Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 2

Soheil Khan contented himself with keeping possession of the field, without pursuing the enemy, while half of his army deserted during the night with the booty it had obtained.

Khan Khanan, returning from the pursuit, unexpectedly came upon the Deccany artillery during the night, within a small distance of their headquarters. Thinking the enemy had been entirely routed, he was much surprised at this discovery, but determined to remain where he was till morning, with the few men that continued with him. He now learned, for the first time, that by far the greater part of his army had been defeated, and had fled to Berar. Soheil Khan's troops unconsciously lit fires and flambeaux, which gave to Khan Khanan an opportunity of perceiving their position. He accordingly ordered a few shot from his artillery to be fired among them, which threw them into temporary confusion; but Soheil Khan causing the fires to be extinguished, and changing his ground, avoided the danger, and sent skirmishers to collect such of his troops as might be found over the plain and in the adjacent villages.

Khan Khanan also took similar steps to collect his men, by blowing his trumpets and beating to arms; which being heard by such of his troops as were in the vicinity, they hastened to join him. Several of the Moguls meeting with bands of the Deccanies in the dark, they fought, and formed a scene of confusion not easily described, while “Alla! Alla!” Oh God! Oh God! resounded from all sides; and every eye was fixed with anxiety upon the east, in expectation of the dawn. When day appeared, Soheil Khan was seen marching towards the Moguls with twelve thousand horse; and though the troops of Khan Khanan did not exceed three or four thousand in number, he determined to dispute the field, and formed his line. The second battle raged with redoubled fury on both sides. Soheil Khan, after performing prodigies of valour, worn out by fatigue, and loss of blood from wounds he received in the action, fell from his horse. Some of his dependents, however, bore him off the ground; and his army, according to custom, followed, leaving Khan Khanan master of the field; but being in no condition to pursue the fugitives, the Moguls returned to Shapoor.

The Emperor Akbur, having received advice of the death of Abdoolla Khan Oozbuk, who had long threatened an invasion from the north, now returned from Lahore to Agra, where hearing of Khan Khanan's success, he sent him an honorary dress and a fine horse, as marks of his favour. The private animosity that had long subsisted between the Prince Moorad and Khan Khanan, and which was much inflamed by Sadik Mahomed Khan, at this time rose to a dangerous height. The King, therefore, conceiving it imprudent to leave them any longer together, despatched Syud Yoosoof Khan Mushedy and Sheikh Abool Fuzl,

A. H. 1006.
A. D. 1597.

in the year 1006, to remain with the Prince. Khan Khanan was recalled to the presence; and though the whole misunderstanding originated in the Prince's froward and jealous disposition, yet the King's resentment fell upon Khan Khanan, and that great man remained for some time in disgrace.

Syud Yoosoof Mushedy and Abool Fuzl shortly after reduced the forts of Narnala, Gavul, ^277a Kehrla, and other forts in the province of Berar. At this time the Prince Moorad Mirza, falling dangerously

Shuval,
A. H. 1007.
May,
A. D. 1599.

ill, died in the month of Shuval, 1007, and was buried at Shapoor. The corpse was afterwards removed to Agra, and laid by the side of Hoomayoon, the Prince's grandfather. The King's grief for the death of his son increased his desire of conquering the Deccan, as a means of diverting his mind. In the mean time, the nobles of the Nizam Shahy dominions gained some slight advantages over the Moguls. They defeated Sheer Khwaja, who occupied Beer, and besieged him in the fort; while Syud Yoosoof Khan and Sheikh Abool Fuzl considered their force so inferior in numbers, that they durst not venture to attack the Deccanies.

Akbur relenting in his severity towards Khan Khanan, restored him to favour, and asked his daughter, Jany Begum, in marriage for his son, Daniel Mirza. Khan Khanan was now despatched to the Deccan with that Prince, accompanied by a well-appointed army, with orders to occupy all the

A. H. 1008.
A. D. 1599.

Nizam Shahy territory. Akbur also, in the year 1008, marched in person to the south, leaving his dominions in the north under charge of the Prince Royal, Mahomed Sulim Mirza. Meanwhile, Daniel Mirza and Khan Khanan entered the Deccan. Meeran Bahadur Khan, the son of Raja Ally Khan, ruler of Kan-deish, unlike his father, assumed a hostile position in Aseer, after the Mogul army had gone to the south. The Prince Daniel deemed it prudent, therefore, to halt on the banks of the Godavery, near Peitun, in order to conciliate him. But Akbur having reached Mando directed Daniel Mirza to proceed to Ahmudnuggur, as he himself intended to besiege Aseer.

Daniel Mirza and Khan Khanan accordingly marched with about thirty thousand horse towards Ahmudnuggur. Nehung Khan Hubshy and other officers of the Deccan flying before them, left the Moguls at liberty to advance without molestation. Akbur failed in inducing Meeran Bahadur Khan to submit to his authority. He accordingly proceeded to Boorhanpoor, and directed one of his generals to besiege Aseer, which lay only six coss from that place. After the siege had continued a considerable time, the air, on account of the number of troops cooped up in the fort, became very unhealthy. This occasioned a pestilence, which swept off several of the garrison; and although Meeran Bahadur Khan had still sufficient men for the defence of Aseer, as well as a large magazine of warlike stores and provisions, he began to despair. At this time, also, Ahmudnuggur fell, through the exertions of Khwaja Abool Hussun Toormoozy, as we shall soon have occasion to relate. In the beginning of the year

1009, Meeran Bahadur Khan, losing all courage, resigned the strong fortress of Aseer into the hands of Ak-bur, and yielded up treasures and stores which had been accumulating therein for many ages. The wealth of Ahmudnuggur was also brought to Boorhanpoor. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Beejapoor sent an ambassador to conciliate Akbur, and consented to give his daughter in marriage to his son, the Prince Daniel Mirza. A Mogul noble, named Meer Jumal-ood-Deen Hoossein Anjoo, was accordingly despatched with suitable offerings, to escort the bride from Beejapoor. Aseer, Boorhan-poor, Ahmudnuggur, and Berar, were now consolidated into one province, the government of which was conferred on Daniel Mirza, under the management of Khan Khanan. The King, after these transactions, having returned in triumph to the

A. H. 1011.
A. D. 1602.

city of Agra, in the year 1011, assumed by proclamation the title of Emperor of the Deccan, in addition to his other royal titles. In the course of the same year, Sheikh Abool Fuzl was recalled from the Deccan; and that learned man was unfortunately attacked and cut off in the district of Nurwur, by banditti near Orcha.

Suffur,
A. H. 1013.
June,
A. D. 1604. In the month of Suffur, 1013 of the Hijra, Meer Jumal-ood-Deen Hoossein, who had been deputed to Beejapoor, returned with the royal bride and the stipulated dowry. He delivered the young Sooltana to Daniel upon the banks of the Godavery, near Peitun, ^280a where the nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence; after which, Meer Jumal-ood-Deen Hoossein proceeded to join the King at Agra.

Zehuj 1.
A. H. 1013.
April 8.
A. D. 1605. On the 1st of Zehuj, of the year 1013, the Prince Daniel died, in the city of Boorhanpoor, owing to excess of drinking. His death, and the circum-cumstances connected with it, so much affected the King, who was in a declining state of health,

Jumad-oos-
Sany 13.
A. H. 1014.
Oct. 13.
A. D. 1605.

that he every day became worse, till, on the 13th of Jumad-oos-Sany, in the year 1014, he died, after a reign of fifty-one years and some months. Eternity belongeth only to that King to whom our worship is due. The words

◌

“The death of King Akbur,”

contain the numeral letters which comprise the date of his death.

Although Akbur was by no means an accomplished scholar, he sometimes wrote poetry, and was well read in history. He also delighted in Indian fables. He caused the fables of Meer Humza, consisting of three hundred and sixty stories, to be written in a beautiful hand, and appropriate pictures were affixed to each story. He established posts throughout his dominions, having two horses and a set of footmen stationed at every five coss. The Indians call this establishment “Dak Chowky.” They are employed to convey letters on ordinary business, or expresses to and from court. The footmen will travel fifty coss within the twenty-four hours; so that a letter comes from Agra to Ahmudabad in five days; ^281a and when especial messengers are required to go quickly, they avail themselves of the post-horses to proceed in the same way. Four thousand runners were in permanent pay, some of whom, on extraordinary occasions (where there were no posts), have performed a journey of seven hundred coss in ten days.† ^281b Akbur had never more than six thousand elephants at one time, nor had he ever less than five thousand during his whole reign. It seems likely that no King of Dehly ever had so many elephants. His other property has been thus estimated:—

Of allayees (a golden coin), a sum equal to ten crore of rupees, besides one crore's worth of allayees, which he set aside for his private treasury.

Ten maunds, full weight, (800 lb.) of uncoined gold.

Seventy maunds (5600 lb.) of uncoined silver.

Sixty maunds (4800 lb.) of uncoined copper; besides one crore coined into tunkas.

Twelve thousand stable horses.

One thousand camels.

He had, also, nearly one thousand yooz (hunting leopards). It is stated, that although he wished to complete this establishment to one thousand he was never able to do so, in consequence of some disease which affected these animals when they exceeded nine hundred.

The author procured this list of property from one furnished to him; but it remains with others to decide on its authenticity.

This Chapter is divided into six Sections; viz.

SECTION I. Of the Kings of Koolburga, denominated Bahmuny.
SECTION II. Of the Kings of Beejapoor, entitled Adil Shahy.
SECTION III. Of the Kings of Ahmudnuggur, entitled Nizam
Shahy.
SECTION IV. Of the Kings of Tulingana (Hydrabad), entitled
Kootb Shahy.
SECTION V. Of the Kings of Berar, entitled Imad Shahy.
SECTION VI. Of the Kings of Bidur, entitled Bereed Shahy.

>genealogy<

His origin. — State of the Mahomedan power in the Deccan. — Mahomed Toghluk, King of Dehly, suspects the foreign officers stationed in the Deccan of an intention to revolt — takes steps to procure their being sent to his camp. — The officers concert measures with the Hindoo princes of the Deccan to revolt — they obtain possession of Dowlutabad. — The King of Dehly arrives, and attacks the confederates, but is induced to quit the Deccan to suppress an insurrection in Guzerat. — The Deccan chiefs establish their independence — they raise Ismael to the throne. — Zuffur Khan, the principal Deccany partisan, takes Kand'har and Bidur from the Dehly officers in charge, and reaches Dowlutabad. — Ismael abdicates the throne in favour of Zuffur Khan, who assumes the title and appellation of Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Gungoo Bahmuny. — He creates Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory minister, and makes Kool-burga his capital. — The ex-King Ismael attempts to recover his power — he is seized, tried, and executed, but his estates and titles are conferred on his son. — Hussun Gungoo divides the Deccan into four departments:—

1st department, Dabul, Koolburga, Rachore, and Moodkul.
2d department, Choul, Joonere, Dowlutabad, and Peitun.
3d department, Mahoor, Ramgir, and the valley of Berar.
4th department, Bidur, Kowlas, and Indore.

The King's health declines — his death.

AUTHORS differ regarding the birth and the early life of Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Bahmuny. It would be tedious and useless to relate all that has been said on this subject, so that I shall merely state that which is most generally believed in the Deccan.

Hussun, a native of Dehly, was the servant of Gungoo, a braminical astrologer, enjoying high favour with the Prince Mahomed Toghluk, and who, in consideration of the good conduct of Hussun, gave him a pair of oxen, and permitted him to till a small piece of land for his own use. While at work one day, the plough attached itself to some substance, which on examination Hussun found to be a chain fastened to a copper vessel, containing a number of antique gold coins. On making the discovery, he carried the treasure to his master, who, commending him for his honesty, acquainted the Prince Mahomed Toghluk with the circumstance, who communicated it to his father, the King. The monarch ordered Hussun to the presence, and conferred on him the command of one hundred horse.

It is further related, that the bramin assured Hussun he perceived from his horoscope that he would rise to great distinction, and be eminently favoured of the Almighty; and made him promise if he ever should attain regal power, that he would assume the name of Gungoo, and employ him as his minister of finance; a request with which Hussun readily complied. It is said, also, that his future destiny was foretold by the celebrated Sheikh Nizam-ood-Deen Oulia. From these prognostications, Hussun's ambition prompted him to proceed to the Deccan, which became the seat of his future good fortune.

The Prince Mahomed Toghluk, having succeeded his father on the throne of Dehly, appointed his tutor, Kootloogh Khan, entitled Alum-ool-Moolk, governor of Dowlutabad; and granted permission, at the same time, to such officers as chose to proceed with him. Among these was Hussun, on whom was bestowed, in jageer, the town of Koonchy ^285a within the district of Ray Bagh. Some years after, Mahomed Toghluk led his army against the refractory nobles of Guzerat, whom he defeated. Many of these took refuge in the Deccan; where Kootloogh Khan and his officers, contrary to the duty they owed their sovereign, afforded them an asylum. This proceeding induced the King to determine on removing the whole of the Deccan officers to other provinces. With this view, Ahmud Lacheen was deputed to wait on Alum-ool-Moolk, requiring him to send the Deccan officers to Guzerat. The governor accordingly summoned them to repair to Dowlu-tabad. Some months elapsed before they arrived; when, at length, they departed with Ahmud La-cheen for Guzerat. Ahmud entertained hopes of extorting presents from these officers to engage his interest in their favour with the King, but being disappointed, he resented their conduct, and treated them with contempt; remarking to his attendants, that they deserved death for having given protection to the rebel chiefs of Guzerat, and for so long neglecting the royal summons to appear at court. The Deccan officers, on hearing these sentiments, became alarmed; and on reaching the frontier, they formed a plan to revolt. It was notorious that the King frequently punished with death the slightest offences, and often without examining the accused; so that they considered it better for them to maintain themselves in the Dec-can by force, than to deliver themselves up tamely like sheep to the slaughter.

This resolution being taken, they quited Ahmud Lacheen, who in attempting to oppose them was defeated and slain. The chiefs were immediately joined by numbers of disaffected persons, and before they reached Dowlutabad had collected a large force. The rajas of the Deccan, also, suffering under the tyranny of the King of Dehly, rejoiced at this revolt; in which some joined, while others, more circumspect, only privately encouraged it, and assisted the rebels with money and supplies. How just is the observation of the poet, who remarks,—

“When man is oppressed he revolts from his prince in the
hour of danger;
“For how can a kingdom flourish when the ruler is tyrannical?”

Imad-ool-Moolk, the King's son-in-law, governor of Berar and Kandeish, residing at Elichpoor, finding himself daily deserted by his troops, and fearing least his officers should finally deliver him over to the Deccanies, quitted that city with his family, under pretence of hunting, and retired to Nundoorbar; while the Berar officers plundering the treasury, proceeded to join the insurgents' camp near Dowlutabad. The garrison of this fortress, also, perceiving the accumulated force of the rebels, delivered over the place into their hands. Thus, in a few months, the territory of the Dec-can, which had been conquered in a long series of campaigns, and at a vast expense of blood and treasure, seemed about to be snatched from the hands of the King of Dehly.

On securing possession of Dowlutabad, the insurgents, in order to give weight to their measures, resolved to elect a leader; and they raised one Ismael Khan Afghan, an officer of one thousand horse, whose brother, Mullik Moogh, commanded the royal army in the province of Malwa, to be their King, with the title of Nasir-ood-Deen. This selection arose principally out of the hope that the Deccanies would be supported by the new king's relative in Malwa. Honours were bestowed by the new sovereign on all his officers, and to each was assigned a landed estate. At this time, Hussun, who has been before mentioned, had the title of Zuffur Khan conferred on him, and he received some districts for his own support and that of a body of soldiers. Meanwhile Mahomed Toghluk approached from Guzerat, having been joined on the road by Imad-ool-Moolk Tubreezy, and Mullik Moogh, governor of Malwa. On his arrival, near Dowlutabad, he found the insurgents ready to receive him at the head of thirty thousand cavalry, drawn up on the same plain where Alla-ood-Deen had first defeated the son of Ram Dew, Raja of Dewgur. In the action which ensued, both wings of the royal army were routed, and Mahomed Toghluk was even preparing to fly, when suddenly the curse of disloyalty fell upon the rebels. Khan Jehan, one of their principal chiefs, receiving an arrow wound, was dismounted, and his division, consisting of six thousand men, dispersed and fled from the field. At the same instant, also, the standard-bearer of Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael, the newly-created King, panic-struck, allowed the colours to fall from his hands; and the insurgent troops, supposing their chief had forsaken them, gradually fell back. Night coming on, both parties retired without molestation to their camp. Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael having sent for Zuffur Khan and his principal chiefs, resolved that it would be inadvisable for the present to hazard another battle, and it was agreed that Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael should retire within the walls of Dowlutabad with a sufficient garrison; while the officers should keep the field, provide for the protection of their own districts, and harass and cut off the enemy's convoys and supplies. The rebels, accordingly, silently withdrew during the night, so that at daylight the King of Dehly saw not a vestige of their army. On the following day, Imad-ool-Moolk Tubreezy was detached in pursuit of Zuffur Khan, and the King laid siege to Dowlutabad. After some time, the garrison, reduced to despair, was about to surrender, when intelligence arrived of an insurrection at Dehly, under a slave named Tuky, who, with a body of disaffected rabble, had committed great enormities in the capital, threatened the provinces, and was on march to Guzerat. The King, leaving the camp at Dowlutabad in charge of one of his generals, marched to quell this new rebellion. The Deccan officers, encouraged by this circumstance, collected from all parts, and advancing in force, compelled the royalists to raise the siege, and to follow their sovereign. On the retreat, they were hotly pressed by the Deccanies as far as the banks of the Nerbudda. On which occasion, the royalists lost much baggage, and several elephants laden with treasure.

Zuffur Khan also marched with twenty thousand horse to Bidur, then occupied by Imad-ool-Moolk Tubreezy; but owing to the superiority of the royalists, he dared not engage them. At last, being joined by fifteen thousand infantry, sent by the Raja of Tulingana, and five thousand horse, detached by Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael from Dowlutabad to his assistance, Zuffur Khan made the attack. The action, which was hardly contested, continued from daylight till sunset, when, as it was decreed by God, ^290a that Zuffur Khan should be raised to the sovereignty of the Deccan, Imad-ool-Moolk was slain, and his army routed. Many of the fugitives took shelter in Bidur, others in Kand'har†, ^290b while some few retired with difficulty to Malwa.

Zuffur Khan having left Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory to reduce the forts of Bidur and Kand'har proceeded to Dowlutabad; at which place he was met by Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael, who, on observing that greater attention was paid by the officers and the army to the general than to him, and perceiving, also, that they wished to have him for their king, prudently resolved to retire to a more humble station. Calling a meeting, therefore, of the principal officers present, Nasir-ood-Deen Ismael declared, that on account of his age he was unfit to rule in such times, and requested they would elect a new king, observing, that for his part he should recommend Zuffur Khan as most worthy of the throne. The assembly unanimously consented to the proposal; and the astrologers being directed to select a fortunate moment for

Rubbee-ool-
Akhur 24.
A. H. 748.
August 12.
A. D. 1347.

his inauguration, on Friday, the 24th of Rubbee-ool-Akhur, 748, the crown was placed on the head of Zuffur Khan, and a black canopy, the colour assumed by the Abasside caliphs, was elevated over his throne. The Khootba was read, and coins struck, in his name, impressed with his title of Alla-ood-Deen Hussun. From that period, also, Kool-burga, which now became the royal residence, was named Ahsunabad, ^291a and became the capital of the first Mahomedan king of the Deccan.

Alla-ood-Deen Hussun, having assumed charge of his government, neglected none of its duties, and his dominions daily extended; so that in a short time the territory from the river Beema to the vicinity of the fortress of Adony†, ^291b and from the port of Choul to the city of Bidur, was brought under his authority. It is related, that on his accession the King distributed four hundred pounds weight of gold, and one thousand pounds of silver, in charity, in the name of Nizam-ood-Deen Oulia, who had predicted his good fortune. Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, remarkable alike for his integrity and good sense, was appointed minister; and the ex-king, Nasir-ood-Deen, re-assuming his original name of Ismael, was honoured with the title of Ameer-ool-Omra. Not unmindful of his promise to his former master, the King entrusted his treasury to the bramin Gungoo, who quitted the service of Mahomed Toghluk Padshah, and repaired to the Deccan; and the affix of Gungoo Bahmuny was superadded to the King's title in all public documents, and remained engraven on the royal seal of that dynasty till its extinction.

It is generally believed that Gungoo was the first bramin who accepted office in the service of a Ma-homedan prince; before whose time, the bramins never engaged in public affairs, but passed their lives in the duties of religion, and in the study of the Vedas; indifferent to fortune, conceiving the service of princes to be destructive of virtue. If, as physicians, astronomers, metaphysicians, or historians, they sometimes associated with the rich or powerful, they never consented to wear the chain of servitude, though courted by gifts, and promised the highest distinctions. Since Gungoo's acceptance of employment, however, the management of the revenue has been committed generally to bramins, by all the princes of the Deccan.^292a

Alla-ood-Deen Hussun, as well by wise policy as by force of arms, towards the end of the reign of Mahomed Toghluk, subdued every part of the Deccan previously subject to the throne of Dehly, and gained over by conciliatory measures the Afghan, Mogul, and Rajpoot officers of the Dehly government, holding possession of Bidur and Kand'har, which were delivered into his hands. He wrested Kowlas, also, with its dependencies, from the Raja of Wurungole, with whom he formed a treaty of alliance. The death of Mahomed

A. H. 752.
A. D. 1751.

Toghluk, in 752, removing all apprehensions of attack from Dehly, the King engaged assiduously in the internal economy of his government, and witnessed the marriage of his eldest son Mahomed with the daughter of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory. On this occasion, he distributed ten thousand robes of cloth of gold, velvet, and satin, among the nobles of his court, besides one thousand Arabian and Persian horses, and two hundred sabres set with jewels. The populace were entertained with various amusements, and booths were erected in the streets of Koolburga, from which showers of confectionary were thrown among the crowd. The rejoicings lasted a whole year; on the last day of which, the nobility and officers, in their turn, made offerings of jewels, money, and the rarest productions of all countries.

Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, in consequence of this alliance, assumed a place in public assemblies above those of all the nobility. This circumstance gave offence to the Ameer-ool-Omra, who complained of it, but he was told, that in every settled government the civil officers took precedence of the military. Although apparently satisfied with this explanation, he secretly conspired with some disaffected persons to depose the King, and to re-ascend the throne he had abdicated. His designs not being favoured by Providence, the King obtained timely information of his intentions from persons who had joined in the plot, but had since repented. Having convened all the principal officers of the court, the King openly accused Is-mael, who denied the charge by the most solemn oaths. Being confronted, however, with the informers, and many of the conspirators having fully proved the charges against him, the Ameer-ool-Omra suffered death: his relations and adherents, however, were unmolested; no confiscation of his property took place; and his son, Bahadur Khan, was raised to the rank of Ameer-ool-Omra. This act, connected with other instances of justice tempered with mercy, raised the King's fame, and strengthened his power. The Raja of Tulingana, who had thrown off all fealty, was treated with generous forbearance, on account of the assistance he had rendered to the King; and he now voluntarily agreed to pay the tribute he had heretofore remitted to the King of Dehly.

Alla-ood-Deen, at the instance of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, sent a considerable force into the Carnatic, ^294a from whence his general returned successful, with valuable contributions from several rajas in money and jewels, besides two hundred elephants, and one thousand female singers. Having received an invitation from Preme Ray, the representative of the ancient rajas of Guzerat, to invade that country, (which, owing to the weakness of the kings of Dehly, had become a prey

to contending chiefs,) Alla-ood-Deen Hussun, in the month of Shaban, 758, took the field, and having detached his eldest son, the Prince Mahomed, in advance with twenty thousand horse, himself followed by easy marches. On arriving at Now-sary , ^295a the Prince found the country abounding in game, of which he sent accounts to his father, who being fond of field sports, proceeded with expedition, and spent nearly a month in that vicinity; at the end of which period, having contracted an intermittent fever, and not using proper precaution in refraining from violent exercise and high living, his disorder increased to so alarming a degree, that he was induced to return to Kool-burga. On reaching his capital, he convened all the learned and holy men in whose presence he vowed to abstain in future from all things forbidden by the law of the Koran. At this time he divided his kingdom into four principal governments. The district, including the capital, extended from Koolburga as far west as Dabul, and south as far as Rachore and Moodkul, was placed under Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory: the tract comprehending Choul (on the sea-coast), and lying between Joonere, Dowlutabad, Beer, and Peitun (being the territory of Mahrut), the King committed to the charge of Mahomed Khan, the son of his brother Ameer Ally. On the northeast, Mahoor, Ramgir, and a portion of Berar, were intrusted to Sufdur Khan Seestany; and Bidur, Indour, Kowlas, and the districts in Tu-lingana, were assigned to the charge of Azim Hoomayoon, son of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory.

The King continued six months in a declining state of health; in spite of which, he gave public audience twice a day, transacting business, and administering justice to the poor and friendless. He issued orders to release all prisoners throughout his dominions, except those accused of capital offences, whom he commanded to Koolburga; and having himself examined them, gave liberty to all but seven, whom he delivered over to his son Ma-homed, that after his death he might act towards them as he judged proper. At length, finding no benefit from medicine, and feeling nature exhausted, he discharged his physicians, and waited patiently the final cure of human ills. In this state, enquiring one day of his youngest son, Mah-mood, who had been reading with his tutor, what book he had been studying, the youth replied, the Bostan of Sâdy, repeating the following passage as his lesson of that day:—

“I have heard that Jumsheed, that compound “of excellence, caused these words to be engraved “on a marble fountain: ‘Many like me have viewed “this fountain, but they are gone, and their eyes “closed for ever. I conquered the world by “valour and prudence, but was unable to subdue “the power of the grave.’”

The King sighed at the recital, and calling his sons Dawood and Mahomed to him, said, “This “is my last breath, and with it I conjure you, as “ye value the permanence of the kingdom, to “agree with each other. Mahomed is my suc-“cessor: submission and loyalty to him is your “first duty in this world, and will ensure you “happiness in the next.” He then sent for his treasurer, and committed to each of his sons a sum of money to be distributed instantly among the poor. Having done which, they returned to inform him his wishes had been fulfilled; when he exclaimed, “Praise be to God,” and instantly resigned his life to the Creator of all things. The death of

Rubbee-ool-
Awul 1.
A. H. 759.
Feb. 10.
A. D. 1358.

Alla-ood-Deen Hussun happened eleven years, two months, and seven days, after his accession to the throne, on the 1st of Rubbee-ool-Awul, 759, in the sixty-seventh year of his age.

Alla-ood-Deen Hussun being once asked how he contrived without great treasures or armies to attain royalty, he replied, by kindnesses to my friends, generosity to my enemies, and by courtesy and liberality to all mankind. It has been asserted that he was descended from Bahmun, one of the ancient kings of Persia, and I, the author, have even seen a pedigree of him so derived, in the royal library of Ahmudnuggur; but it was probably only framed, after his accession to the throne, by flatterers and poets, for I believe his origin was too obscure to admit of being traced. The appellation of Bah-muny he certainly took out of compliment to his master, Gungoo, the bramin, a word often pronounced bâhmun. The King himself was by birth an Afghan.

The splendour of the court described — The King coins money of a square form. — The Hindoos refuse to circulate it, and they melt it down. — Several Hindoos suffer death. — The Rajas of Beejanuggur and Wurungole provoke a war with Mahomed Shah. — The Hindoos are defeated. — The King proceeds to Velumputtun — his cruel treatment of the Raja. — The King's army nearly cut off in his retreat, and he is himself wounded. — The Raja of Wurungole cedes Golconda, and peace is concluded; on which occasion the Raja presents the King with the celebrated Tukht Feroza, or azure throne. — The King, in a fit of debauchery, gives to a band of musicians an order for a large sum of money on the treasury of the Raja of Beejanuggur. — War ensues. — Moodkul taken by the Raja, and the whole of the garrison is put to the sword. — Mahomed makes a vow to slay one hundred thousand Hindoos. — The Hindoos defeated, and seventy thousand slain in the first action. — The Raja is besieged in his capital. — The musicians are paid by the Raja. — Peace concluded. — Revolt by Beiram Khan at Dowlutabad. — Is defeated at Peitun, and eventually retreats to Guzerat. — Description of the civil government of Mahomed Shah I. — His death.

WHEN Mahomed ascended the throne he added considerably to the splendour of the court. On the canopy over his seat he caused a golden ball, inlaid with jewels, to be placed, on which was a bird of paradise composed of precious stones, on whose head was a ruby of inestimable price, presented to the late king by the Raja of Beejanuggur. He increased the train of his attendants, and divided the nobility and officers into four orders, appointing to each specific duties and times for attendance at court. He formed a corps which he styled bardars, whose duties consisted in mustering the troops, and in conducting persons to the audience. He had, also, a band of silehdars, ^299a composed of two hundred youths, selected from among the sons of the nobility, to carry the royal armour and weapons; and he formed a body-guard of four thousand men, under the command of a nobleman of high rank, styled Meer Nobut. Fifty silehdars, and a thousand of the body-guard, attended at the palace daily. Every day, excepting on Fridays, he gave public audience early in the morning, and continued to transact business till the crier proclaimed noontide prayer, when the court broke up. Previously to ascending the throne, he used to prostrate himself before it out of respect, as he said, to the memory of his father. The throne was of silver, placed under a magnificent canopy, on a rich carpet, and the court before the hall of audience was shaded either by an awning of velvet brocade, or some other costly manufacture. To each of the governors of provinces he gave the name of Turrufdar. In the beginning of his reign, Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory enjoyed the distinction of sitting in the presence, but requesting to resign this privilege, he afterwards stood like the other nobles. The nobut†, ^299b or band of music, played five times daily, at stated hours; and all persons, when introduced to the King, knelt and touched the ground with their foreheads. ^300a After the dissolution of the Bahmuny dynasty, the several kings of the Deccan assumed the chutr, or canopy, and the Khootba; but none struck coins of gold in their own name, or sounded the nobut five times daily, excepting the King of Golconda, styled Kootb Shah.

The coins of the Bahmuny dynasty were of a square form, and of different value; having on one side the creed of the faithful, and the names of the as'hab (the first four caliphs), while on the other side was the King's title, and the year of his reign in which the coin was struck. The Hindoo bankers, at the instigation of the Rajas of Beeja-nuggur and Tulingana, melted all the coins which fell into their hands, in order that those of the infidels might alone be current in the Dec-can. Mahomed Shah, incensed against them on their persisting in the offence, put to death many persons guilty of such conduct, and limited the business of the mint and of the bank to a few Kuh-tries, the descendants of inhabitants of Dehly who had formerly emigrated into the Deccan. After which, the Bahmuny coins alone were used in the Mahomedan dominions. Since the subversion of that dynasty, however, the coins of the Hindoo princes have been permitted to pass current.

Early in the reign of Mahomed Shah, the Rajas of Beejanuggur and Tulingana demanded restitution of the territories wrested from them by his father; threatening, in case of refusal, not only to invade his country themselves, but to draw upon him the army of the King of Dehly. Insecure of the attachment of some of his officers, and his treasury being low, owing to the large sums required by his mother, Mullika Jehan, to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, Medina, and Kurbulla, the King, during eighteen months, kept the ambassadors of the Rajas at his court, and sent his own to Beejanuggur, in order to gain time. During this period he displaced such officers as he suspected; and his mother having returned, he resolved on war, and demanded from the Rajas some of their best elephants, laden with jewels, gold, and the most precious manufactures of the Deccan. The Raja of Tulingana upon this deputed his son, Vinaik Dew, with an army, to recover Kowlas, while the Raja of Beejanuggur sent a considerable force to co-operate. The Hindoos were defeated by the Mahomedan troops, under Bahadar Khan; and that general, having plundered the country to the vicinity of Wurungole, obliged the Raja to pay him a large sum of money; to give twenty-five elephants, and many valuable jewels, which were presented to the King at Koolburga.

A. H. 773.
A. D. 1371. In the end of the year 773, some merchants arriving from distants parts, brought horses for sale, but the King not approving of them, observed they were unfit for his use; on which the merchants stated they had lately possessed much finer horses, but which had been forcibly taken from them, at reduced prices, by Vinaik Dew at Velumputtun, ^302a though they told him that they were designed for the King of Koolburga. Mahomed Shah, already offended with Vinaik Dew, resolved to take revenge for this fresh instance of disrespect; and committing the charge of his government to Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, assembled an army at Sooltanpoor, where he continued ten days, organising his troops. He there received during that time the prayers of the venerable Mahomed Siraj-ood-Deen Jooneidy for his success; and on the eleventh day began his campaign by slow marches towards Tulingana. On his arrival at Kullian, asking an attendant, to whom he allowed great freedom of speech, in what time he might reach Velumputtun, the wit replied, that if he continued his present speed, he might perhaps see it in twelve months. The King, nettled at this observation, immediately formed a light detachment of four thousand cavalry, and proceeded with such rapidity, that in the space of a week he arrived near Velumputtun. He then ordered a band of veteran soldiers to disguise themselves in tattered habits, and repair to the town as horse-dealers, who had been plundered by robbers, in order to amuse the attention of the guards at the gates. The soldiers, on being questioned, replied, that they were merchants who had been plundered by a numerous banditti not far from the place, and were come to implore protection and justice from the governor. During this time Mahomed Shah advanced with a thousand horse, and the guards in attempting to shut the gates were prevented by the King's troops. The King now entering the town, commenced to slay the inhabitants without mercy, while Vinaik Dew, who little expected such an enemy, was engaged at an entertainment. On receiving the alarm, he fled with precipitation to the citadel, which the King assaulted without delay; when, after a faint opposition, Vinaik Dew tried to make his escape by a postern, but was taken prisoner in the city. In the morning he was questioned by the King, why he had dared to seize horses from merchants on their way to Koolburga? and making an insolent reply, Mahomed Shah, who had before this resolved to spare his life, commanded a pile of wood, which happened to be close to the citadel, to be lighted. He then ordered the tongue of Vinaik Dew to be cut out, and having placed him on a munjneek (catapulta), caused him to be cast from the walls into the flames, in which he was consumed. The King remained fifteen days in the town; and as his army came up, it encamped without the gates, while he reposed from his fatigues, and gave himself up to pleasure. Having secured the treasures of Vinaik Dew, and levied a heavy contribution from the inhabitants, Mahomed Shah left Velumputtun, and returned towards his capital; but the Tulingies, who had now collected in great force, surrounding him from all quarters, so harassed his march, that he commanded his tents and baggage to be burnt, together with all his plunder, except jewels and gold. Being relieved from these encumbrances, he moved in close order from dawn till nightfall every day, relying for provisions on the villages on the route, and passing the night in strict vigilance, for fear of surprise. With all these precautions, the enemy destroyed such numbers of his soldiers, that of four thousand men only fifteen hundred returned. The King himself received a wound in his arm, and at Kowlas was obliged to halt from indisposition. Here he was fortunately joined by Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory with the main body of his army, when the Tulingies were driven back to their own country with great slaughter, and several places taken from them before the King returned to Koolburga.

The Raja of Tulingana, enraged at the death of his son, sent a letter to the Emperor Feroze Tog-luk of Dehly, acknowledging himself his vassal. He promised, that if he would send a force to the south he would act in conjunction with it, for the recovery of the Dehly possessions in the Deccan, and also consented to pay a considerable tribute. In this offer he was joined by his ally, the Raja of Beejanuggur; but Feroze Toghluk was too much occupied with domestic commotions to assist them, and did not attend to their representations.

Mahomed Shah, hearing of the overtures made by the Rajas, and aware of the weakness of the court of Dehly, resolved on the entire conquest of Tulingana. Having again committed the charge of his internal government to Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, he marched to Kowlas, from whence he detached Azim Hoomayoon, with the troops of Bidur, towards Golconda, and Sufdur Khan, with those of Berar, against Wurungole, towards which latter place he followed in person by regular marches. The Raja of Tulingana, disappointed of aid from Dehly, declined engaging the royal army; and retiring to the woods, sent some of his chiefs with valuable presents to Bahadur Khan, ^305a entreating his intercession for peace, which the King at first refused. The Raja then despatched one of his sons to the camp, with declarations of submission; when Mahomed Shah, at the earnest persuasion of his nobility, agreed to such terms as Bahadur Khan should judge consistent with the King's dignity. It was required, accordingly, that the Raja should present three hundred elephants, two hundred valuable horses, and thirty-three lacks of rupees; and that he should cede in perpetuity the hill-fort of Golconda, with its dependencies. The Mahomedan army having been nearly two years subsisting on the country of Tulingana, the Raja was much distressed, and saw no relief but in fulfilling the conditions. It was agreed that Mahomed Shah should retreat, and that Bahadur Khan should remain at Kowlas, to see the conditions of the treaty fulfilled. Mahomed Shah, having committed the charge of Golconda to Azim Hoomayoon, returned towards his capital, and disbanding his army at Bidur, halted there three months.

When the agents of the Raja came to Kowlas Bahadur Khan conducted them to the King, to whom they presented the offerings agreeably to treaty; and in return received rich dresses, besides valuable jewels, and several fine horses for the Raja. Some days after this, the ambassadors represented to Bahadur Khan, that if his Majesty, after fixing the territorial limits of the state of Tulingana, would sign a treaty, binding his successors to protect the rajas from further encroachment, their master would present him with a curiosity worthy of a great king.

Bahadur Khan having communicated this offer, the King was impatient to know of what the gift consisted; and the ambassadors being introduced, repeated their promise. Mahomed Shah, finding them sincere, drew up a paper in his own hand, fixing Golconda as the boundary between his kingdom and the Raja's possessions; conjuring his successors, as long as the rajas of Tulin-gana refrained from breaking their faith, not to molest them. The treaty being signed with the King's seal, and witnessed by the judges and the principal nobility, the Hindoo ambassadors presented to the King a throne, set with valuable jewels, originally prepared by the Raja of Tulin-gana as a present to Mahomed Toghluk, King of Dehly. Mahomed Shah, highly gratified, dismissed the ambassadors with marks of honour and distinction. On his return to Koolburga he held a festival, and ascending the throne in great state, caused it to be called the Tukht-i-Feroza, or cerulean throne; after which he gave audience, and conferred costly presents and titles on those officers who had merited them by their conduct during the war. The silver throne of his father was ordered, however, to be placed in the treasury, and kept as a valuable relic.

I have heard old persons, who saw the Tukht-i-Feroza in the reign of Sooltan Mahmood Shah Bahmuny, describe it as being six cubits long, and two broad: the frame was of ebony covered with plates of pure gold, inlaid with precious stones of great value, in such a way as to be taken off and put on with ease. Every sovereign of the Bahmuny dynasty added some rich jewels, so that in the reign of Mahmood Shah, when it was taken to pieces, in order to remove part of the stones to be set in vases and goblets, the jewellers valued the whole at one crore ^307a of hoons. I learned, also, that it was called Feroza from being enamelled of a sky-blue colour, which was in time totally concealed by the number of precious ornaments.

The festival above alluded to lasted forty days; during which little attention was paid to the law of abstinence enjoined by our religion. ^308a The nobility and common people, following the example of the sovereign, abandoned themselves to festivity and pleasure. On this occasion a number of musicians, who had learned the compositions of Ameer Khoosrow, and Khwaja Hussun, of Dehly, and some who had even heard those great masters, came, attended by three hundred singers, from Dehly to Koolburga. Mahomed Shah, hailing their arrival at such a moment as auspicious, received them with much attention; and was in such good humour, that on one occasion he permitted Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory and the Suddur-ool-Shereef to sit at the foot of his throne in public, as also Bahadur Khan, on whom he conferred the title of Ameer-ool-Omra, and procured his daughter in marriage for his son, the Prince Mujahid Shah.

Moolla Dawood Bidury, the author of the Tohfut-oos-Sulateen, states, he was then twelve years of age, and held the office of page and seal-bearer to the King. He writes, that “one evening, when the “fragrance of the garden of pleasure had suffused “the cheek of Mahomed Shah with the rosy tinge “of delight, a band of musicians sang two verses “of Ameer Khoosrow, descriptive of royal fes-“tivity; when the King, delighted beyond mea-“sure, commanded Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory “to give the three hundred performers a draft “for a gratuity on the treasury of the Raja of “Beejanuggur.” The minister, though he considered the order arose out of the effects of the wine the King had drank, yet, in compliance with his humour, he wrote, but did not despatch it. Mahomed Shah, suspecting the truth from the minister's manner, enquired, on the next day, if the demand had been sent to the Raja, and being answered in the negative, he exclaimed, “Think “you a word without meaning ever escapes my “lips? the order I gave you arose not from in-“toxication but from serious design.” Mullik Seif-ood-Deen, having accordingly affixed the royal seal to the document, despatched it by express messengers to the Raja of Beejanuggur. The Raja, naturally haughty, and proud of his independence, seated the person presenting the order for the money on an ass, and having exhibited him through all the quarters of Beejanuggur, sent him back, after he had been subjected to every mark of contempt and derision. He also gave immediate orders for assembling his army, and prepared to attack the dominions of the house of Bahmuny. With this intent, he marched with thirty thousand horse, three thousand elephants, and one hundred thousand foot, to the vicinity of the fortress of Adony, from whence he sent detachments to lay waste the territory of the Mahomedans.

The troops in Bidur and Berar not having yet rested from the fatigues of a two-years' campaign, the King contented himself with calling, for the present, on Khan Mahomed, with the division from Dowlutabad; at the same time he sent his son, the Prince Mujahid Shah, with a fifth part of the plunder of Vellumputtun, to Sheikh Ma-homed Siraj-ood-Deen, to be distributed among Syuds ^310a and holy men, asking their prayers for his success against the unbelievers. He also collected all the religious men of Koolburga; and, accompanied by them, he proceeded to the grand mosque on a Friday, where he pronounced, with much devoutness, a form of invocation for the success of the army of Islam; and having fixed on a lucky instant for his march, he ordered his camp to be formed without the city.

The Raja of Beejanuggur, meanwhile, in spite of the rainy season, and the inundation of the Krishna, arrived before the fortress of Mood-kul, to which he laid siege. The garrison, consisting of six hundred men of approved valour, left nothing undone for the defence of the place; but the governor, a relation of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, having formerly disgusted the troops by his severity, disaffection arose amongst them, and the officers became careless of their duty; the fort, in consequence, fell into the hands of the enemy; who, with a rancorous cruelty, put men, women, and children to the sword, with the exception of one man only, who escaping, brought intelligence of the event to the King.

Mahomed Shah, on hearing of this disaster, was seized with rage and indignation, and commanded the unfortunate messenger to be instantly put to death, declaring he would never look on a wretch who could survive the sight of the slaughter of so many brave companions. On the same day, without waiting for the assemblage of his whole

Jumad-ool-
Awul,
A. H. 767.
January,
A. D. 1368.

army, in the month of Jumad-ool-Awul, 767, he began his march, and took a solemn oath, that he would not sheath the sword till he had put to death one hundred thousand infidels, in revenge for the massacre of the faithful.

When he reached the banks of the Krishna, he swore by the Power who had created him, and had exalted him to dominion, that food or sleep should be unlawful for him, till he had crossed that river, in face of the enemy, and by the blessing of Heaven, having routed their army, had gladdened the souls of the martyrs of Moodkul. Having proclaimed his son, the Prince Mujahid Shah, his successor, he resigned all his elephants, except twenty, to the Prince, and giving him his advice, sent him back to Koolburga. He then crossed the river, with nine thousand chosen horse.

The Raja of Beejanuggur, notwithstanding his vast army, consisting of thirty thousand cavalry besides infantry, was so alarmed, that he sent off his treasure and elephants towards his capital the next morning, preparatory to engaging or retreating, as he might deem most advisable. The night being stormy and heavy rain falling, the elephants and other beasts of burden stuck frequently in the mud, and were unable to advance above four miles from the camp. Mahomed Shah, hearing of the movement of the Hindoos, immediately marched against them, leaving his tents standing. Towards the dawn he arrived at the Raja's camp; and the alarm being given, so great was the consternation, that the infidels fled, with the utmost precipitation, to Adony, leaving every thing behind them. Mahomed Shah fell in with that part of the camp composing their market and baggage, and put to death, without distinction, men, women, and children, free and slave, to the number of seventy thousand souls. According to the Tohfut-oos-Sulateen, two thousand elephants, three hundred gun-carriages ^312a and battering rams, seven hundred Arabian horses, and a sing'hasun set with jewels, were included in the booty of the King,—all other articles were left to the officers and soldiers. Ma-homed Shah, regarding this victory as the omen of others, after passing the rainy season near Moodkul, and being reinforced by Khan Ma-homed from Dowlutabad, marched against the infidels in Adony; on the plains of which place, near the Toongbudra, the Raja of Beejanuggur had taken up his station, having given the command of Adony to his sister's son. Here he had collected a great army of soldiers, together with many elephants, and all the munitions of war which he possessed.

Mahomed Shah, by the advice of Khan Mahomed, did not lay siege to Adony, but collecting a train of artillery which had never till then been employed by the faithful in the Deccan, he gave the command to Mookurrib Khan, son of Sufdur Khan Seestany, attaching to him a number of Toorks and Europeans acquainted with the art of gunnery. As it was common for bands of thieves to steal into the camp at night, and murder and maim men and horses, he commanded the elephants taken from the Raja to be sent to Koolburga, desiring the officers to return all their baggage to that place, except what was absolutely necessary. The artillery was placed round the camp, connected by strong ropes and chains; and regular patroles went the rounds during the night.

In a short time, the King, crossing the Toong-budra, entered the territory of Beejanuggur, now, for the first time, invaded by a Mahomedan sovereign in person. The Raja, Krishn Ray, on receiving the intelligence, summoned the nobles of his court, and consulted on the best mode of opposing the Mahomedans. It was agreed, that Bhoj-Mul, a maternal relative of the Raja, and commander of his army, should conduct the war. Bhoj-Mul, vain to excess on receiving this commission, asked the Ray if he should bring the Moslem king alive a prisoner into his presence, or present him only his head upon a spear. Krishn Ray replied, that a living enemy, under any circumstance, was not desirable; he therefore desired that he might be put to death as soon as he should take him. Bhoj-Mul, having received his dismissal, marched to oppose Maho-med Shah with forty thousand horse, and five hundred thousand foot. He commanded the bra-mins to deliver every day to the troops discourses on the merit of slaughtering the Mahomedans, in order to excite the zeal of his soldiers. He encouraged the bramins, also, to arouse their indignation, and confirm their hatred of the enemy, by representing them as the destroyers of temples, and of the images of their gods, and also as the slaughterers of cows.^314a

Mahomed Shah, when he arrived within fifteen coss of the Hindoo camp, commanded his general, Khan Mahomed, to muster the troops, who were found to consist of fifteen thousand cavalry, and fifty thousand infantry, of which ten thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot, besides artillery, advanced

Zeekad 14.
A.H. 767.
August 22.
A.D. 1366.

under Khan Mahomed. On the 14th of Zeekad the armies met, and an engagement ensued, which lasted from dawn of day till the sun declined, and great numbers were slain on both sides. Moosa Khan and Eesy Khan, who commanded the right and left wings of Khan Mahomed's line, both sipped of the cup of martyrdom, and their troops broke, a misfortune which had nearly given a fatal blow to the army of Islam. At this instant, Mahomed Shah appearing with three thousand fresh horse restored the spirits of Khan Mahomed, as also of the disordered soldiers, who rallied and joined him.

Mookurrib Khan, having thrown the enemy's line into some confusion with the artillery, asked permission to charge and complete the rout with the cavalry. Khan Mahomed detached several chiefs to his support, when the whole advancing with rapidity, the infidels were reduced to short weapons, such as swords and daggers. At this time, an elephant, named Sheer Shikar , ^315a belonging to Khan Mahomed, becoming unruly, rushed into the centre of the enemy's line, where he was stopped by the elephant of Bhoj-Mul, whose driver was killed. Khan Mahomed, with five hundred horse, followed, and the enemy's elephants turning on their own line, threw their ranks into confusion. Bhoj-Mul, after receiving a mortal wound, was carried off the field, and his followers no longer made resistance. The infidels, seeing their centre broken, fled on all sides. The scimitars of the faithful had scarcely been sheathed, when the King appearing, the massacre of the unbelievers was renewed in so relentless a manner, that pregnant women, and children at the breast even, did not escape the sword. Mahomed Shah, halting a week on the field of battle, circulated accounts of his victory throughout his own dominions. In prosecution of his vow, he marched towards the camp of Krishn Ray, who thinking himself unequal to the contest, retreated for shelter to the woods and mountains. The King followed him from place to place for three months, putting to death all whom he met, without distinction. At length Krishn Ray threw himself into Beejanuggur, his capital. The King soon arrived with his army near that city. There he was molested by the infidels, who hovered round the camp every night, not daring to attack him during the day; and at the end of a month, finding it impracticable to take the place, or draw the enemy out of their works, the King, pretending violent illness, gave orders for retreating. The army having moved, Krishn Ray, with his troops, sallied from the city, shouting from all sides, “Your King is dead: “the prayers of our bramins have been heard, “and we will not suffer a single man of you to “escape us.” In this manner the army crossed the Toongbudra, followed closely by the enemy, till at length the King, encamping on a spacious plain, commanded the army to halt, and Krishn Ray also took up a position at no great distance. Mahomed Shah, now conceiving it a fit opportunity to avow his intentions, gave a public audience to satisfy his officers of his welfare, who were before somewhat dispirited, being unacquainted with the stratagem. After this, retiring early, under pretence of weakness, and calling his principal generals into his private apartments, he commanded them to arm their troops, and wait his orders at a certain place, to which about midnight he repaired, and after forming them into various parties, he proceeded to surprise the enemy's camp.

Krishn Ray and his officers had passed the night in drinking, and in the company of dancing girls and singers, and were fatigued and overcome with sleep; from which they were suddenly roused at the dawn of morning, by the groans of the dying, and the shouts of the heroes of the faith, which reached to the heavens. Krishn Ray, finding it vain to keep order among his panic-struck soldiers, fled, and did not draw rein till he reached his capital. On this occasion, Mahomed Shah acquired immense booty from the plunder of the camp. About ten thousand of the enemy were slain in the pursuit; but the King's thirst for vengeance being still unsatisfied, he commanded the inhabitants of every place around Beejanuggur to be massacred. The bramins and principal Hindoo officers, seeing such devastation, rose against Krishn Ray; complaining that his reign was inauspicious; that their honour was lost; that ten thousand bramins had been already slain, and that not a remnant of population would be left. Krishn Ray replied, that he had done nothing without their advice, but that he had no power to control fate, and was ready to accede to whatever they wished; upon which they desired him to make peace, as his father had done, and endeavour to appease the enemy. Krishn Ray accordingly despatched ambassadors to the King, confessing his errors, and entreating pardon; but Mahomed Shah refused to listen to any overtures.

At this time, a favourite remarked to the King, that he had only sworn to slaughter one hundred thousand Hindoos, and not to destroy their race altogether. The King replied, that though twice the number required by his vow might have been slain, yet till the Ray satisfied the musicians, he would neither make peace nor spare the lives of his subjects. To this the ambasadors, who had full powers, immediately agreed, and the money was paid on the instant. Mahomed Shah then said, “Praise be to God, that what I ordered has been “performed. I would not let a light word be “recorded of me in the pages of history.”

The ambassadors, seeing the King pleased, bowed their foreheads to the ground, and besought him to hear from them a few words. Being permitted to speak, they observed, that no religion required the innocent to be punished for the crimes of the guilty, more especially helpless women and children: if Krishn Ray had been in fault, the poor and feeble inhabitants had not been accessary to his errors. Mahomed Shah replied, that the decrees of Providence had ordered what had been done, and that he had no power to alter them. The ambassadors observed, that as the bestower of kingdoms had conferred on him the government of the Dec-can, it was probable that his successors and the princes of the Carnatic might long remain neighbours, which made it advisable to avoid cruelty in war; and they proposed, therefore, that a treaty should be made not to slaughter the helpless and unarmed inhabitants in future battles. Mahomed Shah, struck with the good sense of this proposal, took an oath, that he would not, hereafter, put to death a single enemy after a victory, and would bind his successors to observe the same line of conduct. From that time to this, it has been the general custom in the Deccan to spare the lives of prisoners in war, and not to shed the blood of an enemy's unarmed subjects. Mahomed Shah, after he had thus received satisfaction, returned to Koolburga, visiting on his way Sheikh Siraj-ood-Deen, to whose prayers, as well as to the charities sent to Mecca with his mother, he ascribed his successes over the Hindoos.

Mahomed Shah had not been above five days at his capital when he was obliged to march to Dow-lutabad, to quell a rebellion in that quarter. The King's lately assumed illness on his retreat from Beejanuggur, at a time when he was hemmed in by the enemy, had given rise to a report of his death, which circulated throughout every part of his dominions, and induced several adventurers to excite disturbances. Among this number was Beiram Khan Mazinderany, whom the late King had honoured with the appellation of Son. Finding the country of Dowlutabad empty of troops, he combined with Govind Dew Maratta, ^320a a chief of the Naiks, to raise the standard of revolt; and some of the chiefs of Berar secretly sent troops to assist him, as also did the Raja of Buglana. Elated by his success, he appropriated to his own use some years' revenues of Mahrut† ^320b and Berar, that Ma-homed Shah had deposited in the fortress of Dow-lutabad, with which he levied troops. Most of the towns and districts of Mahrut fell into his hands; which having divided among his adherents, he, in a short time, collected nearly ten thousand horse and foot.

Mahomed Shah wrote to Beiram Khan, that as he supposed the report of his death, with the temptations held out to him by evil-disposed persons, had alone led him to rebel, he promised, if he returned to his allegiance, to pardon him and his adherents. This letter was conveyed by Syud Julal-ood-Deen and Shah Mullik, two officers of the court, who were especially deputed to induce him to submit. Beiram Khan, on receipt of the King's letter, held a consultation with Govind Dew, who observed, that Mahomed Shah was by nature haughty, and jealous of authority, and that after having offended him by such acts of disobedience, it was by no means prudent to rely on his mercy; therefore, as they possessed such a fortress as Dowlutabad, and the Raja of Buglana and the chiefs of Berar had made common cause with them, it was imprudent to hesitate, and better to take every measure to effect their designs, and render themselves independent. Beiram Khan, adopting the specious arguments of Govind Dew, heeded not the King's admonitions, but increased his preparations for war, so that Syud Julal-ood-Deen and Shah Mullik returned to the King, and submitted to him an account of the failure of the objects of their mission.

Mahomed Shah, enraged at this contumacious behaviour, despatched Musnud Ally and Khan Mahomed, with the bulk of his army, to the north, intending to follow himself shortly after. Beiram Khan, accompanied by Govind Dew and many of the chiefs of Berar and Buglana, moved to Peitun; where, by liberal promises, they collected a great host of needy adventurers. Meanwhile, Musnud Ally, who was a veteran of much experience, not thinking it advisable to engage hastily, halted at Sewgam, where Beiram Khan made an attempt to surprise his camp, but finding the royalists prepared, he retreated without effecting his object. Musnud Ally, in his turn, resolved to attack the enemy, and communicated his intention to Mahomed Shah, then engaged on a hunting excursion in the hills on his frontiers. On receipt of his general's letter, the King prepared to advance with his attendants, in all about three hundred; his ministers, however, alarmed for his safety, represented, that as from Musnud Ally's despatches the rebels appeared to be in force it would be prudent to proceed slowly, and admit of time for the army to join, in order to make the attack with effect. The King observed, that though there was some justice in their observations, his determination was fixed, saying, that as he had penetrated into the very centre of Tulingana, with only one thousand horse and punished his enemies, and that with only nine thousand men he had driven the hosts of Beejanuggur to the hills and woods and returned successful, surely three hundred men were sufficient to cope with a few rebels. Accordingly he mounted his favourite steed Shub-deez, and moved with such expedition, that he reached Peitun at the instant when Musnud Ally was in the act of engaging the insurgents. The news of the King's approach soon became known; and the Raja of Buglana, clapping spurs to his horse, deserted the cause, followed by all his dependants; while Beiram Khan and Govind Dew, confounded at this defection of their ally, fled from the field without drawing a single bowstring on the royalists, and hastened to seek shelter in the fortress of Dowlutabad. While the victorious troops were in the act of plundering the enemy's camp, the King arrived with seventy followers and some elephants, and encamped till the next day. He evinced his approbation by marks of honour which he conferred on the victors; and in the morning moved with such rapidity, that before evening he arrived before Dowlutabad, and took measures to besiege it.

Beiram Khan and Govind Dew, aroused from their dream of ambition, were at a loss how to act. During the night they quitted the fort, and going to the house of Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen, besought his advice. The Sheikh replied, that retiring to the fortress, and shutting themselves up, was far from prudent; that they had better take their wives and children by the hand, and disregarding their effects, make their escape to Guzerat while they yet had it in their power. In compliance with this advice, they sent messages to their families, recommending them to repair to the Sheikh's house without delay. The women, who had previously received some intimation on the subject, brought with them horses and other necessaries for their journey. The Sheikh, spreading his hands over the heads of Beiram Khan and Govind Dew, desired them to depart, saying, that by the blessing of God they would be safe; and they accordingly proceeded on their way towards Guzerat.

In the morning Mahomed Shah, hearing of their flight, pursued them with four hundred horse, but not overtaking them, he returned full of wrath to Dowlutabad, where he vented his anger against Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen, with whom he was before dissatisfied on the following account:— On his accession to the throne, Mahomed Shah had demanded a declaration of allegiance from all the holy men of his kingdom, who had tendered it, with the exception only of this sheikh. He refused to do so because the King drank wine, and was guilty of excesses forbidden by the divine law. On the present occasion, he sent a messenger to order the holy man to his presence, and required him either to take the oath of allegiance, or give an assurance, under his own hand, of his fidelity. The Sheikh, without replying to the message, related the following anecdote to the King's messenger, to be conveyed to the King:—Once a scholar, a syud, and a prostitute, were taken prisoners by infidels, who promised to give them quarter if they would worship their idols; if not, they threatened them with instant death. The scholar, agreeably to the casuistry of the schools of logic, reconciled himself to perform the ceremony, and the syud thought it must be right to follow so worthy an example. The prostitute, however, said, “I have been all my life “sinning, and am neither a scholar nor a syud, “to be able to hope for mercy for this additional “crime.” She refused, therefore, and suffered death. The Sheikh observed, “My case is like “hers, and I am resigned to the King's resent-“ment, but will neither come into his presence, “nor acknowledge allegiance to him.” Maho-med Shah, being more incensed, commanded him to quit the city. The Sheikh obeyed, and repairing to the tomb of Sheikh Boorhan-ood-Deen, seated himself thereon, and exclaimed, “Where “is the man who dares to drive me hence?” ^324a The King, admiring his resolution, repented of his conduct, and sent the following verse to him by the Sudr-oos-Shureef:—

“I am submissive to thee, be thou submissive to me.”

The Sheikh replied, that if Mahomed Shah Ghazy ^325a would, like his father, promote the observance of the holy ordinances, by discouraging vice, and abstaining from wine in public, and by permitting the judges to execute the laws against those persons who offended in these instances, no one would be dearer to him. He also sent the following verse, written in his own hand:

“While I live I would do nought but good.
“I can have no views but loyalty and attachment.
“Even to those who have injured me,
“If in my power, I would for evil return good.”

Mahomed Shah was so much pleased with the appellation of Ghazy, given him by the Sheikh, that he commanded it to be hereafter added to his titles.

Having entrusted the government of Mahrut to Khan Mahomed, the King returned to Koolburga, when he commanded all the distilleries in his dominions to be destroyed, and engaged earnestly in requiring a strict observance of the laws. He determined to root out entirely the banditti of the Deccan, so famous in all former ages for their daring robberies on caravans. For which purpose, orders were issued to the governors of provinces to use their utmost endeavours to clear the country of thieves and highwaymen, by putting them to death without distinction, and to send their heads to the capital, as examples. The consequence was, that in six or seven months there remained not a vestige of these offenders within the King's dominions. Nearly eight thousand heads were brought to Kool-burga from different parts, and were piled up near the city gates.

Mahomed Shah, having attended to the admonitions of Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen, maintained a friendly correspondence with that venerable personage throughout his reign, observing towards him great deference and respect. The Sheikh, on his part, frequently sent exhortations to the King, in which he did not hesitate to deliver his sentiments with honest freedom.

The Rajas of Beejanuggur and Tulingana, as well as all the zemindars of the Deccan, being now confirmed in their submission, and remitting their stipulated tributes, the kingdom was free from war; and Mahomed Shah, laying aside all views of further conquests, employed himself in promoting the happiness of his subjects; to effect which, he made a tour annually through one quarter of his dominions, attended by the governor, who escorted him back to the capital. In these excursions he was employed in investigating the state of the resources, in redressing complaints, and in executing plans of public utility. During his reign all ranks of people reposed in security and peace. Sensible of the value of a just king, they were grateful and obedient to his authority, and prayed earnestly for his long reign. But as the wolf of death, greedy of prey, constantly seizes a fresh Joseph, and a Jacob becomes plunged in grief, so the claws

Zeekad 19.
A. H. 776.
March 21.
A. D. 1375.

of the savage darted on his victim, and on the 19th of Zeekad, A. H. 776, snatched the King from the abode of this vain world, and overwhelmed mortals, like Jacob for his son, with lamentations and tears for his loss. Mahomed Shah was buried by the side of his father,—and the words

“All is vanity”

were engraved by his orders on his tomb. Happy the King who passes a reign like his, and of whom such memorials remain. He was respected in his life, and after his death remembered on account of his virtues.

According to the Siraj-oot-Towareekh, so much treasure and such numbers of elephants, as were collected in the household of Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, were never possessed by any other prince of that dynasty. He had three thousand male and female elephants; and in the reign of any other king we only read of two thousand. The sums of gold accumulated by him, according to the same author, exceeded those acquired by other princes a full half. No prince before him ever so far reduced the rajas and zemindars of the Carnatic, from whom he wrested much of the accumulated riches of seven hundred years; and it is computed that in his reign nearly five hundred thousand unbelievers fell by the swords of the warriors of Islam, by which the population of the Carnatic was so reduced, that it did not recover for several ages. ^327a —Mahomed Shah reigned seventeen years.

His personal prowess — anecdotes of his youth — military negotiations with the Raja of Beejanuggur — takes the field — kills a tiger with a single arrow — arrives at Beejanuggur. — The Hindoos fly before the Moslem troops. — The King pursues them through woods to the sea-coast. — The Hindoo Raja returns to Beejanuggur — is closely pursued by the Maho-medans. — The King enters the streets of the town, but is warmly opposed by the Hindoos. — Single combat of the King with a Hindoo, whom he slays. — A general action, after which the Moslems withdraw. — Peace concluded. — The King returns towards Koolburga — is cut off by his uncle Dawood Khan.

MUJAHID, the son of Mahomed Shah, by the daughter of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, succeeded his father on the throne of the Deccan. This prince possessed great bodily strength, was tall of stature, and in dignity and majesty of aspect surpassed all the princes of his race. He was unrivalled in valour, in fortitude, and strength of constitution. He spoke the Toorky language fluently, which he acquired from his favourite companions, who were for the most part either Toorks or Persians. He was fond of archery from his infancy, and of conversing on military subjects. While a youth, he broke open the door of his father's treasury, and taking from it some bags of gold, divided it among his play-fellows. The treasurer discovering the theft, informed Mahomed Shah Bahmuny, who, enraged at so vicious a propensity in his son, sent Moobarik, his spice-bearer, to call the Prince before him. Upon his arrival, he saw his father was angry, and guessed the cause; but unable to excuse himself, he remained silent, though he received from the King several severe stripes with a whip, that drew blood. When he was dismissed, he went and complained against Moobarik to his mother; observing, that if he had informed him of the discovery, he could have made her his intercessor, or have contrived an excuse to evade going to his father's presence till his passion was abated. The Queen observed that the servant was not in fault. The Prince made no reply; and stifling his resentment, behaved to Moobarik with his usual courtesy. At the end of a week, he took an opportunity of observing to him, that he had heard he possessed great bodily strength, and had overcome the most celebrated wrestlers by the force of his grasp, on which account the Prince said he wished to wrestle with him. Moobarik consented, and a struggle ensued, in which Muja-hid Shah threw him to the ground with such violence, that in the fall he broke his neck, and died. This happened when the Prince was only fourteen years old.

At the age of nineteen, Mujahid Shah succeeded to the throne; immediately after which he made a pilgrimage to Dowlutabad, in order to pay his devotions at the tomb of Sheikh Boorhan-ood-Deen; and having chosen Sheikh Zein-ood-Deen for his spiritual guide, returned to his capital. On this occasion, becoming suspicious of Khan Mahomed, he appointed Azim Hoomayoon, governor of Dow-lutabad, in his stead, and recalled the former chief to the presence. He also wrote to Krishn Ray, Raja of Beejanuggur, that as some forts and districts, between the Krishna and Toongbudra rivers were held by them in participation, which occasioned constant disagreements, it was expected the Raja would, for the future, forego his claims to all territory east of the Toongbudra, together with the fort of Bunkapoor, and some other places. Krishn Ray, in reply to this demand, said, that the forts of Rachore, Moodkul, and others, between the rivers, had for ages belonged to his family; that the King would do wisely, therefore, to surrender them, confine his boundary to the north bank of the Krishna, and restore the elephants which Mahomed Shah had acquired in war, owing to the ill conduct of his servants; by which concessions, their present feelings towards each other might be changed into friendship.

Mujahid Shah, on receipt of this answer, opened the treasures of his father, and made great additions to his army. He entrusted the management of the civil affairs of his government to Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, and resolved to march to Beejanuggur. When the troops of Dowlutabad, Bidur, and Berar, were collected, he moved to the south, carrying with him a great treasure, and five hundred elephants. Crossing the Krishna and Toongbudra rivers, he arrived before the fortress of Adony, the strongest fortification in the Deccan, which he ordered Sufdur Khan Seestany to besiege with the army of Berar, and sent the Ameer-ool-Omra, Bahadur Khan, and Azim Hoomayoon, with their troops, onwards in the direction of Beejanuggur. Upon hearing that Krishn Ray was encamped on the banks of the Toongbudra, the King advanced towards him, by slow marches, and with great caution, while the Hindoo Prince made preparations for an engagement.

At this time Mujahid Shah was informed that an enormous tiger daily committed great ravages, and that many travellers had been killed by him on the road near his den, so that passengers had now left off proceeding by that road. The King, naturally fond of hunting, required to be conducted to the spot of the tiger's retreat. He forebade any person accompanying him without permission; and he went with seven attendants only, on foot, to the monster's lair: the tiger, perceiving these strangers, roared horribly, and stalked towards them. The King commanded his followers to halt and reserve their missiles, while he advanced some paces alone, and discharging an arrow, it entered the side of the animal, which fell dead. Mujahid Shah declared, that had he missed his aim it was his intention to have attacked the tiger with sword and dagger. As it appeared extraordinary that a single arrow should kill a tiger, the King commanded his attendants to open the body, that he might ascertain what vital part had been pierced; which being done, the arrow was found to have entered the heart.

The idolaters of Beejanuggur, hearing of this exploit, were struck with dread; and though they had advanced to give battle, they now altered their intentions, and determined on keeping close in the woods, from the cover of which they might annoy the faithful, and be themselves secure. With this view Krishn Ray, abandoning Beejanug-gur to the charge of his ministers, withdrew with his army to the forests on the south of the city.

Mujahid Shah, having heard much of the beauty of the city, advanced to Beejanuggur; but conceiving it imprudent to besiege it at present, he moved in pursuit of the enemy. Krishn Ray fled through the woods and hills towards Seeta Bund Rameswur ^332a followed by the King, who cut passages for his cavalry through forests before inaccessible. In this manner, the Ray fled from place to place for six months, but never dared to appear in the open plain. In vain did the favourites of the King represent the pursuit as fruitless, and destructive to the troops. At last his good fortune prevailed; the health of Krishn Ray and his family became affected by the pestilential air of the woods, and they were warned by the physicians to quit them. He had entertained hopes that the King would have been taken ill, from the unwholesome climate, and would have been obliged to retreat, but the evil fell on himself. Driven by necessity, therefore, Krishn Ray retired by secret paths to his capital of Beeja-nuggur; whither he was pursued by an army despatched after him; while the King, accompanied by the Ameer-ool-Omra, Bahadur Khan, and five thousand men, went to view Seeta Bund Rameswur.

Mujahid Shah, on this occasion, repaired a mosque ^333a which had been built by the officers of Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy. He broke down many temples of the idolaters, and laid waste the country; after which he hastened to Beejanuggur. To that city there were two roads, one fit for the passage of armies, the other narrow and difficult. As the former was lined with ambushes, he chose the latter; through which he marched with a select body of troops, and appeared suddenly in the suburbs of the city. Krishn Ray, astonished at his boldness, sent myriads of his people to defend the streets. The King drove them before him, and gained the bank of a piece of water, which alone divided him from the citadel, wherein Krishn Ray resided. Near this spot was an eminence, on which stood a temple, covered with plates of gold and silver, set with jewels: it was much venerated by the Hindoos, and called, in the language of the country, Puttuk. The King, considering its destruction a religious obligation, ascended the hill, and having rased the edifice, became possessed of the precious metals and jewels therein. The idolaters, on seeing this object of their veneration destroyed, raised shrieks and lamentations to the sky; and obliging Krishn Ray to head them, advanced resolutely in great numbers. Upon which the King, laying aside his umbrella of state, and with one of his armour-bearers only, an Afghan named Mahmood, crossed a small rivulet to observe the motions of the infidels. At this moment, a Hindoo, recognising the King from the horse he rode, resolved, by revenging the destruction of his country's gods, to gain immortal renown; he accordingly approached, unperceived, through the hollows and broken ground, along the banks of the piece of water before described, and was in the act of charging the King at full speed; when Mujahid Shah, perceiving him, made a sign to Mahmood Afghan, who, without delay, interposed himself. Mahmood's horse rearing, fell to the ground, and gave to his antagonist a momentary advantage. On this Mujahid Shah advanced with the quickness of lightning. The Hindoo changed his object, and aimed a heavy stroke at the King, raising at the same instant a shout of triumph, which caused the spectators to believe his blow was effective. Luckily, a helmet of iron saved the King's head, who inflicted such a wound on his enemy, that he was divided from the shoulder to the navel, and fell dead from his horse. On which the King, having replaced Mahmood on his charger, joined the army, amid the acclamations of his friends, and the admiration of the enemy, who could not withhold their applause for such an instance of gallantry.

Krishn Ray, advancing with his troops, the King committed his right wing to the Ameer-ool-Omra, Bahadur Khan, and his left to Azim Hoomayoon. Sufdur Khan began the attack with the fireworks, and after desperate efforts, and much slaughter on both sides, the enemy was put to flight. The conquerors had scarcely reposed from their fatigues, when the brother of Krishn Ray arrived at the city from his government, with a reinforcement of twenty thousand cavalry, and a body of infantry. Krishn Ray, collecting his broken troops, marched once more against the King. Many instances of valour were displayed, and numberless soldiers fell in each army. Among the faithful, Mookurrib Khan, ^335a with many officers of rank, tasted the sherbet of martyrdom. Mujahid Shah was seen in person in all parts of the field, animating his troops by his example. Wherever he guided his sable steed, there the idolaters lay prostrate beneath his quivering lance. The King's uncle, Dawood Khan, had been left with six thousand horse, and some infantry, to occupy a post called Dhuna Sodra. On learning that the engagement had begun at dawn, and that the enemy were not yet defeated, perceiving also that reinforcements were joining them every instant, he became alarmed for the safety of the King, and quitting his station joined in the battle, in which he behaved with surprising gallantry. He had three horses killed under him, and was frequently obliged to fight on foot. The King, on seeing the standard of Dawood Khan, was far from pleased, but stifled his resentment till victory declared for the faithful: he then called Dawood Khan before him, and gave him a harsh reprimand for quitting his station; observing, that had the army been defeated, and the enemy in possession of Dhuna Sodra, not a Mussulman could have escaped. The King instantly sent a body of troops to secure this important position; but the Hindoos, taking advantage of Dawood Khan's absence, had already taken possession of it; and the officer, conceiving them too strong to be attacked, sent advice to the King. Though forty thousand of the enemy were said to have fallen, yet so heavy had been the loss of the Mahomedans, that the King did not think it prudent to remain longer where he was, and moved his whole army towards Dhuna Sodra, which was evacuated on his approach; when Mujahid Shah, with a choice body of troops, remained in person at the entrance of the pass, until the army had passed in safety, conceiving it likely that Krishn Ray would harass him in the retreat. All those persons who have beheld this country acknowledge that Mujahid Shah, in this expedition, performed an action almost impossible but with the aid of Providence.

The country of Canara (Carnatic) is in length, from north to south, from the Krishna to Seeta Bund Rameswur, ^337a six hundred coss, and its breadth, from west to east, one hundred and fifty, from the shores of the Indian ocean to the borders of Tulingana. The people speak in some parts the Canarese, and in some the Tulingy language, and are so brave that they advance to battle with songs and dances; but their ardour does not last. The country is full of fastnesses and woods, almost impenetrable to troops. The princes of the house of Bahmuny maintained their superiority by valour only; for in power, wealth, and extent of country, the rajas of Beejanuggur greatly exceeded them, especially in the time of Mujahid Shah, when as yet the whole of the country of Tulingana had not fallen under the Bahmuny yoke. The sea-port of Goa, the fortress of Belgam, and other places, not included in Carnatic Proper, belonged to the Ray of Beejanug-gur; and many districts of Tul-Ghât ^338a were in his possession. His country was well peopled, and the subjects submissive to his authority. The rays of Malabar, Ceylon, and other countries, kept ambassadors at his court, and sent annually rich presents. The ancestors of Krishn Ray had possessed this kingdom for seven hundred years; during which period, being undisturbed by revolutions, and sparing in expense, their treasures so accumulated as to equal those of all the kings of the earth. In the time of Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy the grandfather of Krishn Ray buried his treasures from religious motives, and a part of them fell into the hands of the chiefs of Alla-ood-Deen, at Seeta Bund Rameswur, where they were concealed.

Mujahid Shah, finding it impossible at present to reduce Beejanuggur, moved from its vicinity with his captives, amounting to between sixty and seventy thousand persons, mostly women; as, in conformity with the engagements of his father, he had refrained from slaughter after the heat of battle had subsided. As his troops were lying before Adony, the King marched to that fortress, which he besieged for nine months. A scarcity of water had nearly reduced the garrison to submit, when a heavy rain falling, their distress was relieved, and they continued to hold out. At this time a want of grain prevailed in the royal camp, and great numbers were carried off by fluxes, and other complaints of the bowels, so that the army in general were despondent, and began to demand loudly to be led back to their own country.

Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, hearing at Kool-burga of the unpromising state of affairs, petitioned the King for leave to join him with his division, expressing a great desire to see the fortress of Adony, of which he had heard so much. The King consented to his request. After reconnoitring the fortress, he observed to the King in private, that the conquest of such a place, having fifteen forts communicating with each other, ^339a was not to be hoped for in a short time; and that the forts between the rivers from Goa to Belgam and Bunkapoor should first be taken. Mujahid Shah accordingly consented to retreat; and Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory having effected a peace between him and the Ray of Beejanuggur, the King moved towards his own dominions, sending the minister on before him to Koolburga.

When the royal army had crossed the Toongbu-dra, and arrived near the fortress of Moodkul, the King, with some favourites, the companions of his pleasures, went to take the diversion of hunting, attended only by four hundred cavalry. Among the number were Dawood Khan, Sufdur Khan Sees-tany, and Azim Hoomayoon. It was the King's habit, after hunting all day, to pass the night where-ever he was overtaken by darkness.

Dawood Khan, who could not brook the reprimand given him at Beejanuggur for quitting his post, and having also a design on the throne, secretly plotted the King's assassination. In this plot Khan Mahomed and Musaood Khan were also engaged; the former of whom had not forgotten the circumstance of his removal from the government of Dowlutabad, and the preference shown to his rival Azim Hoomayoon, and Musaood sought revenge for the death of his father Moobarik, spice-bearer to the late King. These conspirators watched impatiently for an opportunity to execute their design; although such was the vigilance of Sufdur Khan and Azim Hoomayoon, that as yet none had offered. But as the pen of Providence had signed the decree, Mujahid Shah one day dismissed his two faithful officers, against their own wishes, to their governments, and moved with his remaining attendants towards his capital. Arriving on the banks of a river, he halted to amuse himself with fishing; but being suddenly seized with a pain in his eyes, which proved to be ophthalmy, he retired to repose in a tent guarded by the conspirators.

About midnight Dawood Khan, leaving Khan Mahomed and his followers to watch without, entered the tent with Musaood Khan and two other persons. The King was fast asleep, and an Abyssinian slave only was present, employed in rubbing his feet. The slave, startled, shouted aloud on seeing Dawood Khan with a naked dagger in his hand. The King arose, but could not open his eyes, it being the nature of the disorder to close them together. Dawood Khan rushed upon him, and plunged the dagger into his body. The King, in agony, seized the hand in which the assassin held the fatal instrument, and struggled with him. The slave, though unarmed, seized Musaood Khan, who struck him dead with one blow of his sabre; and inflicted another on the King with such effect, that he expired immediately.

Fortune erects palaces for the body,
And then hurls it from the throne to the grave.
The world has beheld numerous scenes like this:
It was not the first instance of treachery which time
has witnessed:
Fate places a crown of gold on the head of one,
And another she consigns to the silent tomb.

Dawood Khan, having left the body of his murdered nephew and sovereign, went out of the tent, and on the same day required the nobility and officers present to acknowledge him as sovereign. He was, in fact, heir presumptive to the crown, Mujahid Shah having no children. The nobles assented reluctantly, and were rewarded with honours and gratuities, according to custom. In the morning Dawood Khan despatched his nephew's body to Koolburga; and, after halting two or three days, proceeded to that capital himself, in great state, attended by the army.

The death of Mujahid Shah happened after a

Zeehuj 17.
A. H. 779.
April 14.
A. D. 1378.

reign of not quite three years, on the night of the 17th of Zeehuj, 779. Hajy Mahomed Kandahary states, that he received his death-wound from the son of Moobarik the spice-bearer:—but God only knows the truth.

Disaffection prevails among the military chiefs — some withdraw with their divisions to their governments. — Mullik Seif-ood-Deen endeavours to reconcile the people to receive Dawood Shah. — Seif-ood-Deen is permitted to withdraw from public life.— The late King's sister refuses to be reconciled to her uncle Dawood Shah, and eventually procures him to be assassinated in the mosque at prayers.

THE historians of the Deccan relate, that when the news of Mujahid Shah's assassination was spread abroad dissension arose in every quarter. Sufdur Khan and Azim Hoomayoon, who had reached Beejapoor, uniting, repaired to Koolburga; and having seen the murdered King's body, retired towards Elichpoor and Dowlutabad, carrying with them the royal elephants and horses which were in Beejapoor. At the same time, they wrote to Dawood Shah that they were only retiring to their districts to refresh their troops, and should wait his gracious orders with impatience; stating, that whenever he might require them to repair to his presence, they would hasten to court without delay. The army of the Ray of Beejanuggur, upon intelligence of this event, made great rejoicings; and overrunning the country as far as the Krishna, sat down before the fortress of Rachore. The inhabitants of Koolburga were divided into two parties; the one espousing the cause of Da-wood Shah, and the other that of Mahmood, the youngest son of Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Gungoo, who had been kept in confinement, in the citadel, since the accession of Mujahid Shah.

The minister, Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, observed, that factions would only occasion the ruin of the state, and recommended that since Dawood Shah, the King's nearest relative, had already placed the crown on his head, it was prudent to acknowledge him and avoid a civil war. The influence of Mul-lik Seif-ood-Deen, the first minister, and the prop of the house of Bahmuny, had great weight with the officers and people of the capital, who agreed to follow his advice, as did also all the ladies of the haram, excepting only the sister of the late king, grand-daughter, by the mother's side, of the minister himself. This lady rebuked her father, and called on him to revenge his grandson's death.

Mullik Seif-ood-Deen, having read the Khootba in the name of Dawood Shah, went to meet him, attended by all the nobles, the divines, and respectable persons, on his approach to Koolburga, by whom he was conducted in great state to the city, where he ascended the Tukht-i-Feroza. At the request of the minister, the King permitted that venerable chief to retire from office, and, assuming the direction of affairs, was obeyed by all the nc-bility, so that his authority seemed fully established. The sister of Mujahid Shah, Roohpurwur Agha, however, still refused to acknowledge him; and though Dawood Shah used every means to conciliate her, she remained obdurate to all his overtures. As she had great influence in the haram, of which she was regarded as the head since the death of Mahomed Shah, the King did not venture to treat her otherwise than with deference and respect. At length, this Princess prevailed on a young man who had stood high in the esteem and favour of Mujahid Shah to revenge the blood of his patron at the risk of his own life.

Mohurrum 21.
A. H. 780.
May 19.
A.D. 1378. On the 21st of Mohurrum, 780, Dawood Shah, when going to offer his devotions at the great mosque of Koolburga, attended by Khan Ma-homed, was followed by the assassin; who, placing himself immediately behind him, took advantage of the moment of the King's being prostrate in prayer to draw his sabre; and before the attendants were aware of his design, he wounded him so severely that he died almost instantaneously. Khan Mahomed, seeing the transaction, did not permit the murderer to escape, but with one stroke of his sabre separated his head from his body.— Dawood Shah reigned only one month and five days.

Spirited conduct of the Princess Roohpurwur Agha — causes Mahomed Sunjur, the son of the late Dawood Shah, to be blinded, and raises Mahmood, the youngest son of Hussun Gungoo, to the throne. — Mullik Seif-ood-Deen resumes his office of minister. — The King is congratulated by the Raja of Beejanuggur — encourages literature — invites the celebrated poet Hafiz, from Persia, to his court — the cause of his not coming. — Hafiz's ode on the occasion. — Improvements in the civil department of the King's government. — Insurrection in Sagur — is put down by Yoosoof Toork. — The King's death.

ON the death of Dawood Shah, Khan Mahomed resolved to place on the throne Mahomed Sunjur, the late King's son, then in his ninth year. For this purpose, having collected his dependents, he repaired to the palace. Roohpurwur Agha, being informed of his design, shut the gates, vowing that the son of a traitor who had assassinated his sovereign and her brother should not be King while she had life. At the same time she proclaimed Mahmood, the youngest son of Alla-ood-Deen Shah, heir to the throne. As Mahomed Sunjur was in the palace, and in the power of the Princess, Khan Mahomed was at a loss how to act; and going to the house of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, he endeavoured to prevail on him to join his party, but received for answer, that as Mahomed Sunjur and the Prince Mahmood were both in the hands of Roohpurwur Agha, he thought it advisable, in order to avoid contentions to leave the choice of a king in her hands. Khan Mahomed, aware that the nobles and the people, both Mahomedans and Hindoos, would be guided by the advice of Mullik Seif-ood-Deen, submitted to his wishes, and accompanied him to the palace. The Princess, having caused Mahomed Sunjur to be blinded, to prevent all future attempts in his favour, she, with the concurrence of the ministers and principal officers, placed Mahmood on the throne.

Mahmood Shah was naturally of a disposition humane, virtuous, and just, and his judgment in all affairs of state was usually correct. In the beginning of his reign he caused Khan Ma-homed to be confined in the fort of Sagur, regarding him as a promoter of the late seditions; and that chief died not long after in prison. He also commanded Musaood, one of those persons accessary to the murder of Mujahid Shah, to be executed. Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory was prevailed on, after much entreaty, to accept the office of prime minister, and governor of the capital; and the King engaged in no affairs without his advice. This measure proved fortunate; for during his reign no disturbances occurred in the kingdom, nor did any relaxation take place in the energy of the government.

After the coronation, Bahadur Khan, Sufdur Khan, and Azim Hoomayoon, ^346a hastened to the capital, where they pledged their allegiance, and made suitable offerings of congratulation; while the Ray of Beejanuggur, having raised the siege of Rachore, agreed to pay to Mahmood the tribute stipulated in the reign of Mahomed Shah Ghazy.

Mahmood Shah had a taste for poetry, and wrote some elegant verses. He also spoke the Persian and Arabic languages fluently. He was neither too much elated with prosperity, nor did he allow grief to overwhelm him in the hour of misfortune or disappointment. He never cohabited but with one wife, and paid great regard to the opinions of divines, in whose company he delighted. During his reign the poets of Arabia and Persia resorted to the Deccan, and partook of his liberality. Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo, who presided on the seat of justice, once presenting the King with an ode, received a thousand pieces of gold, and was permitted to retire to his own country loaded with wealth and distinction. The fame of the King's taste, his affability, and munificence, spread so widely, that the celebrated poet of Shiraz, Khwaja Hafiz, determined to visit the Deccan, but was prevented, by a train of accidents, which are thus related.

Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo sent to this famous poet a present from the King, and a letter from himself, promising, if he would come to Koolburga he should be handsomely rewarded, and have safe conduct back to Shiraz. Hafiz, from these kind assurances, consented; and having disposed of the articles sent him among his relations and creditors, quitted Shiraz and arrived safely at Lar, where he assisted a friend who had been robbed with part of his ready money. From Lar he was accompanied to Ormus by Khwaja Zein-ool-Abid-Deen Ham-dany and Khwaja Mahomed Kaziroony, who were also going to visit Hindoostan. With these persons he took shipping in one of the royal vessels, which had arrived at Ormus from the Deccan; but it had scarcely weighed anchor when a gale of wind arose, and the ship was in danger, and returned to port. Hafiz suffered so much during the storm, that he insisted on being put ashore, and abandoned his voyage. Having written the following verses, he delivered them to his companions to be given to Feiz Oolla Anjoo, after which he returned to Shiraz:—

Can all the gold the world bestows,
Though poured by Fortune's bounteous hand,
Repay me for the joys I lose,
The breezes of my native land?

My friends exclaimed, “Oh, stay at home,
“Nor quit this once-beloved spot:
“What folly tempts thee thus to roam —
“To quit Shiraz — desert thy cot?

“Yon royal court will ill repay,
“Though all its gorgeous wealth be given,
“The blessings which you cast away,
“Health and content, the gifts of heaven.”

The glare of gems confused my sight —
The ocean's roar I ne'er had heard;
But now that I can feel aright,
I freely own how I have erred.

Though splendid promises were made,
How could I such a dotard prove,
How could I leave my natal glade,
Its wines, and all the friends I love?

Hafiz abjures the royal court —
Let him but have content and health;
For what to him can gold import,
Who scorns the paths of worldly wealth?

When Feiz Oolla received this poem, he read it to the King, who was much pleased; and observed, that as Hafiz had set out with the intention of visiting him, he felt it incumbent not to leave him without proofs of his liberality. He therefore entrusted a thousand pieces of gold to Mahomed Kasim Meshidy, one of the learned men at Koolburga, to purchase whatsoever, among the productions of India, was likely to prove most acceptable, in order to send them to the poet at Shiraz.

Mahmood Shah, while a youth, was fond of gaudy apparel; but upon his accession to the throne he always wore plain white robes. He frequently observed, that kings were only trustees of the state, and that it was a breach of trust to expend more on themselves than necessity required. A famine occurring during his reign, he employed ten thousand bullocks at his private expense constantly going to and from Malwa and Guzerat for grain, which was distributed to the people at a cheap rate. He established orphan schools at the cities of Koolburga, Bidur, Kand'har, Elichpoor, Dowlutabad, Choul, Dabul, and in some other great towns, with ample foundations for their support. He appointed stipends for the expounders of the scriptures, and gave monthly charity to the blind throughout his dominions. He paid great attention to Sheikh Siraj-ood-Deen, visited him in his last illness, and after his death, going often to his tomb, offered up prayers, and gave alms to the poor pilgrims who resorted to it.

The King, preferring the blessings of peace to engaging in war, allowed his reign to pass in tranquillity; and from his great wisdom the Dec-canies gave him the title of Aristotle. During a period of nineteen years, nine months, and twenty-four days, only one disturbance occurred, which was quelled in a few months. The circumstance was as follows:—

One Baha-ood-Deen, a native of Dowlutabad, of low origin, was appointed to the command of the fortress of Sagur; and his two sons, Ma-homed and Khwaja, were honoured with the King's confidence, and eventually raised to the rank of nobles, and attained so much power, that they excited the envy of rivals, who traduced them to the King, who was accordingly deceived; and the brothers, alarmed for their safety, went into rebellion, and fled to Sagur with a thousand followers. The father, misguided by his sons, identified himself with them; and levying troops, defeated the royal army sent against him on two occasions, and acquired much booty, which added to his power.

On the third Mahmood Shah despatched Yoosoof Ajdur, a Toorky officer, ^351a with a powerful army, who lay before Sagur for two months; during which time the rebels made several desperate sallies. One day, in particular, the elder brother Mahomed, with four hundred brave companions, charged the rear of the royal camp with great success, till he was wounded in the hand by an officer, surnamed Kalapahr, whom he in turn disabled; and although his troops fled, he refused to quit his horse. Baha-ood-Deen coming to the assistance of his son, renewed the action till night, when darkness favoured their retreat. The two brothers, contrary to their custom, however, passed this night imprudently on the edge of the ditch without the fort. A part of the garrison which was in league with the royalists took this opportunity of informing Yoosoof Ajdur of the circumstance, and offered to admit his men by a wicket, and put to death the chief insurgent, Baha-ood-Deen. Yoosoof Toork, having procured a number of volunteers for the service, sent them to the fort; telling them, that if the head of Baha-ood-Deen should be delivered to them by the garrison, they might venture to enter and occupy it; otherwise, to desist and return to camp. At the hour and place appointed, the party within threw over their chief's head, and the King's troops entering the fort made themselves masters of it. At the same time, by a preconcerted signal, the brothers were attacked by the royalists without, and they died fighting desperately. This was the first and last time in which the sword of punishment was drawn from the scabbard during the reign of Mahmood Shah.

The King, not long after this victory, on the

Rujub 21.
A. H. 799.
April 20.
A. D. 1397.

21st of Rujub, 799, died of a putrid fever; and on the following day, Mullik Seif-ood-Deen Ghoory, the faithful adherent of the house of Bahmuny, after a life of one hundred and seven years, most of which was devoted to the service of this family, died also. He was buried agreeably to his will in the court of the tomb of Sooltan Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Gungoo Bahmuny, and over his grave was laid a terrace of stone.

It is recorded, that Mahmood Shah was a strict promoter of the law of the Koran, permitting no neglect on the smallest point, which occasioned the judges to take cognisance of all deviations in points of morality. One day a woman convicted of adultery was brought to the court of justice to receive sentence; when the judge, asking her how she came to be guilty of so heinous a crime, she replied, “How could I think, O judge! that the “act was unlawful? seeing that one man may have “four wives, why might not I, also, indulge with “equal propriety in four husbands? If I am in “error, I repent, and will not offend by a repeti-“tion of the crime.” The judge was perplexed, and suffered her to escape only with a reproof.— Mahmood Shah Bahmuny reigned nineteen years, nine months, and twenty-four days.

Gheias-ood-Deen ascends his father's throne — gives offence to Lallcheen, one of the slaves of his household — becomes enamoured of his daughter — is invited to an entertainment at Lallcheen's house — has his eyes pierced out — is dethroned, and is confined in the fort of Sagur.

WHEN the Deccan was deprived of the virtuous and just Mahmood Shah, his eldest son, Gheias-ood-Deen, ascended the throne in his seventeenth year. In conformity with the practice of his father, he behaved graciously to all the members of his court, and remembering the old servants and supporters of his family, treated them with favour and kindness. Intelligence of the death of Sufdur Khan Seestany arriving at this time, the King conferred upon his son, Sulabut Khan, the title of Mujlis Ally, together with his offices and estates, and despatched him to Berar. Ahmud Beg Kuz-veeny, Peshwa ^353a to Mahomed Khan, son of Azim Hoomayoon, was exalted to the office of Meer Nobut (commander of the guards), and the King displayed great attention towards him. This conduct excited the jealousy of Lallcheen, one of the principal Toorky slaves of the household, who had not only aspired to the dignity of prime minister himself, but desired to obtain the office of Meer Nobut for his son Hussun Khan. Disappointed in these views, he evinced his discontent, and was reproved by the King, who often observed in his presence, that it was highly injudicious to prefer slaves to offices over the heads of men of family, many of whom were descendants of the Prophet, and for his own part he regretted that he had ever departed in this respect from the rule of his ancestors.

Lallcheen treasured up these remarks in his mind, and secretly meditated revenge, though he did not show his mortification openly. This chief had a daughter of exquisite beauty, as celebrated for her wit, as for her skill in music, whom the King was desirous of possessing, and made private overtures to obtain her. Her father, discovering his partiality, invited the young King to an entertainment, and the latter hoped that on this occasion Lallcheen would present his daughter to him. After having entertained his royal guest with much splendour, and while exhilarated with wine, Lallcheen requested the King to command his followers to withdraw, making signs from which the former augured favourably. Eager to possess the slave's beautiful daughter, and immersed in the ocean of excess, the King imprudently commanded his attendants to quit the room. Lallcheen, leaving only one eunuch with wine in the apartment, went in the direction of his haram, and shortly after returned with a naked dagger in his hand. The King, though much intoxicated, attempted to resist, but, unable to walk steadily, he fell, and rolled down a flight of steps, when Lallcheen, seizing him by the hair, with the aid of the eunuch, threw the King on his back, and pierced out his eyes with the point of his dagger. After which, sending for the royal attendants one by one, as if by the King's order, he put them to death as they entered, to the number of twenty-four persons, most of whom were men of rank; so that no one remained of sufficient power to oppose the murderer's future designs. Lallcheen placed Shums-ood-Deen, the late King's brother, on the throne, and sent the latter in confinement to the fortress of

Rumzan 17.
A. H. 799.
June 9.
A. D. 1396.

Sagur. This event happened on the 17th of Rumzan, in the year 799, after Gheias-ood-Deen had reigned only one month and twenty days.

Is elevated to the throne of his brother by Lallcheen. — Plot of his cousins, Feroze Khan and Ahmud Khan, against his government — they fly to Sagur, and collect troops — march to the capital, and are repulsed — retire to Sagur — make overtures, and are pardoned — are received at court. — The brothers obtain partisans at the capital — they seize the King, and deprive him of sight. — Lallcheen is taken, and given over to Gheias-ood-Deen, who, though blind, puts him to death with his own hands.

SHUMS-OOD-DEEN ascended the throne in his fifteenth year, and, intimidated by the fate of his predecessor, was content with the mere name of king. Lallcheen received the title of Mullik Naib; ^356a and the nobility, who had escaped the sword, seeing no safety but in submission, bowed to his authority. The Queen-mother, herself originally a slave, paid the utmost deference to Lallcheen, chiefly from her anxiety for her son's safety. She advised him to adopt every measure recommended by the minister, to whom, she observed, the King owed his crown; and she entreated him not to listen to any malicious suggestions which might be made against his benefactor. Lallcheen, on his part, behaved to the Queen-mother with much respect, frequently sending her valuable presents, and using every means to secure her confidence and favour.

Dawood Shah Bahmuny left behind him three sons, Mahomed Sunjur, (blinded by order of the Princess Roohpurwur Agha, as has been before related,) Feroze Khan, and Ahmud Khan. The two last (by the same mother) were at the time of their father's death between six and seven years of age. Their uncle, Mahmood Shah, had treated them with parental tenderness, and educated them in a manner becoming their rank, taking care to have them accomplished in all military exercises, under the preceptorship of Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo Shirazy. Mahmood Shah, having no son at that time, gave to each of the princes one of his daughters in marriage, and would sometimes say, that Feroze should be his successor. He frequently seated him by his side on the throne, and declared that none of his house was more deserving, or likely to add greater lustre to it. When the Almighty blessed Mahmood with sons, he appointed the eldest, Gheias-ood-Deen, his successor, and conjured Feroze Khan and Ahmud Khan, on his death-bed, to be loyal and obedient to him. They accordingly served him with submission and fidelity.

Gheias-ood-Deen Shah being deposed and blinded by Lallcheen, his sisters instigated their husbands to revenge his death; but Lallcheen discovering their intentions, complained to the King, and accused them of treason, hoping, by this means, to excite his fears, and obtain an order for their death. Shums-ood-Deen Shah being deaf to his insinuations, Lallcheen represented the circumstances to the Queen-mother; and observed, that if she did not get rid of the brothers, her son would be dethroned, and she, who was suspected of an attachment to his person, would be exposed to the utmost danger. These arguments had more effect on the Queen than her son, who was at length induced to consent to the seizure of his cousins. They, however, obtained intelligence of the design, and escaped from Koolburga to the fortress of Sagur.

Suddoo, a slave of the royal family, commanded in Sagur. He was rich and powerful, and received the Princes with open arms, omitting nothing to evince his attachment to them. On the next day, Ahmud Khan and Feroze Khan addressed a letter to Shums-ood-Deen Shah, as also other letters to the principal nobility, stating, that their design was only to expel Lallcheen, whose treachery to the late king, and whose other numerous crimes, which had cast dishonour on the royal family, were known to all. They demanded, therefore, that he should be punished, after which, the Princes promised to pay due submission to the authority of Shums-ood-Deen Shah: declaring, till this object were obtained, they would use every means in their power to effect his destruction.

Shums-ood-Deen Shah, consulting his mother and Lallcheen, sent back an answer which served only to inflame the Princes, who, with the assistance of the commander of Sagur, having collected three thousand horse and foot, and with the full confidence that other troops would join them from the capital, marched towards Koolburga. Disappointed in this expectation, they halted for some time on the banks of the Beema, without being aided by any chief of consequence. It was, however, agreed, that the Princes should advance with the regal canopy carried over the head of Feroze Khan. On this occasion his brother Ahmud Khan was raised to the rank of Ameer-ool-Omra, Suddoo to that of Meer Nobut, and Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo to the office of Vakeel, or minister.

On the arrival of the Princes within four coss ^359a of the city, Lallcheen distributed great sums of money to the officers and troops, and marched out with Shums-ood-Deen Shah to oppose them. A severe engagement took place in the vicinity of the town of Merkole, and the brothers, being defeated, fled with their adherents to Sagur. The power and presumption of the Queen-mother and Lallcheen at length grew to such a height, that many of the officers of the court privately offered their services to the brothers, whom they advised to procure pardon from Shums-ood-Deen Shah, and repair to Koolburga, in order to concert plans, at leisure, for forwarding their views.

Feroze Khan, relying on these assurances, sent Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo and Syud Kumal-ood-Deen, with other respectable persons, to the Queen and Lallcheen, representing that fear only had occasioned their rebellion, of which they now sincerely repented; and promising, if the King would send them letters of pardon, to repair to court. The Queen-mother and Lallcheen, well pleased at these overtures, sent the letter required, replete with flattering assurances of forgiveness.

Soon after the arrival of this communication, the two brothers were sitting on a terrace, and consulting whether or not they might venture to go to Koolburga, when a Kashmeerian madman passed by and exclaimed, “I am come, O Feroze of happy “auspices, to conduct thee to Koolburga, and to “make thee King.” Regarding this as a happy omen, they proceeded immediately to Koolburga; where they received dresses and gifts from the King. But Lallcheen and Feroze Khan were, from the first moment, suspicious of each other, and continued on their guard.

About a fortnight after their arrival, on Thursday

Suffur 23.
A. H. 800.
Nov. 15.
A. D. 1397.

the 23d of Suffur, in the year 800, Feroze Khan came into the durbar, attended by twelve silehdars ^360a devoted to his interest, and about three hundred of his other followers at the same time obtained admittance into the fort, one or two at a time. He then sent for his brother Ahmud Khan, upon whose arrival he told Lallcheen, that some of their relatives were come from their estate, in order to pay their respects to the King, and he requested that orders might be given to the porters to admit whomsoever he should send for.

Feroze Khan taking care to occupy Lallcheen's attention in conversation, his brother went out on pretence of introducing his relatives; but in attempting to pass with twelve persons at once he was stopped by the guards, and fancying that the plot was discovered, he resolved to run all hazards, and to attack those on duty. The sentries being overpowered, Ahmud Khan rushed into the durbar, where no opposition was made but by Lallcheen's sons; the rest of the assembly instantly fled. Shums-ood-Deen Shah and his minister hid themselves in a subterraneous apartment; and the three hundred adherents of Feroze Khan, as had been preconcerted, attacked and put to flight the dependents of Lallcheen in the courts of the palace; so that the plan succeded according to design.

Feroze Khan having put chains on the King and Lallcheen, confined them in the apartment to which they had fled for shelter, while himself, accompanied by the nobility, repaired to the hall of audience, and ascended the Tukht-i-Feroza, thus fulfilling the prediction of the Kashmee-rian; and having assumed the title of Feroze Shah Roze Afzoon, begirt himself with the sword of Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Gungoo. Having now established his authority, he deprived the late king of his eyes, and confined him in the fortress of Bidur. At the same time sending for Gheias-ood-Deen from his prison at Sagur, he gave over Lallcheen to his resentment. That Prince, though quite blind, having ordered Lallcheen to be placed before him, slew him with one stroke of his sabre. He then entreated Feroze Shah to allow him to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca; which request being acceded to, he sailed from Choul, and arrived in safety at the holy city; where he resided till his death, which occurred many years after. During his lifetime, Feroze made him a liberal allowance of five thousand golden ashruffies, ^362a and sent him annually rich clothes.

The reign of Shums-ood-Deen only lasted five months and seven days.

The character of Feroze. — Feiz Oolla Anjoo created minister. — The southern provinces invaded by Dew Ray, Raja of Beejanuggur. — Berar invaded by Nursing Ray of Kehrla. — The King marches to the south, and compels the Raja of Bee-januggur to pay him 440,000l. for the expense of the war. — The King marches north to Berar. — The Raja of Kehrla defeated. — The King deputes an embassy to Teimoor (Ta-merlane), who confers on Feroze the sovereignty over Malwa and Guzerat. — Secret negotiations by the kings of Malwa and Guzerat at the court of Beejanuggur. — War renewed with Beejanuggur. — Beejanuggur invested. — The country ravaged by the Mahomedans. — Bunkapoor reduced. — The Raja gives his daughter to Feroze, and makes peace. — Feroze takes Pangul. — War renewed. — The subversion of the Ma-homedan kingdom is threatened. — The Hindoos are eventually defeated by the King's brother Ahmud. — Feroze's intellect becomes impaired — his imbecile conduct. — The King's brother Ahmud aims at possessing the throne — his endeavours to effect that object, and his eventual success. — Death of Feroze Shah Bahmuny.

FROM various historians we learn, that Feroze Shah excelled his predecessors in power and magnificence, and that in his reign the house of Bahmuny attained its greatest splendour. He compelled the Ray of Beejanuggur to give him his daughter in marriage, though contrary to the custom of the Hindoos, who marry only in their own cast. Neither did he fail to promote the true faith, having made four-and-twenty glorious campaigns, by the success of which he greatly enlarged his dominions. He took the fort of Bunkapoor, and subjected the greater part of Tulingana to the yoke of Islam. He was the first of the Deccan kings who wore a crown set with jewels in the form of a turban. He prided himself much on his liberality (one of the chief virtues of kings), and acquired thereby great reputation. He was guilty of no offences against the doctrines of religion but that of drinking wine and listening to music. He fasted often, and regularly observed the prescribed ceremonies of the holy law. He would often express contrition for his two bad propensities, but said, that as music elevated his soul to the contemplation of the Deity, and as he did not drink wine so as to affect his reason, he hoped he should obtain pardon hereafter from a merciful God.

He was much addicted to women, and he consulted, therefore, the holy men in what way he might gratify his passions without infringing the law, which allowed only of four wives. Some said that he might divorce one and marry another, as often as he pleased, but this opinion being unsatisfactory, the point was referred to Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo his minister. Feiz Oolla observed, that in the time of the Prophet and the first Caliph, the Moottea ^364a was allowed; and though abrogated in the reign of the second Caliph, it was still legal, according to the tenets of the Sheeas. The Soonees denied the orthodoxy of this doctrine; and much debate took place among the learned in consequence. All the various commentaries were now consulted in favour of the opinions of each party, till at length the King, being convinced by the reasoning of the Sheeas, received into his haram three hundred females in one day. According to Hajy Mahomed Kandahary, Feroze Shah made a point of copying sixteen pages of the Koran every fourth day, after which he engaged in public business. He generally spent his time till midnight in the company of divines, poets, reciters of history, readers of the Shah Nama, and the most learned and witty among his courtiers. In this assembly he laid aside all restraint; observing, that when he sat on the throne to transact business he was a sovereign, and necessarily obliged to assume state, in order to make a due impression on the minds of the people, so that the authority of government might be supported; but that in their company he regarded himself as a private individual, and wished to be treated without form or ceremony. He desired that all the members of these parties might come in or go out at will; that each person might call for what he chose to eat and drink, and speak freely on all subjects but two, which he forbade being introduced: the first regarded affairs of state, and the second slander of an absent person.

Moolla Isaac Surhindy, a man of great learning and wit, observed one day to the King, that his desiring his attendants to wave ceremony towards him on these occasions was contrary to the practice of all other kings; the truth of which he illustrated by relating an anecdote of a circumstance which happened between Ameer Subooktugeen Ghiznevy and the philosopher and astrologer Anwury. The King, having heard the story, smiled, and observed, that such conduct could only proceed from princes void of justice, and that he hoped such weakness was not in his disposition. Those who frequented the King's assemblies had ample experience how far he excelled most princes in the uniformity of his behaviour and the consistency of his conduct.

Many curious anecdotes are related of Feroze Shah by Moolla Dawood Bidury, the introduction of which here would only occasion prolixity, and perhaps cause my being accused of departing from truth; so that I shall not give them to my readers. But as that of Subooktugeen and the philosopher Anwury has been mentioned, it may be proper to give the story in the words of Moolla Dawood.

“It is related that the philosopher Anwury, one “of the wonders of his age, performed many sur-“prising deeds. On account of his great learning, “and the condescension used towards him by the “King, he was permitted to indulge in a degree of “freedom which in the end grew displeasing. One “day while Subooktugeen was sitting on the terrace “of a lofty building in the palace of Ghizny, An-“wury entered the gate. The King commanded “him to foretell by which route he would next “quit the palace. Anwury, immediately fixing “his astrolabe, took an observation of the heavenly “bodies, and having finished it, wrote the result “on a piece of paper, and placed it under a pil-“low. Subooktugeen gave orders for part of the “eastern wall of the palace to be thrown down, “and went out. On examining the paper, it ap-“peared Anwury had anticipated what the King “had done. Subooktugeen, enraged at the philo-“sopher's success, ordered him in his passion to be “cast headlong from the turret of the palace. “Luckily a net received Anwury, who escaped “without injury. The King then asked him if “he had foreseen this? to which the philosopher “replied he had; and calling for his book, pointed “out a prediction that he should, upon such a day, “fall from a high place, and escape unhurt. This “displeased the King still more, and he ordered “him to be confined. Six months afterwards, while “the philosopher was still in prison, one of his “slaves going to the market was told by a di-“viner, that from certain omens he perceived in “his aspect much good fortune, which he would “foretell him for a certain sum. The slave gave “what was demanded; on which the diviner told “him that he had a master in distress, who in a few “days would be delivered from his troubles, and “receive a dress of honour. The slave ran and con-“gratulated his master, who reproved him for his “credulity, and for going into such bad company. “Three days after, it happened that Hussun My-“mundy took an opportunity, upon the King's con-“versing with him on astrology, to mention the “unfortunate Anwury, lamenting, that instead “of rewards and honours for his two surprising “predictions he had been doomed to a gloomy “dungeon. The King replied, that certainly “Anwury was unrivalled in science, but men “of learning should know mankind better; for, he “observed, kings are like children, and must be “flattered to be pleased. After these remarks, he “commanded Anwury to be released. On his “way from prison to the court, Anwury met the di-“viner, and was constrained to confess, that other “persons besides philosophers could sometimes “foretell events. The King honoured Anwury “with a dress, a thousand pieces of silver, a horse, “and a male and female slave; at the same time “expressing his concern for what had happened.”

Feroze Shah, every year, despatched vessels from the ports of Goa and Choul to procure the manufactures and curious productions of all quarters of the world, but particularly to invite to his court persons celebrated for their talents; whom, he would frequently observe, should be regarded as the choicest productions of all countries. He used to say that kings should draw around them the most learned and meritorious persons of all nations, so that from their society they might obtain information, and thus reap some of the advantages acquired by travelling into distant regions of the globe. The King had so excellent a memory that he could converse in many languages; a practice he exercised, as far as practicable, towards foreigners. It was sufficient to hear a circumstance once related to enable him to retain it in mind ever after. He was a good poet, and often made extempore verses. He was well acquainted with several sciences, and particularly fond of natural philosophy. On Saturdays, Mondays, and Thursdays, he heard lectures on botany, geometry, and logic, generally in the day, but if business interfered, at night. It is said, that he even excelled Mahomed Toghluk in literary attainments.

He was the first king of the Deccan who intermarried with the Syuds of Anjoo; having taken a daughter of that family for his son Hussun Khan, and given one of his own daughters in marriage to Meer Shums-ood-Deen Mahomed Anjoo, whom he appointed governor of Dowlutabad.

Feroze Shah built a town on the banks of the Beema, which he called Ferozabad. The streets were laid out with regularity, and were very broad. Near the river was erected a citadel of stone, divided into a number of splendid courts, detached from each other, all plentifully supplied with water conducted by an ample canal from the river. Each of these courts he committed to one of his favourite ladies; and to avoid confusion and irregularity among his women, he framed rules for his haram, which were strictly observed during his life.

In the female apartments, he allowed no more than three attendants to one lady, who were always of the same nation, and spoke the same language as their mistress. Merchants were constantly employed to purchase females of all nations, from amongst whom he made selections to supply the vacancies occasioned by death or other causes among his mistresses or their servants. In his haram were Arabians, Circassians, Georgians, Toorks, Russians, ^369a Europeans, Chinese, Afghans, Rajpoots, Bengalees, Guzeraties, Tulinganies, Ma-harattins, and others; and he could converse with each in her own language. He divided his attention so equally among them, that each lady fancied herself most beloved by the King. He read the Taurat and Anjeel, ^370a and respected the tenets of all religions; but he admired that part of the faith of Mahomed above all others, which commanded the concealment of women from the eyes of strangers, and which forbade the use of wine. Feroze Shah, on ascending the throne, appointed his brother Ahmud Khan Ameer-ool-Omra, with the title of Khan Khanan, and he raised Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo, his preceptor, to the office of Vakeel-oos-Sultunut, with the title of Mullik Naib; honours were also conferred on many of the family of Bahmuny. Historians unitedly agree, that he made twenty-four campaigns against the Hindoos; but the particulars of a few only are related by Moolla Dawood Bidury, in the Tohfut-oos-Sulateen.

A. H. 801.
A. D. 1398. In the year 801, Dew Ray of Bee-januggur, with thirty thousand horse, and a vast army of foot, invaded the territories of the Dooab†, ^370b with a design to reduce the forts of Moodkul and Rachore. Feroze Shah, having intelligence of his motions, moved from Koolburga to Sagur, where he reviewed his army. After this, he put to death a zemindar, with seven or eight thousand Hindoos, who had long been very refractory. The Dowlutabad and Berar divisions of the army joined him at Sagur; and he was preparing to move against Dew Ray, when suddenly advice was brought that Nursing Ray, Raja of Kehrla, at the instigation of the kings of Mando and Aseer, ^371a as also by the advice of the Raja of Beejanuggur, had invaded the province of Berar, and committed every excess on the Mussulman territory as far as the walls of Mahoor. On receipt of this intelligence, the King sent back the Dowlutabad division to oppose Nursing Ray, and marched with the remainder of his troops against Dew Ray of Beejanuggur.

It being the rainy season, and the river Krishna full, Dew Ray had pitched his camp on the south bank, and stationed large bodies of infantry along the shore, to oppose the passage of the Mahomedans. Feroze, on his arrival near the river, held a council of war, but received no advice that appeared satisfactory to him. While thus perplexed how to act, one Kazy Siraj offered, if the King would permit him, to cross the river with a few volunteers selected for the purpose, and assassinate Dew Ray or his son, as he found it most convenient; proposing, that when the alarm consequent on such an exploit should throw the enemy's camp into confusion, a party should be sent across the river, and secure a passage for the whole army.

Feroze approving of the project, some hundreds of baskets†, ^371b covered with leather, were expeditiously prepared for the troops to cross. Kazy Siraj, with seven of his friends disguised as mendicants, proceeded to the Ray's camp, and repaired to the quarter where the dancing girls resided. Here the Kazy pretended to be enraptured with a courtesan, and was guilty of a thousand extravagancies in order to support his character. In the evening, the girl, having dressed herself in her richest ornaments, prepared to go out; on which the Kazy, like a jealous and distracted lover, falling at her feet, entreated her to stay, or let him attend her, and not break his heart by her absence. The woman informed him, that she was ordered to attend an entertainment on that evening, given by the Ray's son, and durst not disobey, nor could she take him with her, as only musicians and dancers would be admitted. The Kazy replied, that he played on the same instrument as herself, and had, beside, some curious accomplishments that would amuse the Ray's son. The dancing girl, thinking him in jest, gave him her mundul, ^372a by way of joke, and desired him to play; which he did in so masterly a manner, that she was much pleased, and permitted him and his companions to attend her party to the tents of the young Ray, in the evening.

As is the custom of the Deccan, many sets of dancing girls were ordered to perform at the same time, when having finished, the Ray's son called for the male jugglers and buffoons. The dancing girl now obtained leave for the Kazy and one of his companions to show their feats. Having assumed the dress of females, they entered ogling and smiling, at the same time dancing and playing on the mundul. They acted their part so well, that the Ray's son was highly gratified. At length they each drew a dagger, and, as is usual among the dancers of the Deccan, ^373a continued to flourish them for some time in several different attitudes, advancing, retreating, and turning round. At last, suddenly rushing on the Ray's son, they plunged both the daggers into his breast, and afterwards attacked his attendants and companions. The Kazy's friends, in the meanwhile, who were watching outside, on hearing the alarm, ripped open the tent, and entered to assist him. Many of the company, being much intoxicated, were put to death without resistance, while the Kazy with his associates having extinguished the lights, made their escape and mingled with the crowd. The outcry soon became general: great confusion prevailed throughout the camp, and reports and alarms were various. Some saying that the Maho-medan King had crossed the river and surprised the camp, others, that one of his chiefs, with twelve thousand men, had cut off both the Raja and his son. The night was uncommonly dark, and the camp extended nearly ten miles, so that the different chiefs, ignorant of the real state of affairs, contented themselves with remaining at their several posts, under arms, waiting for the daylight. Meanwhile, about four thousand of Feroze Shah's troops crossed the river in boats and rafts, which had been previously prepared for the purpose, and the enemy's infantry, stationed to oppose the passage, panic-struck, by the alarm in the camp, and at the approach of the King's forces at the same time, fled in confusion without making opposition. Before morning Feroze Shah had crossed the river, and at dawn entered the enemy's camp. Dew Ray, overwhelmed with grief at the death of his son, made no efforts at resistance; but having taken up the corpse fled from the field. Feroze Shah obtained immense booty in the camp, and pursued the Hindoos to the vicinity of Beejanuggur; on the road to which place several actions occurred, in all of which the Moslems were successful, so that the highways became strewed with the bodies of the enemy.

Dew Ray having shut himself up in the fort of Beejanuggur, and no enemy remaining in the field, Feroze Shah detached Khan Khanan and Meer Fuzl Oolla to lay waste the districts south of the city, which were populous and flourishing. Kazy Siraj, in reward for his heroic exploit, was raised to the rank of a noble, and was sent with the army in advance. This division having fulfilled the King's intentions, and having taken many captives, returned to camp. As great numbers of bramins had fallen into the hands of the Moslems, their friends at Beejanuggur came forward to assist the Ray with large sums of money to obtain a peace, and to ransom the captives. Dew Ray accepted their offers; and after much negotiation, Meer Fuzl Oolla agreed to accept ten lacks of hoons ^375a for the royal treasury as a ransom for the prisoners, and one lack† ^375b for himself as negotiator.‡ ^375c Accordingly the bra-mins sent six lacks, and Dew Ray five, all of which Meer Fuzl Oolla laid before the King, who greatly commended his valuable services. A treaty was then concluded, by which it was agreed that the boundaries of both kingdoms should remain the same as before the war, and that one party should not molest the subjects of the other. Feroze Shah released his prisoners, and began his march to his own dominions. When he passed the Toongbudra, he directed Folad Khan to assume charge of the Doab; and leaving the army to follow, hastened with a few attendants to Kool-burga.

A few months after the conclusion of this

A. H. 802.
A. D. 1399.

campaign, in the beginning of the year 802, the King marched to punish Nursing Ray, the Raja of Kehrla. Upon his arrival at Mahoor, Feroze found the native chiefs of that district, out of apprehension of Nursing Ray, had consented to acknowledge that Raja's authority. On the present occasion, therefore, they obtained pardon at the intercession of some of the nobility, made large offerings, and joined the army. The King halted one month and five days at Mahoor, and then proceeded towards Kehrla. Nursing Ray, who had great wealth and power, being possessed of all the hills of Gondwana, and other countries, sent rich presents to the kings of Malwa and Kandeish, entreating their assistance; but though they had on former occasions furnished him with aid, yet, as they in reality wished his destruction, they on the present occasion declined joining his cause. Notwithstanding this circumstance, Nursing Ray resolved to engage the King, and marching two coss from Kehrla, assembled his troops and waited for his approach.

Feroze Shah was anxious to lead the army in person; but Khan Khanan and Meer Fuzl Oolla Anjoo having requested to be allowed to conduct the enterprise, he gave his consent. They opened the war by addressing a letter to Nursing Ray, reminding him of his late conduct, and advising him to compromise matters by consenting to pay tribute: but his reply was couched in threats of defiance, and he made greater preparations for war. Khan Khanan and Meer Fuzl Oolla, now advancing, attacked his lines, which brought on a severe conflict, in which Shoojat Khan, Dilawur Khan, and Bahadur Khan, Mahomedan officers of rank, suffered martyrdom, and the infidels charging furiously, the troops of Islam were broken. At this instant it was reported to Meer Fuzl Oolla that Khan Khanan was slain. He directed his informant to keep the news secret; and himself advancing with two hundred horse, caused the drum of victory to be beaten, giving out, that the King was coming to their assistance. The troops, on this information, rallied and repulsed the enemy. Meer Fuzl Oolla was soon after joined by Khan Khanan, supposed to be slain; and now, in their turn, attacking the Hindoos, the Mahomedans put them to flight, and took prisoner Gopal Ray, the son of Nursing Ray. The fugitives were closely pursued to Kehrla, leaving upwards of ten thousand slain on the field, while Nursing Ray, having with much difficulty gained the fortress, was besieged by the victorious army.

At the end of two months, the garrison, being reduced to great distress, offered terms; but received for answer from the generals that they had no power to accede to any proposal, but that of unconditional surrender. Nursing Ray, seeing no other alternative, went with his family to the King's camp at Elichpoor, where expressing contrition for his conduct, and acknowledging himself the King's vassal, offered even to give up Kehrla itself; but he hoped his Majesty, after receiving his submission, would admit him among the number of his tributaries, and overlook past events; in consideration of which he promised to pay every year the tribute fixed by Alla-ood-Deen Hussun Gungoo.

Feroze Shah, becoming reconciled to Nursing Ray, gave him a dress of honour, richly embroidered with gold; and receiving one of his daughters into his haram, together with a present of forty-five elephants, a considerable sum of money, and other valuables, he directed the siege of Kehrla to be discontinued. On the junction of Khan Khanan and Meer Fuzl Oolla's divisions, Nursing Ray was permitted to proceed home, and the King returned in triumph to Koolburga. As this victory was chiefly owing to the exertions of Meer Fuzl Oolla, that nobleman was promoted to the command of the Berar army.

A. H. 804.
A.D. 1401. In the year 804, repeated accounts coming from the court of Ameer Tei-moor of that conqueror having conferred the throne of Dehly on one of his sons, with orders to subdue all the kingdoms of Hindoostan, and that he had resolved to march in person, to support his designs, if necessary, Feroze Shah sent ambassadors to the Tartar chief with rich presents, and a letter expressive of his respects. Teimoor received the ambassadors graciously, and accepted the presents. The ambassadors also represented, that Feroze Shah Bahmuny was desirous to be numbered among his dependents, and would, whenever Teimoor should either march in person, or send one of the princes to conquer Hindoostan, hasten from the Deccan to co-operate with his troops. Teimoor, pleased at these gratuitous offers of aid, was prevailed on, through the agency of some of his courtiers, to confer the sovereignty of Malwa and Guzerat on Feroze Shah, with permission to use the canopy, and all other insignia of royalty; and at the end of six months, Teimoor delivered to the ambassadors a firman, containing the formal cession of the countries in question, together with a sword set with jewels, from his own side, a royal robe, a Toorky slave, and four Syrian horses, superior in beauty to any before seen in the Deccan. The kings of Guzerat, Malwa, and Kan-deish , ^379a whose power was yet weak, alarmed at the encroachments of Feroze Shah, sent ambassadors to court his friendship; observing, that, as Mahome-dans, they ought to live together like brothers, and unite in alliance against the power of the Emperor of Dehly. At the same time, they privately wrote to the Ray of Beejanuggur, that whenever he should need their assistance against Feroze Shah to inform them, that they might lend him all the support in their power. In consequence of these overtures, the Ray of Beejanuggur changed his conduct towards the King, and neglected to pay his tribute for four years; and Feroze Shah, knowing the secret enmity of his neighbours, the kings of Guzerat and Malwa, did not press him, but passing over his neglect for the present, resolved to punish it at some future convenient time.

It happened that in the town of Moodkul lived a goldsmith, who had a daughter named Nehal, of such exquisite beauty, that nature seemed to have exerted all her art to render her perfect. Agreeably to the custom of Hindoostan, her parents wished to betroth her in childhood to a youth of her own cast; but she requested that the ceremony might be delayed, with such earnestness, that it was put off. Some time after, an old bramin, who had been on a pilgrimage to Benares, stopping on his return at her father's house, was struck with the beauty of his daughter, adopted her as his child, and resolved to render her skilful in music and dancing, of which he was a perfect master. The bramin continued nearly eighteen months with her family: at the end of which period, finding her fully accomplished, he took his leave, with a promise shortly to return, with proposals calculated for the honour of his pupil, and the advantage of her family. The bramin, who had from the first designed to exalt his adopted daughter to the station of a princess, proceeded to Beejanuggur; and being introduced to the Ray, spoke in such praise of the maid, that he resolved to possess her, and entreated the bramin to solicit her in marriage. The request had been anticipated by the bramin, and he accordingly agreed to assist him in the attainment of his wishes; on which, the Ray despatched him with rich gifts to the parents, and offered to bestow the title of Rany, or Princess, on their beautiful daughter. The bramin lost no time in his journey; and on his arrival at the goldsmith's house delivered to him and his wife the Ray's orders that they should repair with their child to Beeja-nuggur. They were overjoyed at such unexpected good fortune; and calling the maid, laid before her the rich gifts of the Ray, congratulated her on being so soon to be united to a great prince, and attempted to throw upon her neck a golden necklace set with jewels as the token of betrothal, and which, if done, the engagement could not have been broken off. The daughter, to the astonishment of her parents, refused to receive the necklace; observing, that whoever entered the haram of Beeja-nuggur was never afterwards permitted to see even her nearest relatives; and though they might be willing to sacrifice her for the wealth of the court, yet she was too fond of her parents to submit to an eternal separation from them, even for the splendour of the palace of Beejanuggur. This affectionate declaration, accompanied with tears, reconciled her parents to their disappointed hopes, who, rather than use force, dismissed the bramin with all his gifts, — and he returned to Beejanuggur without success. The maiden, subsequently, revealed to her parents, that she had long had an inward conviction that she should one day become the wife of a prince of the faith of Islam, and recommended them to await patiently the will of Providence.

When the bramin arrived at Beejanuggur, and related to the Ray the failure of his mission, the Prince became outrageous; and he resolved to gratify his passion even by force, though the object resided in the midst of Feroze Shah's dominions. For this purpose, quitting Beejanuggur with his army, on pretence of making the tour of his territories, he halted on the banks of the river Toong-budra; where having selected five thousand of his best horse, he commanded them, in spite of the remonstrances of his officers, to march night and day with all expedition to Moodkul, and surrounding the village where the goldsmith lived, to bring his daughter prisoner, with her whole family, but without doing them any injury.

As the Ray had, in the excess of his ardour, lost his judgment, he neglected to send the bramin to prevent the parents of the female from being alarmed at the approach of his troops, and to induce them to remain in the place, should there be time sufficient to allow the other inhabitants to escape. It so happened, that the country around Moodkul being apprised of the approach of the Beejanuggur troops, the inhabitants, among whom was Nehal's family, fled to distant parts. The troops of Dew Ray accordingly failed in obtaining their expected prize, and returned with expedition, laying waste on their route several towns and villages, before the local troops could be collected to oppose them. At length Folad Khan, governor of the province, marched against them, and the plunderers, seeing themselves greatly superior to him in numbers, stopped to engage, and obliged him to retire. Being, however, quickly reinforced, he pursued them a second time; and the invaders, not dreaming of being followed by a beaten enemy, had become so careless in their retreat, that they were surprised and completely defeated, with the loss of two thousand men, before they were able to recross the Toongbudra. Feroze Shah, on hearing of this unprovoked invasion, immediately issued orders for assembling his army near Ferozabad. In the beginning of the

A. H. 809.
A. D. 1406.

year 809, he moved in great force, and arrived near Beejanuggur without opposition; in which place Dew Ray had shut himself up. An assault was made upon the city, and the King got possession of some of the streets, but was opposed with great resolution, and eventually repulsed by the Carnatic infantry. Dew Ray, encouraged by this success, ventured to encamp his army outside the town, under protection of the walls, and to attack the besiegers' camp with light troops. As the Moslems could not make use of their cavalry, owing to the unevenness of the ground around Beejanuggur, they suffered severely from the garrison, and became dispirited. On one occasion Feroze Shah was wounded by an arrow in the hand; but refusing to dismount from his charger, he drew out the weapon, and bound up the wound with a cloth. The enemy was at last driven off, owing to the good conduct of the King's brother, Ahmud Khan, Khan Khanan; and the King moved his camp farther from the city to a convenient plain where he halted till his wounded men were recovered. Here, laying aside the design of taking the city, he detached a body of ten thousand horse under his brother, Khan Khanan, and Meean Suddoh (Meer-Nobut), to lay waste the country on the south of Beejanuggur, and detached Meer Fuzl Oolla Anjoo, with the Berar division, to besiege Bunkapoor, the most important fortress in the Carnatic. The King, with the remainder of his army, continued in the environs of Beejanuggur, in order to amuse Dew Ray, and fortified his camp with a circle of gun carriages. Dew Ray more than once attacked him, but was always repulsed with great slaughter. The Ray now desisted from his attacks, but despatched ambassadors to solicit aid from the kings of Malwa, Kandeish, and Guzerat.

The King continued to engage Dew Ray for four months; during which time, Khan Khanan laid waste the most flourishing towns and districts of the Carnatic; and Meer Fuzl Oolla succeeded in taking the fortress of Bunkapoor, with its valuable dependencies; the government of which he committed, by the King's orders, to Meean Suddoh, who was co-operating with that direction, while he himself returned to the royal camp. Khan Khanan also joined the army of the King with about sixty thousand Hindoo captives, male and female, besides a rich booty in gold. Feroze Shah received these officers with the favour due to their services, and made a splendid festival in honour of their successes, on which occasion he concerted a plan for further operations. After some debate it was resolved, that Khan Khanan should remain opposed to Dew Ray at Beejanuggur, while the King, accompanied by Meer Fuzl Oolla, should march to besiege Adony, the strongest fortress then in possession of the enemy.

Dew Ray, not obtaining assistance from the kings of Malwa, Kandeish, and Guzerat, was plunged into despair, when he heard of the King's intentions, and he accordingly sent some of his chiefs to treat for peace at the royal camp. Feroze Shah at first refused to listen to any terms; but at length, being moved by the advice and entreaties of Meer Fuzl Oolla, he consented to the following conditions; viz. That the Ray should give him his daughter in marriage; that he should pay ten lacks of hoons, and present five muns of pearls, fifty choice elephants, and two thousand male and female slaves, singers, dancers, and musicians; also, that the fort of Bunkapoor, already in his possession, should, in order to obviate all future disputes, be ceded to him for ever, as the marriage-portion of the Beejanuggur Princess.

Though the rays of the Carnatic had never before given their daughters in marriage to any persons but those of their own cast, and deemed it degrading to intermarry with strangers, yet Dew Ray, out of necessity, complied; and preparations for celebrating the nuptials were made by both parties. ^385a For forty days communication was open between the city and the King's camp, a distance of fourteen miles. Either side of the road was lined with booths both of Mahomedans and Hindoos; while the jugglers, dancers, and buffoons of the Carnatic, displayed their skill to amuse passengers. Khan Khanan and Meer Fuzl Oolla were deputed, in great state, to Beejanuggur, with the customary presents of a bridegroom; from whence, at the expiration of seven days, they brought the bride, with a rich portion and offerings from the Ray, to the King's camp. Dew Ray having expressed a desire to meet his son-in-law, Feroze Shah, in the excess of his politeness, consented to pay his father-in-law a visit, attended by his bride.

A day being fixed, the King proceeded with the bride to Beejanuggur, leaving the camp in charge of Khan Khanan. He was met on the road by Dew Ray in great state. From the gate of the city to the palace, being a distance of nearly six miles, the road was spread with cloths of gold, velvet, satin, and other rich stuffs. The two monarchs rode on horseback together, between ranks of beautiful boys and girls, who waved over their heads plates of gold full of incense and silver flowers, which they scattered abroad, to be gathered by the populace. This ceremony being over, the inhabitants of the city, both men and women, made offerings according to their rank. After passing through a square in the centre of the city, the relatives of Dew Ray, who had lined the streets, made their obeisance, and joined the cavalcade, marching on foot before the two Kings. On their arrival at the palace gate, Feroze Shah and the Raja dismounted from their horses, and ascending a splendid litter, set with valuable jewels, were carried together to the apartments prepared for the reception of the bride and bridegroom. Dew Ray then took his leave, and retired to his own apartments. The King, after being feasted magnificently for three days, took leave of the Ray, who pressed upon him richer presents than he had before given, and attended him four miles on his way to his camp, before he returned to the city. Feroze Shah was offended, however, at his not going with him to his camp, and said to Meer Fuzl Oolla that he would one day have revenge for the affront offered him by such neglect. This remark being conveyed to Dew Ray, he made use of some offensive observations, so that, notwithstanding the union of the two families, their enmity was not allayed. Feroze Shah, having returned to the capital of his dominions, despatched persons to bring the beautiful daughter of the goldsmith and his family to court, on whose account the war had originated. Her beauty was found to surpass all that had been reported of it; and the King, conceiving that he was too old to espouse her himself, conferred her in marriage on his son Hussun Khan, and gratified her parents with rich gifts and grants of land in their native country. The lady, meanwhile, was committed to the care of the King's aunt till the nuptial preparations were ready, when the knot was tied amid great rejoicings and princely festivals.

A. H. 818.
A. D. 1415. In the year 818, the King having fixed on his son Hussun, a weak and dissipated Prince, to succeed him, conferred on him a royal cap and waistband, with a chutr or canopy, several royal pavilions, and some elephants, the emblems of sovereignty. At this time, also, he invited the nobles to acknowledge him as his successor, and requested the holy Syud to give him his blessing; but the saint answered, that to one chosen by the King the prayers of a poor beggar could be of no avail. Feroze Shah, dissatisfied with his reply, sent to him again; on which the Syud observed, that as the crown was decreed to descend to his brother Khan Khanan, by the will of Providence, it was in vain for him to bestow it on another. The King was much alarmed, and ordered the Syud to quit the city; pretending that his durgah was too near the palace, and that the crowds of his disciples and students were dangerous to the peace of the capital. The holy man immediately obeyed, and retired out of the town to the spot where his tomb now stands; and his followers soon erected for him a magnificent dwelling.^389a A. H. 820.
A. D. 1417. In the year 820, the King despatched ambassadors to the Ray of Tulingana, demanding some years' arrears of tribute, who sent the sums due, with several valuable presents in addition. In the middle of this year, Feroze Shah formed the design of reducing the fortress of Pangul, now called Bilcondah, situated about eighty fursungs (two hundred and forty miles) from Adony. ^390a Without regarding his relationship to the Ray of Beejanuggur, he marched and commenced the siege, which extended to two whole years; at the end of which time, it not being the will of Heaven that it should then fall, a pestilence broke out in the royal army, in which, men and horses died every day in great numbers. Discontent and fear filled the minds of the survivors; and many officers of the first rank, quitting the camp with their followers, retired to their estates. At this crisis, Dew Ray, having collected his army, and having obtained assistance from all the surrounding princes, including the Raja of Tulingana, marched against the King, with a vast host of horse and foot.

Feroze Shah, though he judged his army unequal to oppose the Hindoos, yet, impelled by a sense of pride, gave battle in spite of the remonstrances of his officers. Meer Fuzl Oolla, who commanded the troops of Islam, charged the infidels with great valour, and routing their centre, fell upon their right wing, and was on the point of obtaining the victory, when one of his own attendants, said to be bribed for the purpose by Dew Ray, inflicted a severe wound on his head, of which he instantly died. This fatal event changed the fortune of the day: the King was defeated; and with the utmost difficulty, and not without very great efforts on his part, effected his escape from the field. The Hindoos made a general massacre of the Mussulmen, erected a platform with their heads on the field of battle, and pursuing the King into his own country, laid it waste with fire and sword. They subsequently took many towns, broke down mosques and other holy places; slaughtered the people without mercy; and by their savage conduct seemed desirous to discharge the vengeance and resentment of many ages. Feroze Shah, in the exigence of his distress, requested aid of the King of Guzerat, who having but just ascended the throne could afford none. At last fortune took a turn more favourable to his affairs; and the enemy, after repeated battles, were expelled from his dominions by the King's brother, Khan Khanan. But these misfortunes dwelt on the mind of Feroze Shah, now old, and he fell into a lingering disorder, which affected his spirits and his intellect.

During his illness, he gave the reins of government into the hands of two of his slaves, —one named Hooshyar, and the other Bedar; ^391a strengthening their influence with the whole weight of his authority. These ministers, jealous of the popularity and ambition of Khan Khanan, remarked to the King, that the government of the Deccan could only be secured to his son Hussun Khan when the kingdom should be cleared of the power and influence of Khan Khanan. Feroze Shah, recollecting the prediction of Syud Mahomed Geesoo-duraz, determined, by causing his brother to be blinded, to prevent the possibility of his ascending the throne. Khan Khanan, informed of this design, prepared for flight. During the night, he went with his son, Alla-ood-Deen, to the dwelling of the holy Syud, to request his advice and blessing; who taking the turban from his son Alla-ood-Deen's head, divided it into two parts, and tied one round the head of the father, and the other round his son, and then extending his hands over them, predicted sovereignty to both. Khan Khanan, after this ceremony, returned to his house; and having spent the remainder of the night in preparation for his departure, issued from the gates at dawn of day, with four hundred faithful companions. At the gate he was saluted with the title of King, by one of his earliest acquaintance, a celebrated merchant named Khulf Hussun, of Bussora, who had heard of his intentions.

Khan Khanan desired him to hasten to his own dwelling, lest he should be seen by the officers of the court, and suffer on his account. To this Hussun remarked, that to be a companion in the days of prosperity, and to cast the dust of inconstancy in the eyes of a friend in adversity, was unbecoming a virtuous man; that while he had a spark of life he should be loath to quit his patron; and he hoped he would receive him among the number of his servants, and permit him to perform some service of importance. Khan Khanan, pleased with these professions of attachment, consented to Khulf Hussun accompanying him; saying, that if he should ever attain the throne, Khulf Hussun should be his guide and minister. He then left the city, and in the evening arrived at Khan-Khananpoor, the revenue of which town he vowed to assign to the use of the Syuds of Mecca and Medina, Nujuf and Kurbula, should he become king.

Hooshyar and Bedar, on learning the flight of Khan Khanan, went with anxious impatience to the King, and having obtained permission to go in pursuit, marched with expedition, attended by four thousand horse, and some war elephants. Khan Khanan proposed concealing himself till he could prevail on some of the nobility to support his cause; but his companion Khulf Hussun dissuading him, sent to Koolburga, Bidur, and Kul-liany, from whence he procured a number of malecontents to join his standard. Some days passed in moving from place to place to avoid fighting, when, at last, the King's ministers being reinforced, all hope of escape seemed cut off, the royalists being eight thousand strong, and the whole force of Khan Khanan not exceeding one thousand cavalry. In this crisis, a band of grain merchants, called in Hindoostan Bunjaras, ^393a who were on their way from Berar with two thousand head of oxen, encamped in the neighbourhood of Kulliany, as also three hundred horses, which some dealers had brought from Lahore for sale. Khulf Hussun, taking advantage of this incident, purchased them all, and making red and green banners, after the custom of the Deccan, mounted a man with a flag on each ox. He placed a few cavalry in front of this mock force, with orders to appear at a distance, when the engagement should commence, and to give out, that some chiefs had arrived from their estates to assist Khan Khanan. Khan Khanan at first regarded the scheme as childish, but at last consented to adopt it. In the morning, he moved slowly towards the King's troops, encouraging his own men, by declaring that certain noblemen were hastening to join him, and were then only a few miles distant. Hooshyar and Bedar, also, dreading the event of his being reinforced, eagerly accepted the offer of battle, hoping by this means to prevent the junction of reinforcements. When the action had begun, Khulf Hussun advancing his horse in front of the oxen, and waving his banners, appeared marching from behind a wood at some distance, which made the enemy conclude that the expected chiefs were arrived to Khan Khanan's assistance; and a vigorous charge being made at the same instant, the right wing of the royalists broke in confusion. Hooshyar and Bedar, who were in the centre, seeing their men fly, and terrified at the approach of the supposed succours, were routed and driven from the field, after offering a slight opposition. Khan Khanan, thus unexpectedly victorious, pursued the fugitives, and after taking many elephants and horses, was shortly after joined by numbers of the royal troops from all quarters.

Notwithstanding the King's indisposition and weakness, he caused the royal canopy to be raised over the head of his son, the Prince Hussun Khan; and having intrusted the citadel to some faithful servants, put himself in a palankeen (being too infirm to travel otherwise) at the head of many of the nobility, accompanied by four thousand horse, a vast number of foot, some artillery, and many elephants, to oppose his brother Khan Kha-nan. An engagement took place a few miles from the city. The part of the army in which was Feroze Shah being hardly pressed, a report prevailed that he was killed; on which the officers and soldiers came over in great numbers to the standard of Khan Khanan. Hooshyar and Bedar, alarmed at the great desertion, fled with the King towards the citadel, at the gates of which Feroze Shah recovered from a fainting fit into which he had been thrown from the alarm and fatigue.

Khan Khanan, out of respect, would not suffer the King to be pursued; but when he heard of his being in the fort, marched to the capital, and encamped under the walls of the citadel. Hooshyar and Bedar, together with the Prince Hussun Khan, manned the works, and began to repel the besiegers with shot and arrows. A ball entering the tent of Khan Khanan wounded some persons sitting near him, upon which he retreated to a greater distance. Feroze Shah, at length, calling his son Hussun Khan before him, observed, that empire depended on the attachment of the nobility and army; and as they had mostly declared for his uncle, he recommended him to refrain from farther opposition, which could only occasion public calamities. After which the King ordered the gates of the palace to be thrown open, and admitted Khan Khanan, with a number of his attendants. Khan Khanan approaching the King's bed, bowed his head on his feet, when Feroze Shah expressed pleasure at seeing him, saying, that he praised God for permitting him to behold his brother as sovereign, of which high dignity he was truly deserving; that paternal affection had naturally made him wish his son for his successor, but as he was disappointed, he left his kingdom to God, and his son to his brother's care. Feroze then begged of Khan Khanan to ascend the throne, and take care of his person for the little time he might remain his guest. Khan Khanan,

Shuval 5.
A. H. 825.
Sept. 15.
A. D. 1422.

on the same day, being the 5th of Shuval, A. H. 825, put on the royal tiara, first assumed by his brother, and ascending the throne Feroza, caused himself to be styled Ahmud Shah Bahmuny, commanding coins to be struck, and the Khootba to be read, in his name. Ten days after this event, on

Shuval 15.
Sept. 25.

the 15th Shuval, Feroze Shah resigned his soul to the guardians of Paradise, and his body was deposited with great pomp and ceremony near the tombs of his ancestors. He reigned twenty-five years, seven months, and fifteen days.

According to tradition it is stated, and I have seen it in writing, that Ahmud Shah Bahmuny, at the instigation of his sister's son, Sheer Khan, caused his brother Feroze Shah to be strangled, — but God only can know the real truth.