorous charge made by Mullik Kootb-ool-Moolk, on the centre of his line, turned the fate of the day, and obliged Kasim Bereed to fly, and seek protection in the fort of Owsa.

The victorious confederates now proceeded to the royal pavilion, where they paid their respects to the King, and replacing him on the throne of Bidur, returned to their different

A. H. 910.
A. D. 1504.

provinces. In the year 910, the King, having reason to be displeased with the conduct of Yoosoof Adil Khan of Bee-japoor, marched, accompanied by Mullik Kootb-ool-Moolk, against that chief; but he was again taken into favour, and the King returned to his capital. Shortly after this, Mullik Futteh Oolla Imad-ool-Moolk, governor of Berar, died in Elich-poor, and his son Mullik Alla-ood-Deen was nominated by the King his successor. Yoosoof Adil Khan also died at Kovilconda, and was succeeded by his son Ismael, while Khwaja Jehan, ^350a governor of Sholapoor, was succeeded by Noor Khan, his youngest son, who was honoured with the title of Khwaja Jehan, and assumed the government of Purenda and its dependencies.

A. H. 911.
A. D. 1506. On the following year, A. H. 911, according to the compact of Bidur, the King ordered his nobles with their troops to repair to the capital, all of whom having joined him, he again proceeded towards Beeja-nuggur. On his arrival at Dewly, the King's army was opposed by the Hindoo forces, when a sanguinary action took place. Mullik Kootb-ool-Moolk broke the left wing of the enemy, but Mahmood Shah, in the centre, gave way, and being thrown from his horse, was nearly trodden to death. He was, however, fortunately discovered by some of his troops, and being placed in a palankeen was conveyed to the tent of Meer Lootf Oolla, the son of Shah Mohib Oolla. Thence the army retreated to the capital, when the nobles retired to their respective governments. After this period, the King was weak enough to readmit Mullik Kasim Bereed into his councils, and again became the dupe of that insinuating minister. Not long after, being taken dangerously ill, Mah-

Zeehuj 24.
A. H. 912.
May 12.
A. D. 1507.

mood Shah Bahmuny died on the 24th of Zeehuj, A. H. 912, in the forty-seventh year of his age, and in the thirty-seventh of his reign. On the death of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, the governors in their respective provinces threw off the small portion of allegiance which they latterly paid to the late king, and proclaimed their independence.

First, Mullik Ahmud Nizam-ool-Moolk, in the province of Joonere and Dowlutabad. It was at this time he began to construct the fort and town of Ahmudnuggur for his future capital.

Secondly, Ismael Adil Khan usurped the districts of Beejapoor, Mirch, and the Concan, making Beejapoor his capital.

Thirdly, Alla-ood-Deen Imad-ool-Moolk, the governor of Berar, proclaimed himself King, making Elichpoor his capital.

Fourthly, Mullik Kasim Bereed, having seized the whole of the late king's treasures, became absolute in Bidur.

Fifthly, Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, who still continued his allegiance to the shadow of royalty which remained, retained possession of the province of Tulingana, making Golconda his seat of government.

From the best authorities it appears that Sool-tan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk during the first years of his rule was engaged in the reduction of the neighbouring zemindars of Tulingana. It was his usual practice, after advancing into a hostile country, and making his observations, to retreat, in order to draw his enemy into an ambuscade, from which he seldom escaped. Sudr-i-Jehan, the author of the Murghoob-ool-Koolloob, says, he himself heard Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk state, that although invited by Kasim Bereed and Futteh Oolla Imad-ool-Moolk to seize by violence the Bahmuny districts in the vicinity of his government, he always refused to do so, contenting himself with the estates conferred on him, and aggrandising his power by the reduction of the Hindoo zemindars alone, who were the enemies of the true faith. “It is now (said that King one day “to Sudr-i-Jehan) nearly sixty years since I “was first engaged in spreading the banners of “the faithful, and reducing the infidels of Tulin-“gana from the borders of Wurungole to Masuli-“patam and Rajmundry, having taken between “sixty and seventy forts by force of arms, such “as Rajconda, Kovilconda, Dewurconda, Pangul, “Gunpoora, Jirconda, Yelgundel, Mulungoor, “Etgeer, Meduk, Bhowungeer, Belumconda, Wu-“rungole, Cumamett, Indraconda, Ramgeer, Con-“dapilly, Ellore, and Chitcole. ^353a I also swore “by the Prophet and his descendant Ally, that “if I ever succeeded in establishing my inde-“pendence, I would promote the faith of the fol-“lowers of the twelve Imams†, ^353b in parts where the “banners of the faithful had never before waved; “but let it not be supposed that I took up the “idea from Shah Ismael of Persia; for be it known “I before professed the religion of the twelve (on “whom be the peace of God!) from the period of “the reign of Sooltan Yakoob, as being the faith “of my ancestors. Here am I nearly arrived at “the age of a hundred years, most of which time “has been spent in disseminating the principles of “the true faith; and I now wish to retire from “the world, and to spend the last few days which “remain in prayer.” Thus far is extracted from the work of Sudr Jehan, taken down from the mouth of Sooltan Koolly himself.

It appears from all the Deccan histories, that when Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk had laid the foundation of the city of Mahomednuggur‡,^353c

and that all the different chiefs, such as Adil Khan of Beejapoor, Nizam-ool-Moolk of Ahmud-nuggur, &c. had declared their titles as kings, the officers of his government recommended him to ascend the throne and proclaim himself King of Tulingana, saying they had no one else whom they acknowledged as such. As these representations came in support of several letters to the same purport, sent by Yoosoof Adil Shah and Ahmud Nizam Shah, Sooltan Koolly consented to ascend the throne in due form, and issued his mandate that the public worship should be read in the name of the twelve Imams throughout his territory. He was accordingly proclaimed king under the title of Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah.

Sooltan Koolly every year made a campaign against the infidels of Beejanuggur, and returned to his seat of government; but he now determined to select a more centrical position for his capital, and accordingly he built the city above alluded to at the village of Golconda, to which place he removed his court.

After having repaired the fort of Golconda, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah turned his thoughts towards the reduction of the fortress of Rajconda, the ray of which place had lately made an attack on the Kootb Shahy dominions. He accordingly marched his army to that place, and on his arrival he closely invested it. In a few days his heavy artillery made practicable breaches in the fort-walls. The enemy during these operations made several desperate sallies which did not deter the besiegers, and the place was eventually carried by storm, though not without considerable loss. The Raja, Venkutty Naig, being made prisoner, was carried to Golconda.

After his return the King proceeded to reduce the fortress of Dewurconda, strongly situated on the top of a hill, which after a long siege was taken, and the Hindoo palaces and temples, by the King's orders, were consumed to ashes, and mosques built in their stead.

When Krishn Ray, the Raja of Beejanuggur, heard of the fall of Dewurconda, he marched with a force of thirty thousand horse and three hundred thousand foot to attack the Kootb Shahy dominions, which he invaded, overrun-ing and laying waste much of the country on the frontier. As soon as Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah heard of this outrage, he collected his army, consisting of five thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, and marched with this comparatively small force to the town of Pangul, where the enemy was encamped. The Mahomedan army came so suddenly on the advanced guard of the Hindoos that it fell back on the main body without making even a show of resistance. Krishn Ray, relying on his numbers, ordered the line out, and attacked the Moslems who had encamped near the town of Pangul, where a sanguinary engagement took place, which lasted from morning till sunset. The King appeared every where, cheering up the drooping spirits of his troops, who were at one time giving way before the superior numbers of the enemy. Sooltan Koolly, however, always kept a body of cavalry in reserve, which was directed only to move when it received orders. This party consisted of fifteen hundred of his best horse; and at the very time when his centre was falling back, he charged in person at the head of the reserve full on the enemy's flank. The Hindoos, unprepared to resist the shock of these fresh troops, broke, and fled in confusion. This manœuvre turned the fate of the day; and the enemy, seeing their line broken, gave way on all sides at once; and although the darkness of the night favoured their retrea, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah was left in possession of all the heavy baggage and elephants. On the following day he laid siege to Pangul. This fort, situated on a hill, was surrounded by a thick wood: it was immediately invested by the Mahomedans, who had nearly reduced it, when Krishn Ray, hearing of the distress of the garrison, sent three hundred cavalry and one thousand infantry as a reinforcement. This party was directed to penetrate the woods, and to come suddenly upon the besiegers during the night; while at the same time the besieged were recommended to make a simultaneous sally from the fort. The garrison continued thus to make several successful sallies, which prevented the place from falling so soon as was at first expected. At length, after a period of two months, the commandant, a relation of Krishn Ray, opened a negotiation to capitulate. On the following day the fort surrendered to the Mahomedan arms, and the garrison were permitted to proceed whithersoever they chose.

The army proceeded from Pangul to Gunpoora, situated between that fort and Kovilconda. On the King's arrival he summoned the commandant to surrender, but the latter answered this message by the discharge of his artillery, followed by a sally from the hill which descended into the plain, and penetrated into the Mahomedan lines. This attack was repulsed, and the assailants sought safety within the walls of the fort. The siege of Gunpoora continued for two months; during which time the Mahomedans lost many valuable officers and soldiers, and the King nearly despaired of taking it. Gunpoora is situated on a hill, and the only road to the gate leads along a narrow pathway with a deep precipice on each side. This passage was blocked up with stones and stockades, and at the entrance were two bastions which protected it. The King, in the first instance, ordered the bastions to be knocked down, which, after some time, was effected, and then leading the storming party himself, he attacked and carried the fort, but not without a heavy loss. From Gunpoora the King proceeded to Kovilconda, which was bravely defended for a considerable time, the garrison making several desperate sallies, in which many soldiers were killed on both sides. At length, the breaches being rendered practicable, the Maho-medans stormed at midnight; and although they did not then succeed in taking the place, the besieged, on the following morning, surrendered at discretion, and the commandant delivered the keys into the King's hands. The garrison was permitted to march out with all their private property; while the public treasury, which is represented to have been very rich, fell into the King's possession, who distributed it on the spot among his troops. After leaving a Mahomedan officer in the place, the King returned to his capital, when he was met by all the principal inhabitants of the city.

During the absence of Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah in his late campaign, his northern districts had been attacked and laid waste by Kowam-ool-Moolk Toork, an officer of the Bahmuny government, who, during the late convulsions, had rendered himself master of the forts of Elgundel, Mulungoor, and some other districts, and collecting a force of six thousand horse and about ten thousand infantry, invaded the countries of his neighbours.

On the return of Sooltan Koolly, he received accounts of Kowam-ool-Moolk's incursions. He accordingly addressed letters of advice to him, and demanded restitution of the property he had plundered in the Kootb Shahy territories. The ambassadors who waited on Kowam-ool-Moolk were directed to inform him, that their master was sorry to hear what had happened; and that it was his wish to be on terms of friendship with all his Mahomedan neighbours, since it is written in the Koran, that “all the faithful are “brethren.” Kowam-ool-Moolk, elated with his success in declaring his independence, and despising the power of Sooltan Koolly, shortly afterwards sent his troops again into his territories to plunder. Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah could no longer restrain his rage, and immediately ordered his army into the field, and marched towards El-gundel. He was met by Kowam-ool-Moolk at the distance of one day's march from that place at the head of his army. On the following day an action ensued, which lasted from dawn till noon, when the King charged in person, at the head of two thousand cavalry, and defeated Kowam-ool-Moolk, who fled in confusion, and threw himself into the fort of Elgundel. To this place the King proceeded, and invested it; but Kowam-ool-Moolk, finding himself unable to contend with his enemy, fled to Berar, and solicited assistance from Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah. Elgundel, shortly after, fell into the hands of the King, and many of the Mahomedan troops of Kowam-ool-Moolk entered his service. Having now occupied the forts of Elgundel and Mulungoor with his own soldiers, the King returned to his capital.

Kowam-ool-Moolk, who had fled to Berar, persuaded Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah to espouse his cause, and to march to recover his country. When Kootb Shah heard of this movement, he sent an ambassador to that monarch, relating the obstinacy of Kowam-ool-Moolk, and reminding him, also, that the Imad Shahy troops had lately usurped the country of the seven tuppas, ^359a which the late Mahmood Shah Bahmuny had bestowed upon Sooltan Koolly; he therefore demanded the restitution of the seven tuppas, and required, also, that Imad Shah should not give protection to Kowam-ool-Moolk within his territories.

Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, however, so far from yielding to any of the above demands, sent back an answer full of indignation, which induced Sooltan Koolly to march with his army towards his dominions; and Imad Shah moved from Elichpoor, and opposed the Kootb Shahy troops near the fortress of Ramgeer. On the day following an action ensued, which lasted till the afternoon. The Imad Shahy army outflanked Sooltan Koolly's which was in the act of giving way on all sides, when he, as usual, charged through the centre of his own army with the reserve of two thousand cavalry in armour, broke the enemy's line, and completely defeated them. Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah fled to Berar, and Sooltan Koolly directed his army to occupy the district of the seven tuppas; after which he returned to Golconda. Here he heard that See-taputty, the Raja of Cumamett, had presumed to lay hands on some of the Kootb Shahy districts which lay contiguous to his country. This raja possessed the strong forts of Cumamett, Belum-conda, Wurungole, and others, and had in his service twelve thousand infantry, noted as good marksmen. The King, in the first place, marched against Belumconda, which he closely invested. The siege lasted a considerable time, till at length the King determined to make an attempt to take it by escalade, which he effected by a general assault on all sides at once, in which effort, after losing many men, he at length succeeded.

When Seetaputty heard of the capture of Be-lumconda, which he considered as impregnable, he immediately marched with an army to oppose the King in the field, who also prepared to receive him. The two armies met, and a battle was fought, wherein the Mahomedans lost many brave officers and soldiers from the well-directed fire of the enemy's infantry, which withstood several charges of the Mahomedan cavalry; but they were at length broken, and fled, leaving Sooltan Koolly in possession of all the Raja's treasures and heavy baggage: after which the King returned to Golconda.

Seetaputty, subsequently to his defeat, fled to Cu-mamett, and despatched messages to the neighbouring rajas, such as those of Condapilly, Indraconda, Warapully, and Etgeer, inviting them to form a confederacy against Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, who had already reduced the greatest part of Tu-lingana, and was every day gaining such ground that in a short time no Hindoo chiefs would remain to oppose his ambitious views. The rajas all united accordingly, and formed a rendezvous at Cumamett. When Sooltan Koolly heard of this league, he marched to oppose them; and a sanguinary action ensued in the neighbourhood of that place, when the Mahomedans, as usual, gained the victory; and the Raja Seetaputty fled, and took protection with Ramchundur Dew. The Mahomedan forces took possession of Condapilly, Indraconda, and Etgeer, while the King proceeded to reduce Cumamett, then one of the strongest forts in Tulingana; but as he was unwilling to spill human blood wantonly, he sent a message to the commandant of the place, informing him of the defeat of his master, and requiring him to surrender the fort to the Mahomedans, which he refused to do. Several unsuccessful attacks were made in consequence, in which the Mahomedans lost many men; till at length the King resolved, as the last resource, to make a general assault on all sides at once. Sooltan Koolly led the principal attack in person: the Mahomedans, covering their heads with their shields, and being well supplied with scaling ladders, rushed on simultaneously, and, although their loss was severe, they succeeded in gaining the ramparts, and drove the garrison before them. On this occasion they gave no quarter, killing every man, woman, and child in the place, excepting the females of the family of Seetaputty, who were reserved for the King's seraglio.

When Seetaputty was defeated he fled, as before related, to Raja Ramchundur, the son of Guj-putty, who held his court at Condapilly, and who was king of the land and the sea-coast of Tulingana and Orissa, as far as the confines of Bengal. Seeta-putty had represented to him that Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah had, by his persecution, at length succeeded in expelling him from his country; that he had now subdued almost the whole of Tulingana, and that his next step would be to invade the country of Ramchundur, which lay contiguous to his own. Guja Ramchundur, convinced of the truth of these observations, and relying on the numerous forces he could bring into the field, wrote orders to his adherents to repair with their respective armies to Condapilly, where he collected a host of three hundred thousand foot, and thirty thousand horse, all bearing lances, accompanied by Seetaputty, Vidiadry, and Hurry Chundur, as well as other rajas of note. These, having sworn to stand by each other, marched to attack Sooltan Koolly. He prepared to oppose them with only five thousand horse, and met them at the river near Palunchinoor.

The Hindoos drew up their forces on the next day in the following order:—

Guja Ramchundur, with ten thousand horse, one hundred thousand foot, and three hundred elephants, in the centre.

On the right his nephew Vidiadry, with ten thousand horse, one hundred thousand foot, and two hundred elephants.

On the left Hurry Chundur, with Seetaputty, in the command of ten thousand horse, one hundred thousand foot, and two hundred elephants: — the whole of the elephants bearing several men with bows and arrows.

Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, in spite of the disparity of numbers, determined to give the Hindoos battle. He placed his son, Heidur Khan, ^363a with fifteen hundred horse, on the right, and Futtehy Khan, with an equal number, on the left, himself taking post in the centre with two thousand horse. According to custom he dismounted in front of the army, and going down on his knees, supplicated the great Disposer of events to give up the host of the infidels into the hands of the faithful; after which he mounted, and charged the enemy, driving the affrighted Hindoos before him like sheep. The Raja Ramchundur was taken prisoner, and his nephew Vidiadry killed by the Prince Heidur Khan's own hand; the capture, also, of all the enemy's elephants and treasures, as well as of Raja Ramchundur, ensured to the King the whole of the country as far as the sea-coast. From thence he proceeded to Condapilly, which he reduced; and afterwards went to Ellore and Raj-mundry, in the former of which places many Hin-doos were slain. Upon the arrival of the Ma-homedan forces at Rajmundry, they encamped on the banks of the Godavery, where the King received intimation that the enemy had assembled in great numbers in the woods and hills, with the intention of attacking him by night. The King accordingly detached his generals, Futtehy Khan and Roostoom Khan, to watch their motions, and to endeavour to cut them off. The two parties engaged, and the Hindoos, after they had lost two thousand men, fled to the forests, leaving the Mahomedans in possession of the field of action.

Vusnad (properly Veija Nat) Dew, commonly called Gujputty, who possessed the countries of Bengal along the sea-coast as far as the confines of Tulingana, hearing of the discomfiture of Raja Ramchundur, sent ambassadors to Sooltan Koolly. A treaty was forthwith concluded, by which it was agreed that the river Godavery should be the boundary between the Mahomedan kingdom of Tulingana and the Hindoo territory of Orissa; after which the seals of the King and Vusnad Dew were affixed, and the district of Ellore was made over to the Mahomedans.

Upon the return of the army to Golconda, the King heard that during his absence Krishn Ray of Beejanuggur had invaded some of his frontier districts. Sooltan Koolly, therefore, immediately prepared for war, and in the first instance marched against Condbeer. On his arrival there the fort was invested; but the enemy's troops from the two hill-forts of Belumconda and Inaconda (each situated about two gows ^365a distant from Cond-beer) came to the assistance of the garrison, and made several successful night-attacks on the besiegers. This mode of warfare so much annoyed the King that he quitted Condbeer, and proceeded to reduce the other two forts. In the first instance he surrounded Belumconda; but the garrison defended itself with great obstinacy, while the army of the Hindoos in the field did not cease to make night-attacks. In these assaults the Mahomedans lost several of their best officers and many soldiers. The King at length resolved to try his ultimate and favourite expedient of a general assault. At the concerted signal the walls were escaladed on all sides, and the place was carried, not without heavy loss. Having distributed the property obtained in the fort among his troops, he left Soheil Khan, an eunuch, in the command, and proceeded towards Condapilly. During these operations many of the Hindoo officers of the King's army, left with the Prince Heidur Khan before Condbeer, went into open mutiny, and the King was obliged to return, in order to support his son's authority. Meanwhile Krishn Ray of Beejanuggur, on finding the Maho-medan army had marched towards Condbeer, collected a force also, and deputed his nephew with five thousand horse, and fifty thousand foot, to engage the Mahomedans in the field. This army had now reached its destination, and proceeded to attack Soheil Khan in Belumconda. This wily chieftain required three days to give it up; acknowledging that it was now not in a condition to stand a siege against so large a force. In the mean time he sent a messenger to the King, informing him of his situation. Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah no sooner obtained this information than he suddenly counter-marched, with all his cavalry, and coming unexpectedly upon the enemy, who anxiously awaited the surrender of the fort, dispersed his troops, taking their baggage, and sixty elephants laden with treasure, which was sent to pay the troops for the defence of Belum-conda and Condapilly. Having thus raised the siege of Belumconda, the King returned to Cond-beer. The walls of this fort were shortly after battered down by the artillery in several places, and the lower fort taken, the garrison evacuating it, and retiring to the hill-fort; this also capitulated on the next day, and was given over to be plundered by the victorious army by the permission of the King; but the lives of the inhabitants were spared.

When news of the reduction of Condbeer reached Krishn Ray of Beejanuggur, he immediately detached his general and son-in-law, Seeva Ray, with a force of one hundred thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, to march against the Mahomedans. The King resolved not to weaken his army by leaving any troops in Condbeer: he therefore distributed the provisions among them, burned the gates of the fort, and partially destroyed the works, and retreating towards Condapilly, encamped on the banks of the Krishna. The Hindoos, surprised at this sudden retreat of the Mahomedans, repaired the walls of Condbeer, and left a garrison therein, making it a depôt for their treasure and heavy baggage. They then proceeded in pursuit of the Kootb Shahy army. Sooltan Koolly permitted them to approach within a few miles of his encampment, when, like the hawk pouncing on his prey, he moved out with five thousand cavalry, and fell on the Hindoos at daylight. The action lasted till noon, with equal ardour on both sides, when the enemy's troops retreated to the fort of Condbeer, to which place the King, on the following day, followed them, and closely invested the fort a second time. Finding the place untenable, the Hindoos agreed to become tributary, and to pay annually three lacks of hoons. ^367a At the same time they paid down two lacks, and gave three or four young rajas as hostages for the remainder. During these actions between the Hin-doos and Mahomedans near Condbeer, the garrison of Condapilly, chiefly composed of a tribe of Hin-doos called Naigwaries, refused to obey the orders of the King's son, Heidur Khan, and had been in a state of open mutiny for four months, when they heard of the defeat of Seeva Ray, and the recapture of Condbeer. Seeing there was now little chance of holding out with success, they begged their lives, and offered to deliver up the place to the King's troops. The Naigwaries were pardoned by Sooltan Koolly, who directed that the mutinous troops of Condapilly should be sent to garrison Gunpoora, and those of Gunpoora be marched to Condapilly.

After this long campaign Sooltan Koolly marched towards his capital; but heard on the road that his neighbour Ismael Adil Shah, the King of Beeja-poor, at the instance of the Raja of Beejanuggur, was at that period besieging the fort of Kovil-conda. For this service Ismael had already received two hundred thousand hoons; ^368a and the Hindoo envoys were then in his camp, negotiating for the payment of fifty thousand hoons for each march the Beejapoor troops should advance into the Kootb Shahy dominions.

At this period Jafur Beg, a cousin-german of the King, held the government of the fort and district of Kovilconda; and having been upwards of a month closely besieged by the Adil Shahy troops, consisting of twenty thousand men, he wrote to the King that his resources were much reduced, and he feared, without assistance, the place must shortly fall into the hands of the enemy. Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah immediately made arrangements for moving to the relief of the garrison; but his ministers remonstrated against the measure, representing that he had now only three thousand cavalry fit for duty; that all his troops were harassed, and that his elephants were weak and reduced after a campaign of upwards of two years in Tulingana. Sooltan Koolly replied, that he had not been accustomed to be alarmed at the numbers of his enemies, as was apparent in the battle with Ramchundur Raja. His officers recommended him at all events to wait till he could receive aid from Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, to whom it was proposed he should make overtures; but he insisted on marching immediately against his Mahomedan neighbour, who had attacked him without provocation. Information was accordingly given to the garrison of Kovil-conda, that the King was marching to its relief. On reaching Gunpoora he sent an envoy to wait on Ismael Adil Shah, reprobating the system of the faithful attacking each other at the instigation of infidels; on which, Ismael Adil Shah, leaving a force to prosecute the siege of Kovilconda, advanced with the rest of his army to attack Sooltan Koolly.

Sooltan Koolly now called a meeting of all the holy and learned men in his camp, and asked them if it were not lawful, by the tenets of the faith, to oppose any Mahomedan prince, who, unmindful of the principles of his religion, submitted to be bribed by an infidel to attack a Mahomedan neighbour for his sake? The council was of opinion that such an enemy ought himself to be treated as an infidel. Accordingly, having harangued his small body of troops, he marched to oppose the invader. On the right he placed Ein-ool-Moolk, on the left his general Futtehy Khan, and in the centre the Prince Heidur Khan, while himself remained in the reserve with a body of select cavalry at his own disposal.

Ismael Adil Shah, also, having drawn out his army, the two forces engaged. The action lasted during the whole day, and night closed the scene without either having gained an advantage. Three days passed in continual skirmishes, till on the third night Ismael Adil Shah detached three thousand cavalry to make forced marches and plunder Golconda. The fourth day passed in skirmishing, and the two armies, as before, retired to their respective camps. At length his spies informed Sooltan Koolly of the detachment of three thousand Adil Shahy troops which had marched to Golconda, on which he caused all his heavy baggage to be thrown into the fort of Gunpoora, and resolved to attack the enemy's detachment. After making two forced marches, he overtook the enemy, and cut them off to a man. When Ismael Adil Shah heard of this event, he fell back on Kovilconda, which he continued to besiege with renewed vigour. Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, finding that Ismael Adil Shah had only retreated for the purpose of resuming his attacks, returned with three thousand cavalry, and encamping in the suburbs, made night-attacks, and dispersed light troops to cut off the enemy's supplies. In an action which afterwards took place near the town of Gunpoora, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah received a sabre wound on the face, which disfigured him for life, the weapon having taken off a part of his nose and cheek. ^371a During eleven months a succession of skirmishes took place between the two armies in the suburbs of Kovilconda; the garrison of which fort also made frequent sallies on the besiegers. The attacks had not been carried on with much success, when Ismael Adil Shah was taken

Suffur 16.
A. H. 941.
Aug. 27.
A. D. 1534.

dangerously ill of a fever and flux, of which he shortly afterwards died on the 16th Suffur, A. H. 941, and his eldest son, Mulloo Adil Khan, ascended the throne of Beejapoor with the title of Mulloo Adil Shah. Peace was immediately after concluded. Among the brave garrison of Kovilconda were a number of Hindoo Naigs, who distinguished themselves in its defence, and who received handsome presents from the King for their conduct. As the army had now endured a continued campaign of three years, the King permitted his officers and soldiers to proceed to their respective homes, while he marched to his capital.

Shuval,
A. H. 936.
June,
A. D. 1530. In the month of Shuval, A. H. 936, the King had a son born, who was called Ibrahim Koolly. — At the time that Sooltan Koolly was engaged in war with Ismael Adil Shah, Kasim Bereed Shah of Bidur took advantage of that circumstance to devastate many of the northern towns and districts of Tu-lingana. After having remained some time at his capital, Sooltan Koolly was again in the field with the determination of taking revenge for the late incursions into Tulingana. He accordingly marched to Bidur, where an action was fought, which terminated in a drawn battle on the first day; but on the second it ended in the total overthrow of the Bereed Shahy troops, with the loss of one hundred and fifty elephants; after which Sooltan Koolly gave orders for his cavalry to disperse in all directions, and to lay waste the whole of the Bereed Shahy territory. On this occasion the zemindars of Gujweel, Ellore, and Tipran, came forward and paid tribute, and delivered over their country to the King's troops, of which they immediately took possession. Sool-tan Koolly Kootb Shah now proceeded to reduce the strong fortress of Koheer. ^372a When Kasim Be-reed Shah heard of this movement, he marched to oppose the Kootb Shahy army. On his arrival, he was opposed by Sooltan Koolly with half of his army, the other half being left to continue the siege: an action took place, which terminated in a drawn battle. The Bereed Shahy troops, however, hovered about the Kootb Shahies, and endeavoured to cut off their supplies for the space of three months, during which time several partial skirmishes ensued. At length it was agreed by both parties, that, on account of the approaching rains, Kasim Bereed Shah should cede the fort of Koheer, and that the King of Golconda should retreat to his capital.

Having remained for some time at Golconda, the King gave orders for a campaign against the infidels; and after collecting his army, marched to Nulgonda, the raja of which province had, during the late campaign, made some incursions into his country. On reaching the place it was required to surrender; but the demand was rejected, and the King immediately commenced the siege. Shortly after the brother of the Raja made a sally from the fort, in which he was taken, and his troops defeated. This event did not deter Raja Hurry Chundur, the commandant of the place, from making several other attacks by day and by night on the trenches, in which many brave men were killed on both sides.

The King in vain made several attempts to storm this strong hill-fort, but was as often repulsed: at length he sent a flag of truce to the walls, and proclaimed, that if Hurry Chundur would consent to become tributary to Golconda, and promise never again to invade the Kootb Shahy dominions, he would withdraw the Mahomedan forces to the capital; but, on the contrary, if the Raja refused these terms, he called on God to witness that he would send for more troops, destroy the towns, devastate the country, and thus reduce the place by cutting off its supplies; in which case he would give no quarter either to man, woman, or child, in the garrison. Hurry Chundur agreed to the terms, and sent magnificent presents to the King; at the same time he promised to pay an annual tribute. When the Raja's messengers arrived, the King said, that as Nulgonda was the only hill-fort which he had not reduced, he wished to see it, and proposed, while his body-guard remained in the town below, that he with one or two attendants might be allowed to go up and look at it.

The Raja consented, as he thought by this means to seize and put the King to death; while Sooltan Koolly, also bent on treachery, told his body-guard, that the moment he entered the fort with three or four attendants, he would draw his sword and occupy the gateway till they arrived. He accordingly took with him only four tried soldiers in complete armour, and ascended the hill. The moment he entered he drew his sword, and cut down the centinel at the gate with his own hands; while his companions attacking the rest of the guard retained possession of the gateway till the King's body-guard arrived, and, subsequently, the rest of his army. Neither man, woman, nor child, was spared on this occasion. The Raja, on being made prisoner, was confined in an iron cage, and eventually put to death. From Nulgonda the King marched to Condbeer, to demand tribute which the Raja had hitherto neglected to pay. Condbeer was, as before, vigorously besieged, and as bravely defended for a considerable time; till at length the Raja bribed some of the Mahomedan officers to recommend the King to accept terms; but he declared he would not quit the place till it was taken. It fell in a few days after. The garrison having surrendered at discretion, the King built a tower in the middle of the fort, in commemoration of its reduction, and then returned to his capital.

Subsequent to the death of Ismael Adil Shah, his elder son Mulloo was proclaimed King; but shortly afterwards the minister, Assud Khan Lary, conspired against him, and in conjunction with his younger brother, the Prince Ibrahim, dethroned Mulloo, put out his eyes, and raised Ibra-him to the throne under the title of Ibrahim Adil Shah. While Sooltan Koolly was engaged in the siege of Koheer, Ibrahim Adil Shah, in conjunction with Kasim Bereed, had attacked part of the Tu-lingana territories; and Sooltan Koolly, having now returned to his capital, resolved to revenge himself for the insult and injury done to him. He accordingly led an army against the fort of Etgeer, belonging to the King of Beejapoor, and also sent different detachments to recover the districts of Kakny, Gorowly, and Nargy, which had been usurped by Ismael Adil Shah during the time Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah was engaged in war with Ramchundur and Seetaputty. The several detachments in a short time succeeded in reducing those districts, and occupied them in the name of Sooltan Koolly; after which the King invested the fortress of Etgeer, and at the same time sent an ambassador to Kasim Bereed Shah, demanding the cession of the towns of Meduk and Kowlas. Kasim Bereed Shah, aware that he could not resist the forces of Sooltan Koolly, deputed an ambassador to Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, begging him to ward off the impending blow. Boorhan Nizam Shah, who was engaged in a war with Ibrahim Adil Shah concerning the district of Sholapoor, was glad of the opportunity of opening a negotiation with Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, whose favour he wished to conciliate. He accordingly deputed his minister, Shah Tahir, to the Kootb Shahy camp; and it was stipulated that Kasim Bereed Shah should deliver up the fort of Meduk to Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, who, on his part, was to forgive past injuries. When Shah Tahir reached Golconda, he learned that Sooltan Koolly, in consequence of the rains, had raised the siege of Etgeer, and was on his return to his capital. Shah Tahir was received with all due respect, and he easily procured the signature of the treaty with Kasim Bereed Shah. He also induced Sooltan Koolly to send a force of five thousand horse to assist Boorhan Nizam Shah in the reduction of the fort of Sholapoor. The ambassador having been presented with twenty thousand hoons received his audience of leave.

After a series of victorious campaigns, Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah having nearly attained the age of ninety resolved to spend the few remaining years of his life in arrangements for the improvement of that country in peace, which had been acquired by his personal valour in war. Though his frame was infirm, his mind still remained active; and he now thought of beautifying his capital with mosques, palaces, and gardens. It is related that he came one Thursday, in the latter end of the month

of Jumad-ool-Awul, A. H. 950, to superintend some improvements and alterations making in the principal mosque at Golconda, which were to enable him to enter it by a private door, and so escape the observation of the congregation. His wish for making this arrangement was, because he always fancied the eyes of the people were attracted towards him, owing to the sabre wound he had received on the face, which he thought rendered his appearance frightful. On the day above alluded to he was giving directions to the builders, when his handkerchief, which was imprinted with the names of the twelve Imams, fell from his hands. This incident induced him to put off the alterations till the next day, and he returned from the mosque.

Jumad-oos-
Sany 2.
A. H. 940.
Sept. 4.
A. D. 1543.

On Sunday, the 2d Jumad-oos-Sany, he proceeded again to the mosque; and was in the act of kneeling down at prayers, when Meer Mahmood Humadany, governor and commandant of Golconda, at the instigation of the Prince Jumsheed, put the King to death with one blow of his sabre, and he was buried in the vault which he had himself caused to be built some years before. Sooltan Koolly ruled for a period of sixty years; sixteen of which he governed Tulingana in the name of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, and reigned as king forty-four years. He was killed in his ninetieth year.

He had six sons and four daughters.

First, Heidur Khan, who died during his father's lifetime.

Secondly, Kootb-ood-Deen, whom the King had nominated as his successor: but he was blinded by order of his brother Jumsheed, who murdered his father, and who subsequently usurped the throne. Kootb-ood-Deen died a natural death some years after.

Thirdly, Yar Koolly Jumsheed Khan, who succeeded his father.

Fourthly, Abdool Kureem, who rebelled, and fled his country, and was subsequently put to death.

Fifthly, Dowlut Khan, who was called the Mad Prince, and who died in the reign of Ibrahim Kootb Shah.

Sixthly, Ibrahim, who succeeded his brother Jumsheed on the throne.

When Yar Koolly Jumsheed Khan, the third son, found that his elder brother, Kootb-ood-Deen, was chosen by his father as his successor, he determined to assassinate him and to usurp the crown. This determination coming to the King's ears, he ordered Jumsheed into confinement, and kept him in a dungeon in the fort of Golconda. Jumsheed never forgave this treatment; and even in his prison planned the death of his parent, and instigated his keeper, the commandant of Golconda, to murder him as has been related.

Accession of Jumsheed Kootb Shah. — Revolt of his brother Ibrahim, whose cause is espoused by Kasim Bereed, King of Bidur. — Account of the origin of Ramraj, who afterwards ascended the throne of Beejanuggur. — War with the King of Bidur. — Death of Jumsheed Kootb Shah.

IMMEDIATELY upon the death of Sooltan Koolly, his murderer, Meer Mahmood, returned to Golconda; and having released the Prince Jumsheed, proceeded with a party direct to the palace of the Prince Kootb-ood-Deen, the declared heir-apparent, and caused him to be blinded. Thence going to the King's palace, Jumsheed was formally crowned under the title of Jumsheed Kootb Shah: his name was read in the public prayers throughout the kingdom of Tulingana, and he received congratulatory letters on his accession, from all the other monarchs of the Deccan.

When Jumsheed had put out the eyes of his elder brother, he immediately sent orders to De-vurconda, in order that his younger brother Ibra-him, who commanded the fortress, might be seized and sent to court. The Prince, informed of this order, proceeded to Bidur, and claimed the protection and assistance of Kasim Bereed Shah, by whom he was graciously received. Kasim Bereed, having collected his army, marched, accompanied by the Prince, to attack Golconda, where he arrived without opposition. The sudden march of Kasim Bereed against Tulingana at once alarmed the other kings of the Deccan, especially Boorhan Nizam Shah, who, aware of his ambitious views, was fearful of his aggrandisement, and immediately marched an army to the relief of Jum-sheed Kootb Shah. On his arrival at Koheer, then in possession of Kasim Bereed, he attacked and carried it by storm; and from thence advanced to Golconda. Kasim Bereed Shah, unable to cope with the united efforts of the Nizam Shahy and Kootb Shahy forces, retreated in the direction of Beejapoor; but on the road, taking advantage of the situation of the Prince Ibrahim, he so far forgot the rights of hospitality as to attempt to seize the elephants and private property belonging to him. The Prince discovering his intention immediately left him, and retreating to Beejanuggur claimed the friendship of Ramraj, formerly a dependent of Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, and who had now ascended the throne of Beejanuggur.

The origin of Ramraj's elevation in life is thus related: — When the late king marched towards the Beejanuggur territories, and reduced some districts on the confines, he was unwilling to leave a Mahomedan detachment there, he therefore deputed Ramraj, a Hindoo of noble family, to the charge of the districts, and himself returned to Golconda. Three years afterwards Ramraj was expelled by some Adil Shahy troops who had been sent out on a plundering expedition, and who invaded and laid waste the estates in question, from whence Ramraj fled to the late Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, who considering his flight a proof of his cowardice ordered him instantly to quit the court. Ramraj, thus disgraced, took the route of Beeja-nuggur, and entered the service of Krishn Raj, who, shortly afterwards, forming a high opinion of him, gave him his daughter in marriage. At length his father-in-law died. The heir to the throne was a child in arms; and being, therefore, unfit to manage his own affairs, Ramraj first assumed the office of protector, and subsequently usurped the throne, taking pains to strengthen his power by the reduction of many troublesome neighbours, and the elevation of his own adherents and relatives. Such was the condition of the Beejanuggur state when the Prince Ibrahim, accompanied by Syud Hye, Reihan an Abyssinian, entitled Humeed Khan, and Kanajee a bramin, besides a few personal attendants, left Kasim Bereed Shah's camp and proceeded to Beejanuggur. On the Prince's arrival he was received according to his rank, and treated with the utmost respect and attention. Some time after, during his residence in that city, a circumstance occurred which is worthy of notice. It happened that at some former period Mullik Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany having offended Ibrahim Adil Shah left his service and entered that of Ramraj, with a force consisting of four thousand cavalry. Ein-ool-Moolk had on many occasions so distinguished himself by his bravery that the Raja used to call him brother. One day, returning from visiting the Raja with his troops, he met the Prince Ibrahim, accompanied by his attendants, among whom were Syud Hye and Humeed Khan. As the road was narrow, each insisted upon the other's making room, till at length the Prince's party, being on horseback, charged that of Ein-ool-Moolk with drawn swords, and made good their way; after which, the Prince prosecuted his visit to Ramraj.

After the departure of Kasim Bereed Shah from Golconda, and on the near approach of Boorhan Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, Jumsheed Kootb Shah, relieved from all apprehensions for his capital, marched to meet his ally. Boorhan Nizam Shah offered to confer the royal insignia on Jumsheed, and to crown him in due form; but the latter declined the ceremony, by saying, that if he could not maintain his right to the crown in the field he was unworthy of wearing it. After this, Boorhan Nizam Shah having induced Jum-sheed Kootb Shah to unite with him and Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah against the King of Beejapoor, the allied armies marched to reduce the fortress of Sholapoor. When Ibrahim Adil Shah heard of this attack, he moved, accompanied by Ka-sim Bereed Shah, towards Purenda, on the Nizam Shahy frontier, in order to create a diversion, as he was unable to cope with the three confederate armies. On his arrival, he laid siege to that fortress. This measure had the desired effect of withdrawing the allies from Sholapoor, and causing them to march to Purenda. Ibrahim Adil Shah, hearing of this movement, attacked them unexpectedly at the village of Khaspoor, where a bloody action ensued, in which Jumsheed Kootb Shah distinguished himself greatly. The King of Beejapoor was defeated, and abandoned to the confederates all his heavy baggage and camp equipage. Jumsheed Kootb Shah availed himself of this opportunity to take revenge on Kasim Be-reed, whom he pursued to the very gates of Bidur, and enriched himself and his troops by the plunder of his enemy, after which he returned direct to Golconda.^383a

Kasim Bereed Shah, on finding that Jumsheed Kootb Shah had abandoned the confederacy, and gone to his capital, marched with a force of eight thousand cavalry, besides a large body of infantry, to attack him. It was not before Kasim Bereed arrived at Chilkoor, a village situated at four coss† ^383b distant from Golconda, that Jumsheed received any intimation of his approach. Panic-struck with this news, he evacuated his capital, leaving a garrison for its defence, while he endeavoured to collect his nobles, who were residing on their different estates. In order to distract the attention of the enemy also, he made a movement towards Bidur, and having reached Kumtana, plundered the surrounding district. The moment Bereed Shah heard of this circumstance he abandoned the siege of Golconda, and retreated to protect his own capital. Jumsheed Kootb Shah met him on his return towards Bidur, with three hundred cavalry, and attacked his camp in the neighbourhood of Puttuncheroo, which ended in the two kings mutually agreeing to retire to their respective capitals. On Jumsheed Kootb Shah's arrival at Golconda, he spent some time in raising money, and in collecting troops from all quarters, when he again marched towards Bidur. On reaching Kowlas, he dispersed his army to plunder and to lay waste the country. Kasim Bereed Shah moved out from Bidur with eight thousand cavalry, besides infantry, to oppose him. Jumsheed Kootb Shah consulted his officers as to his future operations. Jugdew Row Naig-wary ^384a proposed to take possession of the heights above Kowlas, and fortify them as a depôt, from whence it might be easy to prosecute the predatory warfare. Jumsheed Kootb Shah, adopting this advice, left a strong party with Jugdew Row to build the depôt, and marched to oppose Kasim Bereed Shah at Narainkehra, where an action took place, which terminated in a drawn battle; and the two armies encamped for some time within sight of each other, till a messenger from Jugdew Row arrived, announcing the completion of the fort, to which place the King proceeded with a small escort. In the mean time, Kasim Bereed Shah falling on the Golconda camp, completely sacked it, and the fugitives joined the King at Kowlas. Kasim Bereed Shah, neglecting to follow up his success, retreated to Bidur, while Jumsheed Kootb Shah took quiet possession of the districts of Kowlas, Narainkehra, and Ahsunabad, which were made over in charge to Jugdew Row.

During the late war, Jumsheed Kootb Shah had always kept his ally Boorhan Nizam Shah acquainted with the events as they occurred; and after the defeat of his troops, during his absence at Kowlas, he wrote to that monarch informing him of the circumstance, and inviting him to join in the war. Boorhan Nizam Shah, ever ready to avail himself of such an opportunity, immediately marched towards Owsa and Oodgeer, informing Jumsheed Kootb Shah that his own troops and those of Berar were on the road to join, and recommended him, in the mean time, to attack such places belonging to the enemy as lay contiguous to his kingdom. Jumsheed Kootb Shah, accordingly, marching by the route of Kowlas, joined the allies while in the act of besieging Owsa. It was now agreed that the siege of Owsa should be continued by the allies, while Jumsheed Kootb Shah should recover the fort of Meduk, of which Kasim Bereed Shah had lately obtained possession. Upon his arrival at Meduk, Jumsheed Kootb Shah closely invested the lower fort, which, after a long siege, he carried by storm, and the governor of the hill-fort surrendered at discretion. Meanwhile the allies were successful in reducing both Owsa and Oodgeer. These events induced Kasim Bereed Shah to apply for assistance to the court of Beejapoor; and Ibrahim Adil Shah despatched Yekhlas Khan with five thousand cavalry to his support. With this reinforcement, Kasim Bereed Shah moved from Bidur to Kowlas. Jumsheed Kootb Shah intercepted him at Narainkehra, and thus disposed his troops. He himself took post in the centre, and gave command of the right wing to Seif Khan Ein-ool-Moolk, and the left to Jugdew Row. Ka-sim Bereed also remained in the centre of his army, placing the Adil Shahy auxiliaries on the right wing, and confiding the left wing to his own brother Khan Jehan. After a long and sanguinary contest, the victory was gained by the gallantry of Seif Khan Ein-ool-Moolk, who turned the enemy's left. On this occasion Kasim Bereed Shah lost many of his bravest officers and soldiers, who were either made prisoners or killed. After the action Jumsheed Kootb Shah returned in triumph to Golconda.^386a

Kasim Bereed Shah, who was frequently engaged in wars with Boorhan Nizam Shah, thought it politic to secure the alliance of Ibrahim Adil Shah, for which purpose he constantly sent presents, and feigned a sort of allegiance towards him. In order to dissolve this connection, Jumsheed Kootb Shah, on his return to Golconda, wrote to Boorhan Nizam Shah, stating that as Kasim Bereed Shah was in the habit of committing depredations on the territories of his neighbours, it appeared advisable for the other kings of the Deccan to unite and reduce him altogether; for which purpose he recommended that overtures should be made to Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor, to induce him to become a party to a confederacy, in order to reduce and to make a division of Kasim Bereed's country. Boorhan Nizam Shah, accordingly, wrote to Ibrahim Adil Shah, who entered heartily into the scheme, when it was agreed that the former should attack the country of Bereed Shah, leaving the latter unmolested in any attack he might choose to make on the Raja of Beejanuggur. Accordingly Boorhan Nizam Shah, proceeding eastward, attacked and carried by storm the fort of Kand'har. Kasim Bereed Shah, alarmed at this proceeding, and unaware of the secret treaty which had been formed, left a strong garrison to defend Bidur, and fled to his old ally Ibrahim Adil Shah, by whom he was seized and confined. Ibrahim Adil Shah then marched to the southward, where he succeeded in adding greatly to his territories by conquests from the Hindoo state of Beejanuggur.

Boorhan Nizam Shah, hearing of the vast acquisition of territory gained by Ibrahim Adil Shah, was afraid that his strength would completely overthrow that balance of power which it had always been his policy to preserve in the Deccan; and, therefore, without farther warning, he took advantage of the unprotected state of the northern part of the Beejapoor territory, and attacked the fort of Sholapoor, which had so frequently been a point of contention between those two monarchies. This step induced Ibrahim Adil Shah to countermarch, and direct his arms towards his new enemy on the north. Both kings sent ambassadors to Golconda, courting the alliance of Jumsheed Kootb Shah; who, seeing that it would be advantageous for him to join one or other party, marched and took up a position on the plain of Sholapoor, immediately between the two contending armies, from each of which he continued to receive overtures, without openly declaring for either. At the same time he received secret messages from Kasim Be-reed Shah, who promised to cede any portion of his country he might choose to take, if he would procure his release. Jumsheed Kootb Shah sent for the ambassador of Ibrahim Adil Shah, and told him, that he could hold no further communication with him if his master did not release Kasim Be-reed Shah, and send him over to his camp as a proof that he was at liberty. He also required that the King should send his charger, named Subah-ool-Kheir, and two particular elephants, the one called Nanreza and the other Chunchul, when he agreed to join him against Boorhan Nizam Shah. Ibrahim Adil Shah immediately complied with the terms, by sending the horse and elephants, and by releasing Kasim Bereed Shah, to all of which Jumsheed Kootb Shah merely sent a complimentary acknowledgment. He now called together his council, and resolved to abide by their advice in this critical juncture of affairs. He stated that Boorhan Nizam Shah, who was also suing for his alliance, had been always his friend, and that it did not appear politic to join Ibrahim Adil Shah against him; nor would it be honourable in him now to join Boorhan Nizam Shah against Ibrahim Adil Shah after his late conduct. He, therefore, at the recommendation of his ministers, broke up his camp, and directed his march to Bidur, where he replaced Ka-sim Bereed Shah on his throne. Kasim Bereed on this occasion sent a number of beautiful singers and dancers to proceed with Jumsheed Kootb Shah to Golconda, to whom he gave large quantities of the jewels of the Bahmuny family, which had fallen into his hands.

Upon his arrival at Golconda the King gave himself up entirely to the luxuries of the table. He continued within the seraglio, and nothing was seen of him for months together. At length he

A. H. 957.
A. D. 1550.

was seized with a severe illness, which increasing, ended in his death in the year 957, — and he was buried alongside of his illustrious father, after a reign of nearly seven years.

Soobhan Koolly succeeds his father on the throne at the age of seven years. — Jugdew Row rebels — is reduced by the Regent, Seif Khan. — The King's uncle, Ibrahim, assisted by Ramraj of Beejanuggur, sets up his pretensions to the throne — is supported by Jugdew Row, and arrives at Golconda. — The young King is deposed.

ON the death of Jumsheed, the nobles of the court elevated his son, Soobhan Koolly, a child of seven years of age, to the throne; but as he was unable to wield the sceptre, his mother, the Dowager-queen, in concert with the chiefs, resolved to recall Seif Khan Ein-ool-Moolk from his exile at Ahmudnug-gur, whither he had been sent by the late king.

Jugdew Row, who was the first officer in the state, thought it would be best to elevate Dowlut Khan, the younger brother of the late king, to the throne, and he accordingly made overtures to Bheiry Khan and Juggut Row to that effect. These officers, disapproving of this step, and being envious of his high rank and reputation, proclaimed Jugdew Row a rebel. He immediately left the capital, and collecting troops, marched towards Bhowungeer, wherein the Prince Dowlut Khan was confined. After procuring his release, and gaining over all the Naigwaries in the neighbourhood, many of the districts contiguous to Bhowungeer acknowledged the Prince's authority.

Meanwhile Seif Khan, arriving from Ahmud-nuggur, assumed the office of regent and protector, and collecting the army, marched against Jugdew Row. The latter, unable to cope with the force under the Protector, sent messengers and presents to Toofal Khan, the Regent of Berar, imploring his assistance in favour of Dow-lut Khan. To this Toofal Khan readily consented, and joined Jugdew Row; when a severe action took place between Seif Khan and the rebels at the village of Singram, which terminated in the total discomfiture of Dowlut Khan's party, and the loss to Toofal Khan of all his elephants and heavy baggage. Jugdew Row and Dowlut Khan fled to the fort of Bhowungeer, whither they were pursued and besieged. This mode of attack continued for a whole month, during which Jugdew Row headed several sallies that penetrated into the trenches, and the besiegers lost many valuable officers and men. At length Seif Khan proposed terms, to which the garrison would by no means listen, till they were eventually compelled by starvation to surrender themselves and the fort into the Regent's hands. The Prince Dowlut Khan was replaced, as before, in confinement in Bhowungeer, and Jugdew Row was conveyed to the capital.

Seif Khan, who was now in effect King of Tu-lingana, soon began to give real offence to most of the officers, many of whom he removed from their stations; and there were but few he did not in some way or other contrive to insult by his haughty conduct. The nobles, thus driven to desperation, wrote secretly to the Prince Ibra-him, the late king's younger brother, who, we have before seen, resided at Beejanuggur, under the protection of Ramraj. On receipt of the letters, his two friends in adversity, Syud Hye and Humeed Khan, advised him to proceed instantly to the capital, and proclaim himself king. He consulted his friend Ramraj, but he would by no means consent to his quitting his service to set up vague pretensions (as he termed them) to the throne of Golconda. At last, however, Ramraj not only acceded to Ibrahim's wishes, but even offered to send his brother Venkatadry, with ten thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry, to support him. Syud Hye and Humeed Khan advised the Prince to decline taking this large force, which might in his name effect any thing to favour the views of their master, and even usurp the government if it chose for Ramraj. The Prince Ibrahim, therefore, having left Beejanuggur without any Hindoo auxiliaries, proceeded as far as the town of Pangul, where he was met by many of the Kootb Shahy officers, and in a short time was joined by about three thousand horse and five thousand infantry. He also received promises from the Naigwaries who formed the garrison of Kovilconda, to deliver up the fort into his hands, and to take the oaths of allegiance to him. The Prince Ibrahim immediately proceeded to that place, and was met by the chief officers of the garrison with presents. Having halted some time, he was joined by most of the principal nobles from Golconda, who now daily flocked to his standard, and he had collected in two months four thousand of the regular cavalry. By this time Seif Khan, the Protector, marched to oppose him, and reached the town of Gunpoora without opposition. The Prince, hearing of his advance, sent one of the Naigwaries of Kovilconda to carry on an intrigue at the capital, and to enter into a league with the Naigwary garrison of Golconda to release Jugdew Row from confinement, and bring him to Kovilconda. The Naigwaries were easily gained over: they released Jugdew Row, and proceeded to the palace of Juggut Row (the governor during the Protector's absence), whom they seized and put in irons, in the fort of Golconda. Thence proceeding to the houses of the chief nobles of the young king, Soobhan Koolly's party, they put them to death, and confined him. After these measures they wrote to the Prince Ibrahim of their success, and invited him to the capital. The moment the Protector heard of the failure of his plans for the safety of the capital, he wrote a submissive address to the Prince Ibrahim, begging to receive, under his own signature, a letter of orgiveness. The Prince replied, that he would make no promises until he ascended the throne of his father at Golconda. Seif Khan, ^393a concluding that this was a prelude to his seizure and execution, enriched himself with great part of the treasury of the late king, and proceeded by the route of Kowlas with five thousand cavalry and some of his dependents, towards the frontier. The Prince did not pursue him, but moved to his capital, and was met at the distance of one stage from it by all the principal inhabitants. Among others, were Jugdew Row and the Naigwaries, who came and laid at his feet the

Rujub 12.
A. H. 957.
July 27.
A. D. 1550.

keys of the citadel and fort. On the following day, being Monday, the 12th of Rujub, A. H. 957, he was duly crowned at Mahomednuggur with the title of Ibrahim Kootb Shah.

Accession of Ibrahim Kootb Shah — assists the King of Ahmud-nuggur against the King of Beejapoor. — Jugdew Row becomes prime minister — retires from Golconda to Berar, and goes into rebellion. — he is defeated, and flies to Beejanuggur. — The Kings of Beejapoor and Golconda coalesce with the Raja of Beejanuggur against the King of Ahmudnuggur. — Peace concluded through the means of Ibrahim Kootb Shah. — Jug-dew Row induces the Raja of Beejanuggur to make war with Ibrahim Kootb Shah, who is besieged in Golconda. — The Hindoo infantry officers engage to seize the King, but the plot is discovered, and the leaders of it are executed. — Conquests in Tulingana. — Rajmundry attacked. — Dhowleswur taken. — Confederacy of the Mahomedan kings of the Deccan against Ramraj. — Battle of Talikote, in which Ramraj is slain. — Conquests made by Ibrahim Kootb Shah in the vicinity of Raj-mundry. — Ruffut Khan reduces Rajmundry, Cossimcota, and Veeragootum, and proceeds to the vicinity of Cuttack. — Conquests of Condavir, Cummum, and Condapilly. — War with the King of Beejapoor. — Death of Ibrahim Kootb Shah.

AFTER his coronation, the King employed his time daily in rendering himself acquainted with the nature of his government, in distributing justice to the oppressed, and in enacting salutary laws for its furtherance and establishment. When the other kings of the Deccan heard of his accession, they sent letters of congratulation. Hoossein Nizam Shah deputed an officer of rank as ambassador, with magnificent presents, and Ibrahim Kootb Shah sent Moostufa Khan as envoy on his part. On the arrival of Moostufa Khan at Ahmudnuggur it was proposed that the two kings should meet, when they should proceed to reduce the forts of Bidur and Koolburga. These propositions were brought to Golconda by the Nizam Shahy minister, Kasim Beg Shirazy; but all operations were deferred till the kings should have an interview at Koolburga, where they shortly afterwards arrived, with their respective armies. Koolburga was accordingly besieged; but it resisted every effort of the allies for a whole month, till having at last effected two indifferent breaches, an assault was made, in which, after the loss of many of the best officers in the Nizam Shahy army, the allies were repulsed. The King of Beejapoor, to whom Koolburga belonged, unable singly to cope with their united forces, sent an ambassador with magnificent presents to Beejanuggur, to beg the aid of Ramraj, who immediately marched in person at the head of his army to the assistance of the King of Beejapoor, and on the road addressed the following letter to Ibrahim Kootb Shah: —

“Be it known to your Majesty, that it is now “many years since the two courts of Beejapoor “and Ahmudnuggur have been in a constant “state of warfare, and that the balance of power “between them was so equal, that although every “year each of these sovereigns had been in the “habit of making a campaign on the other's “frontiers, yet no advantage accrued to either. “It now appears that your Majesty (whose an-“cestors never interfered in these disputes) has “marched an army to turn the scale in favour of “Hoossein Nizam Shah, without having any cause “of enmity against Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beeja-“poor, who has accordingly sought our alliance. “As a friendship has long subsisted between our “court and your Majesty, we have thought fit to “lay these arguments before you, to induce you “to relinquish the offensive alliance which your “Majesty has formed, and by returning peaceably “to your capital, show a friendly disposition “towards both parties, who will afterwards con-“clude a peace, and put an end to this long pro-“tracted war.” At this period letters were also received to the same purport from Ibrahim Adil Shah. Ibrahim Kootb Shah consented to meet Ramraj, and to mediate terms between the kings of Beejapoor and Ahmudnuggur; for the fulfilment of which the intermediate powers were respectively to be the guarantees. About this time information was brought that Yeltumraj, the brother of Ram-raj, with a body of cavalry, accompanied by some of the Beejapoor officers, were acting in concert, and that they had laid waste a considerable part of the country in the neighbourhood of Pangul. Having communicated on this subject with Hoossein Nizam Shah, the allies marched to the southward, and the four kings met at the junction of the Beema and Krishna rivers. A peace was now effected, to the mutual satisfaction of all parties, and each returned to his respective capital. During the absence of Ram-raj from his capital, his two brothers, Timraj and Govindraj, who were placed in the government of Adony, taking advantage of his absence, usurped the control not only of Adony, but collecting a force, compelled several other districts to submit to their authority. Ramraj, on his return to Beejanuggur, wrote, in the first place, letters to his rebel brothers, which they treated with contempt, relying upon their own force; and he, unable to subdue them, was induced to send ambassadors to the court of Golconda to solicit assistance. Ibrahim Kootb Shah immediately despatched Kubool Khan, at the head of six thousand cavalry and ten thousand infantry, to join Ramraj. On reaching Beejanuggur, Ramraj ordered his own troops into the field; and having directed Sidraj Timapa, Noor Khan, and Bijly Khan, with their different corps, to join the subsidiary force, he ordered them to march against the rebels. The insurgents, finding themselves unable to oppose the royalists, took shelter in the strong fortress of Adony, which was besieged for a period of six months, when being distressed for provisions, the garrison sent petitions to the throne at Beejanuggur. Ramraj pardoned his brothers, and recalled the forces to the capital; whence, after being handsomely rewarded, Kubool Khan received permission to return to Golconda, where the King honoured him with the title of Ein-ool-Moolk.

It has been previously related, that Jugdew Row, supported by the Naigwaries who released him from prison, put to death the principal supporters of the young Prince Soobhan Koolly, and placed him in confinement. Jugdew Row also retained in his own hands the command of the fort and city, till the arrival of Ibrahim Kootb Shah at the capital. The King, feeling himself under great obligations to this chief, raised him to several high stations, till at length he became prime minister. Having attained this elevation, Jugdew Row evinced his ambitious disposition; and entertaining a secret design to dethrone the King, he proposed to place his brother, the Prince Dowlut Khan, who, it was well known, was an idiot, on the throne, in order to have the entire management of affairs in his own hands. In furtherance of this project, the minister's deputy, Ray Row, was guilty of many insolent acts degrading to the principal Mahomedan nobles of the state, who went in a body and complained to the King of the power of these two Hin-doos, warning him, at the same time, of confiding too much in them, the more especially as all the garrisons in the kingdom were composed of the Naig-waries , ^399a who looked up to Jugdew Row as their chief. The King heard these complaints, but took no measures of precaution, till at length the cruelties and oppression of the minister's deputy, Ray Row, came to his ears. About this time, Venkut Row, the brother of Jugdew Row, quitted the capital without taking leave, and proceeded to his estate; a sure indication of his intended revolt. The King ordered a party to seize Ray Row, who being overtaken was executed. Jugdew Row, upon learning the fate of his deputy, fled from Golconda, accompanied by two or three thousand cavalry, towards Elgundel, and having laid waste the surrounding country, he proceeded to the court of Berar. Here, on account of his well-known character for bravery, he was graciously received by Boorhan Imad Shah, who appointed him to the command of ten thousand cavalry, and deputed him to conduct the war in which he was then engaged with Meeran Mahomed Khan, the ruler of Kandeish. Jugdew Row defeated the Kandeish troops in several engagements, obtaining large quantities of booty on each occasion. In addition to this, he was also successful in reducing to his authority many of the petty rajas of Berar, whom he compelled to pay him homage, till at length having collected in his own jageer a force consisting of three thousand cavalry, besides a body of infantry, composed of Arabs, Persians, and Abyssinians, he set at defiance the power of the rulers both of Kandeish and Berar. Boorhan Imad Shah remonstrated with Jugdew Row, saying, “When you came “here without friends, I received you with atten-“tion, allotted estates for your support, and gave “you the command of my army. You have now ag-“grandised yourself in such a manner as to render “it a matter of state policy that you should quit “my territory; which I command you to do with “the least possible delay.” Jugdew Row, although in the command of a large force, had not yet proceeded so far as to take possession of any of the strong forts in Berar, so that he had no place of strength in which to retreat in case of defeat. Making a virtue of necessity, therefore, he said, that he would not be ungrateful for the kindness he had received at the King's hands, and, consequently, retired from Berar, laying waste all the villages in his route till he reached Elgundel, whence he intended to proceed to Beejanuggur.

When Ibrahim Kootb Shah heard of the approach of Jugdew Row with an army of five thousand men, composed of Arabs, Persians, and Abys-synians, and also three hundred elephants, besides a body of Hindoo infantry, he detached Moostufa Khan to oppose him. The King's troops fell in with the enemy in the neighbourhood of Cuma-mett. Moostufa Khan, in the first instance, sent a person recommending Jugdew Row to throw himself on the King's mercy, on promise of his again receiving the jageers which he formerly held. Instead of listening to these overtures, Jug-dew Row ordered his troops under arms, and proceeded to attack Moostufa Khan, who was also on the alert to receive him. A severe action ensued, wherein Venkut Row, the brother of Jugdew Row, was killed, and four Arab Sheikhs, namely, Sheikh Fazil, Sheikh Ally Julwany, Sheikh Abdool Raheem, and Sheikh Ibrahim, ^401a also fell in leading their troops. Jugdew Row was defeated; and, reluctantly compelled to quit the field, fled to Beeja-nuggur, leaving all his baggage and treasures, as well as two hundred elephants, in the hands of the royalists. The elephants, according to custom, were sent into the King's stables, but the treasures were distributed among the soldiers of the army.

It appears from history, that shortly after the meeting which took place between Ramraj, Ibra-him Kootb Shah, and Ibrahim Adil Shah, at the junction of the Beema and Krishna rivers, the latter monarch, on his return to Beejapoor, died, and was succeeded by his son Ally Adil Shah, then a youth. Hoossein Nizam Shah of Ahmud-nuggur, taking advantage of the circumstance of his minority, made war upon him, and Ally Adil Shah, unable to defend himself, evacuated his capital; and attended only by a small body-guard proceeded in person to Beejanuggur to court the alliance of Ramraj, who was induced to march with his whole army, accompanied by Ally Adil Shah, towards Ahmudnuggur. At the same time, these two sovereigns sent a letter to Ibrahim Kootb Shah, calling upon him, in pursuance of the late treaty, to join them. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, however unwilling to act against Hoossein Nizam Shah, considered it politic not to incur the imputation of a breach of the treaty, and, perhaps, draw on himself the vengeance of the allies, whom he accordingly joined at the city of Koolburga, from whence the whole marched to Ahmud-nuggur. The Beejanuggur troops laid waste all the towns and villages on their route. Hoossein Nizam Shah, unable to resist their united forces, having left a strong garrison and plenty of provisions in his capital, retired to Dowlutabad. In the mean time, Ibrahim Kootb Shah wrote to him privately, informing him of the political necessity which had induced him to join the allies; but at the same time assured him, that his en-deavours should be exerted to assist him, and do all in his power to induce his enemies to retreat, and abandon the war. He also made the same communications to the officer commanding in the fort of Ahmudnuggur, advising him to make every possible resistance, and to hold out till the last. The allies besieged the place with vigour for two months, and the garrison were beginning to lose their spirits, when Ibrahim Kootb Shah, with seasonable donations, bought over some of the principal nobles of Beejanuggur, and induced them to propose the return of the troops to their respective capitals. They represented that the rains were fast approaching; that the army was at a great distance from Beejanuggur; and that if the wet season completely set in, it would be nearly impossible to recross the numerous rivers that lay on the march. Ramraj, convinced of the truth of these remonstrances, consented to retreat; but Ally Adil Shah, who knew that the besieged were suffering for want of provisions, had a conference with Ramraj, and begged him not to think of withdrawing till the place fell, promising to cede to him the district of Indgy if he would only continue the siege for one month longer. Ramraj consented, and the siege was prosecuted with redoubled vigour. Meanwhile Ibrahim Kootb Shah permitted supplies for the garrison, and a number of artillery-men from the King at Dowlutabad, to pass through his camp into the place. The approaches of the allies were brought close to the walls; and the speedy reduction of the fort appeared so certain, that Ibrahim Kootb Shah was induced to try, if possible, to avert that extreme evil. He accordingly deputed his minister and commander-in-chief, Moostufa Khan, to wait on Ramraj, and endeavour to persuade him to raise the siege, but at all events to acquaint him, that the Kootb Shahy troops must return immediately to Golconda. Moostufa Khan, in his conference with Ramraj, made use of every argument he could devise in order to gain his end. The scarcity of provisions in the camp, the approach of the rainy season, the advance of the kings of Guzerat and Boorhanpoor, whom, he stated, had entered into an alliance with Hoossein Nizam Shah, and were collecting their armies to march to his assistance, were all adduced as reasons for that measure. Moostufa Khan also engaged secretly, on the part of the King his master, to cede the fort and district of Condapilly to Ramraj, if he would return to his capital. This last motive was, perhaps, the most weighty; for Ramraj immediately consented to retreat, and sent a message to Ally Adil Shah to that effect, and the three kings repaired to their respective capitals.

At their last meeting at Ahmudnuggur, previously to their separation, a messenger arrived and informed Ramraj, that Toofal Khan, the prime minister of Boorhan Imad Shah, and who was then Regent of Berar, had with four thousand cavalry invaded the territory of Tulingana, and was at present employed in plundering that country. Ramraj, turning round to Ibrahim Kootb Shah, conveyed the news to him, and also observed, that if he was in want of assistance some of the Beejanuggur troops should be placed at his disposal to aid in repelling the invaders. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, annoyed at his supposing he required any foreign assistance, ordered Dustoor Khan Toorkman, in Ramraj's presence, to proceed with a party of only one hundred cavalry to expel Toofal Khan, and to report as soon as possible the nature of his success. Dustoor Khan immediately marched with the Toorkmans which he commanded against Toofal Khan, with whom he came up at the town of Bhimkul, and completely defeated him, taking a number of prisoners, among whom were eleven officers of distinction. Toofal Khan was wounded, and made his escape, and the Mundup, ^405a or tent of sixteen poles, belonging to Imad Shah, also fell into the hands of Dustoor Khan.

It should be mentioned, that when the armies marched towards Ahmudnuggur the allies took the fort of Kulliany, and delivered it over into the hands of the King of Beejapoor. After their return to their capitals, Hoossein Nizam Shah conceived it incumbent on him to send an ambassador to Ibrahim Kootb Shah, to thank him for his friendly conduct during the siege of Ahmudnuggur. He therefore deputed Mowlana Inayut Oolla to Golconda, to offer congratulations on the safe return of Ibrahim Kootb Shah. He was also authorised to effect an alliance with the family; and it was agreed that the two kings should meet on the following year for that purpose, in the neighbourhood of Kulliany, and after celebrating the proposed marriage, that their armies should proceed to the recovery of that fortress out of the hands of Ally Adil Shah. Accordingly, at the stated period, Hoossein Nizam Shah and Ibrahim Kootb Shah collected their respective forces, and met at Kulliany; where the former gave his daughter in marriage to Ibrahim Kootb Shah; and after one month employed in celebrating the nuptials, the kings laid siege to Kulliany. Ally Adil Shah, upon intimation of that event, proceeded to Beejanuggur, and again solicited the aid of Ramraj, who marched with his army to his support. On the road Ally Adil Shah was joined by Ally Bereed Shah of Bidur, who had been invited by him to join the confederacy. On the approach of the allies, Ibra-him Kootb Shah received intimation that Ramraj, taking advantage of his absence, had detached his brother Venkatadry, accompanied by Jug-dew Row and Ein-ool-Moolk, at the head of fifteen thousand cavalry, and thirty thousand infantry, to invade his southern districts. On intimation of this event, Ibrahim Kootb Shah consulted with Hoossein Nizam Shah, when it was resolved that they should raise the siege of Kul-liany, and return to their respective capitals. As the retreat of Ibrahim Kootb Shah lay directly in the route of the allies, Hoossein Nizam Shah detached his son, the Prince Moortuza Khan, with three thousand horse, to accompany him on his retreat, notwithstanding which he was pursued by the Adil Shahy troops. Ibrahim Kootb Shah directed Sheer Khan Hussun, Arab Khan, Dowlut Khan, Sheikh Mahomed Moostufa, and Meean Bhay, with their divisions, to remain in the rear, and cover the retreat of the main army. On the first march a heavy rain fell, which continued for three days, and rendered it impossible to move: on the fourth, the enemy pressed hard on the rearguard; and although that corps kept them so much in check as to enable the main body to retreat, yet all the artillery was left on the ground, and Arab Khan and Sheikh Mahomed Moostufa were taken prisoners, while Ibrahim Kootb Shah reached his capital with difficulty.

Some time afterwards, when the confederates returned from Ahmudnuggur, they marched towards Tulingana, and encamped at the village of Tarpully, situated at the distance of thirty-two miles from Golconda. From thence they detached Jugdew Row, Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany, and Ven-katadry, to lay waste the country. Ibrahim Kootb Shah deputed Mujahid Khan with a force to oppose them; and an action took place in the neighbourhood of Torkul, which lasted for several days without being decisive. Ramraj, at the same time, detached Sidraj Timapa, the Raja of Condbeer, with fifty thousand horse, against Condapilly and Masulipatum, and his son-in-law, Jotumraj, with twenty thousand horse, against Dewurconda and Indraconda, while his own forces were employed in plundering the neighbourhood of Golconda. Several skirmishes took place near the gardens of Ibrahim Shah and the village of Beejwara. Four months were occupied in these operations, till Jugdew Row induced the Naig-waries of Pangul, Kovilconda, and Gunpoora, to deliver up those forts to Ramraj. At the same time Kasy Row made over the keys of Indraconda.

On the south Sidraj Timapa attacked Conda-pilly, and Seetaputty and Vidiadry, from Raj-mundry, attacked the fort of Ellore. The King, thus confined to his capital, resolved to march out in person, and attack the confederates at Tarpully, when a messenger most opportunely arrived from Ally Bereed Shah, one of the confederates, proposing that Ibrahim Kootb Shah should send his minister, Moostufa Khan, to camp, in order to negotiate a peace. Moostufa Khan received secret instructions to conciliate Jugdew Row, without whose good will he despaired of obtaining terms. Through his means Moostufa Khan obtained a conference with Ally Adil Shah, after which he accompanied that monarch to the tents of Ramraj, who agreed with reluctance to retreat to Beeja-nuggur, on condition of being allowed to retain the forts of Gunpoora and Pangul. The confederacy now broke up, and the allies returned to their capitals.

When the King had thus gotten rid of his enemies, and reflected on the awkward situation in which he would have been placed if they had besieged him in his capital, which was incapable of defence, he resolved to rebuild the fort of Golconda with stone and mortar. The nobles were invited to construct palaces within the walls, and the King resolved in future to hold his court therein.

It has been already related that, during the late war, Jugdew Row had induced Kasy Row, the chief Naigwary of the fort of Indraconda, to seize it; on which occasion he placed Mowlana Ma-homed Momin, the governor, in confinement. The King, therefore, deputed Moostufa Khan, with ten thousand cavalry, and twenty thousand infantry, to retake that place. The besiegers were, in the first instance, compelled to cut away the woods by which Indraconda was surrounded, after which they carried on regular approaches; but it was two months before practicable breaches were effected, when it was stormed and carried. Kasy Row, being taken prisoner, was beheaded on the spot, and the imprisoned governor released; after which, Moostufa Khan returned to the capital, and was honoured with titles, and raised to the office of peshwa. The King resolved, by degrees, to reduce the power of the Naigwaries, who, it appeared, had been concerned in the late rebellion with Kasy Row. Sooria Row, the commandant of the Naigwaries in the fort of Golconda, discovering the King's intention, entered into a plot with the Naigwary chiefs intrusted with the command of the different garrisons; by whom it was resolved that, on a concerted signal, when the King should go out to hunt in the country, they should secure all the forts, and Sooria Row seize the treasure at the capital, and put all the Mahomedans to the sword. This plot was communicated to Ramraj, who engaged to send a force to aid in the project. Accordingly, when the hunting season came on, the King gave orders for his troops and camp to be pitched on the plain, and left Golconda, about two o'clock in the morning, to proceed to his camp, and make his first movement. As soon as he had quitted the fort, the gates were closed, and the Naigwaries began to attack the Mahomedans. Two of the latter made their escape, and informed the King of the circumstance, who ordered the troops with him to invest the fort. The mutineers at daylight, seeing the whole of the army around the fort, appeared upon the ramparts, and said that they were willing to return to their duty, if the King would give up his minister, Moos-tufa Khan, whom they accused of maltreating the Naigwaries of the out-garrisons ever since his accession to power, saying they were afraid that the same treatment might fall to their own lot. The King sent for Moostufa Khan, and related to him the state of affairs brought on during his administration. The minister replied, that if the King thought his death necessary for the good of the state, he was ready to surrender himself into the hands of the mutineers. The King refused to accede to the demand of the Naigwaries, who after some days, with Sooria Row at their head, were compelled to give in; on which occasion every one of them was executed, as an example to the disaffected Naigwaries in the other garrisons.

During the period that the confederate armies were encamped at Tarpully, the fort of Ellore had been attacked by Vidiadry; but Dilawur Khan the governor resisted all the efforts of the enemy, and reported his situation to court. The King now sent a reinforcement of two thousand infantry to his assistance, and authorised him, after repulsing the besiegers, to build a fort at the town of Neerdole.

Sometime after its completion, Dilawur Khan wrote to court, recommending that troops might be employed against Rajmundry, a town situated only eight miles distant. The King ordered Ruf-fut Khan Lary, entitled Mullik Naib, with ten thousand horse, to march to Ellore, in order to be ready to attack Rajmundry. On hearing of his arrival at Neerdole, Vidiadry and Seetaputty sent to summon the rajas of Cosimcota and others in the neighbourhood to their aid. These, collecting two thousand cavalry, one hundred thousand infantry, and two thousand musketeers and rocket-men, marched against the Mahomedans. An action ensued, which terminated in the death of the Raja of Oorconda, and the defeat of the Hin-doos, who with Vidiadry and Seetaputty fled to the fort of Rajmundry, whither they were pursued by the Mahomedans as far as Dhowly-swur, within four miles of that fort. Dhowly-swur ^412a was shortly after taken by storm; and the heavy baggage of the army being left therein, the Mahomedans proceeded to reduce the fort of Tatpak†, ^412b then in possession of Nursing Row, a powerful zemindar in that part of the country. In consequence of the depth of the ditch a whole month was employed in the attack of this place, when Nursing Row, at the head of two or three thousand cavalry, and ten thousand infantry, sallied out, and attacked the Mahomedans, but he was taken prisoner, and his party totally routed. When the King heard of the capture of Nursing Row, he sent orders to the army to fall back, and to remain during the rains at Dhowlyswur; after which Ruffut Khan again proceeded to the attack of Tatpak, which was reduced, as well as all the surrounding districts of Rajmundry, when the army received orders to return to the capital, and to leave trusty Naigwaries in charge of the several forts which were taken.

Ibrahim Kootb Shah now took into consideration the danger which threatened the Mahomedan kings by the frequent interference of Ramraj. During the late wars he had not only laid waste the country of Hoossein Nizam Shah, and polluted the musjids by appropriating them to the use of his cattle and of his soldiers, but on his return he had plundered the districts of both his allies. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, therefore, thought the present a favourable moment to rouse the other kings of the Deccan, and by a confederacy against Ramraj, either to destroy his power, or to curtail it so as to leave no cause for future apprehension from him. The greatest difficulty in this plan was to persuade the kings of Ahmudnuggur and Beejapoor to unite for this purpose. To this end Ibrahim Kootb Shah deputed his prime minister, Moostufa Khan, to the court of Hoossein Nizam Shah, and from thence directed him to proceed to the court of Ally Adil Shah, at Beejapoor. The avowed object of the mission was, in the first instance, to effect a reconciliation between those princes, and, if possible, to form some family connection between them: at the same time the ambassador was directed to ascertain how a confederacy against Ramraj would be viewed by these kings. Moostufa Khan succeeded so well, that he not only brought about the reconciliation, but it was agreed, that Hoossein Nizam Shah should give his daughter, Chand Beeby, in marriage to Ally Adil Shah, with the fort of Sholapoor as her dowry; and the latter consented to give his sister, Hudeea Sooltana to the Prince Moortuza, the eldest son of Hoossein Nizam Shah; after which it was resolved that the three kings should meet at the fort of Sholapoor, and from thence proceed with their united forces against Ramraj. Accordingly, on

Jumad-ool-
Awul 20.
A. H. 972.
Dec. 26.
A. D. 1564.

the 20th of Jumad-ool-Awul, A. H. 972, the combined armies moved to the south, and arrived without opposition at the town of Talikote, near the river Krishna; while Ramraj, summoning all his dependents and rajas from the banks of the Krishna, as far as the island of Ceylon, brought together a force consisting of one hundred thousand horse, and three hundred thousand infantry, and marched to oppose the confederates.

Jumad-oos-
Sany 20.
A. H. 972.
Jan. 25.
A. D. 1565.

On Friday, the 20th of Jumad-oos-Sany, the celebrated action took place which cost Ramraj his life, and which ended in the defeat of the Hindoo army, with the loss of nearly one hundred thousand men. ^414a The allied armies halted for ten days on the field of action, and then proceeded to the capital of Beejanuggur, where the efforts of the conquerors were directed to the plunder of the country and the city, and the destruction of the stone temples. After which the three monarchs deputed severally their generals — Moostufa Khan, on the part of the King of Golconda; Mowlana Inayut Oolla, on the part of Hoossein Nizam Shah; and Kishwur Khan, on the part of Ally Adil Shah — to attack Moodkul and Rachore, which places were easily reduced. Moostufa Khan, without waiting for further orders, delivered over the keys of the forts to Kishwur Khan, which so incensed Hoos-sein Nizam Shah, that he wrote to the King of Golconda, informing him of the circumstance, and requiring that Moostufa Khan should suffer death. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, unwilling to slay a descendant of the Prophet, sent for Moostufa Khan, and taxed him with treachery.† ^414b The latter was not allowed to make any defence, but was directed to quit the kingdom and proceed to Mecca, there to repent of his sins. The King caused letters to be written to Golconda to send all the family and property of Moostufa Khan to one of the western sea-ports, to be ready to accompany him; and it is a well authenticated fact, that his wealth and family required seven hundred carriages and five thousand porters to transport it. Moos-tufa Khan left the King's presence, and proceeded direct to the court of Ally Adil Shah, by whom he was honourably received, and became his prime minister; after whose death he was assassinated, in the year 988 (A. D. 1580), in the country of Malabar, a country which he had previously reduced, and of which he was governor.

After halting for six months at Beejanuggur, the three sovereigns returned to their respective capitals; and all the districts which had been taken from Ibrahim Kootb Shah in the reign of Ram-

Rumzan 14.
A. H. 973.
April 8.
A. D. 1566.

raj were now recovered. On the following year, 973, on Friday the 14th of Rumzan, the King had a son presented to him, called Mahomed Koolly.

Upon the return of Hoossein Nizam Shah to his

Zeekad 7.
A. H. 972.
June 7.
A. D. 1565.

capital he was taken dangerously ill, and died on Wednesday the 7th of Zee-kad, A. H. 972, ^416a and was succeeded by his eldest son Moortuza, who assumed the title of Moortuza Nizam Shah. This Prince was devoted to excesses, and left the affairs of his government in the hands of Khonza Hoo-mayoon, the Dowager-queen, who in a short time becoming very unpopular, Kishwur Khan the peshwa wrote privately to Ally Adil Shah, inviting him to march and attack Ahmudnuggur, where there was a strong party in his favour. On obtaining information of this intrigue, Moortuza Nizam Shah, roused from his lethargy, called together his council. They recommended that an envoy should be forthwith sent to Ibrahim Kootb Shah, the old ally of the house of Nizam Shah, for assistance; but before any aid could arrive from Golconda, Ally Adil Shah had already reached the frontier, and Moortuza Nizam Shah was compelled to quit Ahmudnuggur. He retreated to Berar, where he formed an alliance with Toofal Khan, the ruler of that province, who had usurped the government, and confined the princes of the blood-royal of the Imad Shahy dynasty. With the aid of the Berar troops, Moortuza Nizam Shah marched to Kowlas, by which time the troops of Ibrahim Kootb Shah had also moved, and a junction was effected between the towns of Kand'har and Kow-las, where a treaty was formed. It was resolved that the united forces of Ahmudnuggur, Berar, and Golconda, should march direct to the attack of Beejapoor. Ally Adil Shah, deserting his capital in his turn, retreated to the Concan, leaving a considerable army for the defence of the city, while the allies laid siege to Beejapoor, and laid waste the surrounding country. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, perceiving that Ally Adil Shah was driven from one spot to another, and unwilling that he should be reduced to cede any large tract of country to Moortuza Nizam Shah, contrived to persuade the the other allies to raise the siege, and to return to their own capitals.^417a

After this event, Ally Adil Shah made secret overtures of alliance to Moortuza Nizam Shah, and proposed they should meet at the fort of Owsa. Here they entered into a compact, by which it was agreed that Moortuza Nizam Shah should reduce the kingdom of Berar, and Ally Adil Shah those of Bidur and Tulingana. In the first place, however, the combined forces marched to the northward against Toofal Khan, who, unable to resist them, fled to Gavulgur, which after a considerable time was on the point of surrendering, when Toofal Khan paid two lacks of hoons†, ^417b and agreed to present fifty elephants to Ally Adil Shah, in order to induce him to raise the siege. In consequence of this secret engagement, Ally Adil Shah sent a person to Moortuza Nizam Shah, saying, that it was shameful for two armies like theirs to throw away their time in the reduction of a fortress, and that it would be more profitable for them both to march and reduce Tulingana. On which Moortuza Nizam Shah raised the siege, and went southward; having, in the first instance, detached a force under Yekhlas Khan on his own part, and another under Ein-ool-Moolk on the part of Ally Adil Shah, to reduce Kowlas; but on the road an accident occurred which saved the kingdom of Tulingana from destruction. One day six thousand Marratta cavalry belonging to the Beejapoor army made a sudden attack on the rear-guard of the Nizam Shahy troops, in order to plunder the baggage. Munsoor Khan, the commander of the rear-guard, opposed them, and many troops on both sides were killed, among whom was Munsoor Khan himself. This circumstance caused a dispute between the monarchs, and brought on the dissolution of the alliance; when each returned to his own capital.

Upon the arrival of Moortuza Nizam Shah at Ahmudnuggur, he, in order to be revenged on Ally Adil Shah, sent an envoy to Golconda, inviting Ibrahim Kootb Shah to form an alliance against the King of Beejapoor; while at the same time an envoy had been previously despatched for the same purpose to Ahmudnuggur, by the King of Golconda, proposing that they should march to the river Krishna, when Yeltumraj, the brother of the late Ramraj, might be invited to join with his forces, when they could all proceed to the reduction of Beejapoor. After reaching the Krishna, the kings of Golconda and Ahmudnuggur wrote to Yeltumraj, requiring him to become a member of the confederacy; but a circumstance occurred, which tended to dissolve this union as suddenly as it had been formed.

On the accession of Moortuza Nizam Shah to the throne, he had scarcely attained his twelfth year; and the affairs of his government were conducted by his mother, the Queen-dowager, Khonza Hoo-mayoon. At that time she had been induced by ill-advised persons about her to demand from Yel-tumraj two lacks of hoons ^419a for aid to be afforded to him by the allies against the encroachments of the King of Beejapoor. Yeltumraj, who rather expected that the allies would restore the countries taken by Ally Adil Shah from Ramraj instead of applying to him for money, sent a message to Ibrahim Kootb Shah, informing him of the circumstance. The King of Golconda immediately deputed a person to wait on the Queen-dowager, expressing his astonishment at this unexpected demand; and observing that it appeared very impolitic, in the present posture of affairs, to make demands of money on Yeltumraj, instead of conciliating one who was a useful ally at the head of ten thousand men, and who had reason to bear great enmity towards the powerful state which they were on the point of attacking. Instead of attending to this remonstrance, the demand was again urged by the Queen with threats; and Yeltumraj not only refused to pay the money, but prepared to treat the allies as enemies. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, finding that matters were assuming an unfavourable appearance, sent to Yeltumraj, advising him to retreat to his country, and promising that his own troops should also move at the same time. On the following day, Ibrahim Kootb Shah struck his camp and retreated to Golconda, and Yeltumraj marched to Penkonda. Moortuza Nizam Shah, thus suddenly deserted by his allies and surrounded by the Adil Shahy cavalry, who had occupied the route by which he came, commenced his retreat through the kingdom of Tulingana; and his army laid waste the districts of Kovilconda and Gunpoora. Ibrahim Kootb Shah detached Sulabut Khan, with three thousand horse, to protect the country from the depredations of the Nizam Shahies; and orders were issued to the Munewars and Ha-valdars ^420a to throw every obstacle in the way of their march, to shut the gates of the towns, and to secure the property of the people, as far as was practicable, from their hands. The village magistrates were very active during the nights, and kept the enemy on the alert by incessant firing in small parties all round the camp. The Nizam Shahies suffered so much from these irregular attacks, that they were induced to dig a trench round the camp for their protection, as well as to prevent the approach of the Kootb Shahy cavalry, which constantly hovered round them. The Nizam Shahies continued to plunder; and Sulabut Khan, finding remonstrances of no avail, charged the rear of their army, and completely routed them. Moortuza Nizam Shah halted his line, and sent a large body of cavalry under Moatimid Khan to attack the Kootb Shahy detachment. In this latter engagement, the Nizam Shahy commander was killed, and Kamil Khan, another general, was wounded. The Kootb Shahy army also lost one general (Mookurrib Khan). Night put an end to the contest; and on the following morning the Nizam Shahies marched, and did not halt till they arrived on the Bereed Shahy territories.

Before the battle of Talikote, we have seen that Ruffut Khan Lary, entitled Mullik Naib, had marched to the south, and reduced part of the country of Rajmundry; but when the Kootb Shahy forces moved to co-operate with the Mahomedan confederated armies against Ramraj, Ruffut Khan was directed to join the grand army. Twelve months after this period, Ruffut Khan Lary was again despatched to the south, with ten thousand horse, with orders to complete the conquest of Raj-mundry. On reaching Dhowleswur, he took measures to attack Rajmundry; but the towns of Pen-tapoor and Rajpoondy ^421a being in the possession of Seetaputty, he was in the habit of sending reinforcements and provisions into Rajmundry by night, so that Ruffut Khan first resolved to attack him, and accordingly marched towards Pentapoor. On the road he was opposed by the enemy, and a severe action took place, when the Hindoos were defeated, and fled to the fort of Pentapoor. The Mahomedan army pursued the fugitives to the walls, which they escaladed, and by that means took the place. Seetaputty and his family made their escape through the woods to the fortress of Rajpoondy, whither he was pursued by the Mahomedans on the following day; but they were detained for some time in approaching that fortress, the roads being narrow, and the woods on both sides impenetrable. Ruffut Khan, having determined to reduce it, ordered the jungles to be cut down and burnt. Each day the Maho-medans advanced only about two miles, and lost upwards of three hundred men from the enemy's light troops, which lined the woods on each side of the road. At length, after some time, they cut their way to the fort of Rajpoondy, situated on a hill; but on their arrival, Seetaputty fled through the woods to Rajmundry, and joined Vidiadry, the raja of that place, leaving the fort of Rajpoondy to be occupied by Ruffut Khan, who from thence proceeded to Rajmundry. Here the Mahomedans were opposed by the united forces of Vidiadry and the Raja of Cossimcota,^422a

consisting of thirty thousand horse and as many foot, who on the first onset broke through the right wing of the Mahomedan line; but the reserve coming to its support, the troops rallied, and defeated the Hindoos, who fled in confusion, accompanied by Vidiadry and Seetaputty, to the fort of Rajmundry. After four months the Kootb Shahy artillery began to produce some effect on the walls, and made a breach of nearly fifty paces in the curtain. In this stage of affairs, a flag of truce arrived from the fort, proposing conditional terms of surrender, which the besieged said they would communicate to Yelloo Pundit, one of the Hindoo accountants in the Mahomedan army. He accordingly proceeded to the fort; when it was agreed that Vidiadry and Seetaputty, with their families, should be permitted, after evacuating the fort, to proceed whithersoever they chose, without molestation. Yelloo Pundit returned to camp with these terms for the confirmation of Ruffut Khan. The conditions were ratified; and Vidiadry proceeded to Cossimcota, and Seetaputty to Beejanuggur.

A. H. 979.
A. D. 1567.

This event took place in the year 979; and the following sentence commemorates the date of its occurrence: —

◌

“The temple of the infidels has fallen into our hands.”

After the reduction of Rajmundry, the King sent orders to Ruffut Khan to prosecute his conquests, and proceed to the establishment of the Mahomedan authority in Cossimcota. Accordingly the army moved towards Orissa; but as the country was full of woods and impenetrable forests, he gave orders to his soldiers to cut away and burn in all directions. In their progress they found the infidels collected under Venkutraj, who with twenty thousand infantry prepared to repel the Mahomedans. An action took place, wherein the Hindoos were defeated with great loss, their leader making his escape with difficulty, and the two forts of Gopalpilly and Veeragootum ^424a fell to the Mahomedan troops; from whence they proceeded to Cossimcota. Surwaraj and his brother Bhay-bulundur, two of the principal rajas of those countries, hearing of the advance of the Mahomedans, and of the fate of the other forts, sent ambassadors to Ruffut Khan to negotiate with him. A peace was concluded; and it was agreed that the younger brother, Surwaraj, should proceed, and remain at Golconda, while the elder, Bhaybulundur, should rule his country as a tributary of the King. From thence the army proceeded to the country of Gopal Ooriar, or Wooreea, who fled to Bengal, leaving his territory an easy conquest to the Mahomedans, so that it was occupied by the King's forces. Ruffut Khan now proceeded to the country of Vidiadry, governed by Velluparaj, who fled on the approach of the Mahomedans to Dewpooral, a hillfort situated in the territory belonging to Vidiadry. This place was close on the sea-shore, and almost inaccessible on account of the woods. The Maho-medans were opposed by twenty thousand infidels in the plain. These were defeated, and fled to the fortification, which was closely invested for four months, till at length Velluparaj, consenting to become tributary, ceded the country of Vidiadry to the King of Golconda. From thence Ruffut Khan proceeded to Chundurbar, in possession of two brothers named Nursing and Soorsing, who had occupied a strong fort in a pass, with ten thousand infantry, where they had thrown up a breast-work, dug a ditch, and placed artillery to oppose the enemy. Ruffut Khan halted till his guns could be brought up the pass, when he levelled the breastwork; and forcing his way through, he attacked the infidels, and the two Hindoo brothers were taken prisoners; after which the country submitted to the King of Golconda.

As Ruffut Khan had been successfully employed during the last two years in reducing many of the forts and districts of Rajmundry and Cossimcota, he now resolved to attack Veij Nat Dew, the most formidable of all the rajas of that country. He commenced his operations by the capture of the hill-fort of Potnoor, wherein was taken the brother of the Raja. From thence he proceeded to Kun-doo-Deva Pully, the principal hold of that chief; which also fell to the prowess of the Mahomedan arms; but the time occupied in these sieges afforded Veij Nat Dew an opportunity to collect his army; and he accordingly marched to oppose the invader at the head of five thousand cavalry, fifty thousand infantry, and five hundred elephants. Ruffut Khan was not backward to come to action; and a battle ensued, in which the Mahomedans were completely victorious, and the Raja fled to his capital; and soon after he sent out his eldest son to Ruffut Khan as ambassador, to conclude a peace; in which it was stipulated, that the Raja should pay annually thirty thousand hoons as a tribute to the Kootb Shahy state, and make an offering of forty elephants. To these terms Ruffut Khan was glad to accede, as a considerable disaffection and discontent prevailed in his army, and as he had already reduced the whole of the districts along the seacoast as far as Rajamurda.^426a

Let us now return to the affairs of the kings of the Deccan. The Queen-dowager of Ahmud-nuggur had by her conduct excited universal discontent among all the officers of the government, who conspired against her, and persuaded the young King, Moortuza Nizam Shah, to seize and confine her in the fort of Dowlutabad; while her two brothers, the King's uncles, Ein-ool-Moolk and Taj Khan, fled from the capital. Their departure and the seizure of the Queen threw affairs into the utmost confusion, and the young King was not of an age or of a temper to act with much discretion. Ally Adil Shah, the ancient enemy of the house of Nizam Shah, taking advantage of the moment, deputed his general Kishwur Khan Lary, with twenty thousand horse, to lay waste and occupy as much of the Ahmudnuggur territory as he could seize. He first of all devastated the country of Kondana†, ^426b and then proceeded to D'harore; which place he took, and ordered it to be strongly fortified, placing a garrison of Adil Shahy troops within it. From thence he wrote a letter to Moortuza Nizam Shah, telling him that he had left him the fort of Dowlutabad to repair to; but that if he did not immediately evacuate his capital and proceed thither, he would march to Ahmudnuggur, and oblige him to do so. Moortuza Nizam Shah instantly despatched his general, Khwaja Meeruk Dubeer Isfahany, entitled Chungiz Khan, with ten thousand cavalry, to resent this insulting language, and he accordingly marched and invested the fort of D'harore. The sudden arrival of the Nizam Shahy troops so alarmed the Adil Shahy garrison, that Ein-ool-Moolk, Ankoos Khan, and Azeez-ool-Moolk, three of the principal officers of Kishwur Khan's force, fled without drawing their swords; while Kishwur Khan, seeing he had no alternative but to fight, resolved to defend the place against the Nizam Shahy troops, who escaladed it on the next morning, and Kishwur Khan was killed in the assault. ^427a Ally Adil Shah no sooner heard of the fate of his general than he detached Noor Khan, Ein-ool-Moolk, and Zureef-ool-Moolk, to the borders, to invade the Nizam Shahy territories, and plunder and devastate the country, while he himself, with fifty thousand horse, took the field, with the determination, if possible, of conquering the Ahmudnuggur dominions. Moortuza Nizam Shah, unable alone to cope with Ally Adil Shah, had recourse to Ibrahim Kootb Shah for aid, who proceeded with his army first to Bidur, and having induced Ally Bereed Shah to unite in the confederacy, they marched together to join Moortuza Nizam Shah, whom they met at the town of Nagdurry, where they swore to stand by each other. The oaths were taken upon a Koran in the possession of the latter, said to be written by Ally, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet. On this occasion it was agreed that they should proceed and attack the Beejapoor territories without delay. Ally Adil Shah, suspecting that his minister, Shah Abool Hussun, the son of the late famous Shah Tahir of Ahmudnuggur, had promoted this confederacy, put him into confinement. Syud Moortuza, a nobleman of the Nizam Shahy court, was at this time in the Beejapoor camp. He had fled during the late revolution from Ahmudnuggur, and came over to Ally Adil Shah, where he renewed his friendship with Shah Abool Hussun. On the present occasion, Syud Moortuza, desirous of effecting the release of the minister, applied to Ally Adil Shah to be allowed to proceed in character of envoy to the confederates, and through his influence negotiate a peace, a measure which the King had at heart. Syud Moortuza was accordingly deputed to proceed to the Nizam Shahy camp, and having had an audience of Moortuza Nizam Shah, laid his head on the King's feet, and vowed he would not rise till his Majesty promised to obtain the release of the son of the late Shah Tahir, to whom the house of Ahmudnuggur was under such obligations; declaring, at the same time, that nothing but concluding a treaty of peace with Ally Adil Shah could effect this object. Moortuza Nizam Shah at once forgot his enmity to Ally Adil Shah, and consented to listen to terms, on condition that Shah Abool Hussun should be released, and be employed as ambassador to conclude the treaty. Shah Abool Hussun accordingly proceeded with magnificent presents to the camp of the confederates. While in the camp, he persuaded Moor-tuza Nizam Shah to attack Ibrahim Kootb Shah's forces as well as those of Ally Bereed Shah, and by thus making a bold stroke at first, follow it up, and reduce the countries of Tulingana and Bidur. Moortuza Nizam Shah, young, thoughtless, and impetuous, eagerly adopted the proposition, and attacked his allies, who defended themselves with bravery, and contrived to retreat to Bidur, whence Ibrahim Kootb Shah proceeded to Golconda.

On the return of Ibrahim Kootb Shah to his capital, he resolved to be revenged on Moor-tuza Nizam Shah for his late treachery; and as the latter always obtained assistance from the Berar court, he determined to anticipate that step by sending an envoy to Toofal Khan, the Regent of Berar, inviting him to an alliance against Moortuza Nizam Shah, to whom he could owe no friendship, since the invasion of his country, and the siege of Gavul. Toofal Khan, glad of an opportunity of revenging himself on Moortuza Nizam Shah, readily acceded to the proposed alliance, and despatched his son, Shumsheer-ool-Moolk, with three thousand cavalry to join Ibrahim Kootb Shah; who having collected his own army, proceeded, under the pretence of hunting, towards Bidur, when he was joined, between that city and the town of Kowlas, by the Berar auxiliaries, as well as by Ally Bereed Shah. Thence they deputed ambassadors to Ally Adil Shah, inviting him, also, to join the confederacy. Moortuza Nizam Shah, far from being idle, also collected his army, and determined to prevent the junction of Ally Adil Shah, either by force or stratagem. He accordingly moved towards Beejapoor with his whole force, deputing his minister, Chungiz Khan, with large presents, to the Adil Shahy camp, in order to prevent its union with the confederates; but, at any rate, to make such good use of his money among the courtiers as to detain the King of Beejapoor for some time, till he should hear of the approach of the Nizam Shahies. Chungiz Khan overtook Ally Adil Shah at the fort of Nuldoorg, where he displayed so much diplomatic skill as to induce the King to give up the idea of joining the allies at all, and to consent to meet Moortuza Nizam Shah on friendly terms. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, alarmed at this sudden alteration in the measures of the Adil Shahy court, broke up the confederacy, dismissing the Berar auxiliaries with handsome rewards, and recommending Ally Bereed Shah to repair to the fort of Bidur; at the same time promising his aid in case of invasion and attack. Upon his arrival at Golconda, he pitched the royal pavilion on the plain, and directed all the Naigwary infantry of the realm to repair to his standard. These preparations were not unnecessary; for Moortuza Nizam Shah having made a convert of Ally Adil Shah to his cause, they both marched with the determination of reducing the kingdoms of Tulingana and Bidur; to which latter city they proceeded, the Adil Shahies encamping in the neighbourhood of the Houz-i-Kumt'hana, while the Nizam Shahies invested the fort of Bidur. Ibrahim Kootb Shah no sooner heard of the attack on Bidur than he made preparations for the defence of Golconda. On this occasion he ordered pavilions to be pitched on the bastions, and adorned them with rich brocades and silks from China and with velvets of European manufacture, giving himself up to the gratification of listening “to the “enchanting vocal and instrumental music of heart-“alluring damsels and fairy-faced virgins.” At the same time he detached a force of four thousand cavalry and ten thousand light infantry, under Sula-but Khan, to hover round the enemy, and to make night-attacks on the besiegers at Bidur. The Munewar infantry were eminently successful in all directions, and at all hours, bringing nightly between three and four hundred noses and ears from the enemy's lines; and they received for each nose a hoon, and for each ear a purtab. ^431a During the day, the cavalry made their attacks at favourable moments on the besiegers, who were distressed for want of supplies, and weary for want of sleep, owing to the constant assaults both of the cavalry and infantry. Determined to raise the siege, but apprehensive least Ibrahim Kootb Shah should attack them if they separated, Ally Adil Shah deputed Kamil Khan with fifteen thousand horse, and Moor-tuza Nizam Shah sent Mirza Yadgar with an equal number, to remain in the neighbourhood of Kowlas. Moortuza Nizam Shah then proceeded to punish Toofal Khan for the assistance he had given in the preceding year to Ibrahim Kootb Shah; and Ally Adil Shah marched to the south against Bun-kapoor and the Hindoo territories dependent on Beejanuggur.

It appears that in the retreat of the Beejapoo-ries, Ally Adil Shah had intrusted his family to the care of Yeswunt Row, Bhoj Mul Naig, and Dew Naig, three Marratta officers who commanded six thousand Bergy cavalry, with orders to escort them direct to Beejapoor; instead of which, they, in the first instance, made an incursion, as is usual with those freebooters, into the Kootb Shahy dominions. Sulabut Khan Afshar, a Golconda general, came up with and completely defeated them, taking the two famous elephants called Futteh Lushkur and Futteh Jung, and the fish-standard ^432a from the enemy, while Yeswunt Row had much difficulty in carrying off the ladies in safety.

It has been before observed, that the allies left thirty thousand horse in the neighbourhood of Kowlas to cover the retreat of the two armies, the one proceeding to Berar and the other towards Bunkapoor. This division accordingly laid waste and plundered the country on the borders of Tu-lingana. Ibrahim Kootb Shah despatched Meer Shah Mahomed Anjoo with eight thousand cavalry to oppose them, and also permitted his relation, Mirza Hoossein Beg Toorkman, with four hundred Toorkmans, to accompany the Golconda division. Between Kowlas and Daigloor, the troops were opposed by Syud Heidur, the governor of the latter place, who very imprudently attacked the King's forces with less than three thousand cavalry and some infantry; but he was easily defeated, and pursued into the fort of Daigloor, which thus fell without resistance. On the following day, Shah Mahomed Anjoo marched and encamped on the plain between Daigloor and Kand'har, in the neighbourhood of the enemy's camp. He was opposed, in the first instance, by the Marratta cavalry under Buswunt Row, Viswas Row, and Koly Row, who commanded the advance composed of six thousand mares, ^433a which was repulsed by the valour of Mirza Hoossein Beg and the Toorkmans, and many Kolies† ^433b lost their lives. Thus ended the action of the first day. On the following day, Mirza Hoossein Beg, with his Toork-mans, was directed to attack a party of the enemy who made their appearance; and Sulabut Khan Afshar, with three thousand cavalry, was sent to support him, while Shah Mahomed Anjoo, with the rest of the army, followed. Soon after, a bloody battle ensued, in which neither gained any decided advantage. On the following day, the Golconda troops, finding the enemy had decamped in the night, pursued them, and encamped in their neighbourhood. Mirza Yadgar, with ten thousand chosen cavalry from the allied troops, consisting chiefly of foreigners, advanced to the attack; while Mirza Hoossein Beg with his Toork-mans, without orders, mounted, and engaged the enemy. The commander-in-chief, Sulabut Khan, with two thousand cavalry, subsequently went to his support, and after another severe engagement, the allied troops were defeated; notwithstanding which, they returned to the attack, and several skirmishes occurred during a whole month. At length a general action ensued, when the confederates were entirely routed; and the Kootb Shahy troops, after having taken possession of the camp-equipage, baggage, &c. of the enemy, returned in triumph to Golconda.

It has been already mentioned, that the allied monarchs, having raised the siege of Bidur, separated. Moortuza Nizam Shah marched north against Toofal Khan of Berar, and Ally Adil Shah proceeded south to attack the country of Beejanuggur, and wrest it out of the hands of Sree Runga Ray. This prince, unable to cope with the Beejapoor forces, deputed an envoy with magnificent presents to Ibrahim Kootb Shah at Golconda, soliciting his aid against their common enemy. It had been always an understood principle with the Mahomedan kings of the Deccan not to invade the Beejanuggur territories without the general consent of the whole. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, therefore, readily agreed to the overtures of Sree Runga Ray, promising to oppose Ally Adil Shah, and prevent him from making further aggressions. Accordingly, he detached his general, Shah Mahomed Anjoo, with a light force, to skirmish and plunder the borders of the Adil Shahy dominions, while he prepared to move to the southward to the support of Sree Runga Ray. On the Beejanuggur frontier he was joined by Shah Mahomed Anjoo, after he had sacked the towns and laid waste the enemy's country, agreeably to his instructions. He was shortly afterwards met by Sree Runga Ray, and their junction induced Ally Adil Shah to raise the siege of Bee-januggur, and return to Beejapoor; in consequence of which, the allied armies separated, and each repaired to his respective capital.

It appears, from the best authorities, that from the reign of the late Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah, the rajas Venkatadry, Kustoory Timraj, and Nursing Row, used to pay an annual tribute of two lacks of hoons into the Golconda treasury, agreeably to an ancient compact made upon the first reduction of the fort of Condbeer. For the last few years, however, since the King had been engaged in war with the other kings of the Deccan, the usual tribute had not only been withheld, but the rajas had had the confidence to cross the Krishna, and attack the fort of Condapilly, and lay waste the district. Ibrahim Kootb Shah, having been long engaged in the defence of his northern frontier, was unable, for some years, to spare a sufficient force to repel the invaders. However, having given his soldiers some respite from their toils, he now determined to punish the rajas of whom we have been speaking, and accordingly detached a large army under the command of his general, Imad-ood-Deen Mahmood Shirazy, entitled Heidur-ool-Moolk, to march and recover the fort of Cond-beer. Having crossed the Krishna, he first reduced the fort of Inaconda, and then marched against the strong fort of Cacherlacota, defended by Kustoory Rungia and Moodna Chinia with twenty thousand infantry; but on the approach of the Mahomedans they evacuated it without firing a shot, and it was occupied by the King's forces. Thence Heidur-ool-Moolk marched against the fort of Cummum, which also fell without opposition. Having left a garrison therein, the Mahomedans returned to Condbeer. Here Heidur-ool-Moolk was informed, that Kundy Timuna, Moodna Chinia, and Kustoory Rungia, had collected a force of thirty thousand men, and were on the point of marching to attack him: he therefore deferred the siege of Condbeer, and moved to meet them. The Hindoo infantry poured in on the King's troops on all sides from the woods; but they only rushed on to their own destruction. The Mahomedans gained a complete victory, and pursued the enemy to the fort of Goorum, which surrendered. The general now marched to the attack of Belumconda, which fell; and having occupied all the minor forts in that neighbourhood, Heidur-ool-Moolk proceeded to Condbeer, the capital of the province. A long time was expended in attempting to reduce this strong fortress without effect; and Heidur-ool-Moolk found it necessary to apply for reinforcements to Golconda, on which Ibrahim Kootb Shah appointed Syud Shah Tucky, known by the appellation of Ameer Shah Meer, with a considerable detachment of Moguls and Persians, to proceed and to take the command from Heidur-ool-Moolk of all the forces south of the Krishna. On his arrival at Condbeer, Shah Meer made many attempts to carry the place by escalade, but invariably failed, till at length he resolved, whatever might be the loss sustained, to drag his guns up the hill to within a moderate distance of the walls. By this means part of one face was battered down, and an attack made one morning both at the breach and on the south gateway. The Hindoos were prepared to receive the storming parties, and fought desperately; but they were driven back, though not without heavy loss on the part of the assailants. The fort was eventually taken, through the ex-

Suffur,
A. H. 987.
April,
A. D. 1579.

ertions of the elephants, who forced open one side of the gate. The Mahomedans then rushing in took the place, in the month of Suffur, A. H. 987; and Ku-poory Timraj, son-in-law of the celebrated Ram-raj of Beejanuggur, fell into the hands of the victors. Thus the province of Condbeer was reduced, as well as all the smaller forts, including two or three sea-ports; so that the whole country, from the sea-shore as far as the Beejanuggur frontier, was occupied by Ameer Shah Meer, who, taking with him his prisoner Kupoory Timraj, returned victorious to Golconda.

About this time, Moortuza Nizam Shah determined to reduce the fort of Bidur, and to conquer the territory of Bereed Shah; but as he knew that the object could not be accomplished without the concurrence of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, he deputed Meer Abool Kasim as ambassador to the court of Golconda, who induced the King to send Ameer Shah Meer, with ten thousand horse, to assist the King of Ahmudnuggur. Ally Bereed Shah deputed an ambassador to the court of Beejapoor, and solicited Ally Adil Shah to march to his aid. The latter consented; but required, as a preliminary, that Ally Bereed should give up a certain young eunuch, celebrated for his beauty throughout the Deccan, and to whom he was much attached. The reduction of the fort of Bidur appearing inevitable without assistance from Beejapoor, Ally Bereed reluctantly agreed to the demand of Ally Adil Shah. When the latter heard of the approach of this youth, he went out to meet him, and appointed an elegant palace for his reception. But on his first interview, the young man was so incensed at the behaviour of Ally Adil Shah, that, drawing forth a

dagger, he stabbed the King to the heart. ^439a This event happened on the night of Thursday, the 23d of Suffur, A. H. 987.

The eunuch, as might be expected, fell a victim to his conduct. Ally Adil Shah having left no children was succeeded by his nephew Ibrahim, the son of his brother Tahmasp; but as the death of his uncle was succeeded by internal commotions, and as Ibrahim was himself very young, Moortuza Nizam Shah took the opportunity of attacking his territories; for which purpose he appointed Behzad-ool-Moolk Toork, with an army, to invade Bee-japoor. Behzad-ool-Moolk was opposed by the Beejapoor troops at the village of Darasun, situated between Nuldoorg and Sholapoor, where he sustained a defeat, and was pursued to the neighbourhood of Bidur. The Nizam Shahies, in their retreat, formed a junction with Syud Moor-tuza, a Nizam Shahy general who had marched from Berar to assist in the siege. Moortuza Nizam Shah now recalled Behzad-ool-Moolk from the field, giving the supreme command to Syud Moortuza, who, after having been joined by Ameer Shah Meer and the Kootb Shahy auxiliaries, marched to Nul-doorg, where the army of Ibrahim Adil Shah was still encamped. Another action ensued, after which the Beejapoor troops took refuge in the fort. A great part of the Beejapoor army being now closely besieged in Nuldoorg, it was thought advisable for the allies to proceed to Beejapoor itself. Accordingly they marched at midnight; but the troops in Nuldoorg hearing of their intention quitted the fort soon after sunset, and proceeded with expedition to their capital, which they reached before the enemy. On the arrival of the allies they were opposed by Yekhlas Khan and Dilawur Khan with great bravery, who had nearly defeated the Nizam Shahy troops, when the Golconda cavalry charging, turned the fate of the day, and the Adil Shahies were compelled to seek shelter within the walls of the city, leaving two elephants, Atushpara and Koohpara ^440a in the hands of the enemy. On the following day, a body of Abyssinians made a sally from the fort, but were repulsed. At this time news arrived, that Ameer Zein, who had been sent with a division of Kootb Shahy troops from Golconda to reduce the districts of Nakavy, Culloor, and Kakny, after having occupied those places, was on the march to join the allies at Beejapoor; but Ibrahim Adil Shah determining, if possible, to prevent this junction, directed Mirza Noor-ood-Deen Nyshapoory, with five thousand cavalry, to march at night and intercept the detachment under Ameer Zein.

The districts of Kakny, Culloor, and Nakavy, were originally taken by Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah from the Hindoos; but in the short reign of Soobhan Koolly, Ally Adil Shah had wrested them from the Golconda officers; and although Ibrahim Kootb Shah was at all times ready to assert his just claims, yet from the constant warfare in which he had been engaged it was not thought politic to demand them from Ally Adil Shah while he was in alliance, or desirable to engage in war merely for their sake. The demand was, therefore, never made; but now an opportunity presented itself of recovering them that could not be resisted; for which purpose, Ameer Zein with a considerable force had been appointed. This general was at first opposed by Dowlut Khan and Meean Boodoo, who were defeated, and compelled to fly. The towns of Kakny, Nakavy, and Kurnul, fell into Ameer Zein's hands; and having left garrisons in each, he proceeded to the fort of Culloor, which was also taken without opposition. At this time, Ameer Zein received information that one hundred and fifty elephants belonging to Ibrahim Adil Shah, which were at Sagur, were proceeding to Beejapoor; he accordingly marched to intercept them; but the elephants had returned to Sagur, and he was disappointed of his prey. The commandant of Sagur, Syud Ashruf, with a party of three thousand Marratta cavalry, attacked the Kootb Shahies, but was defeated with great loss, and himself taken prisoner. Ameer Zein now set fire to the town of Sagur, and proceeded to reduce the fort of Madurgy, which soon fell, thence he marched to Etgeer, where he defeated another detachment of Adil Shahy troops. Having recovered all the estates formerly belonging to the Golconda government, Ameer Zein was directed to levy a lack of hoons (40,000l.), and to collect ten thousand candies of grain from the inhabitants, and march to Beejapoor. The enemy made great exertions to intercept this convoy; and fifty thousand infantry, from the forts of Nulgonda, ^442a Koolburga, and Sagur, attacked Ameer Zein at the village of Ulmulla; but they were defeated with the loss of two thousand men, after which the convoy continued its march. It was again intercepted by thirty thousand infantry, and measures adopted to prevent his cavalry from obtaining forage: indeed every effort was made on the part of Beeja-poor to cut off Ameer Zein's detachment before its junction with the allied army; for which purpose Mirza Noor-ood-Deen Nyshapoory, with five thousand cavalry, had been detached from the fort. The besiegers, having intimation of his march, sent an equal force to pursue him; which overtaking the Beejapoor troops on the second day routed them, and enabled Ameer Zein, with his valuable supply of money and provisions, to join the allies in spite of all the exertions of the enemy. At this time a civil war raged within the town; and Kishwur Khan and Ein-ool-Moolk, two of the principal officers of the Beejapoor court, were compelled to fly from the fury of the Abyssinians, and to seek protection in the allied camp.

On the following day, the Abyssinians sent one of their party privately to Syud Moortuza, commander-in-chief of the Nizam Shahy troops, proposing to replace Shah Abool Hussun, the son of Shah Tahir (who was a great friend of Syud Moortuza), in the situation of minister at Beejapoor, on condition that the Nizam Shahy troops should attack Ameer Shah Meer, the commander-in-chief of the Kootb Shahy troops. So little care was taken by the parties to conceal this proposal, that it accidentally came to the ears of Ameer Shah Meer himself. Syud Moortuza, finding the secret had been discovered, instantly went to Ameer Shah Meer and communicated to him, with apparent frankness, the overtures which the Abyssinians of Beejapoor had made, and they agreed to take the most solemn oaths to support each other. The Abyssinians, defeated in this plot, devised another method of raising the siege. They employed ten thousand Marratta cavalry to harass the foragers, and so cut off supplies. In this system of warfare they were so successful that the allies found it impossible to continue the blockade, and therefore determined to ravage the country. They accordingly raised the siege, and laid waste and plundered the districts of Mirch, Raybagh, Punala, Satara, and Hookery. Thence they proceeded towards Kool-burga, and determined to besiege the fort of Nul-doorg. At this time news arrived of the death of Ibrahim Kootb Shah of Golconda, and of the accession of his son, Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, to the throne.

When the late king, Ibrahim Kootb Shah, had settled the countries of the Hindoos on his southern frontier, and despatched his commander. Ameer Shah Meer, to oppose the armies of his Maho-medan neighbours, he vested the management of the affairs of his government in the hands of one Moorhary Row, a Marratta bramin, to whom was attached a body of ten thousand infantry, under the command of Mahomedan officers of rank, with permission to beat the nobut. Moorhary Row was in every respect the second person in the state, not even excepting the princes of the blood-royal. In the latter end of the late king's reign, this unprincipled infidel proceeded with a force towards a famous temple near Adony, where he attacked the inhabitants, laid waste the country, and sacked it of its idols, made of gold and silver, and studded with rubies. He levied also four lacks of hoons (160,000l.) from the inhabitants. At sight of the idols the King ^444a was taken seriously ill, and

never recovered. He died on Thursday the 21st of Rubbee-oos-Sany, A. H. 988, in the thirty-first year of his reign, and fifty-first of his age, and was buried in the Lungur gardens.

Ibrahim Kootb Shah had thirty children, of whom six sons and thirteen daughters arrived at the age of maturity.

The eldest son, Abdool Kadur, entitled Shah Sahib, was confined in the fort of Dewurconda, where he died in his twenty-first year, and was buried in the Lungur gardens at Golconda.

The second son, Mirza Hoossein Koolly, was drowned while bathing in the Namumpilly tank, at the age of twenty-six, in the year 994; but his body was found, and buried in the Lungur gardens at Golconda.

The third son was Mahomed Koolly, who succeeded his father on his throne.

The fourth son was Mirza Abdool Futteh. He was thirteen years of age at his father's death, and died in his twenty-eighth year, in a fit, A. H. 1003.

The fifth son was Mirza Mahomed Khooda-bunda, full-brother to Mahomed Koolly. He was famed for his bravery; but in the year 1018 he engaged in a plot to dethrone his elder brother, and being confined in the fort of Golconda, died, A. H. 1020, in the thirtieth year of his age.

The sixth son was Mirza Mahomed Ameen. He was the youngest child of his father, and died a natural death, A. H. 1004, in the twenty-fifth year of his age.

It is not related in any history that the army of this prince was defeated while he commanded in person. In the camp he was attended by learned men, whom he used to consult on points of law; and such was the vigilance of his authority and the excellence of his police administration, that an old woman might pass with a tray of gold on her head from Golconda to Bengal, to Beejapoor, or to Ahmudnuggur, without fear of molestation; a circumstance the more to be wondered at, when we consider the dexterity and the boldness of the robbers of Tulingana. Of the conquests achieved in this reign the principal are those of Cossimcota, Rajmundry, and Condbeer. Among the many edifices erected for the purposes of charity, for public offices, for royal residences, or for general utility, the following are the most conspicuous: — The fortifications around the hill of Golconda; the Ibrahim Gardens; the Goolshun, or Flower Garden; the Lungur, or Alms-house, dedicated to the twelve Imams; the Tank at Ibrahimputtun; the Tank called Hoossein Sagur; the Dam at Bood-wul, and the Kala Chubootra, or Black Terrace at Golconda, besides numerous mosques and colleges which were erected under his direction. During the just reign of Ibrahim Kootb Shah, Tulingana, like Egypt, became the mart of the whole world. Merchants from Toorkistan, Arabia, and Persia, resorted to it; and they met with such encouragement that they found in it inducements to return frequently. The greatest luxuries from foreign parts daily abounded at this king's hospitable board; and praise be to God that the virtuous habits of this illustrious house still increase; and may they continue to do so till the end of time!

Succeeds his father on the throne — makes war with the Hin-doos of Beejanuggur. — Cummum besieged. — The King builds the city of Bhagnuggur, the name of which is subsequently changed to Hydrabad. — The army takes Curnool and Nundial — marches and reduces Gundicotta (Ganjicotta), Moosulmooroo, and Kurpa (Cuddapa). — Roostoom Khan is sent to join the army in the south — his cowardly conduct leads to the discomfiture of the Mahomedans. — A rebellion created by Shah Sahib — is defeated near Pagtoor. — Insurrection in Tulingana. — Operations along the eastern coast of the peninsula. — Arrival of an embassy from Persia. — Serious riots in the city of Hydrabad. — Revolt in Cossimcota. — The Raja of Bustar plunders part of the King's territory. — An army is sent to attack him. — Great difficulty experienced in penetrating to Bustar, which project is eventually abandoned. — Death of the King. — Public works executed during his reign.

IBRAHIM was succeeded by his third son, Mahomed Koolly, who assumed the family title of Kootb Shah. The first act of his reign was to proceed and join his army, then engaged in the siege of Nuldoorg, with a large reinforcement. He commenced his approaches on that side of the fort where the ditch was dry, but the governor making several sallies prevented the batteries from being completed, and little progress was made during two months. At length, a breach was reported practicable, and attempts were made to storm the place. The garrison repelled several attacks by hurling boxes filled with gunpowder and stones down the breach and over the walls. In this state of affairs, news arrived that an army of twenty thousand Marratta cavalry had arrived in the skirts of the camp, so that the besiegers were compelled to defer their attacks on the fort for the present. Shortly after this, the allies received overtures for peace from Ibrahim Adil Shah, to which the King of Golconda assented, and raised the siege; and having dismissed the Nizam Shahy troops under Syud Moortuza Khan, he returned to his capital.

During the late reign, one Ally Khan Loor, ^448a a person of low origin, had been raised to the rank of an Ameer (or noble), owing to his great good conduct in the field; and was subsequently placed in command of the troops south of the Krishna, in the neighbourhood of Condbeer; but the governor of that province, Ray Row, a bramin, not giving him an estate for the payment of his troops as soon as he wished or expected, Ally Khan became disgusted, and joined the Raja of Beejanuggur with a number of his adherents, volunteering, at the same time, to lead an army against Condbeer. Ally Khan being assisted by Meekur Tima, the son-in-law of the Ray of Beejanuggur, with a force of thirty thousand infantry, besides some cavalry, and fifty elephants, marched to the Condbeer province. In the first place, he besieged the fort of Cummum, but was compelled to fight the royalists under Ray Row, who gave him a total defeat; on which occasion ten thousand of his infantry are said to have been killed and wounded, and four elephants, together with the great drum of the enemy, were taken, while Ally Khan and Mekur Tima made the best of their way towards Beejanuggur; but the Raja refused them his countenance or support. Ally Khan, however, marched about from place to place raising troops; and was thus employed when the King directed Raheem Dad and Tahir Ma-homed Khan Patan, ^449a with a large force to the southward. Ally Khan by this time had collected an army, and was laying waste the district of Condapilly. The royalists marched thither, and Ally Khan threw himself into the fort of Ardinga; but not thinking himself secure, he left a force to occupy it, and fled to the hills. The royalists having arrived at Ardinga took it by storm, and put every man to death. From thence they pursued Ally Khan, who, having posted a party of infantry in an ambuscade in the woods, surprised and slew many of the royalists; but his party was eventually overpowered by numbers, and compelled to fly, with the loss of a thousand men killed and wounded, and as many taken prisoners. At this period, Afzul Khan Hawaldar† ^449b of Suntravul joined the royalists with a thousand cavalry; and Ally Khan, informed of the fate of the garrison of Ardinga, marched to the sea-port of Nizampatam, where he plundered all the wealthy merchants of their property; thence he made a rapid march towards Condbeer, and fell on Kishwur Khan, who with a small force was encamped near that place. The attack completely succeeded, and the royalists were plundered of all they possessed. Ally Khan now retreated to Anumbole, where he surprised Afzul Khan's detachment, plundered his camp, and put many of his men to death. Ally Khan was subsequently pursued by Raheem Dad; and in an action which he was compelled to fight he was killed, and the royalists under Raheem Dad returned to the capital, where that chief was honoured with the title of Alum Khan.

About this time, Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah espoused the daughter of the famous general Ameer Shah Meer.^450a

Dilawur Khan, the regent of Beejapoor during the nonage of Ibrahim Adil Shah II., thought that nothing would so effectually preserve the dominions of his master as an alliance with the King of Golconda; and after the war a splendid embassy came from that court to Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, requesting the hand of the Princess Mullika Zuman, the King's sister, for Ibrahim Adil Shah; and according to an agreement which took place on this occasion, the royal bridegroom marched to the fort of Nuldoorg, where he was met by the bride from Golconda, accompanied by most of the principal nobles of the Kootb Shahy court: a treaty of perpetual amity and friendship was also settled on the same occasion.

A. H. 998.
A. D. 1589. In the year 998 the King determined to remove the seat of his government, on account of the confined situation of Golconda, which from many causes, particularly the want of water, became extremely unhealthy: he accordingly fixed on a spot situated at the distance of five coss from his former capital, on the banks of the river Moosy, where he laid the foundation of a new city, which was called Bhagnuggur (after his favourite mistress Bhagmutty); but after her death he ordered it to be called Hydrabad, ^451a although for many years it retained its original name. It soon flourished to a very extensive degree, the courtiers vying with each other in building palaces, and constructing gardens. Great pains were taken to introduce water in every direction; and the increase of the land-rents alone, arising out of increased facility of irrigation, amounted to four lacks of hoons ^452a annually. Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah built an elegant musjid and the chahar minar in the middle of the city. The latter building is quadrangular with four arcades, each arch occupying the whole space between the minarets at its corners. Over the centre is a dome, and under the dome is a fountain of excellent water. There are small apartments in each minaret, intended for the use of the professors and students of the college. The King also built baths, hospitals, and other colleges, all of which were suitably furnished; and the attendants for the two former, and learned doctors for the latter, were liberally paid by government.

Many years now elapsed without any war taking place, the King's attention being entirely occupied in the framing of good regulations for the government of his country, and the promotion of the welfare of his subjects: but he at length resolved to extend his conquests to the south; and having collected his troops, crossed the Krishna, and first of all attacked the fort of Moo-sulmooroo.† ^452b The Hindoos received the Kootb Shahy army with a volley of musketry and discharges of cannon; but they suffered for their temerity, as the place soon fell. The army now directed its march towards Nundial and Kulgoor. ^453a These two forts were at this time in the possession of Buswunt Raj, the son-in-law of the late Ramraj, and his nephew Nursing Raj. They were attacked by the Mahomedans, when, after a few days, the Raja consented to pay an annual tribute, and to deliver up the keys. After which many other zemindars in that neighbourhood were induced to become tributaries; among whom were those of Jumulmooroo, Joodry, Churwul, Nunduat-cota, Dole, Chinnoor, and Gundicota.†^453b

As most of the petty rajas of Beejanuggur had now bent their necks to the Mahomedan yoke, the King determined to reduce all those in the neighbourhood of his camp; he therefore directed his minister, Ameer-ool-Moolk, with the greater part of the army, to attack the fort of Gundicota. This place was in possession of Nursing Raj, the nephew of the late Ramraj, and was celebrated for a famous temple, to which the surrounding Hindoos of Beejanuggur, to the number of one hundred thousand, used to repair once annually, to pay their devotions, and to make large pecuniary offerings to the idol. After standing a siege of some duration Nursing Raj consented to become tributary to the King of Golconda.

When the throne of Beejanuggur devolved on Venkutputty, it appears that prince, in breach of the treaties existing between his predecessor and the King of Golconda, removed his seat of government to the fort of Penconda, situated on the Kootb Shahy frontier. He also made some incursions and invasions into the Golconda dominions; for the prevention of which the King marched his army, after the reduction of Gundicota, towards Penconda, where he arrived without opposition, and immediately commenced the siege; but in a short time Venkutputty deputed his minister Gopraj Tima, and his general Pavia Chitty, as ambassadors to the King, who, upon their making due submission, agreed to an armistice, preparatory to negotiating terms of peace. The Hindoos, taking advantage of the absence of the Maho-medans from the vicinity of the fort, supplied themselves in three days with provisions for a siege; and on the fourth the famous Jugdew Row, accompanied by Goolrung Setty, Munoopraj, and Papia Samywar, at the head of thirty thousand infantry and cavalry, besides four thousand musketeers, threw themselves into the fort. When the King discovered these proceedings he renewed the siege; but his forces made little impression. The rains were now approaching, provisions also were scarce in the camp; and aware that the inundation of the Krishna river would cut off all communication with the Golconda territory, the King deemed it advisable to raise the siege. Accordingly, having left Sunjur Khan in Gundicota, Asyrow in Moossul-mooroo, and Juggutrow in Nundial, and placing a large army under the command of Moortuza Khan in the territories south of the Krishna, Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah returned to his capital. The Mahomedan troops having been required to join the grand army proceeding against Gundicota and Penconda, had left the district of Condbeer wholly unprotected. Venkutputty took advantage of this circumstance to distract the attention of the enemy, by despatching a force to assist Kowlanunda, the Raja of Udgerrydoorg, and wrote to him to make a sudden inroad on the enemy's rear, by plundering and laying waste all his territory as far as Cond-beer and the Krishna. Kowlanunda, after being joined by this detachment, sent his son-in-law Woo-rias Ray to carry this scheme into effect.

Afzul Khan, the governor of the province of Condbeer, finding his districts laid waste, and unable, for want of troops, to oppose the Hindoos, sent intimation to all the jageerdars to collect their best cavalry and retaliate, by making an inroad by the route of Ongole, into the Udgerrydoorg territory; a measure that induced the Hindoos to return for the protection of their own country, and they came up with Afzul Khan and surrounded his army. This small party, after defending itself for some time, began to give up every thing as lost, when Ajda Khan, with five hundred cavalry, came to its assistance; and before the enemy could discover his numbers, charged upon his rear. This sudden attack by fresh troops completely changed the fate of the day; and Woorias Ray was defeated, with the loss of three thousand men killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, and all his camp-equipage.

The sudden swelling of the rivers, and the absence of the King with his army, gave Venkut-putty leisure to muster the whole of his forces, which amounted to one hundred thousand men. The leaders were Yeltumraj, Goolrung Setty, and Munoopraj, who marched to recover Gundicota from the hands of Sunjur Khan. Here the enemy were daily opposed by sallies from the garrison, but they persevered in the siege; when they heard that Moortuza Khan, with the main army of the Mahomedans, had penetrated as far as the city of Kurpa, the most famous city of that country, wherein was a large temple. This edifice the Ma-homedans destroyed as far as practicable, broke the idol, and sacked the city. Venkutputty, on intimation of the intelligence, detached Yeltumraj and Munoopraj, with ten thousand cavalry, to attack Moortuza Khan; but after a severe action, the Hindoos were defeated, and compelled to seek safety in flight.

Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah no sooner heard of these attacks, and fully aware of the small number of his forces in the south, than he detached Roostoom Khan, at the head of five thousand horse, to reinforce Moortuza Khan, and also to assume the command of all the troops. Meanwhile Moortuza Khan continued to defend himself for three whole months against the Hindoos, whose numbers increased to that degree, that the Maho-medans found it impossible to give them battle, but confined their operations to plundering and cutting off supplies. The moment Roostoom Khan joined the army, Moortuza Khan, conscious that they could effect nothing by an action in the field, proposed that he, with half of the army, should march towards Beejanuggur, and that Roostoom Khan should, with the other half, still continue the predatory warfare. Roostoom Khan having assumed the principal command neglected all advice from Moortuza Khan. On the day after his arrival, he crossed a river in his front, and imprudently encamped on a black clayey soil, ^457a where the rain had fallen, but he did not proceed to attack the Hindoos. The enemy having ascertained that a reinforcement had arrived, delayed also to engage the Mahomedans. At this time, whether to amuse their own soldiers, or for what reason is immaterial, the Hindoos dressed up a red bullock† ^457b with gilded horns, and having painted it with many different colours, and fastened bells to its legs and neck, drove it towards the Mahomedans. Roostoom Khan, who happened to be in front of the army and alone, becoming alarmed at the strange appearance of the animal, galloped off to the rear in dismay, and communicated a panic to his troops. The Hindoos, observing a confusion in the lines of the Mahomedans, took advantage of it to surround them with their musketeers, and galled them on all sides. The Mahomedan cavalry, in which their principal force consisted, unable to charge through the heavy black soil, were shot one by one, and might have been annihilated, but for Moortuza Khan, who collecting a small party forced his way through the enemy's ranks, and thus covered the retreat of many of the Mahomedans; but all the camp-equipage was taken, and a heavy loss sustained. Roostoom Khan, who was a notorious boaster, was disgraced on his return to Hydrabad, by being dressed in female attire, after which he was banished the kingdom; while Moortuza Khan was honoured with titles and valuable presents.

The King determined to spare neither men nor money to carry on the war against the Hindoos: he accordingly directed Etibar Khan Yezdy, the Hawaldar of Condbeer (henceforth called Moor-tuza Nuggur), ^459a to collect all the troops under his command, with orders to march towards Beejanug-gur†, ^459b and to lay in ashes all the enemy's towns in his route. On learning of the approach of the Mahomedans, the Hindoos dispersed in every direction, and occupied the woods with their infantry. On this occasion Nursa Nundraj, the Raja of Anuntgeer (one of the most famous hill-forts in those parts), marched at the head of fifty thousand infantry and three thousand horse, with the resolution of harassing the Ma-homedan army by night-attacks. Accordingly, having selected for this purpose ten thousand rock-eteers, he surrounded their camp. As soon as he arrived in their neighbourhood, a severe storm of rain came on, which prevented him from carrying his plan into effect; and the Mahomedans, finding him so near, did not fail to attack on the following day. After a severe action, in which the Maho-medans lost a great number of men, they were at length victorious, and took prisoners all the families of the Hindoos, besides their camp-equipage. Etibar Khan now proceeded to the town of Ca-listry, which he reached after a month's march from Golconda. Here he destroyed the Hindoo idols, and ordered prayers to be read in the temples. These edifices may well be compared in magnificence with the buildings and paintings of China, with which they vie in beauty and workmanship. Having given a signal example of the Mahomedan power in that distant country, the Hindoos did not dare to interrupt his return. Thus was the force of the Mahomedans, south of the Krishna, employed for several years. At the period when Ameen-ool-Moolk became Meer Joomla, or minister, to Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, he sent officers to collect the balances of the customs due to the government from the different jageerdars. This demand had been so long deferred, that the jageerdars, deeming it an innovation, prepared to rebel; and in consequence Alum Khan Patan Khan Khanan, Sabajee Mar-ratta, and Bala Row, resisted the authority of the collectors, and not only refused to pay but made overtures to the Raja of Beejanuggur to join him in opposing the King's forces; and as a proof of their intentions they plundered the country belonging to the crown in the neighbourhood of Condbeer.

Etibar Khan reported the disaffection of these officers to court, and Ameen-ool-Moolk volunteered to lead a force against them; for which purpose he left Hydrabad with ten thousand horse. On his arrival near Condbeer, he was met by Kowla-nund the governor, whom he believed to be the instigator of the rebellion, and immediately caused him to be hanged. This prompt measure alarmed the insurgents; for although they had collected seven thousand cavalry and ten thousand infantry, and had strengthened the fort of Ardinga, they now began to waver in their councils, and instead of opposing the royalists, retreated to join the Ray of Beejanuggur. Ameen-ool-Moolk pursued them, but contenting himself with devastating and occupying their estates, he returned to Condbeer, where having seized a number of Naigwaries, who had formerly been with the rebels, caused them to be executed to the number of two hundred, after which he returned to Hydrabad.

About this time, a person calling himself Shah Sahib, caused a considerable commotion in the state. The circumstances are as follow:—

Ibrahim Kootb Shah's eldest son, Abdool Ka-dur , ^461a taking a religious turn, acquired the appellation of Shah Sahib, or the Saint, and married one of the ladies of a holy family of Bidur, the descendants of Shah Khuleel Oolla, who traces his pedigree to Shah Neamut Oolla Wully. ^462a He was confined to the fort of Dewurconda by his father, and died in his twenty-first year; but his body was brought to the capital, interred in the family vault at Golconda, and the Princess, his wife, returned to her relations at Bidur. At this period, a person who had been a companion of the Prince in his lifetime had the assurance to give out in the city of Bidur that he was the Prince Shah Sahib, and so imposed on the relations of his wife, that they really believed him to be the same person. Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, upon hearing of this circumstance, sent for the people who were present at the death of his elder brother, and having ascertained, beyond a doubt, that he had been buried twenty years ago, he wrote a letter to Ally Bereed Shah, the King of Bidur, to seize the impostor. He was accordingly taken up and imprisoned; but the holy fraternity in Bidur procured his enlargement, and secured him a safe retreat towards Beejanuggur, where he was joined by numbers of discontented and factious persons. Among these were Khodawund Khan the Abyssinian, who was famed throughout the Deccan for his bravery, and Kheir Ally Khan, the son of Dilawur Khan† ^462b of Beejapoor. The impostor, having collected from three to four thousand cavalry, proclaimed himself the rightful heir of the crown of Golconda, and established a camp on the banks of the Krishna. Thence he wrote letters of invitation to several Naigwary chiefs in Tulingana, and sending his emissaries into Golconda, made overtures to the nobles about court. Some of the latter received these advances favourably, but they afterwards suffered for their treason. The King, in the mean time, directed Etibar Khan to march with his troops from Condbeer to engage the pretender; and having also sent a force from Golconda, he caused the army to rendezvous at Pangul. Before the arrival of the King's army, the pretender's troops were devastating the country, so that Etibar Khan pushed on with two thousand cavalry and attacked them. These consisted of six thousand horse besides infantry; but they suffered a total defeat in spite of the valour of Khodawund Khan the Abyssinian, who was unhorsed and taken prisoner. The pretender was compelled to fly, and sought refuge in the fort of Tuckull, ^463a whence he made good his way to Beejapoor, where he threw himself on the protection of Ibrahim Adil Shah II.; after which, he never set up his claims, but died in obscurity.

At this period, Bhaybulundur, the Raja of the district of Cossimcota, who regularly sent his tribute every year, died; and his son, Mukoond Raj, a boy of twelve years of age, was left as his heir. Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah immediately sent letters acknowledging him as successor, and invited him to the capital, where he was honoured with a dress of instalment, and returned to his government; but scarcely had he reached it, when, at the instigation of his relative Vidiadry, he put to death his brother Dewraj, and sometime after made an attempt to seize the person of Birlas Khan, the King's governor in that country. Such outrages called for the immediate interference of the King, particularly as the Raja, confiding on the valour of his troops and his native woods and mountains for protection, had not sent the annual tribute to court.

The King accordingly directed his general, Meer Zein-ool-Abideen, Roosoomdar, ^464a with a force to proceed against the Raja. Upon his arrival near Cossimcota, the general deputed a person to Mu-koond Raj, requiring of him to pay the arrears of tribute, and to promise more punctuality in its future payment; but that foolish youth refused to give any satisfaction; and as the Mahomedans were too few to enforce their demand, Meer Zein-ool-Abideen wrote to court for reinforcements. The King immediately directed the Ameer Joomla, Ameen-ool-Moolk, with more troops to join the former detachment, and to assume the principal command. Ameer Joomla was accompanied by Shunkur Raj, the nephew of the late Bhaybu-lundur. Mukoond Raj, alarmed at the serious preparations made to attack him, wrote to the neighbouring rajas for assistance, as well as to Venkutputty, Raja of Beejanuggur, to induce him to take advantage of the moment, and to detach a force to Condbeer, while he with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry engaged the King's army in the neighbourhood of Raj-mundry. After a bloody battle, in which Shunkur Raj was killed, and the Mahomedans nearly defeated, the fate of the day was decided by Ameen-ool-Moolk, who had remained on the flanks, with a large body of cavalry, waiting for a favourable opportunity to charge the enemy's infantry, which he entirely routed. On this occasion the Maho-medans lost several brave officers and men; but the victory was complete; and Mukoond Raj with his flying troops fled through the woods, and did not halt till they reached Cossimcota. On his arrival there Mukoond Raj put to death Birlas Khan and Ghuzunfur Beg, together with several other Maho-medans whom he inveigled into his presence. Shortly after this, the Mahomedan army arriving near Cossimcota, Mukoond Raj, who could now expect no quarter, retired towards Mudwara ^465a and Chicacole. Ameen-ool-Moolk pursued him thither, laying waste the country, and levelling with the dust all the towns and villages in the route. Mu-koond Raj, unable to cope with the royal troops, continued his flight to Pettapoor, and for a long time fled from village to village, in the woods and hills. The Mahomedans gave him no rest, and compelled him to seek an asylum with Ramchundur Raj, a prince of great fame and power in those parts. Ramchundur, in order to repel the invaders, wrote letters to Madhoo Sing, a raja whose country bordered on Bengal, and who, with a large army of Rajpoots, was in the service of Akbur Padshah of Dehly. Madhoo Sing, at the request of Ramchundur, marched to his assistance, while Ameen-ool-Moolk pursued the fugitive into that raja's dominions, levying contributions on the towns, devastating the villages, and pillaging the open country. Madhoo Sing, finding that no advantage was to be gained in the war, withdrew to Bengal, leaving Ramchundur to the alternative of becoming a tributary to the King of Golconda. Mukoond Raj, unable to secure a retreat in that country, was obliged to fly and seek protection in Bengal. Ameen-ool-Moolk, having settled affairs to his wishes, left Alum Khan, Asy Row, and two Reddywar ^466a officers, for the protection of that frontier, and himself returned to Cossimcota, where he established the King's troops, and assumed charge of the government. Thus having given an account of the campaign against Mu-koond Raj, let us now turn towards the motions of Venkutputty, Raja of Beejanuggur, who we have seen had been invited to take advantage of the moment, and to invade the district of Condbeer. Independently of the letters from Mukoond Raj, he had another strong motive to adopt this measure: as a great part of the King's army was employed in supporting the falling government of Ahmudnuggur, which capital was at this period besieged by the Prince Moorad Mirza, the son of Akbur Padshah, no moment could, therefore, be more favourable than the present. Venkutputty, in consequence, collected all his troops, and marched towards Condbeer with an army consisting of two hundred thousand horse and infantry, and one thousand elephants. The King of Golconda had been previously informed of his intentions, and directed his army, under Adil Khan Bungy, ^467a accompanied by two hundred elephants, and many guns, to oppose him. Adil Khan first proceeded direct to Condbeer with his cavalry, but was obliged to remain there sometime for his guns; while Venkutputty, who had not advanced beyond his frontier, finding that the King's troops had arrived, and that the army was very formidable, thought it prudent to send ambassadors with rich presents to the King at Golconda. The ambassadors had directions to make his excuse, by saying that the object for which he had left his capital, and come towards Condbeer, was merely for the purpose of seeing the lake at Cummum.† ^467b Orders were accordingly issued to Adil Khan Bungy to refrain from invading his territories, but to remain with the army at Condbeer as a corps of observation.

When the whole of the troops had been withdrawn from Rajmundry and Ellore, for the purpose of attacking Mukoond Raj in Cossimcota, the Reddywars of that country, taking advantage of the moment, began to plunder and attack the surrounding towns, such as Neerdole and Ellore, and P'harchully, ^468a which compelled the unfortunate inhabitants to fly to the woods. Upon intimation of these proceedings at the capital, orders were sent to Adil Khan to proceed against the Reddy-wars. He accordingly marched, and routed them in all directions; but they only fled to collect on a spot where they could make a stand with advantage. The whole of the country being woody and hilly, it was difficult to pursue them; and when the royalists attempted to cross one of the rivers, they found the banks lined with twenty thousand infantry, who prevented them. Here they halted till guns and rockets could be procured from Raj-mundry, which were not furnished until orders to that effect were received from court; when Meer Zein-ool-Abideen and Kurreem Khan, with all the musketeers and rocket-men in the neighbourhood, proceeded to support Adil Khan Bungy. Finding that nothing could be effected without crossing the river, several detachments were sent to explore a ford. Babajee and D'hurmarow at length discovered one, about ten miles from the camp. Having crossed which, they attacked the enemy's infantry on the opposite bank. The passage was well defended; but as the King's detachment was soon after supported by the main army, the Reddywars fled, and sought protection in the hills and woods. The royalists pursued them to the mouth of a narrow pass which the enemy had stockaded and blocked up with stones and trees, behind which they had placed guns and musketeers. This work was gallantly stormed and taken, although not without considerable loss on both sides. At length the Reddywars went a deputation to court, and the King's armies were recalled. Adil Khan Bungy returned to Golconda, and Meer Zein-ool-Abideen to his government of Cossimcota, where some disturbances had arisen during his absence.

When Mukoond Raj first opposed the King's authority, Shunkur Raj the nephew, and Hurry-chundur the brother, of Bhaybulundur were at Hydrabad, and proceeded with Ameen-ool-Moolk against Mukoond Raj. Shunkur Raj, as has been related, fell in the battle of Rajmundry.

At that time one Rawoot Row, a petty raja in the command of a body of cavalry and infantry, and who was famed for his courage, had sometime before joined, and subsequently acted in concert with Ameen-ool-Moolk; but being offended at some orders issued by him, Rawoot Row quitted the King's camp without permission, and afterwards induced Hurrychundur to quit it also, and to unite with him in an attempt to establish Hurry-chundur in the government of his ancestors at Cos-simcota. The first display of open violence evinced by Rawoot Row was to collect a force of ten thousand infantry, with which he made night-attacks on the King's army, whose vengeance they escaped by taking shelter in the woods and fastnesses in that strong country. They were, however, pursued; and in a skirmish which took place Rawoot Row lost his life by an arrow wound. This event put an end to any more resistance for the present; but Hurrychundur, making his escape, fled to Veij Nat Dew, a tributary raja in the neighbourhood, whom he induced to espouse his cause. At the same time, Hurrychundur wrote to Mukoond Raj, entitled Bhaybulundur, to collect his dependents, and attack the fort of Joorjoora, ^470a then in possession of Mullik Naib. Mukoond Raj, having brought together all the Munewars and Naig-waries in the neighbourhood, marched and laid siege to Joorjoora, which was gallantly defended by the Moslems; but it was so vigorously attacked, that an assault was made, and the scaling ladders applied to the walls, when Chungiz Khan, one of the King's officers, arrived with a reinforcement, and not only saved the place but defeated the enemy, which dispersed in all directions. In the mean while, Veij Nat Dew and Hurrychun-dur marched to attack Meer Zein-ool-Abideen's army, with a force consisting of five thousand cavalry and thirty thousand infantry: they were, however, also defeated, with considerable loss, and Veij Nat Dew fled to the fort of Veeragootum, and the Mahomedans encamped at Narainpatam. In the mean time, Mukoond Raj of Julmoor invested the fort of Mahomed Koolly Kootbshahabad; but on hearing of the defeat of Veij Nat Dew he raised the siege, and fled to his capital, a strong hill-fort situated amid the hills and woods of those parts. He was pursued by Chungiz Khan for two months; when, finding himself unable to hold out much longer, he wrote letters to Veij Nat Dew, informing him of his situation. Veij Nat Dew detached his nephew, Nowlapa Nurswundy, with two thousand cavalry, thirty thousand infantry, and one hundred elephants, under the command of Hurrychundur, to his assistance. The Mahomedan army, composed of five thousand horse and ten thousand infantry, marched to oppose this force, which had taken post in the centre of a valley, surrounded on all sides by hills difficult of access. The King's troops, however, gained the heights, and came down upon the enemy in all directions. The Hindoos were defeated, and saved their lives by a precipitate flight. Hurry-chundur was pursued day after day, till at length his party, being surrounded, was defeated, after a bloody action, while himself and his colleague, Nowlapa Nurswundy, made their escape with difficulty, and left in the enemy's hands many of Veij Nat Dew's relations, who were wounded and taken prisoners. Veij Nat Dew, finding that no advantage was to be gained by supporting Hurrychundur in so unprofitable a war, sent an ambassador with thirty thousand hoons ^472a and fifty elephants to purchase a peace, and to consent to pay the same amount annually as tribute. The terms were accepted; but the Raja's relations were kept prisoners as hostages until the delivery of Nowlapa Nurswundy, his nephew, whom the Mahomedans insisted on being given into their hands, as he was considered the principal promoter of the war.

After having concluded hostilities with Veij Nat Dew, Meer Zein-ool-Abideen detached Chun-giz Khan with a considerable army against Mu-koond Raj Bhaybulundur, who occupied Julmoor. Mukoond Raj's force encamped at Verool, a place situated among the hills, and famous on account of its caverns†, ^472b on which spot he was attacked by Chungiz Khan. On the first day neither party had any apparent advantage; but on the following the Hindoos were defeated, and Mukoond Raj fled to Julmoor, whence also flying, he left his country and property to fall into the hands of the faithful, and sought shelter in the Bengal provinces.

Julmoor was now occupied by the Mahome-dans; and the whole of the province of Cossim-cota promised to repay, during a peace, the trouble and expense of the protracted war; when on a sudden Kishtum Raj‡, ^472c the son of the late Rawoot Row, raising a force, wrote to Bengal, inviting Mukoond Raj Bhaybulundur to return and make another attempt to recover his patrimonial territory; himself commencing the war by seizing the two towns of Potnoor and Mudwara. On intimation of this violence, Meer Zein-ool-Abi-deen detached Chungiz Khan, D'hurmarow, and Balyrow, to attack the enemy. Mukoond Raj was defeated, after an action which lasted from daylight till sunset, and retreated to Mudwara; but as that fort was situated in the midst of thick woods, and it was considered impracticable to reduce it, D'hurmarow proposed to Meer Zein-ool-Abideen, by way of putting a stop to this war, to admit the claims of Mukoond Raj to the fortress and district of Mudwara, on condition of his becoming tributary to Golconda. To this proposal Meer Zein-ool-Abideen would by no means consent. A coolness ensued between these officers; and owing to the representations of D'hurmarow at court, Meer Zein-ool-Abideen was recalled, and Syud Hussun was deputed in his stead. On his arrival he granted terms, in the first instance, to Hurrychundur, the uncle of Mukoond Raj; and it was proposed, by way of reducing Mukoond Raj, to build three forts on the passes and narrow roads by which alone he could make attacks. For this purpose the forts of Moostufabad, Kootbshahabad, and Mahomedabad, were built, in which small garrisons were always maintained. ^473a Mukoond Raj, thus hemmed in on all sides, had recourse to the assistance of Kishtum Raj, who attacked Mahomed-abad with three thousand musketeer infantry, but was himself killed by an arrow from the garrison. Mukoond Raj became disconsolate on the death of his friend; but detached one Sudashew, a distinguished officer, to supply his place. Sudashew shortly after fell, at the head of his troops, by a musket-shot; and the storming party which he was leading in person, having lost their officer, returned and joined Mukoond Raj. Shortly afterwards an attack was made on Moostufabad by one Agny Raj, at the head of ten thousand infantry. He was opposed by all the Mahomedan army, and was killed in the assault; at the same time one Boochuna Raj also fell, in his efforts against the fort of Kootbshah-abad. Syud Hussun, upon hearing of the defeat of the several attempts made upon his posts, now resolved to reduce Mudwara, and employed his troops in cutting down the woods, and destroying them by fire. Mukoond Raj, reduced to the last alternative, made one desperate effort, and with his whole force attacked the Mahomedans, in which he was defeated, and again fled to Bengal. Thus the province of Cossimcota was cleared of every raja likely to molest the Mahomedans; and Sooria Row was soon after sent from Golconda to partition out that country into jageers, and to superintend the civil duties. Since which time it has been held as a dependency of Golconda.^474a

At this time the King appointed the respectable Syud, Meer Mahomed Ameen, a native of Astra-bad, to the situation of Meer Joomla, ^475a with a salary of two lacks of hoons.†^475b A. H. 1012.
A. D. 1603. In the year 1012, in consequence of the increasing friendship which subsisted at this period between the court of Hydrabad and that of Persia, Shah Abbas deputed one of his relatives, Oghzloo Sooltan, on an embassy to Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah. On hearing that the ambassador had arrived at Goa, the King deputed Ameer Zein-ood-Deen of Ny-shapoor to welcome him, and to provide suitably for his journey to Hydrabad. On his approach to the city he was met by all the most respectable chiefs of the kingdom; and he had an audience of the King at the Kala Chubootra of Golconda, on which occasion the ambassador presented his letter of credentials, as also various presents which he had brought with him. Among these were a crown studded with rubies, of great value, and a handsome dagger highly ornamented with jewels; forty horses of the purest Arabian breed, with saddles, bridles, and housings covered with gold and precious stones; fifty pieces of the richest velvet, and cloths of European manufacture; twelve pairs of Kirman carpets, and a Persian carpet twelve yards square, besides other valuable products of Persia, which it is unnecessary to describe. The ambassador was received with the highest honours; and after being honoured with valuable presents, one hundred officers of rank, who accompanied him, all received handsome robes, and the palace of Dilgoosha was assigned for their residence. Owing to the invasion of the Moguls into the Deccan at this period, the Persian ambassador resided for six years at Hydrabad; during the whole of which time he received annually two thousand tomans (2000l.) for his personal expenses, besides numerous presents. Previously to his departure Hajy Kumur Ally, a confidential officer of the government, was directed to accompany him, conveying along with him such of the products of India as were worthy to be sent to the King of Persia. Among other articles was some of the gold cloth manufactured at Peitun, which occupied five years in completing.^476a A. H. 1016.
A. D. 1607. In the year 1016, the Prince Sooltan Mahomed, son of the late Prince Ma-homed Ameen, was honoured with the hand of the King's beautiful daughter, his own first cousin.

At this period a great number of Moguls, that is to say, foreigners, having collected from all parts, especially from Agra and Lahore, had settled in the city of Hydrabad. Some of these, with their friends, went together one day, without asking permission, to see the palace and gardens of the Nubat G'hat; and having drank pretty freely, they ascended the hill upon which it is built, notwithstanding the eunuchs left for the occupation of the palace not only prohibited them but endeavoured to prevent their entering into the royal apartments. This circumstance was immediately reported to the King, who directed Ally Aka, kotwal of the city, to proceed and keep the peace by turning out the intruders. Ally Aka reported that in consequence of the invasions of the Dehly troops into the Deccan many Moguls of late years came into the city, who had no other employment but that of debauchery; that they were constantly engaged in acts in direct violation of good order, and that their numbers had become quite alarming to the public peace. On this the King directed a proclamation to be made, commanding all foreigners, under the description of Moguls, who had no employment, to quit the kingdom. Ally Aka, kotwal, who was a young man, and inflated with the insignia of his office, caused proclamation to be made, directing all foreigners, whether Patans, Persians, Arabs, or Tartars, to quit the city; and, in order to carry this measure into effect, directed his subordinate police-officers to turn them out by force, or to confine them without distinction. The Moguls, hearing of the outrage committed by their countrymen on the Nubat G'hat palace, thought that nothing less than instant death would befall them, and this apprehension became general throughout the city. The inhabitants of the Dec-can, delighted at this opportunity of enriching themselves, left their several occupations, and flew to share in the plunder of the warehouses of the wealthy foreign merchants then settled in Hydra-bad, many of whom were killed in defending their property. The moment Meer Joomla heard of these riots, although in the midst of business, he ran to the palace; and notwithstanding the King was asleep, and the servants warned him not to intrude, he had courage sufficient to burst open the door, and thunder into his Majesty's ears the alarming state of the city. ^478a He even requested him to look at the scene out of the palace windows, and satisfy himself of the truth of his representation. The King ordered a proclamation to be instantly issued, making it death for any person to touch the property of the Moguls; and after sending for Ally Aka, kotwal, he directed him to proceed in person and put an end to the riots, or that he would have him trod to death by elephants. Ally Aka, according to his instructions, proceeded into the city, and with a part of the body-guard put to death many of the rioters; and by way of satisfying the minds of the people, several minor police officers, who had been most active, were beheaded or hanged, or flayed alive, while others were maimed by the loss of limbs, and exhibited through the city in this mutilated state as examples.

It has been already related, that when Mukoond Raj, the son of the late Bhaybulundur, had been expelled his territory, and the province of Cos-simcota had been subdued by the Mahomedans, that Veij Nat Dew also, who was one of the principal rajas in that country, and could muster fifty thousand infantry and one thousand elephants, had been compelled to consent to pay an annual tribute to the kings of Golconda. From the period when Syud Hussun became governor of the province of Cossimcota, during eight years, nothing occurred to disturb the public tranquillity. In the same year, when Jehangeer Padshah of Dehly detached his son, the Prince Purveez, to make conquests in the Deccan, a universal spirit of revolt broke out among these rajas. Veij Nat Dew, partaking of the general disaffection, detached a force to plunder and make night-attacks on the Mahomedans of Cossimcota; who, unprepared for resistance, were at first surprised; but they eventually succeeded in repelling the enemy; and the Hindoos spread themselves in all quarters, and laid waste the country. News of this sudden revolt reaching court, Chungiz Khan and D'hurmarow, two officers of distinguished gallantry and ability, were directed to proceed and reinforce Syud Hussun in Cossimcota. Veij Nat Dew, instead of marching boldly to oppose the Ma-homedans, took post in his capital, and his country became a prey to their ravages. Kishtum Raj, nephew of Veij Nat Dew, being offended with his uncle's conduct towards him, fled for protection into the Mahomedan camp, where he was honourably received; and as this young man was popular in his uncle's army, many of the officers of Veij Nat Dew came over and joined him. Shortly after this, Veij Nat Dew being old, and deserted by most of his courtiers and soldiers, was taken seriously ill, and died. On the occurrence of this event, Chungiz Khan and D'hurmarow marched with the army towards his capital, whilst the latter wrote to the representatives of the late raja, requiring them to pay the tribute, or that the country would be laid in ashes. They replied by saying, that Veij Nat Dew had left no sons fit to succeed him, and that the hopes of the country rested on Kishtum Raj, who was now with the Mahomedan army; that, therefore, if he were sent to the capital, they would agree to pay the usual tribute in his name. Accordingly a treaty was entered into with Kishtum Raj as the successor of Veij Nat Dew, who consented to pay the same tribute as Bhay-bulundur, and to present on the occasion of his installation three lacks of hoons, ^481a and three hundred elephants, besides jewels. D'hurmarow, satisfied with the professions of Kishtum Raj, gave him a suit of armour from the royal armoury, and some horses and other articles of state, and sent him with a suitable escort to the capital of his new kingdom. He was joyfully received by the courtiers and by his army, and immediately sent 150,000 hoons† ^481b and one hundred and fifty elephants, in part-payment of the stipulated amount, for the King; but instead of endeavouring to make up the remainder of the sum, he was so infatuated as to follow the advice of some of his friends, and to attack the country of the Mahomedans. The King, on hearing of the young raja's ingratitude, directed the army, under Chungiz Khan, to march, and build a strong fort as a depôt, in the neighbourhood of his capital; which being carried into effect, distressed the Hindoos, as it gave the Mahomedans opportunities of attacking them every moment. In a very short time afterwards, Kishtum Raj was compelled to pay the remainder of the stipulated sum for his installation, and also the annual tribute, as had been originally agreed upon.

A. H. 1019.
A. D. 1610. In the year 1019, news arrived that Purtab Sa‡, ^481c the Raja of Bustar, had plundered some of the King's subjects on the borders of his country, and that he was daily gaining strength, and making partial incursions into the Kootb Shahy dominions. Asyrow, an officer of ability, with several others, were detached to attack and reduce him. In the first instance Asyrow was opposed by Purtab Sa in person, who was defeated, but fled into almost impenetrable woods. The King's troops pursued the enemy as far as they could, and occupied some of the villages and small towns in that country, but were unable to besiege with success the fortress of Bustar, situated in the midst of thick forests. The army was accordingly encamped on an open spot, and Asyrow wrote to the capital for instructions. The King immediately directed his prime minister, Meer Mahomed Ameen, to march, at the head of all the disposable troops at the capital, and conquer the country of Bustar. Pur-tab Sa, unable to cope with the Mahomedans in the field, fled before them from place to place. Meer Mahomed Ameen proceeded into the interior until he arrived in the neighbourhood of Mulangoor and Mundlere, at which places he built strong forts; and having marched for a whole month he reached the capital of Bustar, to which place the arms of Islam had never before penetrated. Purtab Sa called together all the neighbouring rajas to resist the attack; but a sudden fall of heavy rain coming on spoiled great part of the powder and this event, together with the circumstances of a dearth of provisions and the distance of the Mahomedan army from the capital, combined to induce Meer Maho-med Ameen to retreat. This object was effected with great difficulty as far as the banks of a considerable river on the frontier, where he encamped: thence he wrote to court for fresh orders; and the King directed Mullik Birlas, with five thousand musketeers and rocketers, to march to his assistance.

Zeekad 17.
A. H. 1020.
Dec. 17.
A. D. 1611. Shortly after this, on Saturday the 17th of Zeekad, A. H. 1020, Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah, having been taken suddenly ill, died, after an indisposition of only two days. The Deccanies assembling at the palace commenced to attack the foreigners who were maintained about the King's person; but the mob was dispersed by the kotwal of the city, who called the rioters away to the coronation of the young king. Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah died in the 49th year of his age, after reigning nearly thirty-four years.

Among the public works executed by his orders are the following, in the vicinity of Hydrabad:—

1. The palace and gardens of the Ilahy Mahal.

2. The Mahomedy gardens.

3. The palace of Nubat-Ghat.

4. The palace of Kooh-toor.

5. The palace of the Nuddy Mahal.

6. The alms-house, entitled Lungur of the twelve Imams.

7. The Jooma musjid.

8. The college.

9. The private mosque.

10. The public hospital.

Besides these were many other mosques, baths, and public seminaries. On reference to the accounts of Meer Aboo Talib, the King's private treasurer, it appears that seventy-eight lacks of hoons (2,800,000l. sterling) were expended in the construction of public works during the lifetime of Mahomed Koolly Kootb Shah. A sum of sixty thousand hoons, (24,000l.) was distributed annually to the poor; of which twelve thousand hoons (4800l.) were given in charity during the month of Mohurrum alone.

To face page 485. Vol. III.]

>genealogy<

His origin — raised to the rank of a noble — is created ruler of the province of Berar — assumes independence from the court of Bidur — his death..

THE first person who became distinguished in this family was descended from the Canarese infidels of Beejanuggur. Having been taken prisoner in the wars with that country, when a boy, he was admitted among the body-guard of Khan Jehan, the commander-in-chief, and governor of Berar. As he grew up he discovered abilities and courage, which attracted the notice of his master, who ultimately became so much attached to him, that he nominated him to offices of distinction. After the death of Khan Jehan, he repaired to the court at Mahomedabad Bidur, and in the reign of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, through the influence of Khwaja Mahmood Gawan, he received the title of Imad-ool-Moolk, and was subsequently raised to the office of commander of the forces in Berar.

A. H. 890.
A. D. 1484. In the year 890, he declared his independence; shortly after which he died, and was succeeded by his eldest son.

Succeeds his father as King of Berar — marches to the support of Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, but fails in being able to assist him — seizes the forts of Mahoor and Ramgir from the sons of Khoodawund Khan — is attacked by Boorhan Nizam Shah, and the two forts are taken. — Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah forms an alliance with the ruler of Kandeish — their army defeated by Boorhan Nizam Shah. — Imad Shah solicits aid from Bahadur Shah of Guzerat. — Exertions made by that Prince, who receives homage from Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah. — Death of Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah.

ON the death of Futteh Oolla, his eldest son, Alla-ood-Deen, succeeded to the government; and following the example of other chiefs of the house of Bahmuny, declared himself King, under the title of Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah; and established his royal residence at Gavul. When Mahmood Shah Bahmuny fled from the persecutions of Ameer Bereed, this prince marched with the whole of the army of Berar to Bidur, in order to replace him on his throne; but Boorhan Nizam Shah Bheiry, fearing the restitution of the Bah-muny dynasty, marched to the assistance of Ameer Bereed, and, as has been related, Mahmood Shah, in the heat of an action which took place, fled from his ally, and threw himself again into the hands of Ameer Bereed.

A. H. 923.
A. D. 1516. In the year 923, Ameer Bereed marched from Bidur, and first took the fort of Mahoor, after which he attacked Ramgir, and carried it by assault, and slew the governor, ^488a Khoodawund Khan Abyssinian. Upon intimation of this invasion, Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah began to collect his forces, on the plea of assisting the family of Khoodawund Khan; and Ameer Bereed, in order to avoid a war, placed each of the sons of the deceased in the two forts of Mahoor and Ramgir, and desired them to consider themselves tributary to Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah. On approaching the forts, Alla-ood-Deen made himself master of them by treachery. Khoo-dawund Khan's sons fled for protection to Boorhan Nizam Shah, while Alla-ood-Deen placed his own governors and garrisons in them.

The usurpation of these two forts, and the aggrandisement of Berar, gave umbrage to the Nizam Shahy court, between which state and that of Imad Shah frequent battles ensued, wherein the latter was at length so totally defeated as to fly to his capital of Gavul. Alla-ood-Deen had previously contracted an alliance by marriage with the daughter of Ismael Adil Shah. But as the latter monarch was now engaged in a war with the Ray of Beejanuggur, he was unable to assist his ally and son-in-law, the King of Berar; and Boorhan Nizam Shah took advantage of the circumstance to wrest the forts of Mahoor and Ramgir out of his hands.

A. H. 934.
A. D. 1527. In the year 934, Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, in conjunction with Meeran Ma-homed Khan, the ruler of Kandeish, marched to take revenge of Boorhan Nizam Shah.

After a severe action, the latter was victorious, and took all the elephants and guns of the allies, who retreated to their respective capitals. Ismael Adil Shah, to whom application for aid was made in the first instance, being unable to render it, Meeran Mahomed Khan, who had lost all his elephants and artillery in the late war, applied to his relative, Bahadur Shah of Guzerat, to afford him assistance. Bahadur Shah, who wished nothing more than to extend his dominions, thought this a favourable opportunity to carry his project into effect, and he accordingly marched with a large force towards the Deccan; but Alla-ood-Deen soon discovered the real intentions of the King of Guzerat; and having read the public worship in that monarch's name at Ga-vul, presented him with the sovereignty of the country, at the same time that his ally, Meeran Mahomed Khan of Kandeish, pressed the Guzerat monarch to march on direct to Ahmudnuggur, and compel the submission of the house of Nizam Shah. Bahadur Shah, pleased at the obsequiousness of his allies, marched by Dowlutabad to Ahmudnuggur, and, as we have before related, caused coin to be struck in his name, and his title as sovereign to be acknowledged there; after which the allies returned to their respective capitals. Soon after this, Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah died, and was succeeded by his eldest son.

SHORTLY after the accession of Duria Imad Shah, he gave his daughter Beeby Dowlut in marriage to Hoossein Nizam Shah. Duria Imad Shah appears to have reigned in great tranquillity with all the other kings of the Deccan until his death; after which he was succeeded by his son, an infant.

ON the death of Duria Imad Shah, Boorhan Imad Shah succeeded to the throne when but a child. His minister, Toofal Khan Deccany, became regent; and before the Prince was of an age to assume the reins of his empire, Toofal Khan, assisted by the ruler of Kandeish and by the Nizam Shahy court, usurped the government. He eventually confined his sovereign in irons in the fort of Nar-nala, and assumed the title of King.

Usurps the throne. — The Kings of Ahmudnuggur and Beeja-poor combine against him. — Purchases the forbearance of Beejapoor, and breaks up the league. — The King of Ahmud-nuggur again invades Berar. — Toofal Khan obtains aid from Golconda, and attacks the troops of Ahmudnuggur — he is defeated, and flies to the fort of Narnala. — Narnala and Gavulgur taken. — Toofal Khan escapes, but is seized, together with the young King Boorhan Imad Shah — they are placed in confinement in a fort, where they die.

THIS enterprising minister united in his person the grand requisites for successful ambition, viz. undaunted courage and consummate art. His power advanced so rapidly after his usurpation, that the kings of Ahmudnuggur and Beejapoor were induced to seek his destruction, and marched their united forces against him. Toofal Khan, unable to oppose both princes, made overtures to Ally Adil Shah and his minister, presenting to that monarch an offering of valuable jewels, to relinquish the war. Moortuza Nizam Shah, having discovered this correspondence, retreated to Ahmudnuggur.

A. H. 980.
A. D. 1568.

But in the year 980 he again marched against Toofal Khan, under the pretence of releasing the imprisoned prince from his confinement in Narnala.

On this occasion, Toofal Khan became alarmed, and deputed an envoy to beg assistance from Ibra-him Kootb Shah of Golconda, and with this aid he attacked Chungiz Khan, the peshwa of Ahmudnuggur. But Toofal Khan was completely defeated; and being closely pursued and much harassed, was eventually besieged in the fort of Narnala, while his son took refuge in Gavulgur. The former of these places being strongly situated on the top of a hill, and not to be taken by ordinary means, Moortuza Nizam Shah merely invested it for a time, and at length resolved to return to Ahmudnuggur. Chungiz Khan, however, succeeded in gaining over some of the garrison, part of which escaped to him from the fort. These deserters being well rewarded, and provisions becoming scarce within, others daily followed their example, till at length only twelve artillery-men remained to work the guns. Chungiz Khan, who obtained the best information from the deserters, contrived, with great labour, to drag a gun up the hill, sufficiently near to batter one of the bastions; and one night twenty-eight men and a trumpeter, headed by an officer, approached the breach, and got over the wall, when the trumpeter was ordered to blow his trumpet. Toofal Khan, supposing that a large party had gained the works, and himself being left with a very few attendants, fled into the contiguous hills, without making any attempt to defend the place. The next day, Moortuza Nizam Shah seized all that was worth taking, and permitted the fort and town to be sacked. Syud Hoossein Astrabady, who was sent in pursuit, overtook Toofal Khan on the third day, and brought him to the royal camp. Shortly after which, the fort of Gavul was taken by capitulation, and Shumsheer-ool-Moolk, the son of Toofal Khan, was also made prisoner. Moortuza Nizam Shah, instead of placing the captive monarch on the throne of Berar, sent him with the usurper Toofal Khan, and his son Shumsheer-ool-Moolk, to be confined in one of the Nizam Shahy forts, where, it is said, they were all three subsequently strangled by the King's order. Others assert, that their whole families, amounting to forty persons, died in one night, in consequence of the cruelty of their keepers; who, wanting to extort part of the money allowed for their subsistence, and not being gratified by compliance, shut them up in a small dungeon on a hot night, where they perished before daylight. Thus the family of Imad Shah and that of the usurper Toofal Khan became extinct.

>genealogy<

SEVEN persons of this family have reigned until the present period, since their first establishment in the capital of Ahmudabad Bidur.

Kasim Bereed Toork was brought by Khwaja Shahab-ood-Deen Ally Yezdy to Bidur, and sold as a Georgian slave to Sooltan Mahomed Shah Lushkurry Bahmuny, by whom he was admitted among the Georgian attendants of that monarch. In his reign he distinguished himself by his bravery against the rebel Marrattas residing between Peitun and Chakun, whom he was deputed to reduce. One action in particular took place, in which Kasim Bereed was victorious, and having slain Sabajee Marratta, the King gave the deceased chief's daughter in marriage to Kasim Be-reed's son, Ameer Bereed, as a reward for his services. Sabajee's territory was also conferred on him; and upwards of four hundred Marrattas, who were connected with the late chief, entered his service, many of whom he persuaded to embrace the faith. To this attached body of Marrattas Ameer Bereed always evinced the utmost kindness; and the connection formed by his son's marriage gave him a paramount influence on his estate, so that in the reign of Sooltan Mahmood Shah Bahmuny he, like many of the other nobles, aimed at regal power; and by the advice of Adil Shah, Nizam Shah, and Imad Shah, he usurped the forts of Owsa, Kand'har, and Oodgeer; and leaving to his king only the town and fort of Ahmudabad Bidur, read the public prayers, and coined money, in his own name. After having ruled his estate for a period of

A. H. 910.
A. D. 1504.

twelve years, during the lifetime of his sovereign, Kasim Bereed died in the year 910.

AMEER BEREED succeeded his father. During his rule, Mahmood Shah Bahmuny died, and Kul-eem Oolla Shah Bahmuny, the last of his race, fled from Bidur to Ahmudnuggur. At this period, also, the city of Bidur was taken by Ismael Adil Shah, but was afterwards restored to Ameer Bereed. At the time when Bahadur Shah of Guzerat invaded the Deccan, (at the instance of Alla-ood-Deen Imad Shah, and Meeran Mahomed Khan, ruler of Kandeish,) Ismael Adil Shah invited Ameer Bereed to Beejapoor, where he intrusted him with the command of four thousand foreign cavalry, wearing the twelve-pointed cap of the Imams, to proceed to the assistance of Boorhan Nizam Shah, as has been already related, and he distinguished himself much in that campaign. At length, when proceeding, some years afterwards, to the assistance of Boorhan Nizam Shah, he was taken ill suddenly, and died at Dowlutabad. His body was brought to Ah-mudabad Bidur by his brother Khwaja Jehan, and he was buried in that city.

A. H. 945.
A. D. 1549. His reign lasted for a period of fortyfive years.

THIS person is the first of the dynasty who adopted the style of Shah or King; for though his grandfather Kasim Bereed assumed regalia, he did not take the royal title. When Boorhan Nizam Shah sent his minister, the venerable Shah Tahir, to congratulate him on his accession, Ally Bereed Shah very imprudently attacked that minister concerning his faith and doctrines. The holy man became so provoked at the taunts he experienced on this occasion, that he left the court, and, on his return, informed his master of the disrespectful treatment he had experienced, and urged him to march his army against Bidur. Ally Bereed Shah having delivered over the fort of Kulliany to Ismael Adil Shah, solicited his aid; notwithstanding which Boorhan Nizam Shah's marches were so rapid, that the forts of Owsa, Kand'har, and Oodgeer, surrendered at his approach, and he reduced the kingdom of Bidur to a territory producing only 400,000 hoons.

A. H. 987.
A. D. 1579. In the year 987, Moortuza Nizam Shah made an attack upon the remaining part of the Bidur territories, and laid close siege to the capital itself. Ally Bereed, thus straitened, sent an envoy to Ally Adil Shah, who replied, that if he would make him a present of two eunuchs, whom he named, he would send him assistance. Ally Bereed assented; and two thousand Beejapoor cavalry marched to raise the siege of Mahomedabad Bidur. Moortuza Nizam Shah, hearing of the approach of the Adil Shahies, and also of the rebellion of his brother Boorhan Nizam Shah at Ahmudnuggur, retreated to his capital, and left Mirza Yadgar with a body of Kootb Shahies, who had joined from Golconda, to prosecute the siege; but as soon as the Beejapoor detachment arrived within a few miles of the place, Mirza Yadgar retreated; and Ally Bereed delivered over the two eunuchs, contrary to their own inclination, to the Beejapoories. These two youths ^498a were so stung with shame on being transferred from one king to another, that shortly after their arrival at Beejapoor one of them put Ally Adil Shah to death, as we have before seen in his history.

A. H. 990.
A. D. 1562.

Soon after this, Ally Bereed Shah died, having reigned forty-five years. He was succeeded by his eldest son,

THIS Prince reigned seven years, and died.

AFTER the death of Ibrahim, he was succeeded by his younger brother, Ka-sim Bereed II., who after reigning three years died a natural death.

KASIM BEREED II. was succeeded by his son, a child of the name of Mirza Ally Bereed. One of his relations, Ameer Bereed, shortly after usurped the kingdom, and expelled Mirza Ally Bereed to Bhagnuggur; after which he ascended the throne, under the title of Ameer Bereed.

THIS prince is at the present period, being the year 1018, on the throne at Bidur.

Let it not be concealed from the perusers of these sheets that the author has failed in procuring any written accounts of the Kootb Shahy, Imad Shahy, or Bereed Shahy dynasties; he has therefore been compelled to fill up the page with oral traditions, from the most respectable and well informed people of his own times. It is his earnest request, that if any one should, hereafter, ascertain more correctly the precise period when these monarchs ascended the throne, or died, that they will fill up the chasm which occurs in this history; and should any detailed accounts of the reigns of these princes be discovered, it is his request that they may be inserted in his work, to complete the history of the Deccan.^500a

THE history of the Portuguese in India is so intimately connected with the narrative contained in this volume, that it has been thought desirable, instead of recapitulating the chronological events of Europe during the sixteenth century, already annexed to the preceding volume, to append a short abstract of the proceedings of the Portuguese, derived from their contemporary historian, Faria-e-Souza. This appendix, while it affords a partial insight into the proceedings of the first European nation that invaded India, is not intended to exhibit all the exploits of those enterprising adventurers in the East. Care has been taken not to overload this epitome with details altogether unconnected with Ferishta's history, although occasional allusion is made to such general circumstances as tend to exhibit the nature of the Portuguese dominion; the leading features of its government; the nature of the obstacles it encountered on the western coast of India, and the great efforts it made to surmount them; and, lastly, to point out the effects which seem to have been produced every where against the rule of the Portuguese in India.

To the European reader who peruses Ferishta, and who may not have consulted the Portuguese historian, this epitome will, probably, be acceptable, as displaying, in a narrow compass, some of those leading points of the Portuguese administration which may bear comparison with our own; and it will tend to afford a better criterion of the condition of the native powers in India than any account we can receive even from their own historians. The numbers of the Portuguese engaged in each of the several wars are not likely to be overrated, whatever may be the case as to their enemies, nor their want of success to be mis-stated. These facts, therefore, may, I think, be relied on; and they alone furnish us with valuable data to confirm or reject the authority of the Indian historian.

Gama sails thence on the 11th of March, 1498. He reaches Melinda on the same coast, where he finds several Guzerat merchants. Obtains a Guzerat pilot, named Me-lemo Cana, Maalim Khan (literally Mr. Pilot), who appears quite familiar with the astrolabe, and seems to consider that used on board of Vasco de Gama's ship a very im-

May 20.

perfect instrument. Vasco de Gama reaches Calicut, which he finds in possession of a Hindoo king called Zamori. Meets with a European Mahomedan, Monzayde (Meean Zeid), who speaks Spanish, and becomes Vasco de Gama's interpreter. Several Ma-homedan merchants are settled at Calicut, carrying on an extensive trade with Europe, through the Red Sea and the Gulf of Persia. The governor of the Mahomedans is called Kotwal. Gama finds also several Christians at Calicut. The Mahomedans become jealous of Vasco de Gama, and they induce the King (Zamori) to detain seven Portuguese. Vasco de Gama, unable to procure their release, retaliates by seizing twenty Indian fishermen, and accompanied by his interpreter,

1499.

Meean Zeid, returns to Portugal, having lost one hundred and five men out of one hundred and sixty, during an absence of twenty-six months.

Aug. 2.

linda on the 2d of August; and having obtained two Guzerat pilots there, he proceeds

Sept. 17.

to Calicut, which he reaches on the 17th of September. An exchange of prisoners and hostages takes place between Vasco de Gama and the Zamori. The latter gives up six bramins named by the former. The Maho-medan merchants from Mecca oppose the trade of the Portuguese. The Mahomedans induce the Portuguese to attack an Indian vessel, having elephants on board, proceeding from Ceylon to Guzerat. The Guzerat vessel bears down on the Portuguese, and fires several guns at them, and proceeds to Cananore. The Portuguese attack and cut out the Guzerat vessel, but subsequently deliver it over to the King of Cochin. At Cranganore the Portuguese find several Christians under an Armenian bishop. Vasco de

March.
A. D.
1501.

Gama returns to Portugal. In March, John de Nova sails from Lisbon with four ships. Discovers the uninhabited island of St. He-

1502.

lena. Vasco de Gama again proceeds to India with twenty ships. The fleet falls in with the Meri, a large ship belonging to the Sooltan of Egypt, on board of which are two hundred and eighty persons, many of whom are pilgrims for Mecca. The Mahomedans refuse to allow the Portuguese fleet to take possession of the vessel, and make a desperate resistance, in which every person on board is put to death, with the exception only of twenty children, who are subsequently baptized. Vasco de Gama reaches India, and receives a deputation from the Christians of Cranganore, whose numbers amount to thirty thousand souls, and are subject to the patriarch of Armenia. Vasco de Gama, with ten ships, encounters twenty-nine Calicut vessels. The Indians use fire-ships. Two of the Indian vessels are taken; one containing an idol of gold, studded with jewels, weighing thirty pounds. Vasco de Gama returns to Lisbon with part of his fleet.

A. D.
1505.

doned. Thirteen ships, containing twelve hundred men, arrive from Portugal. Don Alfonso Albuquerque destroys a fleet from Arabia, in which seven hundred Turks lose

1506.

their lives. He quits India in January, with thirteen vessels, of which three only are of his own fleet, and reaches Lisbon on the 22d of July. (Six months.)

First, Cambaya, north of Bombay, belonging to the King of Guzerat.

Secondly, Deccan, lying between Bombay and Goa, belonging to the Kings of Ahmud-nuggur and Beejapoor.

Thirdly, Canara, lying between Goa and Cananore, belonging to the Raja of Beejanug-gur. The country south of Cananore, denominated Malabar, is divided among the kings of Calicut, Cananore, Cranganore, Cochin, Quilon, and Travancore.

Seventeen ships sail from Lisbon. Don Alfonso Albuquerque appointed governor-general. Don Francisco Almeida quits Goa with a fleet of nineteen vessels, and sixteen hundred men, of which eight hundred are natives, ^507a to attack

1508.

the Mahomedans. He lands and burns Dabul on the 20th of December, but is unable to take the fort. He takes a Mahomedan vessel in Bombay harbour, and reaches Diù on the

Feb. 2.
A. D.
1509.

2d of February. A sanguinary action ensues with the Turks, in which the Portuguese are victorious. The Portuguese massacre all their prisoners. Vast numbers of books are found in the captured vessels of the enemy. The governor of Diù sends one Syud Ally to congratulate the Portuguese admiral. A truce concluded. All the Turkish cannon sent ashore to Diù, and delivered over to the King of Guzerat.

Nov. 22.
A. D.
1510.

after a siege of twenty days. Thirteen ships arrive from Europe to reinforce Albuquerque. He proceeds with twenty-three sail of vessels, and fifteen hundred soldiers, assisted by Mad-hoo Row, the admiral of Timoja, to attack Goa. Goa recaptured by the Portuguese. The civil administration of the country is intrusted to Timoja and Mally Row, the nephew of the Raja of Onore. ^509a The Portuguese intermarry with the inhabitants of Goa, and have lands allotted to them.

Albuquerque sails to the Arabian coast with nineteen vessels manned by eight hundred Portuguese, and six hundred natives of Malabar. Goa is left under charge of Rodrigo, with four hundred Europeans in the fort, and Mally Row with five thousand Hindoos.

Feb. 18.

poor. The latter are repulsed. Twenty ships, manned by one thousand seven hundred Portuguese, and eight hundred Canaras and Malabars, proceed to Aden, and capture thirty-seven pieces of cannon. Albuquerque anchors off

August.

Diù in the month of August, and obtains permission from the governor, Mullik Eiaz, to establish a mercantile factory.

Dec. 16.
1515.

falls sick, and dies at Goa. Twelve vessels arrive from Lisbon; also thirteen vessels, with fifteen hundred soldiers. The Portuguese officers first begin to trade; which De Souza considers the first step to the downfall of the Portuguese power in India. Lope Soarez, governor-general, sails with twenty-seven ships, conveying twelve hundred Portuguese soldiers, eight hundred native soldiers, and

eight hundred seamen, against Aden on the Arabian coast. The Portuguese of Goa engage in war with the King of Beejapoor. An-koos Khan, the Beejapoor general, descends into the Concan with a large army. The Portuguese attack the enemy at Ponda. One of the enemy's generals is gained over by the Portuguese. The Beejapoor army retires.

Feb. 13.
1518.

Europe. A Portuguese fleet of twenty-four sail, manned by eighteen hundred Europeans, and as many native Canaras and Malabars, proceeds to the Red Sea. Krishn Ray, Raja of Beejanuggur, invades the territory of the King of Beejapoor, in order to attack Ra-chore. His army is described to consist of seven hundred and thirty-three thousand infantry†, ^511b twelve thousand water-carriers, and five hundred and eighty elephants. Forty of the European Portuguese in the service of the King of Beejapoor are killed in one action; in which the Hindoos capture four thousand horses, one hundred elephants, and four hundred pieces of cannon.

A Portuguese fleet, consisting of forty-eight vessels, containing three thousand Europeans and eight hundred natives of Malabar, sail to occupy Diù; but the expedition is repulsed, and totally fails.

1530.

terms. Anthony de Silveira, with a fleet of fifty-one vessels of different sizes, crosses the bar of the Tapty river, and proceeds to attack Surat. Surat sacked, and twenty vessels burned. Daman burned by the Portuguese. The Portuguese repulsed with great loss in an attempt to aid the garrison of Choul against the

A. D.
1531.

Guzerat troops. Vast preparations made for attacking Diù. The fleet rendezvous in Bombay harbour. The expedition consists of four hundred sail of vessels of all descriptions, including transports, to contain three thousand six hundred European soldiers, one thousand four hundred European sailors, two thousand native Malabars and Canaras, and eight thousand Cafry soldiers, besides five thousand Indian boatmen; making six thousand four hundred sailors, and thirteen thousand six hundred land troops; in all twenty thousand two hundred

Feb. 7.
Feb. 16.

men. The fleet besieges and takes Bete, and captures sixty pieces of cannon. The fleet arrives off Diù. Desperate defence by the Mahomedans under Moostufa Khan Roomy,

March 15.

a European Turk. The Portuguese are repulsed, and return to Goa on the 15th of March. Part of the fleet under Anthony de Soldana burns Moozufurabad, lying between Bete and Diù. He lands a body of native troops at Gogo, which is repulsed, and obliged to seek shelter on board the fleet. The Prince Chand Khan, a brother of the King of Guzerat, and a pretender to the throne, joins the Portuguese. Bassein, Tarapoor, Tanna, and Mahim (Bombay), rendered tributary to Portugal. Nuno de Cunha governor-general of India. He enters into a league with Hoomayoon Padshah against Bahadur Shah, King of Guzerat.

A. D.
1534.

Daman taken by assault. Treaty of Diù concluded between the Portuguese and Bahadur Shah, consisting of the following terms: Bassein to be ceded to the Portuguese. All vessels sailing from India to pay duties at, and to take out port-clearances from, Bassein. The King of Guzerat not to assist the Turkish fleets in the Indian seas. Bahadur Shah has several Portuguese and forty Frenchmen in his service at the siege of Chittoor. He is defeated by Hoo-mayoon Padshah, and flies to Diù. The Portuguese offer him an asylum. They assist him with fifty officers and a body of four hundred and fifty European infantry. Bahadur Shah consents to allow the Portuguese to build a fortified factory. Disputes arise regarding the nature of the fortification. The fort of Diù completed. Bahadur Shah recovers his kingdom, and resolves to wrest the fort of Diù out of the hands of the Portuguese. Invites the governor-general, Nuno de Cunha, from Goa to Diù, for the purpose of seizing him. Bahadur Shah goes on board the governor-general's ship. An affray occurs between the Guzerat party and the Portuguese, in which Emanuel de Sa, the governor of Diù, is killed on board of Bahadur Shah's boat. The King leaps overboard, and he is also killed.

Bassein besieged by Khwaja Jehan of Guzerat, who is repulsed.

Joojhar Khan the Abyssinian is killed in one of the assaults on the fort, and his nephew succeeds to his title and estates.

Don John de Castro proceeds in person to direct the defence of Goa. Makes a grand sally, and after a desperate resistance takes all the enemy's works. Captures six hundred prisoners and two hundred pieces of cannon, of which forty are battering guns. Roomy Khan and Loor Khan, with about five thousand of the enemy, are killed and wounded. The enemy is pursued to Gogo, where a body of troops from the fleet land and take Joojhar Khan, the Abyssinian general, prisoner. Ibra-him Adil Shah promises to cede Salsette ^518a and Bardes to the Portuguese, in consideration of their delivering the Prince Mulloo Khan into his hands. Bardes occupied by the Portuguese. They persist in refusing to deliver up Mulloo Khan.

The King of Beejapoor sends an army to retake Bardes. The army is repulsed, and retires to the foot of the Poonda pass. The general-in-chief, Sulabut Khan, is killed. The Portuguese land at every port on the coast between Sreevurdhun (Bankote) and Goa, and burn them.

The King of Beejapoor recovers the Concan out of the hands of the Portuguese. Bardes attacked by the King of Beejapoor's army, which is defeated by an army of three thousand Europeans, one thousand Canaras, and three hundred cavalry. The Beejapoor troops fall back on Poonda.

Sept.

with him three thousand European soldiers. John de Mendoza viceroy. Battle of Talikote,

1564.

in which the King of Beejanuggur is taken, and loses his head. Antony de Noronha viceroy.

1568.

Luis de Ataida viceroy.

August.
A. D.
1570.

Onore, but is repulsed. Ally Adil Shah raises the siege of Goa in the month of August, after an attack of ten months' duration; having lost twelve thousand men, three hundred elephants, four thousand horses, and six thousand head of oxen, part by the sword, and part by the weather.

January.
1570.

The Portuguese estimate it at thirty-four thousand cavalry, one hundred thousand infantry, sixteen thousand pioneers, four thousand masons, smiths, and persons of other trades, inhabitants of Turkey, Persia, Khorassan, and Ethiopia, besides three hundred and sixty elephants, an infinite number of oxen, and forty pieces of cannon of great size. A body of four thousand of the enemy's cavalry proceeds along the Concan to the north, and endeavours to cut off the supplies from Bassein and other places belonging to the Portuguese.

Moortuza Nizam Shah causes a general assault to be made, in which his troops are repulsed at all points. Two hundred Portuguese desert from the fort. A general action is fought on the plain, in which the King of Ahmudnuggur loses three thousand men. Peace concluded.

Sept.

with supplies arrives in September from Goa. Peace concluded.

1583.

is repulsed. Five ships arrive from Portugal. Moozuffur Shah, the ex-king of Guzerat, returns to his country, and with the aid of the Jam of Nowanuggur raises an army of thirty thousand men, and recovers great part of his kingdom. He besieges Baroach. The Portuguese send two secret missions, one to the ex-king, the other to his enemy, in order to take advantage of circumstances. The Moguls prevail. The ship of Don John de Castro, the son of the celebrated governor-general of that name, is attacked by two Malabar prows,

and blows up during the action. Cufocan (perhaps Ghuffoor Khan), ^524a the son of the Prince Mulloo Khan at Goa, aspires to the throne of Beejapoor. James Lopez Bayam, a Portuguese in the service of the King of Beejapoor, arrives at Goa, obtains possession of the Prince, and puts out his eyes, in conformity with an engagement made by him at Beejapoor.

north consists of ten large ships. The two Dutch vessels fall in with a Portuguese fleet of six sail off Malacca, where, after fighting for EIGHT days, one vessel is abandoned and the other escapes, but is eventually cast away on the coast of Pegu.

May 13.
June 8.

of May, and crosses the line on the 8th of June. They discover the island of Cerne, in lat. 21° S. to which they give the name of Mauricia (Mauritius). The Dutch proceed to the eastern archipelago. They discover Java and Amboyna. All the Dutch ships return safe

1600.

to Holland laden with spices.

1601.

Dutch quit St. Helena, and make sail. A Portuguese galleon taken at St. Helena by a Dutch fleet of three ships carrying thirty guns each.^526a

1606.

allies. Death of Don Alfonso de Castro at Malacca. Three Portuguese ships, laden with merchandise, are unable to sail to Europe this season for fear of the Dutch squadron.

1608.

Gallant defence by the garrison, which succeeds in repelling the Dutch.

A. D.
1612.

and Proveditor of the forts in India, and is independent of the viceroy. The northern squadron engages an English fleet which arrives at Surat. The English vessels lighter and better equipped than the Portuguese. They repulse the latter.^528a