Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 3

Selections from Histories

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE v
CHAPTER I 1
     I.MIYĀN ḤĀTIM OF SAMBHAL 3
II.SHAIKH JALĀLU'-D-DĪN OF THĀNESAR 5
III.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD GHAUṮ OF GWĀLIYĀR 7
IV.SHAIKH BURHĀN 10
V.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD-I-KAMBŪ, OF SAMBHAL. 12
VI.SHAIKH FAKHRU-'D-DĪN 13
VII.SHAIKH ‘AZĪZU-'LLĀH 14
VIII.SHAIKH SALĪM-I-CISHTĪ 18
IX.SHAIKH NIẒĀMU-'D-DĪN OF AMBEṬHĪ 27
X.SHAIKH BHĪKAN OF KĀKŌRĪ 41
XI.SHAIKH SA‘DĪ 42
XII.SAYYID TĀJU-'D-DĪN, OF LAKHNAU 43
XIII.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD QALANDAR OF LAKHNAU 43
XIV.SHAIKH NIẒĀMU-'D-DĪN 44
XV.SHAIKHU-'L-HIDYA OF KHAIRĀBĀD 45
XVI.SHAIKH DĀ‘ŪD OF CHATĪ 47
XVII.SHAIKH ABAN OF AMROHA 63
XVIII.KHĀJA ‘ABDU-'SH-SHAHĪD 65
XIX.SHAIKH ADHAN OF JAUNPŪR 66
XX.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-GHAFŪR OF A‘ẒAMPŪR 69
XXI.MIYĀṄ VAJĪHU-'D-DĪN OF AḤMADĀBĀD 70
XXII.MIYĀṄ ‘ABDU-'LLĀH NIYĀZĪ OF SIRHIND 73
XXIII.SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-FATḤ OF GUJARĀT 77
XXIV.SHAIKH ABŪ ISḤĀQ OF LĀHŌR 79
XXV.SHAIKH RUKNU-'D-DĪN 82
XXVI.MIYĀṄ MUṢṬAFā OF GUJARĀT 83
XXVII.SHAIKH ISḤĀQ-I-KĀKŪ OF LĀHŌR 85
XXVIII.SHAIKH SA‘DU-'LLĀH BANĪ ISRĀ'ĪL 87
XXIX.MIYĀṄ SHAIKH ‘ABDU-‘LLĀH OF BADĀON 90
XXX.SHAIKH JALĀLU-'D-DĪN OF QANNAUJ 93
XXXI.SHAIKH KAPŪR-I-MAJZŪB 95
XXXII.SHAIKH ALLĀH 96
XXXIII.SHAIKH ‘ĀRIF-I-ḤUSAINĪ 98
XXXIV.MĪR SAYYID ‘ALĀ'U-'D-DĪN OF AWADH 101
XXXV.SHAIKH ḤAMZAH OF LAKHNAU 103
XXXVI.SHAIKH PĪRAK 104
XXXVII.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD ḤUSAIN OF SIKANDRA 105
XXXVIII.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-L-WĀHID OF BILGRĀM 106
CHAPTER II. AN ACCOUNT OF THE LEARNED MEN, MOST OF WHOM THE AUTHOR
HAS MET, OR FROM WHOM HE HAS RECEIVED INSTRUCTION
109
I.SHAIKH ḤĀTIM OF SAMBHAL 109
II.MAULĀNĀ ‘ABDU-'LLĀH OF SULṬĀNPŪR 113
III.SHAIKH MUBĀRAK OF NĀGŌR 118
IV.MĪR SAYYID MUḤAMMAD, Mīr-i-‘Adl.OF AMROHA. 120
V.SHAIKH GADĀ'Ī OF DIHLĪ, THE KAMBŪ 122
VI.MIYĀṄ JAMĀL KHĀN, MUFTI OF DIHLĪ 123
VII.QĀẒĪ JALĀLU-'D-DĪN OF MULTĀN 124
VIII.QĀẒĪ ṬAWĀ'ISĪ 125
IX.QĀẒĪ YA‘QŪB OF MĀNIKPŪR 126
X.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'N-NABĪ 127
XI.SHAIKH AḤMADĪ FAYYĀẒ, OF AMBĒṬHI 131
XII.QĀẒĪ ṢADRU-'D-DĪN, SOME TIME OF JALANDAR, AFTERWARDS OF LĀHOR 133
XIII.MIYĀṄ ILĀHDĀD OF LAKHNAU 134
XIV.MĪR SAYYID JALĀLU-'D-DĪN-I-QĀDIRĪ 135
XV.SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF AJMER 136
XVI.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-QĀDIR 141
XVII.SHAIKH KABĪR 143
XVIII.MĪR SAYYID ‘ALĪ OF LŪDHIĀNA 144
XIX.SHAIKH MU‘ĪN 147
XX.MĪR ‘ABDU-'L-LAṬĪF OF QAZVĪN 148
XXI.KHĀJA MUḤAMMAD YAḤYā 150
XXII.SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF BADAKHSHĀN 151
XXIII.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-QĀDIR 152
XXIV.SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ 153
XXV.MAULĀNĀ JALĀL OF TALA 157
XXVI.MAULĀNĀ ‘ABDU-'SH-SHAKŪR OF LĀHŌR 157
XXVII.SHAIKH KABĪR, SON OF SHAIKH MUNAWWAR 158
XXVIII.SHAIKH SA‘DU-'LLĀH, THE GRAMMARIAN 160
XXIX.SHAIKH NAṢĪRU-'D-DĪN 161
XXX.SHAIKH MUBĀRAK OF ALWAR 162
XXXI.SHAIKH CĀYAN LADH OF SOHNA 163
XXXII.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-GHANĪ OF BADĀON 164
XXXIII.SHAIKH BUHLŪL OF DIHLĪ 167
XXXIV.SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-ḤAQQ OF DIHLĪ 167
XXXV.MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD 172
XXXVI.MAULĀNĀ ‘UṮMĀN OF SĀMĀNA 173
XXXVII.ḤĀJĪ SULṬĀN OF THĀNĒSAR 173
XXXVIII.SAYYID SHĀH MĪR OF SĀMĀNA 174
XXXIX.SAYYID YĀSĪN 176
XL.SHAIKH ẒIYĀ'U-'LLĀH 177
XLI.MĪR ABŪ'L-GHĀIṮ OF BUKHĀRĀ 183
XLII.MIYĀN KAMĀLU-D-DĪN ḤUSAIN OF SHĪRĀZ 184
XLIII.SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-FATḤ OF THĀNĒSAR 187
XLIV.MAULĀNĀ 'UṮMĀN OF BANGĀL 188
XLV.SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF BAZHAR 188
XLVI.MAULĀNĀ ISMĀ‘ĪL THE ‘ARAB 188
XLVII.QĀZĪ MUBĀRAK OF GOPĀMAU 188
XLVIII.MAŪLĀNĀ VAIS OF GWĀLIYĀR 189
XLIX.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD OF SYRIA 191
L.SHAIKH ḤASAN ‘ALĪ OF MAUṢIL 192
LI.QĀẒĪ NŪRU-'LLĀH OF SHUSHTAR 193
LII.ḤĀJĪ IBRĀHĪM THE TRADITIONIST 196
LIII.SHAIKH JALĀL-I-WĀṢIL, OF KĀLPĪ 196
LIV.MALIK MAḤMŪD-I-PIYĀRŪ 197
LV.ṢADR-I-JAHĀN 198
LVI.SHAIKH YA‘QŪB OF KASHMĪR 200
LVII.MAULĀNĀ MĪRZĀ OF SAMARQAND 209
LVIII.QĀẒĪ ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ 210
LIX.MAULĀNĀ MĪR-I-KALĀN 211
LX.MAULĀNĀ SA‘ĪD OF TURKISTĀN 212
LXI.ḤĀFIẒ-I-KŪMAKĪ 213
LXII.QĀẒĪ NIẒĀM OF BADAKHSHĀN 214
LXIII.MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD-I-LANGARKHĀNĪ 215
LXIV.MAULĀNĀ MUḤAMMAD, THE Muftī 215
LXV.MĪR FATḤU-'LLĀH OF SHĪRĀZ 216
LXVI.SHAIKH MANṢŪR OF LĀHŌR 217
LXVII.MULLĀ PĪR MUḤAMMAD OF SHĪRVĀN. 217
LXVIII.MĪRZĀ MUFLIS THE ŪZBAK 218
LXIX.MAULĀNĀ NŪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD TARKHĀN 218
LXX.MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD OF AMRŌHA 219
CHAPTER III. AN ACCOUNT OF THE PHYSICIANS OF THE REIGN OF THE
EMPEROR AKBAR
224
I.ḤAKÍMU-L-MULK OF GÍLĀN 224
II.ḤAKĪM SAIFU-L-MULŪK OF DAMĀWAND 226
III.ḤAKĪM ZANBĪL 228
IV.ḤAKĪM ‘AINU-L-MULK OF SHĪRĀZ 229
V.ḤAKĪM MASĪḤU-L-MULK, OF SHĪRĀZ 230
VI.ḤAKĪM-I-MIṢRĪ 230
VII.ḤAKĪM ‘ALĪ 232
VIII.ḤAKĪN ARŪ-L-FATḤ OF GĪLĀN 233
IX.ḤAKĪM ḤASAN OF GĪLĀN 234
X.ḤAKĪM HUMĀM 234
XI.ḤAKĪM AḤMAD, OF TATTA 235
XII.ḤAKĪM LUṬFU-'LLĀH, OF GĪLĀN 237
XIII.ḤAKĪM MUẒAFFAR, OF ARDASTĀN 237
XIV.ḤAKĪM FATḤU-'LLĀH, OF GĪLĀN 237
XV.SHAIKH BĪNĀ 237
CHAPTER IV. AN ACCOUNT OF THE POETS OF THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR AKBAR 239
I.GHAZĀLĪ OF MASHHAD 239
II.QĀSIM-I-KĀHĪ 242
III.KH'ĀJA ḤUSAIN OF MARV 248
IV.QĀSIM-I-ARSALĀN 251
V.ĀTASHI OF QANDAHĀR 253
VI.ASHRAF KHĀN, MĪR MUNSHĪ 254
VII.AMĪR QĀZI, ASĪRĪ 255
VIII.MĪR IMĀMĪ, KNOWN AS MUGHBACA 257
IX.MĪR SHARĪF-I-AMĀNĪ, OF IṢFAHĀN 258
X.QĀẒĪ AḤMAD-I-GHAFFĀRĪ OF QAZVĪN 259
XI.MĪR ASHKĪ OF QUM 260
XII.YOL QULI ANĪSĪ 262
XIII.MULLA GHANI, AMANI 262
XIV.ABTARI OF BADAKHSH 263
XV.ULFATĪ, QILĪJ KHĀN 263
XVI.ULFATI OF YAZD 264
XVII.ULFATI OF ‘IRĀQ 265
XVIII.BAIRAM KHĀN, THE KHĀN-I-KHĀNĀN 265
XIX.BĪKASĪ OF GHAZNĪN 268
XX.BĀQĪ OF KOLĀB 270
XXI.BAYĀẒĪ 270
XXII.PAIRAVĪ 271
XXIII.BAQĀ'Ī 273
XXIV.MULLĀ NŪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD-I-TĀRKHĀN 273
XXV.TARDI, Rūda 278
XXVI.TAUSANĪ 278
XXVII.TAẔARVĪ OF ABHAR 279
XXVIII.TASHBIHI 283
XXIX.TAQĪ-UD-DĪNĪ 285
XXX.ṮĀNĪ KHĀN 286
XXXI.ṮANĀ'Ī 287
XXXII.JUDĀ'Ī 291
XXXIII.JAẔBĪ 293
XXXIV.JAMĪLĪ OF KĀLPĪ 296
XXXV.CISHTĪ 297
XXXVI.JA‘FAR 298
XXXVII.JA‘FAR BEG 299
XXXVIII.ḤAIDARĪ OF TABRĪZ 302
XXXIX.ḤUZNĪ 304
XL.ḤAYĀTĪ OF GĪLĀN 304
XLI.ḤAYĀ'Ī 306
XLII.ḤĀLATĪ 307
XLIII.THE KHĀN-I-A‘ẒAM 308
XLIV.KHANJAR BEG 310
XLV.KHUSRAVĪ 315
XLVI.MĪR DAURĪ 316
XLVII.DAKHLĪ 318
XLVIII.DĀNIHĪ 319
XLIX.DAVĀ'Ī 320
L.RAFΑΠ322
LI.RAHĀ'Ī 324
LII.RAUGHANĪ 325
LIII.ZAIN KHĀN KŪKA 327
LIV.SULṬĀN OF SAPLAK 327
LV.SULṬĀN 331
LVI.SAIRĪ 334
LVII.SIPIHRĪ 334
LVIII.SAYYĀFĪ 335
LIX.SAHMI. 336
LX.SAQQĀ 338
LXI.SIPĀHĪ 340
LXII.SARMADĪ OF IṢFAHĀN 340
LXIII.SĀQĪ OF THE JAZĀ'IR 341
LXIV.SAYYIDĪ 342
LXV.SHĀH ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ 344
LXVI.SHĪRĪ 345
LXVII.SHAKĪBĪ OF IṢFAHĀN 351
LXVIII.SHUJ‘Π352
LXIX.SHU‘ŪRĪ OF TURBAT 353
LXX.MULLĀ SĀDIQ ḤALWĀĪ' 354
LXXI.ṢABŪḤĪ 356
LXXII.ṢĀLIḤĪ 358
LXXIII.ṢĀDIQĪ 359
LXXIV.ṢARFĪ 360
LXXV.ṢARFĪ OF SĀWA 361
LXXVI.ṢABŪRĪ OF HAMADĀN 361
LXXVII.ṢĀLIH THE MADMAN 362
LXXVIII.ṬĀRAMĪ 363
LXXIX.ṬARĪQĪ OF SĀWA 365
LXXX.ṬĀLIB OF IṢFAHĀN 367
LXXXI.ṬĀLI‘Ī OF YAZD 368
LXXXII.ṬIFLĪ 370
LXXXIII.ẒUHŪRĪ 372
LXXXIV.‘ĀLIM OF KĀBUL 373
LXXXV.MIR ‘ABDUL ḤAYY OF MASHHAD 378
LXXXVI.‘ITĀBĪ 380
LXXXVII.‘UBAIDĪ. 383
LXXXVIII.‘ISHQĪ KHĀN 384
LXXXIX.‘ILMĪ 385
XC.MIR ‘AZIZU-'LLĀH 386
XCI.MĪRZĀ ‘AZĪZ KŪKA 388
XCII.‘AHDI OF SHIRAZ 390
XCIII.‘INĀYATU-'LLĀH THE SCRIBE 391
XCIV.‘URFĪ OF SHĪRAZ 392
XCV.GHAZNAVĪ 396
XCVI.GHUBARĪ 398
XCVII.GHURBATĪ OF ḤIṢĀR 401
XCVIII.GHAIRATĪ OF SHĪRĀZ 403
XCIX.FĀRIGHĪ OF SHĪRĀZ 403
C.FAHMĪ OF ṬIHRĀN 405
CI.FAHMĪ OF SAMARQAND 405
CII.FIKRĪ 406
CIII.FANĀ'Ī 407
CIV.FUSĪNĪ OF YAZD 408
CV.FĪRŪZA OF KĀBUL 409
CVI.FAHMĪ OF ASTARĀBĀD 411
CVII.SHAIKH FAIẒĪ, THE POET LAUREATE 411
CVIII.FĀRISĪ 429
CIX.QARĀRĪ OF GILĀN 432
CX.QAUSĪ 435
CXI.QAIDĪ OF SHĪRĀR 436
CXII.QADRĪ 437
CXIII.QANDĪ 437
CXIV.KĀMĪ 437
CXV.KULĀHĪ 438
CXVI.KALĀMĪ 439
CXVII.KĀMĪ OF QUM 439
CXVIII.LIQĀ'Ī OF ASTARĀBĀD 440
CXIX.LIWĀ'Ī 440
CXX.LA‘LĪ 441
CXXI.LUṬFĪ THE ASTROLOGER 442
CXXII.MĪR MURTAẒā 442
CXXIII.MAḤWĪ 444
CXXIV.MIR MUḤSIN RIẒAVĪ OF MASHHAD 447
CXXV.MAUJĪ 448
CXXVI.MĪRZĀDA ‘ALĪ KHĀN 450
CXXVII.MU‘IZZĪ OF HIRĀT 451
CXXVIII.MURĀDĪ OF ASTARĀBĀD 451
CXXIX.MUSHFIQĪ OF BUKHĀRĀ 452
CXXX.MAĪLĪ OF HIRĀT 452
CXXXI.MALIK OF QUM 458
CXXXII.MUDĀMĪ OF BADAKHSHĀN 461
CXXXIII.MULLĀ MAQṢŪD OF QAZVĪN 462
CXXXIV.MIḤNATĪ OF ḤIṢĀR 465
CXXXV.MŪSAWĪ OF MASHHAD 465
CXXXVI.KHẈĀJA MU‘AẒẒAM 466
CXXXVII.MAUZŪN 467
CXXXVIII.MUḤAMMAD YUSUF 468
CXXXIX.MANẒARĪ OF SAMARQAND 469
CXL.MUDĀMĪ OF HAMADĀN 471
CXLI.MUQĪMĪ OF SABZAVĀR 471
CXLII.—— 472
CXLIII.MAḤWĪ 473
CXLIV.MAẒHARĪ OF KASHMĪR 474
CXLV.SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD OF DIHLĪ 474
CXLVI.NUVĪDĪ OF TURBAT 475
CXLVII.NISHĀNĪ 480
CXLVIII.NAṢIḤĪ 493
CXLIX.NIHĀNĪ 494
CL.NAJĀTĪ OF GĪLĀN 495
CLI.MULLĀ NUVĪDĪ 495
CLII.NAU‘I 495
CLIII.NIYĀZĪ 496
CLIV.NĀMĪ 498
CLV.NAẒĪRĪ OF NĪSHĀPŪR 508
CLVI.NAVĀ'Ī 510
CLVII.NUVĪDĪ OF NĪSHĀPŪR 510
CLVIII.NAẒMĪ OF TABRĪZ 511
CLIX.VUQŪ‘Ī OF NĪSHĀPŪR 512
CLX.VID‘ΠOF HIRĀT 516
CLXI.VĀQΑΠOF HIRĀT 517
CLXII.VAṢFĪ 518
CLXIII.VAṢLĪ 519
CLXIV.VUQŪFĪ OF HIRĀT 519
CLXV.VAF‘ΠOF IṢFAHĀN 520
CLXVI.HAMDAMĪ 520
CLXVII.HAJRĪ 522
CLXVIII.HĀSHIM 524
NOTICE 538
INDEX 539
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

This volume completes the translation of the Muntakhabu-'t-tawārī kh of ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir b. Mulūk Shāh, al-Badāonī, in the Bibliotheca Indica series. Its sources are those enumerated by Lieutenant-Colonel G. S. A. Ranking in the preface to his translation of volume I.

It was begun as long ago as 1897, but owing to the constant pressure of official duties was not finished until 1909, and even then could not be immediately printed owing to difficulties in the way of allotting funds for the expenses of publication. The index and list of errata have only lately been finished.

Frequent interruptions in the work are responsible for some inconsistencies in transliteration—such, for instance, as Shamsu-'d-din and Shams-ud-din, Khāja, Kh'āja, and Khẉāja. My excuse for the frequent omission of any equivalent for the letter ◌ in transliterating the latter word is that the translation was made, for the most part, in India, where the frequent pronunciation of this mute letter was so offensive that at the time I judged it better to preserve the correct pronunciation by omitting it. I confess that this is not a very good excuse for the omission of a letter, but it is the best that I can offer.

I have nothing to add to Lieutenant-Colonel Ranking's remarks on the difficulty of translating from Persian, except that they apply with peculiar force to an author like Badāonī, writing in a language not his own. His style is stilted and inelegant, as must nearly always be the case with an author labouring under this disadvantage, and he persists in one error —the misuse of the word ◌, which means “ungrudging emulation,” but is always used by him in the sense of “envy” —but it is free from the bombastic prolixity and gross affectation of that of his compatriot and contemporary, Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl.

As this volume of the historian's work consists to a great extent of literary criticism, I have been careful to translate both his text and the excerpts of verse quoted by him as literally as possible, in order to convey some idea, however faint, of his standard of literary excellence. In only one or two passages, to which reference is made in notes, have I ventured to modify expressions which in an English dress would have been merely ridiculous; but I am conscious that many of the passages which I have rendered more exactly will appear grotesque. This was unavoidable, and is due partly to the wide divergence between the standards of taste of Persian writers of the sixteenth and English readers of the twentieth centuries, and partly to Badāonī's own defects.

A few passages are so indecent that I have been constrained to veil them in such disguise as a dead language affords. To this practice it may be objected that it calls attention to what is unseemly, but a book of this nature will seldom be taken up but by genuine seekers after knowledge, who are not likely to suffer harm from the obscenities of Badāonī, or of those whom he quotes.

Interruptions in the work of translation are also responsible for a rather long list of errata, for which, and for other imperfections I crave the indulgence of my readers.

W. H.

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.

April 7, 1924.

“IN THE NAME OF GOD, THE MERCIFUL, THE COMPASSIONATE!”
CHAPTER I.

I will state at the outset1 that as the author of the Tārīkh-i-Niẓāmī 1a has given an account of the nobles of the realm immediately after his history of the empire, and as most of them are now dead, and gone to perdition,1b

[In no one have I seen fidelity,
If thou hast found one who possesses it convey to him my
blessing.]

I will refrain from polluting the nib of my pen with a description of such worthless wretches, and will commence with the enumeration of some of the holy men of the age, for an account of noble men who have chosen the way of God is in every way to be preferred to an account of scoundrels and debauchees. And so will I not be a mark for threats and comminations.1c (“Throw dust on the faces of those who praise without stint,” and again, “may God protect us from the wickedness of tyrants.”)1d An account of the base acts of the followers (of the Divine Faith),1e

with whose unclean existence the age is polluted may be thus described:—

Their letters do not spell sense,2
Nor do their thoughts tend in the direction of sense;
Think meanly of the base, and of those whose faith is weak,
Form the same estimate of the latter as of the former.
When one can call to mind one's friends,
And so make the heart a garden of sweet memories,
Pity were it to mention one's enemies
For that were to quit the sweet garden for the midden.2a

The holy men by whose noble existence the reign of Akbar 2. Shāh was adorned have now, for the most part, withdrawn, as the ‘anqā2b retires to the mountains of Qāf, to the neighbourhood of the Great God. It is as though they had all conspired together to roll up and remove the baggage of life from this dwelling of care and deceit and to take up their abode in the home of joy and bliss. And now of that caravan not one remains to encourage stragglers.

“The mansions are deserted, temporary and permanent
dwelling alike,
“Nothing remains but owls and rubbish.”2c

I shall begin with that class of men who were regularly employed in the Imperial service until2d their fame reached such a pitch that it was as manifest as the sun at midday.

I. MIYĀṄ ḤĀTIM OF SAMBHAL.3
(May God sanctify his tomb.)

Miyāṅ Ḥātim3a was a profound sage who passed very many years in teaching. He was endowed with both inward and outward perfection. While he was engaged in acquiring knowledge he was overcome by religious ecstasy,3b and, forsaking scholastic disputations, attached himself as a disciple to his teacher, Shaikh Azīzu-'llāh, a learned man of Ṭalamba,3c who was of those who are truly wise in the way of God, and was one of the most highly regarded of the holy men of his time. He also spent some time in the service of Shaikh ‘Alāu-'d-Dīn Cishtī3d of Dihlī, (may God sanctify his soul!) following his rule, and obtained from both of these holy men permission to perfect their students and disciples. At the time when he was first drawn towards God he wandered about for ten years, bareheaded and barefooted, in the waste country round about Sambhal and Amroha,3e and during all this time his head touched not bed or bolster. He was a man who took keen pleasure in contemplating God and whom the singing of God's praises threw into an ecstasy of delight, and ever, as he spoke and smiled, the name of God was on his tongue. In his last years the intoxication of joy which he experienced in his love for God so overpowered him that to, listen but for a short space to the chanting of God's praises placed him beside himself. He had not the strength to listen to hymns.

When I, in the year 960 A.H. (A.D. 1553), being then in my twelfth year, arrived in company with my father at Sambhal, 3. and there entered the service of the Shaikh, I learnt by heart, in his hospice, the Qaṣīda-yi-burda,4 and thus gained admission (to the ranks of his disciples), and there I also read, to my great spiritual advantage and profit, part of the book Kanz-i-fiqh-i-Ḥanafī .4a The Shaikh then enrolling me among his direct disciples said to my father, “I have bestowed upon your son the cap and the tree4b which descend from my spiritual teacher Miyāṅ Shaikh ‘Azīzu-'llāh for this reason, that he may acquire also some exoteric knowledge” (i.e., beyond the esoteric knowledge which he was to acquire). And for this praise be to God. In the year 969 A.H. (A.D. 1561-2) the holy Shaikh went into God's Presence, and the words “the wise darvīsh”4c give the date of his death. May God make his dust fragrant! And it so happened that my father too received the summons of God's mercy in the same year. One might say that the position in which he stood to the Shaikh as his disciple made it necessary that he should so follow him.

II. SHAIKH JALĀLU'-D-DĪN OF THĀNESAR.

He was the Khalīfah5 or deputy of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Quddūs of Gangoh5a (may God sanctify their tombs!) His attainments, both in exoteric and in esoteric learning, were great, and he employed himself in imparting instruction in divinity and in the spreading abroad of those branches of knowledge which are, as the subject of divine revelation, certainly proved. In his last years he abandoned the pursuit of secular knowledge and, choosing privacy rather than publicity, spent his valuable time in reading through the blessed Qur'ān, in performing works of supererogation, and in praise and prayer. When he was ninety-three years of age he was exceedingly weak and feeble, so that there seemed to be nothing remaining of him but skin and bone.

Couplet.

When the veins of an aged man, in consequence of his
abandonment of worldly desires, stand out on his skin.
Then it is that he becomes, as it were, a ruler to guide
disciples in the way of righteousness.5b

And although he had not so much strength left as enabled him to sit down and rise up5c and to move about, and used, in 4. consequence of his feebleness and weakness, to lie all day long in a reclining position, yet no sooner did he hear the call to prayer than he would, without the assistance of anybody, rise up, put on his shoes, take his staff in his hand, perform his ceremonial ablutions by himself and without any help, and stand up for his prayers.6 This done he would again recline in his wonted position on his couch. I twice had the honour of attending on him, once in the year H. 969 (A.D. 1561-2), in Āgra, when he had come there to settle the matter of his aima6a holding in Thānesar6b and to have the subject represented, and again in the year A.H. 981 (A.D. 1573-4) when I was accompanying Ḥusain Khān in his pursuit of Ulugh Mīrzā.6c He seemed to me to be a quantity of (divine) light in bodily form. He bade farewell to this transitory world in the year A.H. 989 (A.D. 1581), May God remember him to his good!

III. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD GHAUṮ OF GWĀLIYĀR.6d

He was the disciple of Shaikh Ẓuhūr and Ḥājī Ḥuzūr, otherwise known as Ḥājī Ḥamīd, and his spiritual descent could be traced back, through the line of the Shaṭṭārī order of ascetics to Shaikh Bāyazīd of Busṭām,7 the prince of knowers of God. (May God sanctify his soul!) When entering on the religious life he spent twelve years on the lower slopes of the hills of Canār7a and the adjoining country, practising the most severe austerities, having his dwelling in caves and subsisting on the leaves of trees. He was an acknowledged master in the science of exorcism,7b he possessed supernatural power, and was drawn in a mysterious manner towards God.7c He obtained leave to practise this science (scil. exorcism) from his elder brother, Shaikh Buhlūl,7d who was a worker of miracles and wonders. His late Majesty, the Emperor Humāyūn, on whom God's mercy has descended, had the greatest faith in and attachment to these two saints, so much so that there were very few that ranked with them in his estimation. From these venerable men he learnt the science of exorcism. After the rebellion in India, when Shīr 5. Shāh began to oppress Shaikh Muḥammad, he betook himself to Gujarāt where also he brought princes and rulers under the yoke of subjection to him and8 belief in his teaching, so that all alike were ready to do him service. Shaikh Wajīhu-'d-Dīn too, a knower and a8a doer of the things that belong to God, a profound thinker and a teacher, drew upon his shoulders the saddle-cloth of obedience to Shaikh Muḥammad. All these things are an indication of the Shaikh's perfections and of his power of working miracles. Many other great and famous holy men in Dihlī, Gujarāt, and Bangāl have risen from the fringe of his robe,8b and memorials of his perfection still remain in Hindūstān. One day in the year H. 966 (A.D. 1558-9) I saw him from afar off, riding along in the market place at Āgra, a throng of the common people surrounding and preceding him, so that no one could pass through the crowd. In his courteous humility his head was never for one moment still, as he returned the salutations of the people on either side of him, bowing continually down to his saddle-bow. It was in this year that he came from Gujarāt to Āgra, and with much exhortation and persuasion, availing himself of the influence of those about the Court, enrolled the Emperor Akbar, then a youth, among his disciples, but the Emperor soon rejected his teaching, and since Shaikh Muḥam-mad's companionship was distasteful to the Khān-i-Khānān, Bairam Khān,8c and to Shaikh Gadāī,8d he withdrew, ill pleased, to Gwāliyār, where he spent his time in perfecting his disciples, and, having built an hospice, occupied himself with the ecstatic dances of darvīshes,9 chanting, and giving way to transports of religious ecstasy.9a He himself also wrote books on these subjects. Clad in the garments of poverty he held a high and majestic position, and possessed a subsistence allowance of a karor of tankas.9b Whomsoever he saw, were he a beggar even, he treated with great honour, standing before him. For this reason some few from among those who were vowed to poverty blamed him, and denied (that he was a true ascetic).9c But God alone knows what his motives were in this matter.

Couplet.

Since God in His omniscience alone knows whether a soul is
to be rejected or accepted,
“Judge not lest thou be judged.” 6.9d

In the year H. 970 (A.D. 1562-3), after completing his eightieth year, he died in Āgra, leaving this world for the next, and was buried in Gwāliyār. He was generous to a degree, and it is said that the word “I” never passed his lips, and that he always referred to himself as “this humble one.” So particular was he in this matter that even when giving away corn in charity he would say “Mīm and Nūn,10 give this much corn to such an one,” in order to avoid the necessity of saying “I.” May God shower his mercy plenteously upon him!

IV. SHAIKH BURHĀN.

Burhān was an ascetic of great resignation and piety, and a very prince among those who have chosen a life of religious seclusion and retirement, and of independence of worldly concerns. It is said that he was once for three days in company with Miyān Ilāhdād of Bārī,10a of the spiritual line of the famous Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaunpur,10b (may God sanctify his soul), there being only one intermediary between them, and that it was on that occasion that he acquired this excellence, and attained to perfection. He had subjected himself to severe discipline and possessed great self-control. For nearly fifty years (before his death) he had abstained from flesh-meat and from most other articles of food and drink, contenting himself with a little milk and some sweet-meats; and at the end of his life he abstained also from drinking water, so that to outward appearance he was an incorporeal spiritual form, supernaturally illuminated. He had in Kālpī a very small and dark cell in which he constantly sat, engaged in reciting God's praises and in meditation and contemplation. He used also to retain his breath,11 after the fashion of the Mahdavīs, and although he had never studied any of the sciences treated of in Arabic literature he used to give most eloquent dissertations on the Qur'ān. He was a reader of the secrets of human hearts. When I was returning from Canār (Chunār) in A.H. 967 (A.D. 1559-60) during the rule of ‘Abdu-'llāh Khān the Ūzbak11a I spent a night in attendance on the Shaikh, whose conversation was sublime. He recited, appositely 7. to the occasion, some of his own Hindī poetry of which the subjects were exhortation, admonition, mysticism,11b the longing of the human soul for God,11c the Unity of God, and withdrawal from the world. The next day Mihr ‘Alī Sildūz,11d who, in spite of his friendship towards holy men, was to some extent a slave to his own Turkish nature, and was something of a bully and a tyrant,

[I have been the slave of that man of perfect nature, from
the day on which he said,
“The Turk, though he become a mullā, can never become a
man.”]

was honoured, by means of an introduction from me, with an interview with the Shaikh. Now it so happened that about an hour before this time he had severely beaten and kicked some of his servants and attendants, and had abused them in most unbecoming language before mounting his horse to go for a ride. When we sat down together the first words the Shaikh uttered were, “The prophet (may God bless and save him!) said, ‘The (true) Muslim is he who (courteously) salutes (other) Muslims both with his hand and with his tongue.’” The Shaikh uttered this precious aphorism and sublime truth with special reference to the occasion, and Mihr ‘Ali rose to his feet for the purpose of excusing himself, and, after expressing his contrition and shame he begged the Shaikh to recite the fātiḥah12 on his behalf, offering to him, at the same time, something by way of a present, which was not accepted.

The Shaikh reached the age of nearly one hundred years and departed this life in the year A.H. 970 (A.D. 1562-3). I have made the following chronogram on his death:—

My heart said he was the chief of Saints.12a

In accordance with the terms of his will he was buried in the cell to which he had retired—may God shed light upon his resting-place!

V. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD-I-KAMBŪ,12b
OF SAMBHAL.

He belonged to the Qādirī12c order. On first entering the religious 8. life he subjected himself to a most rigorous discipline. He was a man who was mysteriously drawn towards God12d and was subject to fits of religious ecstasy. He had a sweet voice and when he was in one of his fits of ecstasy he would chant so sweetly as to touch the hearts of all who heard him; the flavour of that ecstatic song still lingers on the palate of my soul. In his earlier years he acquired exoteric knowledge and was engaged in teaching. He had an ardent love for such forms as display, in their beauty, the power of the Creator, nor was he ever at any time free from the bonds of that love which is transferred from the Creator to the creature,13 and when in these bonds he lost all self-control, and, putting aside all dissimulation and restraint took no account of the praise or blame of others, careless alike of their disapprobation and their approval. For this reason was he known as Shaikh Muḥammad-i-‘Āshiq, or “the lover.” In A.H. 985 (A.D. 1579) he transferred the baggage of his existence to that land where the soul is united to God.13a The words “the sixth of Shavvāl”13b give the date of his death. May God make his soul fragrant!

VI. SHAIKH FAKHRU-'D-DĪN.

He was an old man in whom shone the Divine Light, ascetic in his habits, having complete trust in God, and uncontrollable religious enthusiasm. He lived a retired and solitary life, keeping the door of ingress and egress shut to himself. Every Friday he held in his hospice a meeting of Ṣūfīs,14 and would insist upon the assembly joining in ecstatic songs and dances, and, how much soever one might excuse himself from this, the Shaikh would work himself up into a state of religious ecstasy, and his phrensy would extend, in its full power, to the rest. On the conclusion of this religious exercise food was served. The Shaikh made no distinction between king and beggar. Bairām Khān, the Khān-i-Khānān,14a used generally to recite his Friday prayers in the Shaikh's masjid, and the effects of his companionship with the Shaikh were seen in his increased tenderness of heart. In sitting down and rising, in taking food, and in all other observances of etiquette no difference was made by the Shaikh between him and anybody else.

9. VII. SHAIKH ‘AZĪZU-'LLĀH.

He was a conspicuous example of the degree of divine knowledge which is within the reach of man. He was a very crucible of love for God, in which the pure gold of his being was ever at melting heat, until it reached the extreme limit of refinement and purity. This being his condition he was constantly weeping in his ardent desire for God, to such an extent that the world has never seen his equal. No sooner did the sound of a holy song or chant fall upon his ear than one would say that a violent wind had arisen, and was blowing through a fiery tempest. Praise be to God! What love and affection for God were seen in the noble nature of that great man! In the phrensied dance (of darvīshes) and when he was vying with other mystics in working himself up into a state of ecstasy,15 occupations which formed the morning and evening exercises of his blessed condition, a flint, could it have looked upon his face, would have become softer than wax.

Shaikh ‘Azīzu-'llāh had been the disciple of his own respected father, Shaikh Ḥasan, and acquired some of his excellence from his own elder brother, Shaikh Muḥammad Ḥasan, the spiritual guide and master of Shaikh Mān of Pānīpat. His life was governed by the rules of poverty, indigence, and humility. To champion the cause of the poor and helpless who came to him with their complaints he would travel long distances on foot, even though he had at the time entered into a forty days' retreat,15a and though he had to visit the house of one who was without the pale of the faith in order to gain his object. After successfully fulfilling the wants of the applicant he would return to the cell of retirement and engage in his religious exercises as though no break had occurred in his retreat. He used to give to this worship, which benefited others, precedence and place before that worship the rewards of which are confined to the worshipper.15b And it would sometimes happen that an unbeliever or an oppressor would pay no heed to his intercession on the first occasion, or, (knowing that the Shaikh was without), would purposely remain within doors, and the Shaikh would sit the livelong day expectant at his door, without being able to see his face. But on successive days15c the Shaikh would go again and again16 to his door and would sit in silence, nor would this slighting treatment produce on the clear mirror of his heart, 10. which reflected the hidden knowledge of God, the rust of resentment. He would thus sit until the person to whom the intercession was to be made fell, shamed and remorseful, at his feet, and promptly and obediently fulfilled the desire of the beggar.

One day the Shaikh was present at a meeting of the mystics engaged in ecstatic songs and dances, as their custom is,16a held by that prince of holy men Shaikh Niẓām-i-Auliyā, (may God sanctify his most pure tomb!), when a wretched maniac, uttering a yell, seized the Shaikh by the knees, and, lifting him up, turned him heels over head on the floor, so that his turban was disarranged, and he was hurt, but in outward appearance16b he was in no way disturbed. At the time this act of the maniac was attributed to religious ecstasy and he was held to be excused, but the demented fool repeated his abominable trick on a subsequent occasion, when the magistrate of the city proposed to recall his scattered senses by means of a severe caution, a beating, and threats of what would happen to him in the future. The Shaikh made much intercession for him, and, kissing his hands and feet, kept him under his own protection, and did not suffer them to molest him in any way. In exoteric knowledge he was perfect himself,16c and used to perfect others, and he used to instruct his pupils in the expounding of the ‘Arā'is,17 and of the ‘Awārif17a and of the Fuṣūṣu-'l-Ḥikam17b and its commentary. He was also the author of some well-known works, among them being the Risāla-yi-‘Ainiyyah written as a reply to the Ghairiyyah17c of Shaikh Mān of Pānīpat. Many obscure questions relating to the unity of essence17d are therein treated of,17e in accordance with the interpretation of perfect knowers of God.17f

At the time of the Khān-i-Khānān's disgrace,18 and also for some years afterwards, I studied under that master of perfection, and listened to the recital of several books and treatises on mysticism,18a and digested their contents—praise be to God. In the year H. 975 (A.D. 1567-68) the falcon of his soul winged its flight to the pinnacle of eternity, and the words “the pole-star of the path is gone,”18b were found to give the date of his death. He always wrote himself in his treatises, writings, and letters “the worthless atom,” and it was found that the words “the worthless atom”18c also gave the date of his death.

11. VIII. SHAIKH SALĪM-I-CISHTĪ.18d

He was one of the descendants of the venerable Shaikh Farīd-i-Shakarganj18e

(may God sanctify his soul), and his native place was Dihlī. He stood in the relation of a disciple to Khājah Ibrāhīm (who was spiritually descended through five intermediaries from the most bountiful Khāja, the ascetic Fuẓail Ibn ‘Iyāẓ—19 may the mercy of God be upon him!) through whose instrumentality also he was first turned towards God. He twice travelled by land and sea from India to the two most holy places of pilgrimage, 19a there to perform the duties of the pilgrimage.19b He set forth on his travels, journeying to Asia Minor, Baghdād, Syria, Najaf,20 (that holy spot), and other countries of the western regions, spending the whole year in travelling, returning to the glorious city of Makkah at the time of the pilgrimage, and then again setting out on his travels. In this manner he performed the pilgrimage twenty-two times, fourteen times during his first period of absence from India, and eight times during his second period of absence. On this latter occasion he spent four years in the glorious city of Makkah and four years in the delightful city of Madīnah, and during his sojourn in Makkah he used to spend the period during which Muḥammad's birthday occurred in Madīnah, and the period of the pilgrimage at Makkah. Shaikh Ya‘qūb of Kashmīr who accompanied Shaikh Salīm gave the date of his latter visit to Makkah in the following couplets:—

Thanks be to God, of whose mere bounty
The holy region became our halting-place.
If any one ask the date of this event
We answer him, “We entered the holy region.”20a

And in that country he was known as Shaikhu-'l-Hind, or the holy man of India. He reached the age of ninety-five and travelled always in the path of the holy law delivered by the prophet (may God bless and save him!), always observing the most severe austerities and the most austere discipline, to a degree which can have been attained by but few of the holy men of this age. He observed, as a religious duty, the ceremonial purification and bathing before each of the five daily recitals of prayers, nor did he omit this duty before the weekly public prayers.

12. When Shaikh Mān of Pānīpat, (may God sanctify his tomb!), enjoyed companionship with Shaikh Salīm he put to him this question:—“Was it induction or revelation that was the means of your attaining to your goal?” Shaikh Salīm replied, “Our means is ‘heart to heart.’”20b Very many holy men who have reached perfection received their training in his service and companionship, and became his deputies and successors. Among them was the Shaikh21 who after being perfected received authority to impart religious instruction to other disciples, and whose history is wellknown. Another was Shaikh Kamāl of Alwar, an old man inflamed and enwrapped with zeal, resembling in disposition the leaders among holy men. Another was Shaikh Piyāra of Bangāl, a man distracted with the grief of longing after God. His fame is great in the country of Bangāl.21a Another was Shaikh Fatḥu-'llāh Tarīn of Sambhal. Another was Shaikh Ruknu-'d-dīn of Ajūdhan,21b and another was Ḥusain the Khādim, who was the best of Shaikh Salīm's deputies, and the midmost pearl in the string (of his disciples). He was the chief decider of abstruse questions in the hospice at Fatḥpūr. When Shaikh Salīm returned a second time to India the writer of these lines heard that he had attained to an extensive knowledge of, and pre-eminent proficiency in the Arabic language. I therefore sent him a letter containing two chronograms21c of his two auspicious arrivals, which have been mentioned above. A verbatim copy of the letter is set forth below.

Copy of the Arabic Letter written by the Author to Shaikh
Salīm-i-Cishtī
.

Verily the religion which is approved by God is Islām.

Verse.

Salutations to those who walk round the Ka‘bah,
By the circumambulation of which the pilgrimage of noble
men is consummated,
Salutations to those who dwell in a place,
In which he who surpassed all men lodgeth.22

I present the duties of prayers, the breezes of the sweet odours 13. of which perfume the cells of the gathering places of holiness, and I send pages of greetings, the sweet odours of the waftings of which scent the meetings of the caravans of kindly fellowship. (These I send) to that high presence and to that exalted throne, the place of prostration for the foreheads of the great kings of the age—the spot to be kissed by the lips of the emperors of the cycle—the titles of which the imagination cannot comprehend by its intelligence, before the door of which titles are cast down— the high presence of the sun, which stands in need of neither praise nor description—that is, to the presence of the pattern for men, of him who is followed at this time, the Shaikhu-'l-Islām, may his shadow be ever extended over the heads of all creatures in general, and over the foreheads of the bands of feeble seekers after knowledge in particular. And since they (scil. my prayers and greetings) spring from sincerity of intention and proceed from singleness of heart, I hope that they will meet with the honour of acceptance, and the attainment of everything that is hoped for and prayed for is from God. After the performance of what is incumbent on the neck of one of your slaves23 and on the conscience of my soul may it become clear to your enlightened mind, the mirror of what is hidden, aye, to your great heart, the mirror of certainty, that not the half of a line of the hardship of separation from you and of the violence of the pain of longing after you can be contained in vessels of letters,23a should all the trees in the earth become pens, and should the sea (become ink) with seven more seas23b to swell its tide, in the passage of time and its changes. And the heart is the most faithful witness, as is well affirmed.

Verse.

“God knows that my soul has perished
“With desire of thee, but thou revivest it;23c
“And a sight of thee, Oh, object of my desire, and my hope!
“Is more pleasant to me than the world and all that it
contains.”

And your slave, distracted with love, has striven with an utter striving and has endeavoured with a supreme effort to obtain the felicity24 of enjoying your noble company, and of hearing some of your polished discourse, but Fate assists not my designs, and ascent to the heaven of eminence is no easy matter.

Verse.

It is not everything that man desires that he obtains,
The wind blows in the direction which the ships do not
desire.

14. In spite of this my reliance on the noble beneficence24a of God is firm, and my hope in His gracious and boundless favours is sincere, (my hope being) that my eye may be suffused with light by the sight of your beauty, even as my heart is filled with the contemplation of the idea of you. Verily, God answereth our prayers and doth not disappoint us.

Verse.

I place my hope in God for the attainment of gifts,
And my Lord is the giver of what his slave desires.

And it is not far from your wonderful beneficence that you should give me to read an odour-diffusing epistle and send for me with a kind invitation. It is not fitting that the footsteps of my pen should wander more than this over the carpet of familiarity, and that the dove of composition should (any longer) sing on the branch of the tree of glee, and it is best to stop short at this period, and most meet and fitting to curtail (my letter) at the point of prayer (for you). May your exalted nature not cease to be protected from the casualties of ill-hap, and secured from the lightning-like mishaps of night and day.

Verse.

May you last as long as time, O refuge of the people of the
time!
This is the prayer of all creatures.

May God answer the prayer of his servant, by the right of him after whom there comes no one.”25

This letter was dated in the course of the years mentioned above. When I paid my respects to the Shaikh in the year H. 976 (A.D. 1568-69) having been introduced by Shaikh A‘ẓam of Badāon, who was both son-in-law and cousin to Shaikh Salīm, he asked me “How has the position of the tomb of the prophet25a (may God bless and save him) been determined in the books of ‘the sayings’ with regard to the tombs of the two Shaikhs?25b

(may God regard them both with favour!)” I said “In such a way, and others have said ‘in such another way.’” He said, “Sahrawardī, in the ‘Wāqi‘a-yi-Ṣā‘iqa,’26 where he verifies the forms of the three tombs, gives preference to the former statement of the case.” In accordance with the Shaikh's exalted command I remained for two days with Shaikh A‘ẓam, who has been 15. already mentioned, in a cell in the old hospice, and enjoyed detailed conversations with the Shaikh. Then I obtained leave to depart for Basāwar.26a Subsequently, in the year H. 978 (A.D. 1570-71) I repeatedly had the honour of paying my respects to the Shaikh, and one of his extraordinary acts26b which I observed was that in the cold wintry air of the highlands of Fatḥpūr he never wore anything on the upper part of his body but a shirt of a single thickness of fine cotton cloth,26c woven thin, and an upper garment of muslin,26d and this in spite of the duty that he imposed upon himself of bathing twice daily. His daily food in the quadragesimal fasts of union with God27 was half a water-melon, or even less than that. He passed away to the next world in the year H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72) and the words “the Indian Shaikh”27a were found to give the date of his death.

IX. SHAIKH NIẒĀMU-'D-DĪN OF AMBEṬHĪ.

Ambeṭhī is the chief village of a pargana in the District of Lakhnau.27b Shaikh Niẓām was the disciple and pupil of Shaikh Ma‘rūf-i-Cishtī, the line of whose spiritual descent goes back to Shaikh Nūr Quṭb-i-‘Ālam. He followed the ordinary rule of life (of an orthodox Muslim) but was at the same time drawn towards God in a mysterious manner.27c Although he was at first one of the students of remunerative branches of knowledge27d his exalted disposition yet led him to turn much towards the things of the next world. His eyes were ever fixed on the page and his heart fixed on God, nor was he neglectful of the service of ẕikr,27e and the employment of the soul (in God's service).

Couplet.

Not for one moment do I turn my attention from that moon,28
I fear lest it should glance towards me and I should not be
on the watch.

In a short time he obtained from his spiritual guide permission to impart religious instruction and to perfect disciples, and in the village of Ambeṭhī drew his foot within the skirt of contentment and withheld his footsteps from the doors of high and low, going nowhere except to the principal masjid of the Living God (in that 16. place) and sometimes to Khairābād28a to walk round the illustrious tomb of the venerable Shaikh Sa‘d, (may his tomb be sanctified!) and to see Shaikhu-'l-Hidyah,28b the successor of Shaikh Ṣūfī, (may God sanctify his most pure tomb!), or to Gopāmau, in consequence of the friendship which he had for Qāẓī Mubārak of Gopāmau28c who was one of his faithful disciples, a master of perfection, skilled in the holy law, and abstinent, and a very wealthy man. The Shaikh in the early days of his student life had first been attracted to God in the hospice of the Qāẓī's father. At long intervals he would take the trouble to go to Fatḥpur, by way of making a tour, to see Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Ghanī,28d who also was one of the greatest among famous elders, and was held in the highest respect. Whenever he visited the hospice of Shaikhu-'l-Hidyah and the other places he would give of his worldly goods a rupee, a tanka, or some other offering, in accordance with the saying “Send presents to each other and you will love each other,”28e and then would fall into an ecstasy of delight. I have heard that he once snatched the book “Fuṣūṣu-'l-Ḥikam”29 from the hand of Shaikh Abū-'l-Fatḥ, the son of Shaikhu-'l-Hidyah, who is now his great father's representative and sits on his prayer-carpet of Shaikh-dom, and, taking it from him, gave him another book, saying, “Read this.” He made the books “Iḥyā'u-'l-‘Ulūm,”29a “‘Awārif,” “Risāla-yi-Makkiyya,”29b “Ādābu-'l-Murīdīn,”29c [and other books of the same sort, the pivot on which his doctrine and practice turned, both in his religious duties and in the daily business of life. He always first recited the midday prayers with the congregation on Friday and afterwards recited the regular Friday prayers. In the khuṭbah29d he altogether omitted the praises of kings. I saw him reciting the Friday prayers with his shoes on his feet, and he said “His holiness, the resort of apostleship, (may God bless and save him!) recited his prayers with his shoes on.” On one occasion one of his pupils desired to learn a lesson from the book known as Kāfiyah,29e asking for the Shaikh's blessing on 17. his lesson. The Shaikh pretended not to hear him. After much insistence and persistence on the part of the pupil the Shaikh said “Read some divinity.” He said, “This work too is on divinity, inasmuch as divinity depends upon it.” The Shaikh, in the warmth of his love for God, said, “How can divinity depend upon a book on which the first argument that has been advanced is that the author has omitted the praises of God, (may He be honoured and glorified!) from the introduction on account of his humility?” He rarely accepted a disciple, and (when he had one) he did not appoint his tasks for him or give him instruction.30 Among his chosen disciples was Shaikh Ḥātim of Gopāmau whom he had removed from the class of students who read in the hospice of Qāẓī Mubārak and kept with himself. To please the boy he would sometimes read lessons to him, and would sometimes give him a book, and set tasks for him, until he completely won his heart, and sometimes he would give him a turban, or shoes, or clothes. The Qāẓī and the other students, when they saw these favours (bestowed upon Shaikh Ḥātim) were envious30a of him. The holy Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn, perceiving signs of this jealousy, said, “What can be done? God the Most High has willed to bestow upon Ḥātim a portion of prosperity by means of these unsatisfactory gifts, a few clothes and old shoes.” Shaikh Niẓām obtained such complete power and utter influence over Ḥātim that in a short time he (Ḥātim) attained a great reputation, and Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn in expounding Divine truths and the mystic knowledge of God used to restrict the title of Shaikh to him alone. In the meanwhile30b Shaikh Ḥātim experienced many ups and downs, and he was troubled with asthma, and various sicknesses, and just as he had acquired the right to be Shaikh Niẓamu-'d-dīn's deputy and successor he chose the path to the next world. The Shaikh would often say, “There was a servant of God to whom I used sometimes to teach the word of God, and he used to understand it. Now that he is gone to whom shall I speak of it?”

When I, the compiler of these historical selections, paid my respects to the Shaikh, Shaikh ‘Abdū-'z-Razzāq, who was both 18. brother-in-law and father-in-law31 to him, was generally in conversation with him, and sometimes, but rarely, the Shaikh would go to see (or would go out walking with) Shaikh Muḥammad also, his true deputy (or successor),31a who now adorns the prayer-carpet of the Shaikh with his presence, sitting as his successor. Since the late Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān,31b some account of whom has already been recorded by my chronicling pen, and who was a man to whom I was bound by the bond of regard more closely than can be expressed in writing, entertained a desire to become a disciple of the holy Shaikh, he was privileged to pay his respects to him by the co-operation of Sayyid Aṣghar of Badāon and Qāẓī Aḥmad, the brother of Qāẓī Mubārak of Gopāmau;31c and this happened at the time when Lakhnau was settled on Ḥusain Khān in jāgīr, in A.H. 976 (A.D. 1568-69). I observed32 that the Shaikh at the beginning of the interview addressed to everybody a few words appropriate to his condition, contenting himself with saying “Praise be to God” with the utterance of prayers, or restricting himself to such remarks as, “Glory be to God,” “there is no god but God,” “We seek protection of God,”32a “In the name of God,” “there is no power or strength but with God,” or to the recitation of a verse from the glorious word (of God), or from the ḥadīth,32b or from the sayings of noted saints. And every moment he glanced to his left, so that it seemed as though he were seeking from the master of the assembly32c permission and leave to say something. On receiving leave from one of the company,32d at the time when we were shaking hands with one another, he gave the Sayyid, mentioned above,32e his blessing, saying to Qāẓī Aḥmad “Glory be to God,” and to me, “In the name of God,” using similar (pious) expressions to everybody present. At this very moment, before he could commence a conversation, a miserable worthless wretch of a student came up and recognized32f the Shaikh, who, saying to him “I seek protection of God from the Devil, the execrable one,”32g admitted him to the interview. He then began to expound32h the verse of the Qur'ān, “Everything shall perish, except His face,”32i

addressing his discourse to Shaikh ‘Abdu-'r-Razzāq who contented himself with saying “It is indeed so,” and “Yes,” (at intervals), occasionally pointing out some allusion. Nobody else had power 19. to utter a word, awe and reverence preventing them. As for me, I was as though I was not,33 and, reviewing my sins, sat in fear lest they should have been revealed to the Shaikh, and lest my inmost being should be laid bare to the light of day,33a secretly watching all the while for an opportunity to escape from the assembly. At that moment that student asked, “Why should not the (possessive) pronoun affixed to the word wajh33b (face) be referred to some thing, as masters of the secret knowledge of God have said?” The Shaikh, the moment he heard this speech, became much agitated, and the colour of his blessed countenance33c turned to red and yellow, and he said, “Did I not, when I first set eyes on this devil, repeat the formula “We seek protection, etc.,” and now, in the manner which we have just heard, his devilry has become apparent?” And when he discovered what the student's design was he repeated several times the formula, “There is no power or strength but with God,” and quoted the following couplet from the Qaṣīda-yi-Burda:—33d

“O thou who blamest me for my pure affection, excused
“Thou art by me therefor, but had'st thou done justice thou
would'st not have blamed me.”33e

Intense love for God overpowered the Shaikh and he ordered the student to be turned out of the assembly, but afterwards, calling him back again, he appeased him, and the contemplation of this matter was a great warning to us who were present. That night passed very uncomfortably for me in the hospice, and I watched for the morning in order that I might escape. The early morning prayers34 were recited with the Shaikh at the moment the true dawn began to appear, when we could not see one another's faces without a lamp, I indeed thinking that it was yet night. At sunrise the Shaikh came out of his cell and stood at the door of the masjid, ordering Miyāṅ Shaikh Muḥammad34a to bring for us three whatever food might be ready, and I was in great agitation of mind, ever and again endeavouring to get Miyāṅ Shaikh Muḥammad to obtain leave from his master for me to depart. The holy Shaikh, with his Qur'ān in one hand and salt in the other 20. was appositely expounding the blessed verse, “Make ready then against them what force ye can, and squadrons of horse,”34b and so on to the end of the verse, ignoring my application for leave to depart. Apropos of what he was saying he then mentioned, in a most affectionate manner, Ḥusain Khan, who was at that time in the pargana of Isaulī,34c and said, “He is my son.”34d Then, following the dictates of his generous nature, which led him to bestow on every one, rich or poor, a piece of gold, or salt, or some other gift, he gave to me a tanka.

Of the miracles which I saw him perform, when I made that journey to visit him, this was one. As we three35 were on the road to Ambeṭhī, journeying to pay our respects to the Shaikh (the road-police) had arrested a man dressed as beggar on a charge of theft and highway robbery, and had seized him by his clothes.35a He in some way managed to effect his escape, and in that very hour came begging to the holy Shaikh; but notwithstanding all his persistence and lamentation the Shaikh gave him nothing. We who were present were much astonished, as we had often witnessed instances of the Shaikh's generosity. The Shaikh at once opposed and objected to35b (our expressions of surprise) saying, “Look at the35c thief, who both robs on the highway and poses as a beggar,” and he drove him out of our assembly. This caused great astonishment, and when we looked closely at the man we recognized him as the same person whom the road-police had laid hands on.

On the same day another occurrence, similar to this, took place, but an account of it would occupy much space.

On the last day of Ramaẓān, in the year already mentioned, we were travelling rapidly at night35d with Ḥusain Khān, from his pargana to Ambeṭhī, and all our efforts were centred on reaching that place in time to recite the early morning prayers36 in company with the Shaikh. The dawn had already appeared when, at three kurūh36a distance from Ambeṭhī, we put spurs to our horses, and regretted that we were not in time for the public prayers.36b We reached the Shaikh's masjid in Ambeṭhī as the sun was about to rise. At that moment the holy Shaikh, having come out of his house, was just commencing his prayers with the “Allāhu Akbar,”36c 21. and he broke off, and we thought that we were just too late, but we nevertheless attained the great honour (which we sought). Now this act of the Shaikh was contrary to his usual custom, for he always recited the early morning prayers at a time when we thought that the true dawn had hardly appeared.

It chanced that towards the close of the same day the Shaikh was explaining the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs36d in the masjid, and he read some36e verses from the Dīvān of Khāja Hāfiẓ.36f One of the companions of the late Ḥusain Khān asked whose disciple Khāja Ḥāfiẓ was, and the Shaikh said, “He was the disciple of Khāja Naqshband,”37 (may God sanctify his soul!) Another, apropos of the same subject, asked “How was horse-flesh regarded in the religion of the greatest of the Imāms?”37a (i.e., was it lawful food or not?) The Shaikh replied that the greatest of the Imāms himself ate horse-flesh, and when he reached this couplet:—

“The Ṣūfīs celebrate in one moment two ‘īds (great feasts)
“Spiders make pemmican of a fly.”37b

then I too, trusting in my own singleness of heart, thoughtlessly asked, “What is meant by the ‘two ‘īds?’” This question annoyed the Shaikh and he angrily said, “Let Bāyazid37c and Junaid,37d or Shiblī37e and Manṣūr37f ask such a question as this. What have you to do with such a question?” And falling into this vein he spoke much on the subject, and I, hanging my head with shame, repented my indiscretion. Ḥusain Khān, biting his finger with consternation, looked ever and anon towards me, and his friends were all bewildered. Suddenly my lot was lightened by the rising of the (joyful) clamour which is heard on the appearance of the new moon of the ‘īd,38 and all rose and busied themselves in mutual congratulations and hand-shakings. I rose, and on the plea of being fatigued went to recite my evening prayers in a tent which was pitched in a garden beside the masjid, feeling sick of life. When the holy Shaikh, going indoors, set food before his guests, he asked “Where is such an one?”38a (i.e., Badāonī), Shaikh Muḥammad, his worthy successor,38b answered, “By reason of the 22. impertinence of which he was guilty he could not appear in the masjid, and he absented himself also from the public prayers. The Shaikh then sent me some food from his own table, with his blessing, and I was somewhat consoled, and entertained hopes of forgiveness. Early the next morning Ḥusain Khān went to Lakhnau, to join in celebrating the ‘īd there, and I alone remained in Ambeṭhī. The holy Shaikh recited the prayers of the festival in his masjid and afterwards occupied himself in giving instruction in the book known as the ‘Awārif.38c Meanwhile Shaikh Muḥammad rose up to intercede for me, and asked that my fault might be forgiven. The Shaikh sent for me, and breaking off his teaching turned to me with great kindness, and when I, my eyes full of tears, placed my head on his foot, he embraced me and said “I bear no enmity or malice in my heart against anybody. Whatever I say is in the way of advice and spiritual instruction to the slaves of God, and abuse from me, as was the case with abuse from the prophet of God, (may God bless and save him), has on its object the same effect as praise (from another), and even if I utter a curse on anybody it has the same effect as a blessing.39 Then, in affection, taking his cap from his blessed head, he gave it to me, and took me apart into the cell which was in the gate-house, and said “Perform your ceremonial ablutions in my presence, and recite your prayers.” I recited them wonderingly. He said to me, “Men say of me that I do not instruct students. What instruction can I give? My instruction and religious teaching are just this much, a tongue never weary of praising God and a thankful heart.” Then he became agitated like a stormy surging sea and said “My life is instruction sufficient for seekers after God, and walkers in His way.”39a Just then two darvīshes from Sindh, breaking the Shaikh's custom, began to sing outside an Indian melody in mournful and grating tones, and my spiritual condition underwent a change39b by means of the influence brought to bear on me at that time. Apropos of this (influence) the Shaikh said that the great companions (of Muḥammad),39c (may God be gratified with them!), when they saw that the desert ‘Arabs newly converted to Islam were much affected by hearing the glorious Qur'ān read, 23. regretted their own state, and the leader of the faithful, Abū-Bakr, the faithful witness of the truth, (may God be gratified with him!), said, “We were like you, but afterwards our hearts became hard: that is to say, they became firmly fixed and immoveable, so that they were like stones for lack of ability to be softened.”40 Then the Shaikh read some sentences which were quite unfamiliar to my ear, and gave me permission to use the following prayer constantly:—“O God, I seek protection of Thee against deafness, dumbness, madness, leprosy, and leucoderma.” 40a When I took my leave and came to Lakhnau I made a stay of some days there, and the Shaikh would sometimes send me a piece of salt, which he used generally to hold in his hand and lick when in an assembly, reciting this saying of Muḥammad, “Salt is a cure for seventy diseases, except death.”40b And he would sometimes also send me some uncooked40c rice, and sometimes an earthenware jar, and other presents, and he received my younger brother, the late Shaikh Muḥammad, into the company of his disciples and pupils, and in a short time, being blessed40d with the holy Shaikh's regard he acquired angelic qualities and a love for the practice of ascetism. He generally observed the continued fast,40e and spent his time in reading the glorious Qur'ān, in reciting God's praises, in exorcism, and in works of supererogation, so that not one hour of his precious life was wasted, or was passed in idleness, as mine has been.

“In respect of rose-water and the rose the decree of fate
from time without beginning has been this,
“That the former is a courtesan of the market-place, and
the latter a chaste and curtained dame.”

And at that time he left the world, and it is certain that, preserving his faith intact, he retired to the garden of Riẓwān.41 The venerable age of the holy Shaikh extended to more than eighty years, and even at that great age he begat children, and 24. his departure from this abode of decay took place in the year H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72).

X. SHAIKH BHĪKAN OF KĀKŌRĪ.41a

Kākōrī41b is a pargana town in the Sarkār of Lakhnau. The Shaikh was the most learned of the learned men of his time, abstemious and well versed in the holy law, while in devout piety even the greatest of the Imāms41c (Abū Ḥanīfah) was his inferior. For many years he was engaged in teaching and in instructing the people. He had committed the whole of the glorious word (of God) to memory, according to each of the seven methods of reading it. He used also to give instruction in Shāṭibī.41d He reckoned his spiritual succession from Mīr Sayyid Ibrāhīm of Irīj,41e (may God sanctify his soul!) who was himself the most learned of the learned men of his time. The Shaikh would never mention the Ṣūfī mysteries in a public assembly, but only in private, to those who had been initiated in their secrets and one of his sayings was “If the mystical profession of the Unity of God42 be made in public it turns again solely to him who uttered it, or to the learned men (present).”

He would not listen to singing, and outwardly reprobated it. He left numerous children who attained perfection, all of whom were adorned with the embellishment of rectitude, piety, wisdom, knowledge, and excellence.

The compiler of these historical selections was honoured, in company with the late Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān,42a by being permitted to pay his respects to the Shaikh in Lakhnau. It was the blessed month of Ramaẓān, and a certain one brought to the Shaikh a work on logic, asking him to set him a task in that book. The Shaikh said “You should read some book on divinity.”

The Shaikh's death occurred in the year H. 981 (A.D. 1573-4).

XI. SHAIKH SA‘DĪ.

He also was one of the more esteemed among holy men. His line of spiritual descent came through his own revered father, Shaikh Muḥammad (may God render his soul fragrant). Shaikh Muḥammad wrote a commentary in Persian on Shāṭibī,42b which covered nearly seventy quires of paper. His true successor, 25. Shaikh Sa'dī, was subject to fits of overpowering religious ecstasy, and was pure both in body and soul. He was ever cheerful and light of heart, and lived happy and free from care. To one of his friends he wrote in a letter, when saying farewell to him:—

“Thy Sa'dī's eyes and heart are with thee on thy way,
“So deem not that thou goest alone, they bide with thee
alway.”
His death occurred in the year H. 1002 (A.D. 1593-4).

XII. SAYYID TĀJU-'D-DĪN, OF LAKHNAU.43

He was one of the successors of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ,43a and was a master of the art of exorcism. He had a great reputation for asceticism, holy poverty, and resignation, and was generous and open-handed. He came to Lakhnau, where very many were honoured by converse with him, and received from him permission to give instruction in religious matters. There he died.

XIII. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD QALANDAR OF LAKHNAU.43b

In his youth he served in the army, in the reign of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm Lodī,43c but43d when the Emperor Bābar conquered India he gave up that profession for a life of holy poverty, sacrificing all his ambition thereto.43e He became a disciple of Shaikh Buhlūl, devoting himself to the service of God and to asceticism. From his spiritual instructor he learnt the proper use of some of the names of God in exorcism, and lived the life of a recluse in a garden, most of the trees of which had been planted by himself, shutting in his own face the door of entry into and exit from the houses of other men. They used to say that for more than thirty years his food had been nothing but milk alone, and that he never used pulse or any sort of food other than (milk). One day when Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān, accompanied by me, went to visit him, a cat came up to the Shaikh mewing piteously. The Shaikh said “This cat has cause of complaint, for you have wasted both her time and the time of the master of the house, 26. causing it to be passed in frivolity, and distracting my heart.”

XIV. SHAIKH NIẒĀMU-'D-DĪN44
OF NĀRNŌL.

Nārnol44a is one of the famous cities of India. Although the Shaikh was the disciple of Shaikh Khānūn of the Cishtī44b order, who was settled in the fort of Gwāliyār, he always declared that he acquired most of his excellence, and education, as well as the spiritual succession, from his own elder brother, Shaikh Isma‘īl by name. He was a Ṣūfī who had attained the first stage of recognition of God,44c had overcome his desires, and had acquired complete hope in God's mercy. He was thoroughly acquainted with the (spiritual) condition of those who had retired from the world and had chosen the religious life, and possessed great influence over them. I have heard that he used to order the darvīshes of his hospice, during eclipses of the moon, to take oil of the Celastrus,44d (a medicine well-known in India, on which treatises, describing its virtues, have been written, and of the properties of which the author has had some small experience), and that under its influence the truth about the next world44e was revealed to them, and that he used to recount to them44f other wonderful matters—but God knows the truth.

He remained seated on the throne of religious guidance for nearly forty years, and from early youth to the end of his life there were very few years in which he did45 not make a pilgrimage on foot, inflamed with strong desire and fervour, losing no time on the way, to the shrine of that holy pole-star of the world, Khāja Quṭbu-'d-dīn Bakhtyār of Ūsh,45a (may God sanctify his tomb!). Towards the end of his life, owing to old age, and other things which hindered him (from performing this pilgrimage), he used to celebrate the festival45b of the sainted Khāja in Nārnōl. In abandoning all outward show he followed the footsteps of his spiritual guide, and in his freedom from ceremoniousness and formality he regarded rich and poor alike, observing the same impartiality also in admitting disciples. I saw him when he was surrounded by a crowd, and so did not attain to the honour of 27. conversing with him. His death took place in the year H. 997, (A.D. 1588-9,) and the words “Alas for Niẓām”45c were found to give the date.

XV. SHAIKHU-'L-HIDYA OF KHAIRĀBĀD.45d

He was profoundly learned and in early life spent many years in teaching and giving instruction. He was a disciple of Shaikh Ṣafī, the spiritual successor of Shaikh Sa‘īd, and held from him a diploma, authorizing him to give religious instruction. In early life he employed45e himself to such an extent in the acquisition of exoteric knowledge that there are now living many wise men, masters of perfection, who owe their wisdom to his teaching.46 Latterly he devoted46a himself wholly to the Ṣūfī-istic rule, founding an order of devotees, vowed to personal poverty, whose rule was resignation to God, retirement from the world, and the giving of alms. A keen appreciation of the ecstatic songs and dances (of darvīshes) and an overpowering religious ecstacy were comprised in his daily system of religious exercises,46b and were never omitted. He restrained his steps from wandering to the doors of men, especially of worldly men, and those of position and rank, and on these grounds he never accepted an invitation to a feast. All his offspring and followers secured the good fortune of the assistance of the example of his practice in enduring poverty and want. One of them was his true successor46c Shaikh Abū-'l-Fatḥ, who succeeded to his prayer-mat, and is one of the most pre-eminent46d among the learned men of this time. In his rules of conduct, both outward and inward, he follows, wholly and completely, his venerable father, and he is the author of many standard works on most branches of knowledge. Never did a beggar go away disappointed from the Shaikh.

One day Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān asked the Shaikh, “What sort of a man was Sālār Mas‘ūd,46e whom the common people of India worship?” The Shaikh replied, “He was an Afghān who met his death by martyrdom.”47

Towards the end of his life, in accordance with an Imperial summons, he came to Fatḥpūr and there saw the Khalīfa47a (vice- 28. gerent) of the age. When the Emperor heard that the Shaikh, when the messenger conveyed the summons to him, set out from his hospice on foot, without allowing anything to detain him, travelling thus until his servants sent his baggage and travelling litter after him, he was much pleased. When he asked the Shaikh a question the Shaikh would make a sign to signify that he was hard of hearing, and the Emperor would give him a piece of gold. He also ordered that a subsistence allowance47b should be assigned to the Shaikh, and then immediately gave him permission to depart.

The Shaikh's death occurred in the year H. 993 (A.D. 1585). May the mercy of God be upon him!

XVI. SHAIKH DĀ‘ŪD OF CHATĪ.
(May God sanctify his soul!).

Chatī47c is the chief town of a pargana in the District of Lāhōr. The Shaikh's noble ancestors came first from the land of the ‘Arabs47d to Sītpūr,47e which is in the Multān country, and the holy Shaikh was himself born in that place. His noble father proceeded 47f from this world to eternity before his birth, and his mother died47g very shortly after it, and he, left alone, as an incomparable pearl,48 was brought up under the guardianship of his elder brother, Miyān Raḥmatu-'llāh. When they set him tasks in the reading of the Qurā'n, tears would sometimes flow over the surface of his blessed cheeks, and he would say, “Trouble me not in respect of this matter, but leave me unto God the Most High.” From this time they knew that he had no need of any acquired learning.

Couplet.

“What need had he of instruction in polite learning,
“Who was himself from the first well learned therein?”

They say that one of the two princes of both worlds, either Imām Ḥasan or Imām Ḥusain,48a (may God be gratified with them!), it cannot be decided which, taught the holy Shaikh in 29. a dream some verses from the first chapter of the Qur'ān, and sometimes when he went, to refresh his heart, to watch the play of children,48b he would dejectedly and perplexedly watch them from afar, and would say, “I see their faces scratched, their bodies48c covered with blood, and their skin torn off, and some of them appear to me as though they had lost their heads.”48d

When, after many temporal vicissitudes and various hardships, he came to the pargana town of Satgarah,48e and from there to Lāhōr, he commenced to study under Maulānā Isma‘īl of Uch,48f who had received instruction from his highness the lord Maulavī ‘Ārif-i-Jāmī, (may God sanctify his tomb!), and in early youth he read the commentary of Iṣfahānī49 with such critical acumen,49a that the best students from among the natives of the country, who were reading that book in class with him, stood49b astonished at the perspicuous quickness of his apprehension and the clearness of his intellect, and his tutor said, “Friends, just as we, in our time, used to rejoice and contend for superiority in the sight of our respected master, so too will this lad, before long, attain to such a degree of respect that the people will49c look towards him with blessing and benediction, and from his noble and profitable words will gain advantage and excellence.”49d At last he became a living witness (of the truth of) and (one might say) the source of (the saying), “Blessed is he who hath seen me or hath seen one who hath seen me.”49e

“My love, though he went not to school, nor wrote a line,
“By means of one glance instructed a hundred teachers in
(difficult) problems.”49f

And, having attained the position of a most learned sage he was rejoiced with the good news of the sacred text, “O David, verily have we made thee a vicegerent.”49g And at the very time when he was employed in the exercise of harsh and severe austerities, having conceived, by means of the attractions of God,—“which are equal to the acts of both men and jinn,”—a 30. strong craving after God, his spiritual holiness Ghauṯu-'ṯ-Ṯaqalain (may God be pleased with him!) evinced, in all circumstances, great interest in his progress, and became his helper, assister, and guardian, keeping his regard always fixed upon him, openly listening to and returning favourable answers to his petitions, until he perforce drew him, after the manner of beloved ones who are attracted, and attracted ones who are beloved,50 to the court of saintship, Divine guidance, and perfection, to the closet of propinquity (to God), to the chamber of the grandeur of God, and to the resting-place of the Holiness of the Lord of Majesty. When under the influence of this strong craving after God he used to wander bare-headed and bare-foot in the desert about Dībālpūr,50a the dwelling-place of beasts of prey, wild animals, and birds, in a spot now known as Shīrgaṛh:—

Hemistich.

“We are lovers wandering in the plains of Damascus.”50b

And sometimes when he went to circumambulate50c the blessed shrine of that holy Saint, obeyed of all the world, Ganj-i-Shakar,50d (may God sanctify his tomb!) he would there receive signs, and experience happy visions, and engage in conversation and intercourse (with the saint's spirit), a detailed account of which is beyond the limits of this hastily compiled history. They are recounted in detail in the book (known as) Naghmāt-i-Dā'ūdī,50e which was written by that cream of saints and fruit of the pure at heart, Shaikh Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, the son of Shaikh Rahmatu-'llāh, already mentioned, the date of whose most fortunate birth may be deduced from the words “the beggar of Shaikh Dā'ūd,”51 or from the words “Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, the worshipper of the true (God),”51a and who is now the successor of Shaikh Mīyān Dā'ūd, (may God sanctify his soul!). When he had spent a period of twenty years, or thereabouts, in ecstatic longing after God and wandering over plains and deserts, he was inspired to revert to a regular mode of life51b and to the religious instruction of the people, but since he had had no outward religious instructor and guide he hesitated to undertake the charge, until he was initiated and appointed by his spiritual holiness Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam51c for the following duty, namely, to assist, for the sake of preserving the spiritual succession, the reverend Shaikh Ḥāmid-i-Qādirī 31. (may God sanctify his tomb!) who was the son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir the second, and the father of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, 51d who at the time of writing is occupying his venerable father's place in Ucch, by drawing him (more closely) to God. And the late saint, (may God have mercy upon him!) since he had already many times asked for assistance from this disciple, who was after his own heart, and turned to him in every important business, and had asked51e that a fātiḥah51f might be offered up on his (the late saint's) behalf, delayed to draw up his blessed tree of spiritual succession and to issue a permit for perfecting of disciples until he himself went one day to the town of Satkara,52 where the saint (may God have mercy upon him!) had many times previously lodged, on which occasion, when under the influence of his ecstatic longing after God, he said, “Here is Shaikh Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam (may God be pleased with him!) who has come and signifies that he entrusts to me his prayer-carpet, staff, tree of spiritual succession, horse, covered litter, and all the appurtenances of Shaikh-dom and spiritual leadership.” When the saint (may God52a sanctify his tomb!) was informed from on high of that occurrence, and when his knowledge of it was afterwards completely confirmed, he entrusted the divine charge committed to him to him whom his soul desired, but who appeared as though he were the seeker (not the sought after), returning from his soaring flight (of ecstasy) to ordinary intercourse (with his fellow creatures), and spread the mat of sojourning in the newly-built town of Shīrgaṛh, near to Chatī,52b and half-way between Multān and Pattan, started a new order, the Qādirīyyah,52c which is midway between the two exalted orders, Sahrawardiyyah and Cishtiyyah,52d (blessings on them, all three, from God!) and in the Divine power and by means of close connection with the true God, he so carried forward52e the work that the sound issuing therefrom will not die away52f until the sounding of the last trump.

When Mullā ‘Abdu-'llāh of Sulṭānpūr, who was known as Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, girded his loins to strenuous efforts in uprooting the men of God,53 becoming the means of the death of several of them, he sent an imperial order in the name of Salīm53a Shāh Sūr, the Afghān, from Gwāliyār, summoning the holy Miyāṅ among others, in obedience to which 32. order the Miyāṅ set out in haste with one or two attendants, and, meeting Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, outside Gwāliyār, with marks of the greatest53b respect,53c alighted in a spot where he sat down with him, and where a beneficial conversation took place. The pernicious mischief-makers, as soon as they witnessed this conversation, fled away to every corner, so that they could not be discovered even by search being made. Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk said, “Their report is not on this ground (alone) falsified.”53d After much talk and conversation the Shaikh asked “What was the real motive for summoning us religious mendicants?” Makh-dūmu-'l-Mulk replied, “I heard that your disciples, when performing the religious exercise of ẕikr, said ‘O Dā'ūd, O Dā'ūd!’” The Shaikh replied “There has probably been some mistake in hearing, owing to a similarity of sounds, or else my followers must have said ‘O Wadūd, O Wadūd!’”53e In connection with this matter the Shaikh remained for a whole day, or a whole night,53f

bestowing on him sublime exhortations and advice, and imparting to him precious knowledge and facts relating to God.54 Makh-dūmu-'l-Mulk was much affected and dismissed the Shaikh from that place with honour.

On one occasion the austerity and piety of Miyāṅ Ḥisāmu-'d-dīn of Ṭalamba,54a may God have mercy upon him! (some of whose glorious attributes are mentioned in the Najātu-'r-Rashīd) happened to be the subject of conversation in the noble assembly of the Shaikh, and he said “Ah, what a pity was it that the Miyāṅ failed in personal desire of and love for God, and was the slave of mere morality:—

Hemistich.

“Thou hast kept one thing, and (many) things are lost to thee.”
“Beware, at the last,54b from whom thou remainest apart.”54c

The liberality and charity of the Shaikh's disposition were such 33. that on certain fixed occasions,54d either once or twice in the year, he scattered abroad in promiscuous charity54e all the money and goods that he had received gratuitously, and he and his chaste wife kept nothing in the cell that was their dwelling but an earthen pot and a piece of old matting, and when he saw that his treasure-chest was full he would again in the same manner disburse its contents in promiscuous charity,54f and notwithstanding this (profusion), on the birth-day and feast-day of the holy Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam (may God be pleased with him!) all the needs54g of the pilgrims, whether of high or low degree, who, to the number of nearly a hundred thousand souls, more or less, were gathered together, were met by disbursements from the alms-chest of his hospice, and that profusion, praise be to God, is still continued, nay rather, is increased many fold. Some of the auspicious utterances of his inspired tongue, the interpreter of divine truths, are as follows:—55

“In the name of God, the Director and Guide in the darkness of occans and deserts.” I have many times seen and experienced the efficiency of this holy saying in positions of fear55a and danger. Another is:—

“Praised be He in respect of Whose Essence our thoughts are
bewildered,
“Praised be He in respect of the understanding of Whom our
understanding soars.”55b

And there are many other examples of such prayers, praises ẕikrs and choice phrases, and the signet-ring posy of that holy man, composed by himself, was as follows:—

“Dā'ūd has been effaced in name and trace
“For poverty effaces all traces.”

When I, the author of these pages, in the time of Bairām Khān, (that best of times, when India was as a bride,)55c was a student in Āgra, I heard from certain darvīshes great reports of the Shaikh's noble and majestic attributes, and from that time forward I sowed 34. the seed of attachment to and trust in him in the ground of preparation (for meeting him) and was in secret a slave to this desire (of meeting him).

Hemistich.
“Aye, verily55d
doth the ear, in true lovers, outstrip55e
the eye.”

And at that very time I repeatedly made attempts to go and pay my respects to that holy man, clothing myself in the pilgrim's garment meet for the circumambulation of that threshold around which the angels do go, and set out56 for Shīrgaṛh (with this object). But sometimes my father, who has now obtained pardon and forgiveness of his sins, withstood me and turned me back in the way, and sometimes I was let by other hindrances, which were the means of disappointing me of the fruition of that good fortune. A period of twelve years passed over me, thus expectant, before one of the servants of that court, Shaikh Kālū by name, a solitary traveller, who had himself56a formerly been the means of my secret knowledge of the Shaikh, like the humā, from hidden regions cast his shadow on Badāon and its environs, and said to me, “Is it not a pity that the holy Miyāṅ (Shaikh Dā'ūd) should be in the land of the living and that you should (be content to) rest with hope unfulfilled and should not even once see him?” This soul-subduer kindled a fire in my perplexed soul, and the Most High God provided the means (of the fulfilment of my desire), for Muḥam-mad Ḥusain Khān, in whose56b personal service I was, went in pursuit of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā from Kānt u Gūla56c towards the Panjāb, and the means of attaining that happiness were thus prepared 56d for me, so that, as has been already mentioned,56e I went to Shīrgaṛh from Lāhōr, and saw with my own eyes a portion of the (spiritual) beauty of the holy man—and what possessor of beauty can be compared to him? As he smiled and spoke light sparkled from his teeth,56f a light which illuminated the dark abode of the heart, and from which the secret of the Countenance of God was manifested. In short for the space of three or four days I acquired some advantage from this transitory life.

Few days passed on which Hindus, to the number of fifty or a hundred, more or less (on each day), did not come with their families and kindred to pay their respects to that holy man, receiving the high honour of conversion to Islām, and obtaining 35. instruction in the faith.57 I found the gates and walls and trees and dwellings of that delectable town filled with the sound of the telling of rosaries and the reciting of God's praises, and the Shaikh bestowed on me his auspicious cap, saying,57a “Be57b thou my deputy to thine own people, for (thus to appoint a deputy) is my wont,” and he sent a kerchief and a veil from his chaste wife57c to my wives57d and children, and when I made a representation to him, saying, “If you bestow on me the gift of a shirt, it will be light upon light.” After some reflection he said “That also will arrive in due time.” Having disclosed to him some of the secrets of my heart and my designs and intentions, I endeavoured to obtain leave to depart. At this point57e that holy man left his masjid in his closed travelling litter, owing to his great weakness, and set out for my first halting-place. I, taking the pole of the litter on my shoulder, walked for some paces with it. While I was thus employed a powerful fit of weeping overcame me, and the Shaikh, stopping the litter, said, “Put me down.” He alighted, and sat down, and spoke so much of the knowledge and love of God, the Most High, that my agitation re-doubled. One day, at the time of leave-taking, I represented, through Mīyāṅ ‘Abdu-'l-Wahhāb, one of the Shaikh's sincere companions, (to whom is applicable the text), “Blessedness awaiteth them and a goodly home,”58 that a report was current among the holy men of Hindustān that the time for the rising of a religious leader was at hand, that most of that body, (i.e., the holy men,) concurred in fixing on one of the Sayyids of that country, whose ancestors had formerly been seated on the throne of empire in Dihlī and Badāon for some time,58a that they were engaged in making preparations for a holy war and in collecting, arms,58b that they professed to have received directions58c from the holy Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam 58d (may God be pleased with him!) to engage in this affair, and that they had implicated with themselves some of the Amīrs on the frontier, and that some of them professed to have received supernatural encouragement during their assemblies and when they were in difficulties, and purposed to bring the object of their desire to an issue. The Shaikh asked me, “What 36. is that Sayyid's mode of life, and condition?” I said “He is a man who lives a retired life, in holy poverty,58e conformably to the sacred law, a recluse and an ascetic who has resigned himself to God, passing most of his days among the tombs (of holy men) and his nights in his cell in worship and submission to God, but he is a man of good family,59 unrivalled and incomparable in his knowledge of the military art, of excellent moral character and following a most worthy mode of life.” The Shaikh said “The members of that body (i.e., the holy men), are no true darvīshes, in that they so traduce the holy Ghauṯ,59a and do him violence now that he can no longer help himself,59b and those spiritual encouragements and signs are all part of the delusions of Satan, for how could the holy Ghauṯ (may God be pleased with him!) countenance such matters as this, he whose rule it always was that the people should expel the love of the world from their hearts, and, in all candour and sincerity, should set their faces towards the love of God, the Most High, abandoning vain desires and lusts, and not that one should turn aside from the path of worship, asceticism and holy endeavour to fall again into the net of the world, which is the enemy of God? Say to that Sayyid from me, “May God the Most High vouchsafe to you grace to stand fast in the path which you hold. If the least suspicion of any desire for evanescent delights remains (in your heart), it behoves you to strive to overcome it, and not to be beguiled by the impostures and misrepresentations of a bewildered band of know-nothings,59c thereby straying from the path. Though the lover of the world should attain to kingship,—the supreme object of worldly men, and the seeker after the (sensual) joys of paradise59d should reach the rewards bestowed by the Everlasting God, that is, the maidens and mansions59e of the next world, and the lover of God60 should die of grief from the utter hopelessness of attaining his object, yet is the disappointment of this last a thousand-fold60a better and more happy than the fruition and 37. attainment of desire experienced by the former two classes of poor-spirited men.” And the Shaikh, speaking on this subject, scattered amongst us so many jewels of profitable advice that pearl-like tears began to fall from the eyes of those that heard him, upon the skirts of their robes, and, that (worldly) object being forgotten, we were thrown into quite a different frame of mind, one above description, and60b in that state of burning anguish I bade the Shaikh adieu, uttering cries of grief.

“My heart, in the hope that one cry might perchance reach
thee,
“Has uttered in this mountain lamentations such as were
never uttered by Farhād.”

And since the roads between Lāhōr and Shīrgaṛh were, in consequence of the rebellion60c of the Ulugh Baigī Mīrzās,60d closed, both at the time of my going to Shīrgaṛh and at the time of my return, and as I was alone, the Shaikh gave me an attendant as a guide, who was to take me to Shaikh Abū Isḥāq-i-Mihrang in Lāhōr,60e one of the most noted of the holy man's deputies, in order that he might arrange to send me with a caravan to the army of Ḥusain Khān, which had come to Lāhōr from Ṭalamba, and was to proceed thence to Kānt-u-Gūla. “When I reached Lāhōr I set out for Hindustān with Ḥusain Khān's men.” I was sitting one day at our halting-place at Sahāranpūr61 in a garden, consumed with grief at my separation from that holy man, when a traveller brought to me a Qādirī61a shirt, which he had in his hand, saying, “Take this, which I received from the hand of a venerable saint, and give me something to help me on my way.”61b When I questioned him as to the truth of the matter he said, “When Mīrzā Ibrāhīm Ḥusain met with that mischance61c I, with a party of his troops, overwhelmed with misfortune and a prey to plunderers, arrived stripped and naked at Shīrgaṛh, where we attached ourselves to the holy saint, our helper, and he gave something to each of us. When my turn came round he took this 38. shirt off his blessed body, and bestowed it upon me. I, thinking that it would be irreverent to wear it, deposited it in safe custody, with a view to taking it away to some place as a rare gift; and now I leave it with you.” I received from him that mysteriously conveyed gift, that treasure wafted to me by the wind, as though it had been a blessing and benediction.

Verses.

The perfume of thy shirt has reached me,
My soul was ravished by that sweet odour.
I had offered a fātiḥah61d for union with thee,
Praise be to God that my fātiḥah was accepted.

And, remembering the word that he had spoken, I regarded this occurrence as a miracle,61e and I now preserve that Joseph's coat61f as I preserve my life—and praise be to God for all this!

Verses.

And as I have been the companion of desire for his excellency
From the cradle, I hope that (that desire) will continue to
the grave.

Verses.

Desire for thee within my mind, and love for thee within my
heart,
Did enter me with mother's milk, and with my life will leave
me.

The following is a brief account of that holy man. He was the cynosure62 of his time, an inspired prophet, and a worker of wonders and manifest miracles, giving clear proofs of his sanctity.62a He had undergone severe discipline62b and in holy endeavour had striven much. In early life62c he acquired exoteric knowledge and had also been engaged in teaching. He had resigned himself to God and lived an eremite, going never to the houses of worldly men but once, when in obedience to the (royal) command he went from Shīrgaṛh to Gwāliyār to see Salīm Shāh,62d and although the Khalīfah of the age,62e when he was proceeding to Patan sent Shahbāz Khān62f to summon the Shaikh to bestow on him the honour of a visit, the Shaikh made his excuses, saying, 39. “My secret prayers are sufficient.” He avoided to the utmost of his power the companionship of the lords of the earth, investing himself with the cloak of “Poverty is my glory.”63 He was constant in almsgiving, and in pointing out to searchers after truth the path of holiness, and whosoever was so aided by fortune as to be led to the Shaikh received great profit from the precious utterances of that blessing of the age and cynosure63a of the world. In the year H. 982 (A.D. 1574-5) his tent was pitched under the curtain of the Majesty of God the Most High, and in the Court of union with Him, may His glory be exalted! The words “Ah, Shaikh Dā'ūd the Saint!”63b were found to give the date (of his death). May God bestow upon him His boundless mercy, and raise us with him in that hour when all shall be gathered together.63c

XVII. SHAIKH63d
ABAN OF AMROHA.63e

He was a traveller in the path (of righteousness) and was mysteriously attracted (by the love of God), but notwithstanding this he neglected not one jot of the observances of the pure Law.63f Many miracles are related as having been performed by him. He lived and received disciples without pomp or ceremony. When I after waiting upon the holy Miyāṅ Shaikh Dā'ūd64 (may his honoured tomb be sanctified!) was returning from the Panjāb and travelled to Badāon by way of Amroha, I paid my respects to the Sayyid already mentioned.64a He read a verse from the glorious word (of God), and delivered an address, not on any fixed theme,64b but now and again he would turn to me and make some remarks on the excellence of the reward and recompense64c reserved for the long-suffering, and he quoted the blessed text “But good works, which are lasting…”64d and so on to the end of the verse. And it afterwards64e became manifest that this was an indication of the occurrence of a calamity which happened to me. The facts were briefly thus: I had a daughter, whom I dearly loved, and while I was on this journey65 she passed away in Badāon from this deceitful world. Probably those consoling subjects were (mentioned) for the comfort of my 40. heart—but God knows all!

The Shaikh's death occurred in the year H. 987 (A.D. 1579).

XVIII. KHĀJA ‘ABDU-'SH-SHAHĪD.

He was the orthodox successor of Khājagān65a Khāja who was the true successor of the holy Khāja-yi-Aḥrār (may God sanctify their souls!). When Khāja ‘Abdu-'sh-Shahīd was born he was taken to the holy Khāja-yi-Aḥrār, who took him in his arms and said “He will be a wise man.” The revered Khāja was perfect both in outward appearance and in inward qualities.65b He practised severe austerities,65c striving much in the path of holiness, and was a compendium of all such perfection as man can attain to. The people acquired grace from the precious utterances of that model of virtuous men, being directed thereby in the path of righteousness and godly living.65d He walked in the footsteps of the holy Khāja-yi-Aḥrār (may God sanctify his tomb!).

Coming from Samarqand to India he remained here for seventeen years, and in the year H. 982 (A.D. 1574-5) he said, “The time of my departure draws nigh, and I have been commanded to convey this handful of bones, of which I am composed, to the burying place of my ancestors in Samarqand.” He then set out for Samarqand, and on his arrival at Kābul it happened that Mīrzā Shāh Rukh had just taken the people of Kābul captive, and was returning with them to Badakhshān.65e By means of the intercession of the Khāja nearly ten thousand persons obtained deliverance from the bonds of tyrants and oppressors. Two or three days after his arrival in Samarqand he bade farewell to this evanescent world,66 and was buried beside his noble ancestors. The Khāja's dignity is so high66a that there is no necessity to attempt to establish it by a recital of the wonders and miracles 41. worked by that essence of perfect qualities. The writer of these lines saw from afar the comliness of the holy Khāja when he came to bid farewell to the Khalīfah of the age, on the occasion when the Imperial Camp, at the time of its return from Patna66b had arrived66c in the district of Bhūṅgāoṅ and Paṭiyālī66d but I did not attain to the happiness of attending66e on him, or to the good fortune of approaching66f him. The peace of God be upon him and upon66g his noble ancestors.

XIX. SHAIKH ADHAN OF JAUNPŪR.66h
(On him be God's mercy and acceptance.)

He was the disciple of his own venerable father, Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn, of the Cishtī66i order, who was, in his time, deferred to67 by the holy men of the age. He reached the full period of man's natural life,67a nay, he exceeded it, for his sons, being seventy or eighty years of age, attended him, likewise his grandsons, in their degrees.67b He spent the best part of his life wholly and completely in worship and in acquiring the knowledge of God.

Although he had acquired much exoteric knowledge, yet he never gave instruction therein. He possessed to the highest degree perception of God, a keen longing after ecstatic songs and dances, and the faculty of being overcome by religious ecstasy.67c In spite of his bodily feebleness, and constitutional weakness, and the languor which prevailed over all his limbs, which were such that he could hardly arise from his couch67d to perform the ceremonial ablutions, the prayers and other67e necessary acts without the assistance of his attendants, yet, whenever he heard the strains67f of holy song he would arise in ecstasy and would involuntarily67g join in the dance, with such violenee and strength that several persons could not, by their bodily power, restrain him.67h Similarly in the case of the ritual prayers, he would perform the recitation of the sayings of Muḥammad and the supererogatory prayers67i in a sitting posture, and after he had been lifted up and had been placed in the posture for commencing the ritual prayers68 he performed them standing, without any need of help. And it is matter of common notoriety that miracles, which came as naturally to him as eating and drinking, 42. were performed by him without any ostentation. He left a numerous progeny, of auspicious disposition, and his wise sons, gray-bearded men, used to sit on either side of him in his illustrious assembly, for the purpose of receiving instruction, in such numbers that he who entered would be in doubt as to which was the holy Shaikh and which were his offspring. He compiled so many treatises of his sayings regarding the divine law, the path of holiness, and the Truth, that they are beyond the reckoning of ordinary people, nay of most of those who are specially endowed,68a nor can the hand of any imperfect and lewd person even touch the skirt of the interpreter of those divine secrets.

The following fact (also) gave rise to suspicion, namely, that when the Khalīfah of the Age led his forces on the second occasion against Jaunpūr,68b with a view to repelling and overthrowing his enemies, and there yet remained a three days' journey between the Imperial camp and Jaunpūr, the Shaikh died in the city,68c drawing over the face of his existence the veil of concealment from this transitory world, and becoming thereby the verifier of (the text):—“Nay, rather, they are living in the sight of their Lord.”68d

The writer of these pages never had the honour of waiting upon that pattern for the world.68e

His death occurred in the year H. 970 (A.D. 1562-3) and the words “Shaikh Adhan”69 were found to give the date of his death.

XX. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-GHAFŪR OF A‘ẒAMPŪR.

A‘ẓampūr69a is a pargana town in the Sarkār of Sambal. The Shaikh was the disciple of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Quddūs, of the Cishtī order.69b He was perfect both in form and in inward qualities. He underwent severe discipline and strove69c much in the way of holy endeavour. Divine grace was his companion in the following of the footsteps of the holy seal of prophecy,69d —may God bless and give peace to him and his family! He used very soon to obtain influence over any one who was thrown into his company, and how little adaptable soever a student might be, the attractions of the Shaikh would carry him beyond himself and would make him, even against his will,69e inclined to the Shaikh's service.

The Shaikh spent most of his time in giving instruction in religious knowledge. His eloquent words were peace to the turbulent heart, and his wonder working tongue balm to the 43. longing soul. In beauty of form and sweetness of disposition he was chief among his contemporaries. He received disciples and exhorted and advised the people. He wrote treatises on the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs. In truth there can be no manner of doubt as to the Shaikh's perfections of body and mind. After planting his footsteps within the circumference of (what is understood by the saying) “Octogenarians are God's own freed men,”69f he took his departure, in the course of the year H. 985 (A.D. 1577-8) for the eternal mansions, and was buried in A‘ẓampūr. May God magnify his dignity!

XXI. MIYĀṄ VAJĪHU-'D-DĪN OF AḤMADĀBĀD.70

He was descended70a of the line of ‘Alī, but he was not wont to proclaim his descent, on account of his being a foreigner.70b He was one of the greatest of the learned men of the age, excelling in devotion, piety, and holy endeavour,70c turning not aside from the path of the law, and, firmly seated in the corner of contentment, was constantly occupied in giving religious70d instruction. His grasp of all branches of knowledge, both of those which demand the exercise of the reasoning faculty and of those which depend upon the memory,70e was such that there was hardly a standard work, from light treatises on accidence70f to books of law and medicine and the commentary on the Miftāḥ70g and the ‘Aẓudī70h

which he had not either written a commentary on or annotated, and the people were continually profited by his auspicious sayings, God, may He be praised, is known by his epithet, “the Healer,” and He made the Miyāṅ a manifestation of that name, so that every day the sick and afflicted, in countless numbers,71 used to wait upon him and beseech him to pray for them, and would speedily experience the effects of that prayer. He never went of his own accord to the houses of worldly men, but only once or twice in the course of his life, and then in obedience to a summons, and unwillingly.71a He did not even leave71b his house and private masjid for the Friday congregational prayers.

His house was the resort of the greatest and best men of the age. In his dress and mode of life he was in no way distinguished from the common people, and contented himself with coarse raiment, distributing in charity whatever he received by way of alms.

He received his religious instruction from Shaikh Muḥammad 44. Ghauṯ71c and followed his rule, although he had been the accredited disciple of another. He completed his studies with the Shaikh, drinking deeply and with relish of the fount of Ṣūfī-ism.

When Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ went from Hindūstān to Gujarāt, in the reign of Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Gujarāt,71d Shaikh ‘Alī Mutaqqī,71e one of the greatest Shaikhs, most influential religious leaders and greatest sages of that time, wrote a fatwā71f

for the execution of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ, and the Sulṭān abrogated it72 at the instance72a of Miyāṅ Vajīhu-'d-Dīn. When Miyāṅ Vajīhu-'d-Dīn went on the first occasion to the Shaikh's house he was powerfully attracted by his face, and tore up the fatwā,72b and Shaikh ‘Alī came, beside himself (with rage), to the Miyāṅ's house, and rent his clothes and said, “Why do you assent to the spread of heresy, and to a schism in the faith?”72c He answered, “We follow the letter and the Shaikh the spirit.72d Our understanding cannot reach his perfections and (even), as far as the letter of the law72e goes, no exception, by which he could be pronounced blameworthy, can be taken72f to him.” And this was the cause of the great faith which the Sulṭāns and rulers of Gujarāt had in Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ, and of his deliverance from that position of peril. (The Miyāṅ) from that time repeatedly said in assemblies, “one ought to obey the letter of the law after the manner of Shaikh ‘Alī Mutaqqī,72g and the spirit72h after the manner of my spiritual guide” (i.e., Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ.) Miyāṅ Vajīhu-'d-Dīn passed away from this abode of gloom in the year H. 998 (A.D. 1589-90) and the words “Shaikh Vajīhu-'d-Dīn”73 were found to give the date of his death: may God turn him towards acceptance!

I may explain that I never had an opportunity of waiting on these four honourable men, and that what I have written of them is only what I have been able to learn incidentally.73a

XXII. MIYĀṄ ‘ABDU-'LLĀH NIYĀZĪ OF SIRHIND. 45.73b

The Niyāzīs73c are a tribe of Afghāns. Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llāh was at first the disciple of Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī73d of Fatḥpūr. He used to remain always engaged in his religious duties in the cell close to the Shaikh's new hospice, which is now known as the royal place of worship.73e When Shaikh Salīm73f returned from his first pilgrimage to the holy places, which he had made by land, Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llāh asked his leave to make a pilgrimage to the glorious city of Makkah, and the Shaikh wrote and gave to him a memorandum containing an account of the Shaikhs and men of God whom he had met in the countries of Arabia, Persia, and India, and the Miyāṅ, travelling through most of those regions, sought out those various classes of holy men.

In company with the friends of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad (may God sanctify his soul!) who had74 set up a claim to being the Mahdī and74a had travelled to Gujarāt and the Dakhan, the Miyāṅ at last adopted those opinions,74b and in the reign of Salīm Shāh, spent his time, in the manner already mentioned,74c in Biyāna, in the corner of obscurity and retirement, living without pretensions and without ceremony, being, like ordinary men, free from encumbrances and attachments. And when Islem (Salīm) Shāh, as has been mentioned in the case of Shaikh ‘Alā'ī of Biyāna—may God have mercy upon him!—bitterly persecuted him, being prompted thereto by Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, and had him severely beaten, with a view to preventing him (from preaching his doctrines),74d he again set forth on his wanderings, travelling in various parts of the world, and in the latter years of his life he abandoned (his belief in Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad's) claim to being the Mahdī, and, retreating74e into a corner of retirement in Sirhind, followed the same mode of life as other holy men. When the Emperor rebuilt that cell which was near the Imperial palace he named it the ‘ibādat-khāna (place of worship), and, the name of Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llāh being mentioned in connection with it, he was summoned from Sirhind, and had a personal interview with the Emperor, no other person being present, and 46. His Majesty put questions to him.74f The Miyāṅ, disavowing (any belief in) the Mahdawī doctrines, said, “At first the companionship of that sect seemed good to me, and I accordingly inclined to their doctrines, but after that the truth concerning the True God was revealed to me, and I recanted.” His Majesty sent him back with honour, and in the year H. 993 (A.D. 1585) at the time of the expedition to Ātak,75 when His Majesty reached Sirhind, he again sent for the Miyāṅ, and offered him some land as madad-i-ma‘āsh,75a but he, making contentment his title-deed, 75b would not accept it, but the Emperor had the grant made out, whether the Miyāṅ would or no, and had it delivered to him, and he, obeying the Emperor's order, received the farmān, but nevertheless forsook not his habit of relying on God alone, and did not in any way concern himself with the grant throughout his life. He made the books Iḥyā75c and Kīmiyā75d the guides of his actions. In the year in which Ulugh Mīrzā's rebellion took place I was with Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān. I saw the Miyāṅ in Sirhind, and he gave me some profitable lessons from75e the Iḥyā, which he had with him.75f A friend of his, named Maḥmūd Khān, who had been intimate with him since the days of Islem (Salīm) Shāh, and to whom Shaikh Mubārak, at the time of the persecution75g of Shaikh ‘Alā'i had given the title of Saifu-'llāh (“the sword of God”), asked him, “What is the heart?”75h

He replied, “Between us and the heart lie a thousand stages. Why do you ask about this matter? Say something on ethics.” Afterwards, à propos of the mention of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaunpūr (may God sanctify his soul!) he brought forward an old Mughal and asked him to say what he knew of the Sayyid.76 He said, “At the time of the death of the holy Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaunpūr I was present in Farāh,76a when he withdrew his claim to being the Mahdī, and said, ‘I am not the promised Mahdī.’”77 God knows (the truth). In the meantime Maḥmūd Khān said softly “Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llāh did wonderfully well in sending the unfortunate Shaikh ‘Alā'ī to his death, while he himself retraced his steps.”77a

Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llāh removed the baggage (of existence) from this borrowed77b lodging to the neighbourhood of Divine Providence (may his dignity be honoured!) at the age of 90, in the year H. 1000 (A.D. 1591-2). May God grant him a dwelling in 47. the highest heaven!

XXIII. SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-FATḤ OF GUJARĀT.

He was the son-in-law of the reverend Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad77c of Jaunpūr (may God sanctify his honoured tomb!), but he never saw the Mīr77d and his connection with him by marriage did not occur until after the Mīr's death. He was a man of very high position and dignity, endowed with perfections. He was firm and unshaken in his adherence to the doctrines of the Mahdawī sect, holding to them resolutely, since, when he was in the honoured city of Makkah and in Gujarāt, the closest bond of friendship existed between him and Shaikh Gadā'ī.77e In the time of Bairām Khān, the Khān-i-Khānān,77f he came to Āgra in connection with some important business, but in a short time that terrible disaster78 occurred, and the Shaikh returned to Gujarāt. When I was a student I waited on the Shaikh for half a night in the quarter of Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn Muftī (may God have mercy on him!), on the far side78a of the river at Āgra, on the introduction of Maulānā ‘Abdu-'llāh of Qandahār, the relative of Ḥājī Mahdī of Lāhōr. He was sitting alone in a bare room, busily employed in reading78b this tradition of the prophet, (may God bless him and save him!):—“No number of people shall sit together to mention God but that angels shall surround them, and the mercy of God cover them, and tranquillity78c come upon them; and God remembers them as men who are with Him.” He translated that saying and I received instruction in the ecstatic worship of the Ṣūfīs,78d and was employed for some time therein, and experienced a wonderful and78e strange accession of divine grace, and the (inner) meaning of the Qur'ān was disclosed to me, and for some time78f my condition was such that I believed every sound and voice which fell upon my ears to be the mystic chanting of the Ṣūfīs. I saw some of the Shaikh's disciples who, to guard themselves from talking foolishly,79 had (literally) glued their lips together, some of them (for the same reason) had pebbles in their mouths.

The year of the Shaikh's death, and where and when it occurred, are not known. (May God remember him to his good!)

XXIV. SHAIKH ABŪ ISḤĀQ OF LĀHŌR. 48.

He was one of the spiritual successors of Miyāṅ Shaikh Dā'ūd,79a (may God sanctify his tomb!) In his activity (in traversing the path of righteousness) he surpassed all his contemporaries, and he was one of the most wonderful works of God79b (be He praised!). In his love for his spiritual guide he was beside himself, and attained to such an intimate relationship with his holy personality that one might say that the two persons were one clear truth expressed79c in two well turned phrases. Neither the dust of dependent existence nor the soil of potential existence79d besmirched the skirt of his robe, and at the mere sight of him thoughts of God (may He be honoured and glorified!) cast their rays on each black and thoughtless heart, and the pain of searching after God infected all who saw him. He called no79e one to his presence with the exception of two or three friends who had been intimate associates79f of the holy Miyāṅ (may God sauctify his soul!) and who had their dwelling in Lāhōr; nor was he solicitous to receive disciples. He always lived in privacy in a dark cell, which was situated in a garden, and at times, when an intense longing for the holy Miyāṅ overcame him he would go on foot in one day from Lāhōr to Shīrgaṛh, a distance of over forty kurūh,80 and after merely kissing the Miyāṅ's threshold he would return, without breaking his journey, unable to endure the effulgence of the Miyaṅ's luminous presence.80a

In the year already mentioned80b I was honoured by being enabled to pay my respects to that venerable and most worthy man, and was his guest for a day and a night. On the next day, I set out alone, save for one attendant on foot,80c when the disturbances were at their height, for Shīrgaṛh. I was stopped by Jāts80d and highwaymen, who surrounded me on every side, and they were astonished (at my rashness) and asked me whither I was going, alone in this perilous desert. So soon as I said that I had just taken my leave of Miyāṅ Shaikh Abū Isḥāq with a view of paying my respects to my reverend spiritual guide, the Miyāṅ (may God 49. have mercy on them both!) they, immediately they heard the auspicious names of those two holy men, submitted themselves to me, and brought me milk and curds and such like refreshments, and set me on my way, and warned me to be cautious and wary, urging me to make frequent mention of the name of the holy Miyāṅ in my religious exercises,81 as he had endeared himself to all the people of that country, both gentle and simple. Thus, at last, I returned in safety81a to the place whither I was bound, as has been already stated.81b

In the year in which the holy Miyāṅ removed the pavilion (of his existence) from this transitory world and pitched it in the kingdom of eternity, and very shortly after his death, there was a plague in the Panjāb; and all his associates,81c his family, and his most noted spiritual successors and representatives, who numbered fifty or81d sixty souls, perfect and perfected, among whom was “the interpreter of secrets,” Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'l-Wahhāb, also known as Miyāṅ Bābū, with one accord, as though by appointment, successively and each in his due turn, joined the holy Miyāṅ (in the next world) in the space of three or four months, as it pleased God. (This was the case of those intimately connected with him), but what shall I say of his sincere pupils disciples, and attendants at large? Miyāṅ Shaikh Abū Isḥāq, too, owing to the greater intimacy of his connection with the Miyāṅ, sped from the desert of separation to the true Ka‘bah82 of union and propinquity. “Some of them have fulfilled their vow and others of them await its fulfilment.”82a Ah, Khāja, it may be

“That thou preparest a cup82b
for them.”

He who afterwards continued the exalted line of the Qādiriy-yah 82c order was Shaikh ‘Abdu-'llāh, the most orthodox and noble son of the holy Miyāṅ, who, since the latter removed the baggage (of his existence) to the garden of Rīẓwān,82d remains at present the compendium of all the perfections82e and the successor to all the exalted qualities of Miyāṅ Shaikh Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī.82f

The peace of God, so long as nights succeed one another,
Be on the pure Shaikh, Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī.

It is to be hoped that this garden of good fortune will aye remain fruitful—through the prophet and his honoured family.

50. XXV. SHAIKH RUKNU-'D-DĪN.
(May God have mercy on him!)

He is the orthodox son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Quddūs of Gangū, whose distinguished virtues and perfections are beyond the need of any comment or exposition, being sufficiently indicated and signified by the holy writings which he has compiled. Gangū is a pargana town83 in83a the confines of Thānesar.

The Shaikh was a man greatly respected, whose outward appearance bore witness to his perfections. He was a man of great authority in the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs, and followed the religious rule of the holy men of his own order, and83b was one of those who are overcome by a mysterious longing after God and are subject to fits of religious ecstasy.83c

He went83d occasionally, but very seldom, to the houses of men of worldly position and rank, and never but when in need. Otherwise he remained constantly in the corner of retirement and abstraction. I, the compiler of these pages, paid my respects to him in Dihlī, at the time of Bairam Khān's rebellion,83e in one of the assemblies of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-‘Azīz (may God have mercy on him!). Praise be to God (therefor).

XXVI. MIYĀṄ MUṢṬAFā OF GUJARĀT.

His descent was from the Bōharas,83f a tribe in Gujarāt whose occupation is trading. By means of one of the intimate friends of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaunpur (may God sanctify his soul!) he constantly followed the path of poverty and self-effacement, walking steadfastly in that way to the end of his life. When the Khalīfah of the age, after the conquest of the country of Bang,83g reached Ajmīr on his return from Patna,84 Āṣaf Khān II, the Mīr Bakhshī, in obedience to the Imperial order, brought him with him from Gujarāt. The Emperor, calling the ‘Ulamā together one night in the courtyard of the Hall of Audience, questioned Shaikh Muṣṭafā on the truth about the Mahdawī question, and he readily answered, and the discussion 51. was prolonged; and Ḥājī Ibrāhīm of Sirhind,84a in accordance with his vile disposition, was overbearing in the argument, and vexed the Shaikh; and I also related circumstantially and at length what I had found in the commentary on the Gulshan-i-Rāz,84b a work by Shaikh Muḥammad-al-Ahjī, who was the immediate84c disciple of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad-i-Nūr Bakhshī,84d who also, in his time, had set up a claim to being the Mahdī, and had brought various troubles on himself thereby. Since what I said was opposed to the Shaikh's contention it was evidently the cause of his being vexed with me. The Emperor ordered the Shaikh, after his arrival at Fatḥpūr, to stay for some days in the house of Khāja ‘Abdu-'ṣ-Ṣamad the painter, of sweet pen.85 To make amends for my fault I waited on him with my apologies, and asked him for forgiveness. He was very feeble, and in that very assembly a basin was brought to him, and he brought up a great quantity of blood. It seems that after he received leave to depart for Gujarāt he removed the baggage (of existence) from this transitory lodging to the eternal abode, either on his way to his native land or immediately after his arrival there. This event took place in the year H. 983 (A.D. 1575-6). He is the author of works which bear witness to his separation from the world and self-effacement.85a May God deal with him according to His graciousness.

XXVII. SHAIKH ISḤĀQ-I-KĀKŪ OF LĀHŌR.85b

His father's name was Shaikh Kākū, and the people of Lāhōr believe him to have been a saint.85c He (Shaikh Isḥāq) was a profoundly learned man, resigned to God and abstinent. He never went to the houses of worldly men or begged from them. He was always teaching, and was a compendium of all branches of knowledge. He was a Ṣūfī by religion and was ever employed with the Truth (God).85d He would not speak unless questions 52. were put to him. One day he met in the road a contemptible wretch who gave to him an earthen pot full of rice and milk, saying, “Take this and come with me.” Without any objection or refusal he took it on his head and passed through the marketplace until he came to the place where the man lodged, and from that day forth his heart was washed clean from the guile of pride, and he was also distinguished among those learned in profane knowledge.86 In the course of the year H. 995 (A.D. 1587) I had the honour of waiting on that reverend man, and one day I told this story, in some connection or another, to Shaikh Faiẓī,86a who shortly afterwards received the title of Maliku-'sh-Shu‘arā86b and he, according to his habit, which was to decry86c all holy men,86d past and present, and to exalt himself, began scoffingly to belittle the Shaikh, while I remained silent. I cannot say whether it was that night or some other night that I saw in a dream that Shaikh Abū-‘l-Faẓl had alighted in a plain, in an old ruin which had no more than two or three86e walls standing. Shaikh Isḥāq was standing in the company of gunners, with a musket in his hand, just as though it were the night of the new moon and the usual custom in the Royal Court of firing off guns on the occasion were being observed. He took aim at me and fired, and the sparks fell all round me and in front of me, and86f I awoke, terrified. The next day I took an offering to the Shaikh and it was honoured with his acceptance, and I told him what had happened to me.86g

Owing to his great age he had lost the power of speech, but he used to raise his hand and recite the Fātiḥah, praise be to God! He was the instructor of most of the famous learned men of Lāhōr, such as Shaikh Sa‘du-‘llāh, who had no rival86h in his time, and Shaikh Munavvar and others.

In his youth the Shaikh was inclined mostly to sport,87 and took his delight therein, so that whenever he had leisure from study he would take his falcon and hawk and would go out hawking, traversing the ground on foot.

His venerable age exceeded one hundred years when, in the year H. 996 (A.D. 1588), he hastened away to the close com- 53. panionship87a of God.

XXVIII. SHAIKH SA‘DU-'LLĀH BANĪ ISRĀ'ĪL.

One of the orthodox, noble, and bountiful pupils of Isḥāq Kākū. He has followed various rules of life. At first he was a strict observer of the holy law, but suddenly, throwing off all restraint, he committed all manner of unlawful acts, and forming an attachment to a singing girl used to roam87b about the marketplace, for all his gray beard.

Though people heretofore did learn of me
Now love has come, my teaching days are gone.

Men used, from their firm faith in him, to apply the dust of his feet as tutty,87c and held him to be a saint,87d and in that capacity he used to give instruction, in the open cattle market.87e He disposed of all the moveable property87f of his followers, which he had with him (to satisfy the demands) of his mistress, through love of her. One night when he was drinking wine with her, a party of muḥtasibs,88 together with the students who were his disciples, banded together and entered his house by climbing over the wall, with a view of bringing him to a proper frame of mind,88a and, breaking all the appurtenances of unlawful and forbidden amusements88b (which they found), wished to subject him to punishment.88c He repeated what was said (on one occasion) to the second true Khalīfah,88d the Prince of the true believers, ‘Umar (may God be gratified with him!). “If I have committed one unlawful act you have been guilty of three unlawful acts, and are the more deserving of punishment, for that, in order to spy upon me, and without my permission, you entered my house by climbing over the wall.”88e The party, ashamed and abashed, left him. Afterwards, being enabled by God's grace to repent sincerely, he modelled his life on the book Iḥyā,88f and passed his time in worship and austerities, and composed 54. many profitable and sublime books, among them being a commentary on the Jawāhiru-'l-Qur'ān88g by Imām Ghazzālī (may God have mercy upon him!).

When the Khalīfah of the age summoned him to a private interview he asked him, “of what race are you?” and he replied, “of the tribe of the scribes, who are called in the Hindī tongue, Kāyats.”89 The Emperor was much pleased with this unassuming answer and held a long conversation with him. I waited on him for the first time in Lāhōr and in some connection or another he made mention of the question of the decay of Multān and the prosperity of Lāhōr, and the matter of the Sulṭāns of the Langāh family, especially Sulṭān Ḥusain,89a speaking on these subjects in such a manner that I was astonished at the manner in which he acquitted himself, and at the elegance and polish of his style. Rarely have I heard such sweetness of diction.

He never left a beggar disappointed, and although he had no concern with commerce or husbandry, and was not in enjoyment of a subsistence allowance from the Emperor, his resources and expenditure on alms and charity were such that nobody knew whence he derived his means,90 and the people were perplexed on this subject.90a

On reaching the age of about eighty years he passed away from this illusory world, and great and small, in their thousands, nay more, accompanied90b his funeral, taking up his pure bier on their heads and shoulders, with a view to obtaining blessings by so doing,90c (and the crowd was so great that) there was not room to plant one's foot.

XXIX. MIYĀṄ SHAIKH ‘ABDU-‘LLĀH OF BADĀON.

He was one of the benefits of the age and the blessings of the epoch. In early youth he was learning a lesson from the Būstān, and came to this couplet:—

“In the way of purity it is impossible, O Sa‘dī,
“To travel, except by following the Chosen One,”90d

(may God bless and save him!). He asked his teacher, “What is the meaning of this couplet? Explain it to me in Hindī.” His 55. teacher said “What business have you with this story?”90e He replied “Until you thoroughly explain it to me I will not learn another90f lesson.” When the meaning of it had been explained he said “Give me an account of Muḥammad, “the Chosen” (may God bless and save him!) and tell me who he is.” The teacher described to him some of the noble qualities and wondrous works of his holiness (may God bless him and save him), and, as soon as he heard the description, the mystic attraction of the Lord seized on him, and, rending his shirt, he uttered the creed of Islām.91 When his parents heard of this they recognized that he had declared himself free of them and renouneed them,91a and could not properly return to their care, so that they, of necessity, relinquished all claim to him, and he, journeying from Sāmāna,91b the home of his ancestors, employed himself in reading the Qur'ān, in making himself acquainted with God's commands, and in the pursuit of knowledge. At last, joining himself to a band of famous sages and great saints he became one of the greatest sages of the age, and placing his hand in the hand of Miyāṅ Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Bāqī-yi-Cishtī of Badāon (may God give rest to his soul!) he became his disciple, and received instruction from his in the mystic worship of the Ṣūfīs. Subsequently he attended upon Shaikh Ṣafī of Khairābād91c (may God sanctify his honoured tomb!) and others, and, employing himself in austerities and in striving after holiness, attained perfection. He acquired the blessing of knowledge from most of the noted masters91d of his time, especially from Miyāṅ Shaikh Lādan91e of Dihlī and from Mīr Sayyid Jalāl of Badāon, and after the death of the latter, whose sins are forgiven, he became his successor and taught and imparted instruction for many years in Badāon, and many well-known sages, who have become famous, sat at his feet. People from the surrounding country and from the utmost parts of (other) countries by waiting upon him attain eternal felicity.

Latterly the mysterious attraction of God has overpowered him, and he appears at meetings for ecstatic singing and dancing,91f

and from the excessive influence of his longing and desire after 56. God92 he utters soul-melting cries and heart-searing shrieks and falls92a a-trembling, and advances some paces, though there be at the time no ecstatic dance in progress, and crying out, at the same time, the lā ḥaul92b he returns to his place and remains standing there.

His unceremoniousness and unpretentiousness are such that he goes on foot, like his predecessors and successors, to the shop and to the market to buy household goods, whether in small or large quantities, and to purchase all necessary supplies for his kitchen, which he may need, and carries them back to where he dwells. On the way, too, he teaches a number of his students, and howsoever much they may say “Master, there is no need for you to trouble yourself in this way, we will perform this duty,”92c he does not consent thereto. His auspicious appearance bears witness to his poverty and self-effacement, and, notwithstanding his having received permission to impart religious instruction, and documents appointing him a recognized deputy from (various) holy men, he is not devoted to the usual system of Shaikhs and their disciples,92d but on the contrary, carefully avoids it. Clad in the garb of holy men and the vesture of religious leaders he remained cloaked and concealed in his robe.92e

When I was reading, under his instruction, the commentary on the Ṣaḥā'if fï-'l-Kalām92f and the Taḥqīq fī uṣūli-'l- fiqh,93 notwithstanding that a class of pupils93a of copious attainments and students of clear intellect were also engaged in study, and brought subtil difficulties for his elucidation, I never saw him, in the course of his teaching, to be under the necessity of referring to a book for the purpose of solving those questions and obscure subtilties, for whatever he had once seen he had on the tip of his tongue, and he had acquired93b the habit of great readiness, being assisted thereto by God.93c He is now in his ninetieth year, and will, please God, who is honoured, attain to the natural limit of man's age.

XXX. SHAIKH JALĀLU-'D-DĪN OF QANNAUJ.93d

He was a man mysteriously attracted to God and walking in the way of the law.93e His ancestors came from Multān, and settled in Qannauj, an old and famous city of Hindūstān. After devoting himself to the carrying out of the religious obligations imposed on devout Muslims he experienced a 57. mysterious attraction to God, but none the less94 left no jot or tittle of the pure law unobserved. At times, when overcome by religious ecstasy, he would blacken his face and, hanging the string of a bedstead round his neck, and would wander through the market-places uttering doleful and mournful cries; and he had many unusual observances such as these. One day, when he had completed the Friday prayers in the Masjid-i-Ḥayy, I waited on him. He got up and went to visit the old obliterated tombs of his noble ancestors, which were in the courtyard of the masjid, and at each94a grave he recited the fātiḥah,94b and told94c one of his attendants who conversed with him the story of the life of the occupant of the grave, and after telling separately the stories of each of those holy men, he fell into a reverie, and when his reverie was over he put to that attendant a question from the Farā'iẓ.94d The attendant replied, “If a man dies, and leaves as his heirs one son and one daughter, the son receives two-thirds of the property left by the deceased, and the daughter one-third.” The Shaikh listened to him with approval and then, without saying another word,94e left the place. It afterwards became known94f that the Shaikh observed that practice in accordance with that tradition, pregnant with meaning, the substance of which is that if a question from the Farā'iẓ be recited over a tomb, and a statement of the shares of inheritance be made, all the people lying buried there are, by virtue of the recitation of that portion of the law, forgiven their sins.95 The Shaikh never failed to observe this practice on Fridays.

XXXI. SHAIKH KAPŪR-I-MAJZŪB95a
OF GWĀLIYĀR.
(May God have mercy upon him!)95b

He was a Ḥusainī95c Sayyid, and in early life followed the military profession.95d Suddenly, leaving the service, he adopted the occupation of a water-carrier, and at night used to carry water to the houses of chaste and secluded widows,95e and used to take water to the people free of charge, until he experienced a mysterious attraction towards God, when he gave up all employment, and, abandoning his own free-will, no longer spoke at all, in the way of conversation, but was ever longing for dissolution. 58.

I passed from Thy street supporting myself in my weakness
with my hand against the wall,
Thou camest in Thy glory, and I was struck motionless as a
picture on the wall.95f

He chose for his dwelling a house in the lower market of Gwāliyār,95g and always remained there, and passed all his time with his head drooping in meditation. If any question occurred to the minds of those who were present with him he would answer it, after the manner of those who are mysteriously drawn to God, as though he were raving in a delirium,95h and would solve the difficulty, and he would recount what was passing at a distance.96 He always passed the night in a standing posture, sometimes weeping and sometimes laughing.

I have heard from his confidants96a that on one occasion a Sayyid came from a foreign country and asked the Shaikh to prove his claim to being a Sayyid.96b The Shaikh ordered firewood to be brought, and a large fire to be lighted, and then, taking the man by the hand, said, “Come, let us both enter the fire,

“That his face may be blackened96c
who is lying.”

The Sayyid held aloof, but Shaikh Kapūr, entering the fire, came out of it without hurt; and many other similar miracles are related of him. All accounts of him agree in this respect. For the sake of brevity I have related only this much.

96d In the course of the year H. 979 (A.D. 1571-2) he ran out one night shouting “Strike, strike!”96e and fell from over the door of his house, and surrendered his life to God. Shaikh Faiẓī found the date of his death in the words “Kapūr-i-Majẕūb .”96f

XXXII. SHAIKH ALLĀH96g
BAKHSH OF GARMAKTESAR.96h

Garmaktesar is a pargana town on the banks of the Ganges, in the Sarkār of Sambal. He lived for forty years in poverty and contentment, employed in imparting religious instruction to students. He was noted for his resignation, and companionship with him caused one to think of God.

In his seventieth year he journeyed to Sambal97 for pleasure, 59. and an old woman, the widow of the late Shaikh Banjū of Sambal, she being devout and given to fasting, the fourth (perfect woman)97a of her age, having lived for thirty-five years without a husband, never breaking her fast save with milk, privately sought to become his disciple, and asked him to shew her the way of God. He sent an answer to her to this effect, “Until thou obey the law of his holiness the best of men,97b (on him and on his family be blessing and salutation from God), and enter the bonds of matrimony,97c it is in vain for thee to ask concerning this path,97d and to speak of it.” She at once entered her travelling litter, and waited on him, and was married to him, and shortly afterwards both of them journeyed to the next world.97e

I waited on that reverend man in company with one of my friends, by name Sayyid Qāsim, who was one of the noblest of the Sayyids of Dihli, and found him pleasant in companionship and likewise in speech. When a basin and ewer were brought for us to wash our hands he said, “Begin with that Sayyid, for ‘One who is of the family of Hāshim97f has a better right to precedence.’”

XXXIII. SHAIKH ‘ĀRIF-I-ḤUSAINĪ.98

He is one of the grandsons of Shāh Isma‘īl-i-Ṣafavi.98a He is a great master of exorcism, practises many austerities and strives much in the path of holiness, breaking his fast always with some coarse burnt barley bread and bitter herbs, which none but himself can bear to eat. He walks steadfastly in the straight path of the holy law, and recites the āẕān98b at the five times of prayer, in the very portico98c of Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl, at the Imperial Court, fearing nobody. Many miracles are related of him, one of them being as follows. He will throw a round piece of paper into a chafing-dish, with the fire burning therein, and will take out of the chafing-dish coined ashrafīs98d and distribute them to the company, how many soever they be. They say that he 60. will come out of a locked room, just as bodies are transported from place to place, and will appear elsewhere. On one occasion he came from Gujarāt to the city of Lāhōr and gave to the people winter fruits in the summer time and summer fruits in the winter time. The ‘ulamā of the Panjāb, the chief of whom was Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk,98e raised objections to what he was doing, and said, “It is evident that this fruit comes from some people's orchards, and that he has possessed himself of it without the owners' permission, and to eat it99 is unlawful.” As he was not well received in that country, he went to Kashmīr, and ‘Alī Khān,99a the ruler of that land believed firmly in him, and gave him his daughter in marriage, but, when he discovered that Shaikh ‘Ārit was setting up some claim or another,99b he demanded his daughter's dowry back again, and took a deed of divorce from her husband; and the Shāh99c went thence to Tibat, and there also, they say, he performed many miracles, one of them being that he shook a tree, and quantities of dirhams and dīnārs99d fell from it. In this manner he exhibited great supernatural power, in Gujarāt, Hindūstān,99e Kashmīr, and Tibat, and wherever he went attempts were made on his life, and he travelled from country to country.

On the first occasion on which the Emperor made a tour from Kashmir to Kābul the Shāh came to see him in the course of that journey, and the Emperor appointed persons to have charge of him, who should not let him go out of their sight.99f And sometimes, when he came into the Emperor's presence, his Majesty would place musk, and camphor, and other perfumes in a golden cup, and present it to the Shaikh as a gift, but however much he said “Accept from100 me some gold, or some land,” the Shaikh would reply, “Bestow100a the gold upon your Aḥadīs,100b for they are in sorry case. What should I do with it?” When I saw the Shāh in company with Qalīj Khān, in the portico100c of Shaikh Abū-‘l-Faẓl, under whose protection the Shāh was,100d I standing on the parapet of a roof which overlooked his cell, he had his face covered with a veil, and was writing, and was saying 61. to one who was with him, “It was this Qalīj Khān who said, ‘I am Qalīj, your slave and servant.’”100e It is probable that the Shaikh had been accustomed to veil his face for a long time, and it was said that he possibly did so to avoid being recognized when he travelled from place to place—but God knows the truth. I heard from a trusted and intimate associate of the Shaikh that one day in Kashmīr the Emperor sent Shaikh Abū-‘l-Faẓl and Ḥakīm Abū-‘l-Fatḥ100f to wait upon the Shāh, and one of them,100g agreeably to the Emperor's order, said, “Shāh how would it be if you were to raise your veil, so that I might see your comeliness?” He would not comply and said, “I am a poor beggar; let me alone, and vex me no more.”100h The Ḥakīm, with his usual impudence and insolence,101 stretched forth his hand, and endeavoured to pull off the veil. The Shāh objected, and becoming101a angry said, “God forbid! I am not leprous or deformed; behold! See my face!” and he rent the collar of his garment and threw the veil from his face on to the ground, and said. “Ḥakīm, you have now seen my face, but, please God, the honoured One, you shall, in the space of a fortnight,101b see what the outcome of this matter will be.” Fifteen days had not passed when the Ḥakīm, in the course of that very journey, died of the complaint of hepatic diarrhœa.101c And countless other miracles of this sort are related of the Shaikh.

One day the Emperor said to him, “Shāh, either become like me, or make me like yourself.” He answered, “How can we, who have abandoned worldly objects,101d become like you? If you will come and sit beside us, in order that you may become even as us.”

XXXIV. MĪR SAYYID ‘ALĀ'U-'D-DĪN OF AWADH.101e
(May God have mercy upon him!)

He possessed sublime perfections101f of nature and manifested miraculous powers, and gave clear proofs (of his sanctity).101g He was one of God's most wondrous works, and many miracles are 62. related of him. Notwithstanding the glorious position and exalted degree (as a saint) to which he attained he would sometimes declare holy mysteries and sacred truths in verse,101h and this opening couplet by him is the admiration of the world:—

“I know not what colour and scent that smiling101i rose hath,
“With which the birds of every meadow hold converse.”

And he has composed a tarjī‘-band102 of which this is the refrain:—

“View with the eyes of thy heart nothing except the Friend,
“Whatsoever thou seest regard as a manifestation of Him.”

And Shaikh ‘Irāqī (may God102a sanctify his soul!) has said on the same subject:—

Refrain.

“The world is outward show; its reality is the Friend,
“If thou lookest to reality, He is everything.”102b

And another has said:—

Refrain.

“The world is a ray from the Face of the Friend,
“All things existing are the shadow of Him.”

And I have written the following:—

Refrain.

“He is the kernel of the world, the world is nought but the
shell,
“But what of kernel and of shell, when all things are He?”102c

Many of the holy men of the time have sat at the Mīr's feet,102d one of them being his own worthy son, Mīr Sayyid Māhrū who walks in the footsteps of his illustrious father. Another was Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī-yi-Nalharī,102e who was subject to overpowering fits of religious ecstasy, and always remained secluded, and in whom a wonderful degree of religious poverty and separation from the world103 was apparent. He spoke wonderfully well on the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs. I, in company with Ḥusain Khān,103a 63. waited on him103b in Kānt u Gūla103c in the sarkār of Sambal, and received much profit from his precious utterances;—praise be to God therefor!

Mir Sayyid ‘Alī used always to say in his prayers, “O God! make me a martyr!” Accordingly on one occasion some of the robbers of that town, which is a noted den of thieves, entered the Mīr's house at midnight, and an outcry was raised. The Mīr, notwithstanding his ninety years of age and his bodily feebleness, seized an iron mace, and shouting out “Allāh, Allāh!” followed the thieves, wounding and sending to hell one or two of them. At last an arrow struck him in a vital spot, and he attained the rank of a martyr. This event occurred in the year H. 998 (A.D. 1589-90), and the words, “What has happened to that perfect spiritual guide?”103d were found to give the date.

XXXV. SHAIKH ḤAMZAH OF LAKHNAU.
(May the mercy of God be upon him!)103e

He is the grandson of Malik Ādam, the Kākar,103f who was one of the nobles of Sulṭān Sikandar, and Ibrāhīm Lōdī.103g He lived always by the tomb of his grandfather. The tomb of Malik Ādam is of the length of two ordinary tombs or more.

Shaikh Ḥamzah was powerfully affected by a mysterious attraction towards God. He was of commanding presence and great stature, and from time to time he took walks in the city, striding along like a tiger, and carrying stones in his hand, which he would throw around him in all directions, never, however, hitting anybody with them. He recited very sweetly, and was always reading the glorious Qur'ān. He paid great attention to any person whom he considered to be well disposed, summoning such to his presence. God be praised that I was one of them. He used to read omens. For the rest, most people were terrified by his behaviour,104 and would not frequent his society, lest some evil should happen to them.

64. XXXVI. SHAIKH PĪRAK.
(May God have mercy upon him!)

He was also a native of Lakhnau. He used to live secluded in a cave in the forest, in the banks of the river Kūdī,104a remote from any habitation and so concealed that nobody could find the way thither. He broke his fast (no oftener than) once in every week, after the Friday prayers. In his house there was a decrepit old man who used to bring to him for his meal a fragment of dry bread and some of the fruit of a plantain tree, which (the Shaikh) had planted with his own hand. If anyone had embarked on an arduous enterprise he would come at that appointed time104b and sit at the door of the Shaikh's cell, but the Shaikh would never speak.104c

When Ḥusain Khān was governor of Lakhnau I went with a friend named ‘Abdu-'r-Rahmān, who was Ḥusain Khān's deputy, to endeavour to obtain an interview with the Shaikh. We found him nothing but skin, as it were, stretched over bones, and great snakes darted their heads out of their holes both within and without the cave. One of those present was terrified and would have struck at them with his staff, but the Shaikh forbad him by a sign, and said, “What have they taken from you?”

When we asked the little old man concerning him he told us that he had dwelt in that desolate spot for more than thirty years and that the snakes had become quite tame from being with him and never injured anybody. When we were bidding him farewell he made a sign to all of those present to take some fragments of bread, several days old, and some dried fruit, which he had before him, and my friend offered him a piece of gold which he would not accept. These two105 holy men died very shortly after that time.

XXXVII. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD ḤUSAIN OF SIKANDRA.

Sikandra105a is a town in the Doāb. The Shaikh was one who was mysteriously drawn to God and was subject to fits of religious ecstasy. For fifty years after leaving the public service he lived as a recluse, withdrawn from all people, ever and persist- 65. ently seated in devotional seclusion, and visited nobody. When I waited on him in the year 974 (A.D. 1566-67) he asked me the meaning of this couplet of Khṿāja Ḥāfiẓ:—

“God's forgiveness is greater than our sin.
Why utterest thou obscure sayings? Hold thy peace.”

I asked him where the difficulty was and he said, “As it was he himself that uttered the obscure saying why did he command silence?” I asked him to explain the couplet and he said, “It occurs to me that the obscure saying may be this, that even our sins are part of His creation, and to say this is to transgress.” I remained silent, and he then in like manner commented on the following verse:—

“And serve thy Lord till the certainty overtake thee.”105b

He said, “The word ◌ (‘till’) signifies the extreme limit, but there can be no question of an extreme limit here, but apparently this limit might have reference to the second person singular, to which it would be possible to apply it.” God knows what his meaning was; and that was the last conversation that we had together.

XXXVIII. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-L-WĀHID OF BILGRĀM.

Bilgrām106 is a dependency of Qaunauj. He is a most learned and accomplished man, much given to austerities and devotions. He has a sublime disposition and attractive qualities, and he follows a sublime religious rule. He used formerly to indulge in ecstatic exercises and sing ecstatic songs in Hindī and fall into trances, but he is now past all this. He has written an appreciative commentary on the Nuzhatu-'l-arwāḳ,106a and many treatises on the technical terms of the Ṣufīs, one of them named Sanābil,106b 66. and many other able compositions besides. Although he is the disciple of another he has profited much by the company of Shaikh Ḥusain of Sikandra, and used to come every year from Bilgrām for the Shaikh's annual festival, but now that he suffers from defective sight he cannot go there and is settled in Qaunauj.

In the year 977 (A.D. 1569-70), when I arrived in Bilgrām from Lucknow, the Shaikh came to visit me, on my sick bed,106c and his was the first visit that had on my wounds the effect of ointment, and he said, “These wounds are the roses of love.” It so happened that at the same time the venerable Shaikh ‘Abdu'llāh Badāonī came there, like an invisible spirit, from Badāon, and I am convinced that if ever in my life I experienced a “night of power”106d it was that night. The Mir has a genius for poetry and he wrote of a witty, beloved and acceptable friend named Rājā the following couplet:

“Thoughts of thee have made my heart their throne,
Never will my heart have room for any but thee.”

Do not depart in anger (lit. quarrel) as thou comest first in peace.

For a moment do thou sit with kindness, so that I may get out of my own self.

CHAPTER II.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LEARNED MEN, MOST OF WHOM THE AUTHOR
HAS MET, OR FROM WHOM HE HAS RECEIVED INSTRUCTION.

Besides those learned men whom the author has met, the large number of those whom he has not seen, but who are well known in all parts of the land, exceeds the bounds of computation and the limits of enumeration. Of those whom the author has known one is that master of masters, Shaikh Ḥātim of Sambhal.

I. SHAIKH ḤĀTIM OF SAMBHAL.109

He was the pupil of Miyāṅ ‘Azīzu-'llāh of Ṭalamba.109a Taking him in all he had no equal in this generation as a sage versed both in those branches of knowledge which demand the exercise of the reasoning faculty, and in those which demand the exercise of the memory, but especially in scholastic theology, (Quranic) exegesis, practical theology, and Arabic literature. It used to be said that he had, in the course of teaching, gone through the commentary 67 on the Miftāḥ109b and the Muṭawwal,109c from the bā of Bīsmi-'llāh to the tā of “tammata,” nearly forty times, and that he had gone through all other advanced works (on theology) as often. He used to tell Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk that he had no rival in disputation. When Mullā ‘Alā'u-'d-dīn Lārī took to the Miyāṅ, with the greatest assurance, his notes on the commentary on the ‘Aqā'id-i-Nasafi,109d the Miyāṅ, after perusing them, discussed the matter with such minuteness of detail that Mullā ‘Alā'u-'d-dīn was unable to answer him.

In scholastic theology the greatest of the Imāms110 (on him be the mercy of God!) was inferior to the Miyāṅ. The Miyāṅ was an ascetic and strove much in the way of holiness, and was pious and devout, although he sat in the seat of honour and dignity, exercising absolute authority.

When I, in the time of Bairam Khān,110a the Khān-Khānān, reentered the service of the Miyāṅ in Āgra, after an interval of five years, I delivered to him a request for a decision on a point of theology from Shaikh Mubārak110b of Nāgōr, from whom I was at that time receiving instruction. After inquiring of me how I had done during the time of my separation from him, the Miyāṅ said, “What sort of a religious teacher is Shaikh Mubārak?” I told him what I knew of the Shaikh's conduct as a Mullā, of his piety, his poverty, his striving in the path of holiness, and his commands and prohibitions in religious matters which in those days he took upon himself to issue, declaring them to be binding. He replied, “Yes, indeed. I also have heard him well spoken of, but they say that he holds the Mahdawī doctrines. Is this true?” I said, “He believes Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaun-pūr 110c (may his tomb be sanctified!) to have been a great saint, but does not believe him to have been the Mahdī.” He replied, “What doubt can there be regarding the perfections of the Mīr?” Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad, Mīr-i-‘Adl,110d now deceased and pardoned, who was a pupil of the Miyāṅ, was also present; and he said, “Why do they call Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad of Jaunpūr the Mahdī?” I told him that it was on account of his assumption of the authority to issue authoritative orders and prohibitions in religious matters. Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad again questioned me, saying, “Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Ḥayy of Khurāsān,110e who held the title of Ṣadr for some time, one day spoke ill of the Shaikh to the Khān-i-Khānān. Do you know the reason of this?” I said, “The 68 Shaikh wrote him a note, giving him advice on various religious matters, and among other things advised him to attend prayers with the Sunnī congregation in the Masjid-i-Ḥayy.111 This offended ‘Abdu-'l-Ḥayy, and he attributed this advice to the Shaikh being a Mahdawī, and supposed that he was reproaching him with heresy.” Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad said, “This deduction of the Mīr with regard to his own heresy depends upon this syllogism, ‘You do not join in the congregational prayers: everybody who does not join in the congregational prayers is a schismatic: therefore you are a schismatic.’ But the major proposition is inadmissible. And likewise the syllogism, ‘The Shaikh assumes the power of issuing authoritative commands; anybody who issues authoritative commands is the Mahdī, etc., is unsound.’” The Miyāṅ then said, “I will seal this application for a decision,111a but I will retain it in the same manner111b as I have retained another application for a decision which was sent to me under the seal of some of the elders of this place, and in respect of which I have some doubts. Now do you take this to Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn, who is an accepted muftī, and say to him that my excuse of lack of books of reference, owing to my being on a journey, is perfectly comprehensible, but that, as to the tradition on which he has authenticated that (other) fatwā, it will be well if he sends me his original authenticated fatwā”; and say to him further, “The long and the short of the matter is that you have delivered a fatwā authorizing men to sell their children, when impelled thereto by hunger. In the first place this tradition is solely an Ibrāhīm Shāhī tradition,112 and is not in accordance with any other standard theological works, and it is well known that the Ibrāhīm Shāhī traditions are not accepted by the learned as of sufficient authority to support a fatwā, and if you maintain that a muftī is competent to give the preference to a superseded112a tradition, I reply without hesitation that the expression used in the 69 Ibrāhīm Shāhī tradition is that it is lawful for fathers (◌),112b in time of distress, to sell their offspring, and it is well known that the word ◌ includes both father and grandfather, as we find in the book on marriage:—“Any person whose fathers (◌) were Muslims is equal to him whose ancestors attained to the honour of (accepting) Islām,” and it is agreed that the word ◌ here means “father and grandfather,” not “father and mother.” On the assumption that this much is granted why should it not be (ruled) that the authority to sell children vests in both grandfather and father, acting jointly; and what proof is there that such authority should be assigned to the single individual? He then retained Shaikh Mubārak's application for a decision, and gave the former application to me. When I brought it to Shaikh Mubārak he was loud in his praises of Miyāṅ Ḥātīm's knowledge of theology and said, “Tell him, after conveying my salutations, that I did not affix my seal to the application for a decision as I expected that this occasion would arise.” When I showed the document to Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn he said, “As other muftīs had confirmed the decision I trusted to what they said, and did not go deeply into the question, and there certainly was negligence on my part.” The readiness of Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn, the muftī, who was a man of high position and great virtue, to acknowledge his fault, was evidence of his perception and love of truth, and of his rectitude and justice:—

“At the head of that letter which Āṣaf wrote
He wrote, ‘God had mercy on the most just.’”

Miyāṅ Ḥātim, after enjoying the blessing of the opportunity of teaching and imparting instruction for a period of seventy years, passed away from this transitory world in the year H. 968 (A.D. 1560-61). The chronogram of his death has been already given; the words, “With the King he is powerful,”113 were found to give the date of his death. He left his son, Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Ḥātim by name, as his successor as a religious leader and Shaikh, but 70 not as Mullā. He too rejoined his venerable father in the year H. 989 (A.D. 1581) and left some degenerate sons as his heirs.

“How long shall I cherish by blandishments the complaisance
of stony-hearted mistresses (idols)?
“These degenerate sons do not call to mind their father.”

II. MAULĀNĀ ‘ABDU-'LLĀH OF SULṬĀNPŪR.113a

He was of the Anṣār113b tribe. His ancestors came to Sulṭānpūr and settled there. He was one of the greatest sages of his time, and had not his equal in this age, especially in his knowledge of Arabic, Quranic exegesis, scholastic theology, history, and all those branches of learning which depend upon the exercise of the memory. He has left wonderful compositions, worthy of himself, the best known among them being the books known as ‘Iṣmat-i-Anbiyā 114 and Sharḥu Shamā'ili-'n-Nabī114a (may God bless and save him!). From the Emperor who now has his resting place in paradise (scil. Humāyūn) he received the title of Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, and also that of Shaikhu-'l-Islām. He always strenuously exerted himself to enforce the holy law, and was a bigoted Sunnī. Owing to his exertions many heretics and schismatics went to the place prepared for them. He used, owing to his extreme bigotry, to aver of the third volume of the Rawẓatu-'l-Aḥbāb114b that it was not the work of Mīr114c Jamālu-'d-dīn114d the traditionist. In the year114e in which Gujarāt was conquered and while Maulānā ‘Abdu-'llāh possessed great honour and dignity as agent of the exalted Court in Fatḥpūr, I, who had just then returned from my journey to the Panjāb, went in company with Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl, who had not yet entered the Imperial service, and Ḥājī Sulṭān of Thāne-sar to see Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk. We saw that he had before him the third volume (of the Rawẓatu-'l-Aḥbāb), and he said to us, 71 “See, what mischief those who are followed in this land have wrought in the faith,” and thus saying he showed us that couplet which occurs in the encomium:—

“This alone is sufficient to prove his resemblance to God,114f
That it has been doubted that he himself was God.”

and said, “He has passed beyond mere schism here, and has placed the question of his misbelief in quite another category, avouching his belief in the doctrine of incarnations. I am firmly resolved to burn this book in the presence of a Shī‘ah.” I, notwithstanding that I was unknown to any present,115 and had never met Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk before, made bold to say, “This couplet is a translation of those verses which are attributed to the Imām Shāfi‘ī115a (may God have mercy upon him!).

He looked towards me sharply and asked, “From what are you quoting?” I said, “From the commentary on Amīr's dīvān.” He said, “The commentator, Qāẓī Mīr Ḥusain-i-Mīdī,115b has also been accused of schism.” I said, “This is wandering from the point.” Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl and Ḥājī Sulṭān,115c with their fingers on their lips, were every now and then signing to me to be silent. Again I said, “I have heard from some trustworthy men that the third volume is not the work Mīr Jamālu-'d-dīn, but is the work of his son Sayyid Mīrak Shāh, or some other person, and that it is for this reason that its style differs from the style of the first two volumes, being poetical, and not the style peculiar to traditionists.” He answered me, saying, “My child, in the second volume also I have found passages which clearly prove the heresy and misbelief of the author, and I have written notes on them. One of these passages is the statement by the author that ‘Alī, the leader of the faithful (may God be gratified with him!),115d on the occasion when Ṭalḥah (may God be gratified with him!) was the first to swear allegiance to him, said, “My hand is withered and thine allegiance is worthless,” that is to say, that ‘Alī Murtaẓā, the leader of the faithful, actually took as a bad omen the fact that Ṭalḥah's arm was withered—that arm which in the battle of Uḥud116 was the shield of his holiness the prophet 72 (may God bless and save him and his family!), and was pierced with eleven wounds,—a presumption expressly forbidden by the holy law. God forbid that such should be the case! It is impossible that ‘Alī should have followed such a custom, and it is impossible to believe that he did so.” I said, “There is manifestly a distinction between foreboding and augury.” Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl secretly pressed my hand and warned me to be silent. ‘Abdu-'llāh said to him, “Tell me something about this person (scil. Badāonī); who is he?” He and Ḥājī Sulṭān then told him something of my affairs, and our meeting passed off quietly. After we had left him my friends said to me, “You have passed through a great danger, but (fortunately) he did not set himself to persecute you. Had he done so who could have saved you?” Maulānā ‘Abdu-'llāh, when he first set eyes on Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl, in the early years of the Emperor's reign, said to his pupils, “What injury will this man not do to the faith?

“When I saw him in his childhood I showed him to those of
the faith,
“(Saying) ‘He will work mischief among the souls of men,
to your guardianship I entrust him.’”

Maulānā ‘Abdu-'llāh departed to eternity in Gujarāt in the year H. 990 (A.D. 1582), after his return from the pilgrimage to the glorious city of Makkah, and the chronogram in the following verses was found to give the date of his death:—

Makhdūm-i-Mulk departed and took with him,
As a sign on his forehead, (the words) “the mercy of
God.”

When I sought of my heart the date of his death,
It replied to me, “Reckon the second hemistich (of
these verses.)”117

He left behind him some degenerate sons who are unworthy of mention; and here I may remark that all the rising generation give cause of complaint to their progenitors, for indeed it seems that the climate of this age will cherish, nay will produce, none better than such fellows:—

I see no good in the world,
This seems to be the age of impotence.

This state of affairs reminds us of the story that a certain king who was a bigoted Sunnī led an army against Sabzawār, which is a hotbed of schism, its inhabitants being all fanatics. The chief men of the place came out and made their representa- 73 tions to the king, saying, “We are Musalmāns; what fault have we committed that you should have brought an army against us?” The king replied, “Your fault is your zeal for schism.” They replied, “This is a false accusation that has been brought against us. “The king said, “Produce from your city in support of your allegation a man of the name of Abū Bakr,117a and I will swerve from my intention of slaying you and of plundering your city.” After much search and with much difficulty they produced before the king an unknown pauper, saying, “This man is called by the name which you desired.” After observing the man's old garments and despicable condition, the king asked, “Had you nobody better than this to produce before me?” They said, “O king, ceremony apart, the climate of Sabzawār cherishes an Abū Bakr no better than this.” And the Maulavī-yi-ma‘navī118 (may his tomb be hallowed) refers to this story in his Maṯnavī as follows:—

“This unstable world is a Sabzawār to us,
We, like Bū-Bakrs, live in it mean and despised.”

III. SHAIKH MUBĀRAK OF NĀGŌR.118a

He was one of the great sages of the age and was distinguished among the men of his time and his contemporaries for his piety, devotion, and trust in God. In early life he observed many austerities and strove much in the way of holiness, and was so zealous in enforcing the commands and prohibitions of the holy law that if anybody was present while he was giving religious instruction wearing a golden ring, or silk clothing, or red hose, or red or yellow garments, he at once made him remove them, and if anyone appeared with long breeches, descending below the heel, he immediately had them torn to the proper length. If, while walking through the streets, he heard the noise of any singing he would start violently. In his zeal for God he was so devoted to singing that he was scarcely for a moment of the day at ease without being employed in listening to the chanting of hymns, psalms, mystic melodies, and music. 74 In short he followed many and various rules of life. For some time during the reigns of the Afghān Emperors he used to keep company with Shaikh ‘Alā'ī,119 and in the beginning of the Emperor's reign, when the Naqshbandī order were in great esteem, he adapted himself to their rule, and for some time he was attached to the Hamadānī Shaikhs, and at last when the ‘Irāqīs were in great favour at Court he spoke as one of their religion.119a “Converse with men according to their understanding,” was his practice, and so he continued to do. He was always employed in giving religious instruction, and was well-versed in poetry, enigmas, and in all other arts and branches of learning, but especially in the theology of the Ṣūfīs, and, unlike most other learned men of India, he practised their system thoroughly. He also had Shāṭibī by heart, and used to give instruction in the law of inheritance. He also had by heart the glorious Qur'ān, according to each of the ten methods of reading it.

He never went to the houses of nobles, but was a very pleasant companion, and had a great stock of wonderful anecdotes. Towards the end of his life, when his sight failed him and he was unable to read, he went into retirement and wrote a commentary similar to the Tafsīr-i-Kabīr,119b contained in four large volumes, and named it the Mamba‘u-Nafā'isi-'l-‘Uyūn.119c The strange thing is that in the exordium to that commentary he wrote certain passages which seem to contain pretensions to the establishment of new principles in religion, and the innovations contained therein are those which are well known. At the time when he was enabled, by God's grace, to complete that commentary he used constantly to recite, with a view to reminding himself of what he owed to God, the Qaṣīda-yi-Fāriẓiyya in ta,119d which contains seven hundred couplets, the Qaṣīda-yi-Burda, by Ka‘b bin Zuhair,119e and other epodes which he had committed to memory, until, on the seventeenth of Ẕī-Qa‘da, A.H. 1001 (Aug. 15, 1593), he passed away from this world in Lāhor. He was a mullā whose like, as regards the scope of his attainments, has never been seen, and the pity is that his love of the world with its pomps, concealed under the garment of holy poverty, left no room for the love of the faith of Islām. The author, in his youth, spent some 75 years in Āgra under his tuition, and owes him much, but can no longer feel himself fettered by his indebtedness to him, owing to his numerous acts of worldliness and impiety, his devotion to wealth and pomp, his time serving, his deceit and double-dealing, and his zeal for innovations in the faith. “Answer, God; and either we, or ye, follow the direction, or are in a manifest error.”120

In short, the saying of the common people, that the son brings curses on his father, is exemplified in his case, just as it happened in the case of Yazīd,120a in respect of whom some impudently and presumptuously say, “Curses be on Yazīd and on his father!”

IV. MĪR SAYYID MUḤAMMAD, Mīr-i-‘Adl.120b
OF AMROHA.

Amroha120c is a pargana town in the Sarkār of Sambhal. Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad was exceedingly pious, devout, and abstemious. He and the author's father were in their youth fellow-students under various teachers in the city of Sambhal, and also in Badāon under Mīr Sayyid Jalāl, a sage who had studied the traditional sayings of the prophet under Mīr Sayyid Rafi‘u-'d-din. Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad, after completing his course of studies, employed himself in teaching, and towards the end of his life attained to a high position in the Imperial Court, receiving the appointment of Mīr-i-‘Adl. In this high post he showed himself to be scrupulously just, straightforward and trustworthy, so that even the Qāẓī'u-'l-Quẓẓāt121 of the time, out of respect to Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad's age, refrained from his customary double-dealing and base behaviour, and during the Mīr's tenure of his post no heretic or schismatic had an opportunity of damaging the faith of Islām.

After the death of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad the title of Mīr-i-‘Adl was applied to and assumed by many persons.

The Mīr, owing to his hereditary connection with me and the long-standing affection which he had for me, advised me, when I first appeared at court, to have nothing to do with any madad-i- 76 ma‘āsh, and to refrain from subjecting myself to the base actions of the Ṣadrs, recommending me to enter the Imperial service in any post I could obtain, for that the Ṣadrs were tyrannical egotists. Owing to my disregard of his advice I naturally experienced what I have experienced, and|suffered what I have suffered. The Mīr was appointed to the government of Bakkar121a in the year H. 984 (A.D. 1576-77), and in that city departed this life in the year H. 986 (A.D. 1578-79).121b

V. SHAIKH GADĀ'Ī OF DIHLĪ, THE KAMBŪ.122

He was the son and successor of Shaikh Jamālī, the famous poet. He perfected himself in exoteric learning and enjoyed the society of the learned men of the age, being much benefited by their companionship. By means of the claim which intimate friendship gave him on Bairam Khān he obtained the appointment of Ṣadru-'s-Ṣudūr122a in India, and was for several years resorted to, as an authority on religious questions, by the sages and principal men of Hindūstān, Khurāsān, Transoxiana, and ‘Irāq. He was a born poet, and used to compose and sing hymns and religious songs after the Indian manner,122b to which pursuits he was passionately addicted.

After he had dissociated himself from Bairam Khān, the Khān-i-Khānān, and returned from the neighbourhood of Bīkānīr to Dihlī,122c he was honoured and esteemed at Court as before. When in Dihlī he always used to attend the shrines of the saints there (may God sanctify their souls!) on their anniversaries, and used to hold assemblies with great pomp and circumstance. He left this world for the next either in the year H. 976 (A.D. 1568-69) or in the year H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72),123 leaving behind him sons no better than the sons of most men in this degenerate age, “as has been decreed for these days, and in accordance with the decree of God the all-wise.”

The following verses are an extract from the poems of Shaikh Gadā'ī:—

“At times my soul, at times my heart became the abode of 77
grief,
“I ever grieve after thee, as I travel, stage by stage.
“Be not forgetful of my grief and pain,
“For there is no moment of my life which is not occupied
with thoughts of thee.
“I have bound my frenzied heart in thy tresses,
“Myself am bound in those musky chains.
“If desires could be easily accomplished by the surrender of
life
“No difficulties would remain to true lovers.
“Gadā'ī, thou hast lost thy life in unsuccessful endeavour!
“I have not obtained my desire from the lips of my
friend.”

I have copied these verses from the memoir of Mīr ‘Alā'u-'d-daulah, which is not to be trusted. I suspect that they are not Gadā'ī's. But God knows the truth!

VI. MIYĀṄ JAMĀL KHĀN, MUFTI OF DIHLĪ.123a

He was the pupil of his own worthy father, Shaikh Naṣīru-'d-din, and the brother of Miyāṅ Lādan. He was of the Kambū tribe. He was one of the most learned men of his time both in those branches of knowledge which depend on the reasoning faculty, and in those which depend on the memory, but especially in practical and scholastic theology, knowledge of Arabic, and expounding the Qur'ān, in which studies he was unequalled. He used to speak authoritatively on the commentaries on the Miftāḥ,124 and it is said that he had, in the course of teaching, gone through the book ‘Aẓdī, one of the most advanced works, forty times. He used to impart religious instruction, and never went to the houses of kings or nobles, but always affected the company of magistrates who were honoured and respected. Most of his pupils have become wise men. He passed away to the next world in the year H. 984 (A.D. 1576-77) at the age of more than ninety years.

78 VII. QĀẒĪ JALĀLU-'D-DĪN OF MULTĀN.124a

He came originally from the neighbourhood of the fortress of Bakkar.124b He was a profound sage, ever speaking the truth and loving it. In early life he was a merchant, and in middle age he employed himself in teaching. He taught in Āgra for some years, and then, in consequence of certain events which have been narrated in the detailed account of Akbar's reign, was employed in the high post of Qāẓī, after the dismissal of Qāẓī Ya‘qūb. In respect of his integrity and trustworthiness he was the best of Qāẓīs, but, owing to the misfortune of his having a corrupt son, a handsome blockhead, and in consequence of the machinations of all the base pimps about the Court, his own lack of worldly wisdom, and his inability to appreciate the spirit of the age and the ideas of his contemporaries, he was banished to the Dakan,125 the rulers of which land, having heard of his staunchness to Islām and his preaching of the word of God, honoured him to the utmost extent of their power. From the Dakan he was privileged to perform the pilgrimage to the holy house of God, and there replied, “Here am I,” to the summons of God.

VIII. QĀẒĪ ṬAWĀ'ISĪ.

Ṭawā'is125a is a dependency of Khurāsān. He was a most trustworthy man, but, as he was devoid of learning, some of his decisions were wrong. He had suffered much at the hands of the wealthy men of his time,125b and was therefore always much prejudiced against them, and would, as far as possible, show favour to the poorer party, even though he were in the wrong. He did not understand that in these days it is generally the wrong-doer that cries for justice, in which connection Shaikh 79 Abū-'l-Faẓl has said, “If the greatest of the Imāms125c had lived in our time he would have written on practical theology otherwise than as he did.”

When the Khān-i-Zamān broke out into rebellion he gave a decision to the effect that the seizure of the effects of a rebel was unlawful,125d and this decision led to his deposition and the appointment of Qāẓī Ya‘qūb in his place. Very shortly after his deposition he passed away from this world.

IX. QĀẒĪ YA‘QŪB OF MĀNIKPŪR.126

He was related to Qāẓī Faẓīlat,126a and was well skilled in practical theology and in the principles of that science. He was of a cheerful and open disposition, and used to compose Arabic verses in Indian metres. They say that while he was, for several years, the Qāẓī'u-l-Quẓẓāt of India, he used to take aphrodisiac electuaries in large quantities. One day when he was present at a party given by the Emperor, several intoxicating and stimulating drugs were handed round, and were offered to the Qāẓī among others. He refused them, and when he was asked what sort of drugs he took, one of the Emperor's Hindū favourites immediately replied, “The Qāẓī takes mercury.”126b

After his dismissal from the post of Qāẓī'u-'l-Quẓẓāt he was appointed to be Qāẓī of Bangāl, and was sent off to that province,126c and while there used to use aphrodisiacs to excess, a slave to the violence of his lusts. He was a confederate of Ma‘ṣūm-i-Kābuli in his rebellion126d and was in consequence recalled from that province and sentenced to be imprisoned in the fortress of Gwāliyār, and on his way to that place removed the baggage of his existence from this world, and joined Mīr Mu‘izzu-'l-Mulk and Mullā Muḥammad of Yazd.127

X. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'N-NABĪ,127a
THE ṢADRU-Ṣ-ṢUDŪR.127b

He was the son of Shaikh Aḥmad, the son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Quddūs of Kango. He journeyed several times to the glorious city of Makkah and the delectable city of Madīnah, and there studied the traditional sayings of Muḥammad, and after his return he abandoned the mode of life of his forefathers, and, 80 objecting to the ecstatics and vocal music (of the Ṣūfīs) followed the rule of the traditionists, and busied himself in ceremonial and outward piety, cleanliness, purification and devotion. When he was appointed Ṣadru-'s-Ṣudūr he distributed enormous areas of land to the people as madad-i-ma‘āsh, pensions, and religious endowments, and never was there in the reign of any monarch a Ṣadru-'s-Ṣudūr so powerful as Shaikh ‘Abdu-'n-Nabī, or one who alienated the tenth part of what he did in religious endowments. 127c For some time the Emperor had so great faith in him as a religious leader that he would bring him his shoes and place them before his feet. At last, owing to the disagreements127d of Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk and all the other ill-dispositioned ‘Ulamā the Emperor's opinion of him changed completely.

Couplet.

All those who seek for pride of place are fools,
Aye, those who style themselves the ‘Ulamā.

The chief cause of his fall was as follows:—When the Emperor, after his journey to Bānswāla,127e halted at Fatḥpūr, Qāẓī ‘Abdu-'r-Rahīm, the Qāẓī of Mathura, laid a complaint before the Shaikh, to the effect that a wealthy and stiff-necked Brahman of that place had carried off the materials which he, the Qāẓī, had collected for the construction of a masjid, and had built of them an idol-temple, and that, when the Qāẓī had attempted to prevent him, he had, in the presence of witnesses, opened his foul mouth to curse the prophet (on whom be peace), and had shown his contempt for Muslims in various other ways. When the Brahman was called upon to appear, he disobeyed the Shaīkh's summons. The Emperor sent Bīr Bar and Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl to fetch him, and they brought him, and Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl represented to the Emperor what he had heard of the case from the people, and stated that it was certainly proved that he had uttered abuse of the prophet. Some of the ‘Ulamā were of opinion that he should suffer death, while others were in favour of his being publicly paraded on the back of an ass and heavily fined. The ‘Ulamā were thus divided into two parties and the question was argued at length. The Shaikh required the 81 Emperor's sanction to the execution of the Brahman, but, notwithstanding his importunity, no open sanction was given, and the Emperor said in private, “Punishments for offences against the holy law are in the hands of you, the ‘Ulamā; what do you require of me?” The Brahman remained for some time in custody on the charge, and the ladies of the Imperial ḥaram busied themselves in interceding for his release, but the Shaikh's known opinions stood in the way. At last, when the Shaikh's importunity exceeded all bounds, the Emperor said, “You have received your answer, it is that which I have already given you.” No sooner had the Shaikh reached his lodging than he issued orders for the execution of the Brahman. When this matter was reported to the Emperor he was exceedingly wroth. The ladies of his ḥaram complained in private and the Hindū courtiers in public, saying, “You have pampered these Mullās till their insolence has reached such a pitch that they pay no heed to your wishes, and, merely to display their own power and authority, put men to death without your orders.” They plied his Majesty with arguments to such an extent that he could endure it no longer, and the leaven of designs which had long been working in his mind at length fermented and overflowed. One might, at the tank known as Anūp Talā'ō,129 he set forth the whole case, and asked certain time serving muftīs and stirrers up of strife for a decision on the question. One of them said, “The witnesses who have been produced prove that he has committed an offence against the person under cover of the law.” Another said, “The strange thing is that Shaikh ‘Abdu-'n-Nabī should claim to be a descendant of the greatest of the Imāms129a (may God have mercy upon him!) according to whose school of theology the cursing of the prophet by unbelievers who have submitted to the rule of Islām gives no ground for any breach of agreement by Muslims, and in no way absolves Muslims from their obligation to safeguard infidel subjects. This question has been discursively treated in theological works, and it is hard to understand how the Shaikh can have so opposed himself to the principles of his ancestor.” All at once the Emperor's glance fell on the author of these historical selections, standing afar off, and, turning to me he summoned me to him, saying, “Come forward.” I advanced, and he put to me a question, saying, “Have you heard 82 that, supposing there are ninety-nine traditions awarding the punishment of death for a certain offence, and one tradition in accordance with which the accused person may be set at liberty, muftīs should give the preference to that one tradition?” I said, “Yes, it is just as your Majesty has said; but this question turns on the maxim “Verily legal punishments and inflictions are set aside by doubts”; and I translated the maxim into Persian. The Emperor said, with evident sorrow, “Perhaps Shaikh ‘Abdu-'u-Nabī was not aware of this ruling, that he put the unfortunate Brāhman to death. Yet how could it be so?” I replied, “The Shaikh is, beyond all doubt, a learned man, but he must have had some wise purpose in view, in knowingly giving an order contrary to this tradition.” The Emperor said, “What purpose can he have had in view?” I said, “The closing of sedition and the uprooting of the germs of insolence from the minds of the common people.” I also brought to his Majesty's notice the tradition of Qāẓī ‘Ayyāẓ on the remedies of evils, which tradition had been laid before him in connection with this case. Certain lewd fellows of the baser sort said, “Qāẓī ‘Ayyāẓ was a Mālikī,130 and his decisions have no weight in a land of the Ḥanafīs.” The Emperor said to me, “What do you say to this?” I said, “Although he was a Mālikī, it is yet permissible, by the sacred law, for a recognized muftī to pass sentence in accordance with his decisions.” The question was argued at length, and the bystanders observed that the Emperor's moustache, during the discussion, bristled like the whiskers of a tiger, and those who were standing behind him signed to me to desist from argument. All at once the Emperor, opposing my decision, said, “What you say is nonsense!” I immediately made my submission, and retired and took my place in the circle of courtiers, and have ever since eschewed forwardness and the company of disputants, preferring retirement, and saluting the Emperor from afar.

From this time forth the fortunes of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'u-Nabī began to decline. He withdrew himself from company and avoided it, concerning himself principally with his own claims to superiority and the repudiation of former decisions in legal matters, whether modern or ancient. He never went to Court. 83 About this time Shaikh Mubārak came from Āgra to Fatḥpūr to offer his felicitations to the Emperor on some subject or another, and the Emperor told him what had happened and asked him for his opinion. He gave his opinion authoritatively, saying, ‘Your Majesty is the Imām and Mujtahid of the age. What need have you of these ‘Ulamā for assistance in issuing your commands, whether religious or secular. They have no lot or part in true knowledge, beyond a groundless reputation therefor.” The Emperor said, “Since you are my teacher and I am ready to learn from you why do you not free me from dependence on these Mullās?” Shaikh Mubārak made a supreme effort to gain his end, and, aflame with rancour and contumacy, said, “Do you make a claim to religious supremacy, and demand from them an attestation of your claim.” He ultimately wrote a decree affirming the religious supremacy of the Emperor and his superiority to all ecclesiastical dignitaries.131 Shaikh ‘Abdu-'u-Nabī and Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk were forcibly seized and compelled, as though they had been mere nobodies, to attend that assembly of base fellows. No one saluted them, and they took their seats in the Ṣaff-i-ni‘āl,131a and they were forced, much against their will, to attest that decree, whether they would or no,131b as has been mentioned in the detailed history of the Emperor's reign; and at last they both received permission to make the pilgrimage to Makkah.

Shaikh ‘Abdu-'u-Nabī died in the year H. 991 (A.D. 1583).131c

IX. SHAIKH AḤMADĪ FAYYĀẒ, OF AMBĒṬHI.131d

He was among the first of the greatest sages of the time. He was devout, following a severe rule and striving much in the path of holiness. In the feebleness of old age, when he had no longer the power to walk, and was completely bedridden, he learnt the glorious Qur'ān by heart. He had by heart the contents of most of the books generally read, and if one of his pupils made a mistake in reading he would correct him without referring to the text. He was well skilled in expounding the Qur'ān, in the traditional sayings and biography of Muḥammad, and in history. He was a fellow-citizen and contemporary of Shaikh 84 Niẓāmu-'d-dīn132 of Ambēṭhī, and he used to say of him that he was strongly opposed to the recital by the congregation of the fātiḥah after the imām (during public prayers in the masjid).

The author had the honour of paying his respects to the Shaikh while he was employed in giving instruction in the Sharḥ-i-Viqāya . One of the Shaikh's pupils happened to be reading the following verses of Hazal:—

“Abū-Bakr, the son of the chosen one,
Resolved on a foray in connection with a strange matter,
And he said, ‘Verily I have resolved on a foray
Against Kaftārah, who is my father's mother.’
And I said, ‘Wilt thou not hearken, O my son,
To the prohibition against associating with the base?’

and a discussion arose whether the reading should be ◌ or ◌132a which latter is the feminine intensive form of the word ◌, “an unbeliever.” He said that the true reading was ◌ and that no other reading would make sense, for that ◌ was a Persian word. My contention was that the meaning of ◌ was more obvious than that of ◌,—but God knows the truth!

XII. QĀẒĪ ṢADRU-'D-DĪN,133 SOME TIME OF JALANDAR, AFTERWARDS OF LĀHOR.

He was a profound sage, and was regarded as a leader in religious matters both by Ṣūfīs and by orthodox Muslims.133a He was a cheerful and pleasant companion. Although he was for a time, as is well known, the pupil of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'llāh Makhdū-mu-'l-Mulk, I certainly found him to be far superior to Makhdū-mu-'l-Mulk. So broad-minded was he in religious matters that he was commonly suspected of being a heretic. But the fact is that he was so credulous that he would implicitly trust any person, even a manifest heretic, who was inclined to asceticism, and would stand before him with joined hands, and regard anything he might say as an authoritative utterance.

They say that a heretic who pretended to be mysteriously attracted to God one day came upon the Qāẓī, and that the Qāẓī after his custom, stood before him with his hands joined in 85 reverence. The heretic, deluded wretch, said, “Khiẓr133b is always with me.” The Qāẓī fell at his feet saying, “Show him to me.” The heretic replied, “I am at present in great anxiety over the marriage of my daughter, an affair which will cost me seven hundred tankas; when my anxiety is removed I will effect a meeting between you and Khiẓr.” The Qāẓī at once gave him seven hundred tankas. Two days later the man came to him and said, “Come that I may show you Khiẓr,” and took him away with him to the river. Now the heretic was a very tall man, while the Qāẓī was low of stature. The heretic walked into the river until the water reached his neck, and then stood still, and said to the Qāẓī, “Come to me, for Khiẓr is here.” The Qāẓī replied, “I cannot swim; how can I come to you?” The heretic replied, “Well, I have shown you the place where Khiẓr is, if you cannot come to it it is no fault of mine.” Many other stories, even more laughable than this, are told of the Qāẓī, and to detail them would be to show the weakness of his intellect. His extreme simplicity can be estimated from the example cited.

When the Emperor bestowed134 on the chief men of Lāhōr appointments in various parts of the Empire, and sent each one of them to fill some post in one city or another, Ṣadru-'d-dīn was appointed to be Qāẓī of the seaport town of Bahrōc, in the province of Gujarāt, and was despatched thither in that capacity. There he died, leaving behind him a son possessed of ability, named Shaikh Muḥammad, who now holds in that city the appointment held by his late father.

XIII. MIYĀṄ ILĀHDĀD OF LAKHNAU.

He was one of those sages whose knowledge is always at command and ready for use. He possessed a naturally acute intellect and intuitive intelligence. In knowledge of practical theology and the first principles of that science, and of Arabic, he had no equal. He wrote a treatise on syntax which he named after one of the nobles, Quṭbī by name,134a and which contained some evidence of its author's industry.

I went to Lakhnau at the time when Ḥusain Khān was governor 86 of that place,134b and met the Miyāṅ. Among his works there were two books which struck me as being wonderful. One was a treatise, written in columns, which covered a piece of paper capable of containing fourteen lines of ordinary writing, and as broad as it was long. In this treatise the leading principles and problems of fourteen different branches of knowledge were succinctly set forth. The other consisted of four Maqāmahs from a treatise in which the style of the Maqāmātu-'l-Ḥarīrī135 was imitated, which treatise he entitled Qīṭūn.135a He told me that he had composed other works besides these. His cousins, however, said that the treatise on fourteen different branches of knowledge and the Qīṭūn were written by Ḥakīm Zibriqī,135b who, having come to Jaunpūr, employed himself in collating books, together with the well-known135c Qaẓī Shihābu-'d-dīn. These works, they said, found their way, in the course of time, to the library of Shaikh A‘ẓam of Lakhnau, who obtained the title of Ṯānī-yi-Imām-i-A‘ẓam ,135d and thence came into the hands of Miyāṅ Ilāhdād, who was a descendant of Shaikh A‘ẓam;—and God knows the truth of the matter!

XIV. MĪR SAYYID JALĀLU-'D-DĪN-I-QĀDIRĪ,135e
OF ĀGRA.

He was one of the greatest of the Sayyids of Āgra, and was preeminent in his piety and resignation to the Divine will. From his youth to the end of his life he lived in seclusion, avoiding the society of the wealthy135f and all pomps and ceremony, and in his capacity as deputy of his holiness, the Ghauṯ135g of the Everlasting God, the pole-star (of religion) fixed by the Lord, the inhabitant of that place which is beyond locality, Shaikh Muḥīyyu-'d-dīn ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir-i-Jīlānī (may God be gratified with him and cause him to be gratified with us!), he received pupils up to the time when he bade farewell to this fleeting world. At this time his son, strong in the faith, Mīr Sayyid Dā'ūd, is the representative of his reverend father, and spends his life in holy poverty, indigence, and peregrination. As the auspicious splendour of his dread Majesty the Emperor and the pomp of the greatness of his glorious progeny shone with ever-increasing brilliancy over the horizon of the imperial domain of Āgra, the effulgence of this 87 unfortunate family has abated in splendour, and the families of other deceased saints too have declined in like manner.

Couplet.

“Hundreds of thousands of children were beheaded
Before he who spake with God136 saw the light.”

XV. SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF AJMER.

It is commonly reported that he was a descendant of that polestar of holy men, and king of true lovers of God Khāja Mu‘īn-u-'d-dīn-i-Sanjarī-yi-Ci shtī136a (may God hallow his soul)! Since the Emperor, in the days when he first began especially to venerate his holiness the Khāja of Ajmer, happened to slight the claims of the Shaikh (to descent from him) some perverse fellows, prompted thereto by certain Shaikhs of Fatḥpūr, men who have endeavoured to the utmost to depose and discredit those of their own class (may God reward them therefor!), gave evidence against his claim to descent from the Khāja, saying that his holiness left no descendants, and the Ṣadrs and Qāẓīs also issued decrees to that effect, being guided by their time-serving dispositions.

Hemistich.
“The age hath its raiment. Be thou clad therein!”

Thus the hereditary trusteeship of the shrine which had come down to him through so many years was transferred to others. The Shaikh, who was a man of great estate, lived in that province like a king, and the Emperor's regal jealousy, both on this account and on account of certain other events which happened, could not endure the Shaikh's position, so he ordered him to leave India and to journey to Makkah, and the Shaikh accordingly took formal leave of his Majesty during the march to Bāns-wāla, 137 and, after successfully performing the pilgrimage to Makkah, returned. Having accomplished his journey to the Ḥijāz, he paid his respects at Court, on his return, on the very day on which the Emperor had marched from Fatḥpūr towards Kabul against Muhammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā; but he would not conform to the ceremonies which have in these days been established by those who have accepted a new faith and have been recently converted to Islām, new followers of a new order of 88 things.

The Emperor, after studying the page of the Shaikh's life and the lines of his forehead read there the signs of disaffection to himself, and commanded that the Shaikh should be imprisoned in the fortress of Bakkar.137a There he spent some years, and at last, in the year H. 1002 (A.D. 1593-94), owing to the efforts made on his behalf by certain courtiers who had his Majesty's confidence, he was summoned from Bakkar to the Imperial presence, and, in company with some other prisoners, such as Shaikh Kamāl-i-Biyābānī, the impostor, some mention of whom has already been made,137b and the Qāẓīs of Fatḥpūr, who had been imprisoned in Bakkar for fourteen years, owing to the machinations of Shaikh Ibrāhīm-i-Cishtī,137c and whose release had been ordered by means of the intercession of Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad,138 he arrived at Court, and there they all paid their respects to his Majesty, and all, with the exception of the Shaikh, prostrated themselves. He, an old man of seventy years of age, utterly unaccustomed to the ceremonial of kingly courts and the correct fashion of waiting upon royal personages, made a slight inclination and a mere bow, after the old custom. The Emperor's displeasure with him was renewed, and the Mīrzā was ordered to have a grant of three hundred bīgas of land in Bakkar made out to him, as madad-i-ma‘āsh,138a and to despatch the Shaikh thither once more. Begum Pādshāh, the mother of his Majesty, busied herself in the ladies' apartments of the palace in interceding for the Shaikh, and said to the Emperor, “My son, he has an aged and decrepit mother in Ajmer, whose heart yearns to see her son again. How would it be if you were to give him leave to depart to Ajmer? He desires no madad-ī-ma‘āsh from you.” The Emperor would not accede to her request, and said, “Mother, he will start business afresh in the place to which he is now going, and people will present to him alms, presents, and complimentary gifts in plenty. He leads a number of men astray. In fine, let him summon his mother hither.” This treatment of his mother was much bitterer to the Shaikh than was the mere going to Bakkar.

On the night on which the Ṣadr-i-Jahān summoned the compiler of these historical selections to the Imperial presence in connection with the Shaikh's resignation of his trusteeship of the 89 shrine in Ajmer, as has already been mentioned, the Emperor was perturbed in respect of that case, which he had himself brought forward, and refused to ratify the decree (with regard to the resignation), and retained the Shaikh in his service. He said to the Ṣadr-i-Jahān, “Where is that simple-hearted old man?” (meaning Shaikh Ḥusain). I reminded him that he was in Lāhōr, and urged the Ṣadr-i-Jahān, since I myself was unworthy to hold such a blessed position, to have him appointed as the trustee of the shrine in that protected139 city, and so restore to him his just due. But, since it is not in the nature of natives of India to work in the interests of their own brethren, or to trust one another, the efforts of the Ṣadr-i-Jahān availed neither in my case, unfortunate wretch that I am, nor in the case of Shaikh Ḥusain. That aged man, whose sins have surely been forgiven by God, now lives in affliction and distress, in perturbation of spirit and in perplexity, seated in the nook of obscurity, unable to haunt the doors of the great ones of this world, or to obtain their influence and interest on his behalf; while at the same time the road of representation is closed to him, and all hopes139a of the intercession of others in his behalf are ruined.

But, to continue: the Shaikh's existence is a blessing and a boon to be highly prized by his contemporaries. I was not personally acquainted with him till recently, but now that he has returned from his pilgrimage to the Hijāz, and has suffered bonds, he appears to me to be a quantity of (heavenly) light, and an angel in bodily form. Never have I known him to speak of worldly matters, either in public or in private. He is ever employed in austerities, in worship, and in striving in the way of holiness, fasting continually and always watching at night. It is my hope that God (may He be praised and glorified!) will open to him the door of his desire, in accordance with the text, “Verily a difficulty shall be attended with ease, aye, verily a difficulty shall be attended with ease.” It is my hope, too, that God will speedily recompense him for his afflictions with the blessing described in the couplet:—

Couplet.

When hardships press upon thee, think on the chapter “Have
we not opened?”139b
And the word “difficulty” lies between two repetitions of the
word “ease,”
When thou thinkest on this rejoice.

I pray, too, that I, bondsman of this world as I am, may by 90 the blessing of that leader of all the pious, attain salvation, that, being delivered from my purposeless pursuits, my wild talk, levity, folly, and futile scribbling, I may reach my “true native land” and abiding city, to meet there my departed wife, children, and relatives, and, above all my son, and that I may be enabled to employ what remains to me of life in some occupation that shall serve me hereafter.

Couplet.

My purpose is, if it be possible,
So to employ myself as to dissipate my grief.

And since these lines were written just as the scroll of felicity was unfolding itself, and the blessed breeze of morn was beginning to blow, and the true dawn was just breaking, what wonder if the arrow of my disinterested prayer strikes the target of acceptance through the bounty of the Lord, on whose boundless mercy I have always trained myself to believe, and by whose free grace I have been nourished?

Couplet.

91 “He may well unfold the desire of my fortune, for which
last night
“I prayed, and the true dawn broke.”140

These complainings are out of place here, but what can I do? My soul and heart are so oppressed with weakness and uneasiness that these few bitter lamentations have escaped from the pipe of my tongueless pen. Please God I shall be excused and forgiven.

Couplet.

“I am not one to weep from grief of heart,
But this load of grief heavily oppresses my heart.”

XVI. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-QĀDIR.141

He was an inhabitant of Ucch, and was the delight of the heart and the apple of the eye of his holiness Shaikh Ḥāmid-i-Qādirī: may God make his soul fragrant!

At the time when that holy man (may God the most High have mercy upon him!) was in Āgra in the days when Bairām Khān, the Khānkhānān, was in power, I was a student, but I had not the good fortune of waiting on him. When Bairām Khān, owing to the machinations of malevolent and perverse persons, the chief of whom was Shaikh Gadā'ī,141a became puffed up with pride on account of his transient high position, he began to regard the holy Shaikh with disfavour, and summoned him from Ucch. The Shaikh was much displeased, and declared that the order augured ill for his persecutor, and there happened to Bairām Khān what did happen.141b But Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ used to attribute the subsequent confusion in the affairs of Bairām Khān to his own journey to Court (in obedience to a summons).

When the holy Shaikh Ḥāmid returned to Multan his soul, now resting on high, conveyed itself in the sacred shrine to the neighbourhood of the attendants of the sublime court of heaven and his pure body was committed to the ground in the village of Ḥāmidpūr, a dependency of Multān.

There had been for many years a dispute between Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir and his younger brother, Shaikh Mūṣā, regarding the title to the Shaikh-dom, and Shaikh Mūṣā, consequently, spent most of his time at Court. One night when the Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir was at Fatḥpūr oil of poppies was offered to him, and he declared the use of it to be unlawful. The Emperor was displeased with him on account of what he said on this occasion' and one day in the hall of andience at Fatḥpūr, after the congregational prayers had been recited, the Shaikh busied himself with his supererogatory devotions. The Emperor said, “Shaikh, perform your supererogatory devotions in your own house.” The 92 Shaikh replied, “Sire, in this kingdom your commands have no force.” The Emperor was much displeased and said, “What an ignorant fellow is this Shaikh.” He then said, “Since you do not desire what my power can give you, remain no longer in my kingdom.” The Shaikh immediately left the assembly, resigned his madad-i-ma‘āsh, and ceased to prosecute his case against his younger brother. He retired to Ucch, the burial place of his revered predecessors, and, in Shaikh Mūsā's absence, removed the bones of the holy Shaikh Ḥāmid to Ucch, and followed the sublime and laudable rule of his predecessors. He now walks, with the footsteps of resignation, in the way of holy poverty, and receives so much in the way of alms that he has no need of any madad-i-ma‘āsh. Now Shaikh Mūsā, after all the years which he has spent in piety, devotion, holy endeavour, and saintliness, has become a secular follower of the Emperor, has adopted the profession of arms, and, having resigned his former service, has now become a commander of five hundred horse. This is similar to the story of a man who became a Musalmān, to whom one said, “You have done well, there were too few Musalmāns without you!”142

So long as Shaikh Mūsā was with the Emperor he would, at the stated times for prayer, whether he were in the public or the private hall of audience, himself utter the call to prayer, and would then lead the congregational prayers in the presence of the Khalīfah of the age, and none could gainsay him.

When news was [brought to Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir of his brother's new rank at Court, he said, “He well deserves the command of a thousand horse. Why did he not enter the imperial service before, and receive a jāgīr in Multān, instead of causelessly quarrelling for so long?”

Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, well content with the honour and high place which he has gained through holy poverty, follows the rule of his noble ancestors and, sitting as their successor, employs himself in guiding and teaching the people, and spends his precious time in worship, in the practice of severe austerities, and in holy endeavour, so that his leadership in the religious world is established.143

Couplet.

We will not deprive ourselves of the honour of holy poverty 93
and contentment;
Tell the king that our daily bread has been appointed for us
by God.

XVII. SHAIKH KABĪR.

He was the spiritual successor of his holiness Shaikh Bahā'u-'d-dīn Zakarīyā143a (may God sanctify his soul!). The people of Multan gave him the title of Valī (saint), and so great was their faith in him that he could, if he chose, assemble a thousand horsemen in one day. He employed his time so busily that he took his meals at variable times, as it were, and owing to the redness of his eyes, caused really by his night watches, the common people believed him to be a drunkard.

“So much is my own blood my drink that all night long I
am beside myself,
“And for this reason men charge me with wine-bibbing.”

Nevertheless, Shaikh Mūsā-i-Qādirī, who has been mentioned above, always attributed the redness of Shaikh Kabīr's eyes to actual drunkenness, and he would continually say, “I fear that the saints of old, too, whose morals we read of in books, were like Shaikh Kabīr, who is well known as a “Saint,” and that the old poets, also, were like Shaikh Faiẓī and the rest of them.” God forbid!

I saw Shaikh Kabīr once at Fatḥpūr, when I was with Ḥusain Khān, and observed his dignity of appearance, and I firmly believe that inwardly he was a knower of hidden secrets.

(A fragment144 from Sa‘dī.)
“Whomsoever thou seest clad in the garments of holiness,
“Believe him to be holy, and a pious man,
“If thou knowest not his actual state.
“What business has the police officer within the house?”

His death took place in the year H. 995 (A.D. 1587) and he is buried in the burial place of his venerable forefathers (may blessing and peace be upon them!).

94 XVIII. MĪR SAYYID ‘ALĪ OF LŪDHIĀNA.

He is one of the faithful men of this age, and is among the greatest of the spiritual representatives of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'-r-Razzāq of Jhanjhāna, a noted Shaikh, who was widely venerated by ecstatic mystics, and followed by those who had acquired learning and perfection.

The Mīr passed his eightieth year, and advanced well into his ninth decade, and throughout his precious life he never set foot outside his house once he had received authoritative permission to give religious instruction. He was resorted to by the great, and by all, both rich and poor. Many miracles are related of him, and whosoever was honoured by the Mīr's companionship, and in all sincerity enrolled himself among his disciples, obtained grace to avoid all forbidden things and wanton pastimes, to ally himself to the Fount of all grace, and to attain his true object. Among such was Muḥammad Ja‘far, the relative of Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad, an orthodox youth, but polluted with debauchery. When he travelled from Lāhōr to take up the faujdārī145 of the pargana of Shamsābād,145a which was in the Mīrzā's jāgīr, and reached Lūdhiāna, he enrolled himself among Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī's disciples, and, by God's grace, repented of his sins, and, leaving aside all145b things that should be shunned,145c and everything that is forbidden, frequently begged the Mīr to offer up a prayer145d that he might attain to the dignity of martyrdom. The Mīr offered up prayers in accordance with his request, and in the course of three or four months Muḥammad Ja‘far became so well known for his piety, abstinence, asceticism, and devotion, that he became an object of envy145e to many of the pious, and he, who used with much pride and pomp, and with many attendants, to recite his night prayers, now drew water for his ceremonial ablutions without the help of any servant, and aroused nobody.

In a short time the Mīr's prayer was answered, and in a village 95 in the pargana of Shamsābād Muḥammad Ja‘far attained to the dignity of martyrdom,145f fighting manfully against the warlike infidels.

In that same year I waited on Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī, on the occasion on which I, in company with Mīrzā Nīẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad, obtained leave to visit my beloved home. The conversation turned on the martyrdom of Ja‘far, and Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī said, “It is admissible for martyrs to satisfy their love of pleasure in this world as well (as in the next), as is certain from the following text which occurs in the glorious word of God:—‘Nay, rather, alive with their Lord they are provided for, rejoicing.’”146 He then said, in this connection, “There was a newly married youth who met his death by martyrdom in this neighbourhood, and after his death he used to return always on Friday nights, in appearance the same as when he was alive, and pass the night with his wife in conjugal intercourse.” I said, “They say too that deceased martyrs are capable of begetting children in these circumstances, and it is well known that this is a fact. In the pargana town of Basāwar, which was my birthplace, an Afghān named Isḥāq suffered martyrdom but used to consort with his newly-married wife after his death, visiting her every Friday night. He ordered her to keep the matter secret, but shortly afterwards, when the woman became pregnant, she was accused of misconducting herself. On being much pressed she revealed the whole matter to her mother-in-law, Isḥāq's mother, and one Friday night showed her the form of her son. The mother cried out, calling her son by name, and tried to embrace him. The shape vanished, and from that day forth Isḥāq appeared no more. His mother dug a well and named it after him, and the well exists to this day. How can these things be?” Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī answered, “They are possible, and they are not contrary to reason.” Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad said, “It may be that a jinn appeared in the outward form of the Martyr.” The Mīr said, “A jinn has not the power to appear in the semblance of the bodies of prophets, saints, pious men, and martyrs.”

The death of the Mīr occurred in the year H. 1002 (A.D. 1593-94), or H. 1003 (A.D. 1594-95). One of the learned men 96 of the time found that the words, “The religious leader of mankind,” 146a gave the date of his death. The Mīr's worthy son, Mīr Sayyid Maḥmūd, has succeeded him.

XIX. SHAIKH MU‘ĪN.

He was the grandson of Maulānā Mu‘īn the preacher, a wellknown man, the author of the Ma‘āriju-'n-nubūwah.147 Shaikh Mu‘īn (of whom I am writing) was an angel in human form. He was employed for some time, under the farmān of the Khalīfah of the age, as Qāẓī of Lāhōr. They say that he never decided a case, and that if a plaintiff pressed for the decision of his suit he would with much insistence and lamentation and with protestations of his own incompetence, say, “For God's sake compromise the matter between you, so that I may avoid responsibility, and have no cause for repentance or shame.” He would also say, “You both know all about the case; it is my misfortune that I, who know nothing of it, am left alone to decide between two who knew all about it. Do not, then, give me cause to be ashamed before the Court of God, the Most High!” If a woman prayed for a separation from her husband on the ground of his absence from her he would provide her with means of livelihood to the extent of his ability, and would say, “Take this much for your subsistence and await your husband's return: do not separate from him.”

He devoted his subsistence allowance, over which he had exclusive rights, to the pay of scribes, whom he used to employ to copy valuable books, and he used to collate the copies and have them bound, and would then present them to students. This was his principal occupation and employment throughout his life, and he must have distributed thousands of such volumes to the people.

In the year H. 995 (A.D. 1587) he took his departure from this world, the sojourning place of toil, for the garden of eternity, leaving two sons, one of whom is famous in all riots and combats for his skill in wrestling, while the other is a noted pigeon-flier. On account of these accomplishments their names were mentioned the Emperor, and he was a spectator of their performances. 97 “The living comes forth from the dead and the dead comes forth from the living.”148

XX. MĪR ‘ABDU-'L-LAṬĪF OF QAZVĪN.

He was a Saifī Sayyid descended from Ḥasan. He was well-versed both in those branches of knowledge which depend upon the exercise of the reasoning faculties and in those which depend upon the exercise of the memory. Every step in his pedigree is historical, as Ḥairatī, the famous poet, wrote in an ode in praise of Qāẓī Yaḥyā, the venerable father of the Mīr:—

“Tales of history should be heard from his lips,
For no one has seen his like in history.”

He or one of his relations found the date of the perversion of Shāh Isma‘īl in the words, “the untrue religion.” When he was arrested in consequence he said, “I said ‘the religion’ wrongly,”148a and obtained his freedom by this artifice. The Saifī Sayyids were all bigoted Sunnīs, and Shāh Ṭahmāsp deprived them of their families and estates on this charge, and this was the cause of Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf's coming to India. I heard this from Mīrzā Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn ‘Alī,148b who is entitled Āṣaf Khān. When Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf and his family fell into disfavour with the (Persian) king, Mīr ‘Alā'u-'d-daulah, the writer of the Taẕkirah, who was the younger brother of ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf and had been brought up by him, and who used to call him Ḥaẓrat-i-Āqā, with some object of his own in view wrote an ode, declaring his complete separation and estrangement from his brother. One of the hemistichs of that ode is as follows:—

“I utter curses on Yaḥyā and on Ḥaẓrat-i-Āqā.”148c

98 People said to him, “The Mīr brought you up by his side, why have you insulted him?” He answered, “Do you not see that I have shown my gratitude to him by mentioning him by the title of Ḥaẓrat-i-Āqā, while I have mentioned my father by his name only, without any honorific title?” To be brief, the depraved heretics worked on the mind of Shāh Ṭahmāsp, and completely alienated him from Mīr Yaḥyā, and the Shāh sent a royal messenger, a man of devilish aspect, and in appearance like the guardians of hell, from Āẕarbā'ījān with a written order which ran as follows:—“Since Mīr Yaḥyā and his son Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf are full of zeal for the Sunnī persuasion, and are the chief cause of the staunchness of the Sunnīs of Qazvīn, therefore take both these men, and collect all the Sunnī books which can be found within the limits of their jurisdiction, and send them to me, and take their wives and families to Iṣfahān.” Thereupon Mīr ‘Alā'u-'d-daulah who was then in Āẕarbāījān sent a swift messenger with a letter to this effect, and the royal messengers arrested Mīr Yaḥyā who was known as “Yaḥyā the innocent,”149 and he was kept in Iṣfahan in bonds for eighteen months, until he was released at once from those bonds and from the bonds of this world of vexation and anguish. Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf sought safety in flight and withdrew himself for a time to the mountains, and, relying on the promise of his late Majesty, came to India where he was honoured by being received into the imperial service and was gladdened by the emoluments which he received through the boundless liberality and generosity of the emperor. His present majesty also took some lessons from him in various passages of the Dīvān of Khāja Ḥāfiẓ and other books.

On the 5th Rajab in the year H. 981 (Oct. 31, 1573) in the new town of Fatḥpūr Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf took his departure for paradise, the abode of bliss, and obtained the everlasting blessings of the heavenly damsels and mansions, and was buried on the ramparts of the fortress of Ajmer close to Mīr Sayyid Ḥus-sain, “Khing-sawār.”149a Qāsim-i-Arsalān found the chronogram 99 “The glory of the race of Yas”150 for the date of his death.

Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf's fortunate, noble, and orthodox son Mīrzā Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn ‘Alī-yi-Ākhund, entitled Naqīb Khān,150a who is endowed with angelic qualities and adorned with the graces and perfection of learning, has no equal either in Arabia or in Persia in his knowledge of works on travel, of history, and of chronicles, as has been said before. The author is more intimate with him than with any of the courtiers, and was his schoolfellow from childhood. He is now strenuously employed, night and day, in the imperial service, and for a whole generation past has been engaged in reading works on history, books of story, and anecdotes, and legends, both in Persian and in Hindi, which latter works have in these days been translated. One may say indeed that he has become a part of the life of the Khalīfah of the age, who never dreams of losing his companionship for a moment. Of late he has been suffering from slight fever, but it is hoped that he will be blessed with a rapid recovery and complete restoration to health. Since the good are everywhere acceptable may they live long! As for the evil ones of the age, what need is there to utter prayers for them? The evil that they do brings its own reward and evil befalls the tongue which pollutes itself by the mention of these nameless scoundrels.

XXI. KHĀJA MUḤAMMAD YAḤYā.

He was a descendant in the fourth generation of the holy Khāja Aḥrār150b (may God sanctify his soul!). He was well acquainted with the seven styles of penmanship, and was a professor of that art. He had great practice and wonderful skill in medicine and therapeutics. His excellent qualities and disposition were an inheritance which he had received from his forbears, and although he was little given to discourse he exercised hospitality, and whatever he received from his jāgīr was 100 spent in furnishing the table of friendship. He was the benefactor both of high and low. When the new heresy was introduced and the influence of the vilest of men waxed great he withdrew from this society and obtained leave to perform the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz. He was made “leader of the pilgrimage” and was sent on his way to the holy places with ample store for the journey. When he had attained the felicity of completing the pilgrimage he returned, and passed his precious time in Āgra, in devotion and the service of the Most High God, which alone is the object for which man was created, until the importunate messenger of doom seized the garment of his holy life, and invited him to the abode of nearness to God and the threshold of His greatness, so that having obtained his release from this abode of distraction and darkness he entered into close fellowship with the faithful, the martyrs, and the pious.

Couplet.

They call to thee from the highest heaven,
I know not what more thou hast to do with this world
of snares.

XXII. SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF BADAKHSHĀN.

He was one of the spiritual successors of the lord Shaikh Ḥusain of Kh'ārazm (may God sanctify his soul!). Religious ecstasy, overpowering him, used to reduce him to a state like inebriety. Daily, after early morning prayers, the Miṣbāḥ, written by Shaikh Rashīd (may God sanctify his soul!), used to be read in his venerable assembly, after the rule of the Kibrawī order, and he would then fall into a religious ecstasy, and in like manuer he was assiduous in reading the Maṯnavī of the Maulavī-yi-Ma‘navī .151 His feet were firm in the path of the most pure law, and his speech sprang ever from spiritual knowledge, and affected the hearts of his hearers. If at times one would praise him he would say, “It is yourself that you are regarding.”

He stayed some time in Badāon for the purpose of seeing some 101 Turks who had attached themselves to him as their spiritual leader, and made that place resplendent with the light of his presence, and the bounty of his blessed companionship reached the inhabitants of that district. Returning thence he came to Āgra, and thence hastened to the court of the great God.

XXIII. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-QĀDIR.

He is one of the descendants of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir the second, of Ucch, who was entitled his holiness Ghauṯ-i-Rabbānī (may God be graciously pleased with them!). Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir and his younger brother, Shaikh Ilāh Bakhsh, were both educated in piety, devotion, and temperance, and were distinguished for their mental perfections. They lived for some time in Fatḥpūr, and the emperor, at the time when religious controversy waxed warm, extended his patronage to Shaikh Ilāh Bakhsh, and appointed him to Gujarāt with the title of Ṣadr, and sent him to Shāhbāz Khān.152 This was, in fact, banishment. The Shaikh, however, rendered good service to the state, and constantly152a sent express messengers with representations containing full news152b of the rebels, and other matters, so that a commission was issued, granting him the rank of commander of three hundred. But just then the messenger of death delivered in his ear the joyful message, “Return thou to thy Lord,” and he responded cheerfully to the messenger of God. His elder brother, Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, was then banished to the glorious city of Makkah, and at the time when the Khānkhānān, son of Bairām Khān,152c and Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad had the control of affairs in Gujarāt, he went thither, and having obtained from them provisions for his journey and attached himself to a company of pilgrims he obtained the glory of performing the pilgrimage of the Ḥajj. Thence he returned to his own native place, Lāhōr, where he now lives,153 engaged in the service of God and in devotion, and remaining steadfast in the same.

XXIV. SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ. 102

He is the nephew, the son-in-law and the spiritual successor of his holiness the true spiritual guide, the abode of saintship, him who is seated in the chair of unity, lord of the sword of might and the troop of power of the Eternal One, the manifestation of the perfections of Muḥammad, Miyāṅ Shaikh Dā'ūd153a (may God sanctify his soul!). He is, in the swift pursuit of righteousness, the phœnix of the age, a pattern in all states and assemblies of holy poverty and self-effacement. If mention be made of those favoured by God it is his name which is most appropriately mentioned, and if the talk be of those who excel their fellows it is his name which is first spoken. He is a man of lofty soul who has completely effaced himself in the love which he bears to his spiritual guide, a man of noble mind who knows no other occupation than the adoration of his saintly preceptor. He has himself written verses to that purport:—

Couplets.

“I am ever inebriated with the cup of love;
What should I know of ‘this’ and ‘that’—
I who worship Dā'ūd?”

“How can this frozen heart be warmed by the speech
of all?
Nay, it requires the breath of Dā'ūd, which can soften
even iron.”

“I sit on the throne of poverty, now that I have attained
my desire,
I reign like Sulaimān, for I am heart and soul the
slave of Dā'ūd.”

Quatrain.

“Lord, grant to me one glance of the eye which I
desire,154
Grant to me freedom alike from being and non-exis-
tence,
And although I be not worthy of this high fortune,
103 Grant to me one atom of the love of Shaikh Dā'ūd.”154a

One of his sayings is this:—“Oh, Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, be the slave of the Lord, the Most High, and be not the slave of money and jewels!” It is said that in the year of his auspicious birth he was taken to his holiness, the universally respected154b Miyān Shaikh Dā'ūd (may God sanctify his tomb!) and that his worthy father asked the Miyān to give a name to his auspicious offspring. His holiness the Miyān said, “Let his name be Shāh154c Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī.” As this name was very uncommon in India the bestowal of it has been regarded as a prophecy of the return of the Mughuls,154d and of the appearance of the army of the emperor Humāyūn (may his grave be fragrant!) and a year had not passed when that emperor, who has now obtained forgiveness of his sins, returned to India, and (the spiritual influence of) Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī placed him who had thus conformed to that influence in possession of the country of the Panjab. The words “Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, the Worshipper of God” were found to give the date of his birth. The few flowing verses quoted below, which are to be interpreted mystically and not literally, are some of the products of his bright genius.

A fragment.

Ghurbatī155 speaks in his religious ecstasy,
An ecstasy which is indeed altercation without speech.
It were impossible to describe the condition of his love,
Yet to refrain from doing so is another impossibility.

Ghurbatī! Make thy life a sacrifice to Him,
For the felicity of union with Him is not bes-
towed as a worthless gift.

Keep the mention of love in thine heart, and open not
thy lips.
Keep the mouth of this flask well closed, lest (cold)
air should enter it.

Ghurbatī! Raise the cry of ‘I am God!’155a and fear 104
not the stake,
For rope and stake are the means of ascent in this path.

That which we have seen and known of that Soul of
Souls
(We learnt) not to repeat, but to see and to know.

The following copy of a letter is one of his wonderful epistles which he sent to me in Lāhor:—

Verses.

I increased my desire and my heart is in grief,
And within my bowels a fire is kindled.
When will the absent return from their long journey?155b
* * * *

“My dear one,—At this time of dejection in my separation from every friend and stranger I had come to regard the news even of those who156 asked after the well-being of all as a letter-carrier and messenger, and used to hope for greetings and a message, when suddenly your affectionate letter took the place of a prescription for the restoration to health of those cast down with melancholy at separation from their friends, and redoubled my desire to see you, and my affection. Now the verses of that holy man of the Qādirī order, the seething of whose waves of eloquence astonishes and bewilders the soul, expel the anguish of my heart, and I beg that you will excuse me (for quoting them):—

Ho, ye (who hearken)! I wonder at all men.
And in my drunkenness I see neither that which is
before me nor that which is behind.
And there is nothing, I swear by God, in my bowels but
desire for you,
My heart seeth you, as though I saw from your
eyes.
From my grave whisper in the ears of my absent friends
That they are the objects of my regard both in life and
death.
When Munkir and Nakīr shall come to me
105 I shall answer to Nakīr at the time of his coming,
and to Munkir.
And will say ‘Question not me, but another’ concern-
ing them, for I am verily their friend,
And the bond of my love for them has suffered no
change.
We all convey salutations to all of you.
Written by the humble Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī.”

And in another letter he wrote the following couplet:—

“As for that dear one who nightly moveth near me,
Blest will be the day when he appears clearly before
me.”

“Salutations blended with the desire of seeing you and flaunted like the banners of the Dā'ūdiyyah branch of the Qādiriyyah order are sent to you. Know that your friend has important business with Maulānā ‘Abdu-'l-Ghafūr and Shaikh ‘Umar, which can be settled by a moment's attention from you. If you can spare any of your precious time to bring it about it will, in truth, be most fruitful in benefits. My blessing.”

XXV. MAULĀNĀ JALĀL OF TALA.

Tala is a famous quarter of Lāhōr. The Maulānā is a relative of Ḥājī Mahdī, who was one of the most famous Shaikhs. He is now one of the most learned men of the time, and has been appointed as a teacher at Lāhōr. He is a pupil of Mullā Isma‘īl of Ucch, and has also received instruction from other teachers. He is a most expert lapidary, possesses great acumen, and has much store of learning in all branches of knowledge, both those which call for the exercise of the reasoning faculty and those which depend on the memory. They say that he has been engaged in teaching since he was eight years old. He has a good delivery and speaks unambiguously so that he is able readily to convey to the understanding of his pupils the sense of arguments on knotty points of speculative and traditional science. He is kind-hearted, pious and religious, and has the Qur'ān by heart. He is endowed with noble qualities. The correction and arrangement of the Quranic exegesis157 of Shaikh Faiẓī is principally his work. His age is between fifty and sixty.

Couplet.

What of argument regarding knowledge? Though it travel as 106
far as Farqad,157a
The mention of the name of Maulānā Jamālu-'d-dīn Muḥam-
mad will accompany it.

XXVI. MAULĀNĀ ‘ABDU-'SH-SHAKŪR OF LĀHŌR.

He is a most eminent and distinguished sage, and well known for the vigour of his understanding and his natural acumen. His belief in the Shaikhs is unshaken, and the firmness of his confidence in these men is wonderful. Most of his precious time is expended in perusing the works of this class of men, and he employs his life in the recitation of supererogatory prayers and petitions and in the perusal of the Qur'ān, and whatever comes to his board is at the disposal of the poor and needy. At the time when the controversy with the ‘Ulamā and the Shaikhs took place he was banished,158 and having been appointed to be Qāẓī of Jaunpūr he was sent thither. When he joined the imperial Court at the time when it was at Ilāhābad158a the Qāẓī-ship of Jaunpūr was bestowed on the Ottoman Qāẓī-zāda, an accomplished man of pleasant disposition and adorned with many mental perfections. Since that time Maulānā ‘Abdu-'sh-Shakūr has remained there in retirement, engaged in teaching and imparting knowledge, contenting himself with what is sufficient for subsistence, averse from covetousness, far removed from worldly perils and fears, and near to the salvation of faith.

XXVII. SHAIKH KABĪR, SON OF SHAIKH MUNAWWAR.158b

He is the successor of his respected father. He is a young man who in childhood attained to perfection and excelled holy men. If in these latter days there be a son who is better than was his father it may be said that it is he who has attained this 107 condition. He prosecuted his studies in most of those branches of knowledge which are included in the ordinary curriculum under his father, and his respected father-in-law, Miyān Sa‘du-'llāh Banī Isrā'īl, and subsequently made the society and companionship of his fellows the rule of his life, and became a courtier. May the most Holy God (be He exalted!) grant him repentance for his indulgence in opium, his pride, and his lying and boasting. At the time when, in accordance with the imperial order, he accompanied his father to the pargana of Bajwāra159 and the spurs of the northern mountains, and was employed in the administration of that district, he wrote a letter to me from which the degree of perfection to which he, as a man, had attained may be inferred. That letter was as follows:—

Poetry.

I had a heart by means of which I enjoyed life, but my heart
perished from me owing to the change which it suffered.

“May the attendants of that possessor of a sublime disposition, that resort of excellence, be in good health. Oh, my lord! The concerns of my heart and soul, that is to say the only true concerns of a man, are firmly established on the threshold of sincere affection; but my earthly body (may the dust of the world be on its head!) consorts with the birds and beasts of the wilderness of superfluity,159a nay, by God! it consorts with a multitude from the sight of which the very birds and beasts could not choose but flee. Glory be to God! I know not where I may find a remedy. My vile spirit now knows what a blessing health is. From the time when I first came to years of discretion to this day, when I have reached my fortieth year, all my endeavours have been directed towards the companionship of the most spiritually-minded men, wherein I might seek a remedy for my spiritual imperfections and the diseases of my soul, and now zeal for the Supreme and jealous God (may His majesty be exalted!) having affected me has brought on me a sore affliction, which none but He can cure. Cheerfulness,160 contentment, and the quiet enjoyment of health have all been snatched from me. You, O Maulavī, will surely have experienced the magnanimous and affectionate solicitude of the Nawwāb Fayyāẓī,160a that most learned and most wise man, unique in this age (may God enrich us from his perfection, and may He bestow on us the profitable honour of 108 his discourse!), and you must have recognized it as one of the greatest of the Lord's benefits, and have returned thanks for this great gift. At the time when prayers are answered put up a petition for the needs of your slave. Salutations to you. May the attendants of the sympathetic Miyān Aḥmad, the marvel of the age, be in good health, and believe me to be desirous of reunion.”

XXVIII. SHAIKH SA‘DU-'LLĀH, THE GRAMMARIAN.160b

Biyāna160c is one of the districts in the eastern portion of India. The Shaikh from his childhood was in the service of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ,160d and passed his time with him in fasts of forty days160e and in exorcism, and subsequently himself continued these practices. He built a hospice in the district of Biyāna and was for many years resorted to by students and followers of the religious life. He employed himself in the instruction and spiritual guidance of such men. In knowledge of syntax he had no equal in his time. For seventy years he never broke his fast save on milk, green vegetables,161 and wild fruits. His liberality was profuse and open-handed. In the reign of Salīm Shāh161a I went, in company with my maternal grandfather, to pay my respects to the Shaikh and took some lessons in the Kāfiyyah161b from him. At last the Shaikh, withdrawing himself from all worldly concerns was overcome by stupor. He secluded himself alone in a room and would not admit even his sons to his presence, until in the year H. 989 (A.D. 1581) he departed from this world. He is buried in the hospice which he built. On the day of his death a sparrow fell down from the air on to the head of the corpse, and this was a matter of wonder to all who beheld it.

XXIX. SHAIKH NAṢĪRU-'D-DĪN.

He was a native of Hindaun,161c and had the reputation of being skilled in alchemy. It is said that the Shaikh was constantly in attendance on the emperor Humāyūn, who has obtained forgiveness of his sins, both in court and in camp, and that when the emperor arrived at Āgra after being defeated at Jausā161d the 109 Shaikh said,161e “Something will be required for the maintenance of a fresh army,” and accordingly collected all the copper pots, dishes, and other vessels which could be found and, in the late emperor's presence, converted them into pure gold. This matter was noised abroad, but when I inquired into the truth of it from his sons, with whom I am connected by marriage, they told me that a darvīsh of great attainments162 had given their father a basket, full of the ingredients necessary for the transmutation of the baser metals, and that to whatever copper this was applied the alchemist's object was attained, but that after their father had once mixed these ingredients with the copper he had no further power of manufacturing gold, as he was unacquainted with the science of alchemy,—but God knows the truth!

I saw the Shaikh in Āgra in the days when Bairam Khān was in power in the house of Sayyid Shāh Mīr,162a the nephew of Mīr Sayyid Rafī‘u-'d-dīn the traditionist. He was an old man of enlightened appearance and of a good disposition. He died in those days, and is buried in Hindaun.

XXX. SHAIKH MUBĀRAK OF ALWAR.162b

Salīm Shāh used to call him Shāh Mubārak, and used to place his shoes before his feet. The Shaikh generally claimed to be a Sayyid, and was in great repute among the Afghāns. Thus when their power was on the wane and they were fleeing before the Mughuls some of the Afghāns seized Shaikh Islām162c of Fatḥ-pūr suspecting him of being a wealthy man, and, having confined him in a strange manner, carried him off to the fort of Rantambhor. Shaikh Mubārak went thither from Alwar by way of Basāwar, and was the means of Shaikh Islīm's162d liberation.

Shaikh Mubārak twice attained the honour of performing a pilgrimage to the glorious ka‘bah.

I was sixteen years of age at that time when, in company with my venerated father, I paid my respects to the Shaikh in Basā-wār, and after that, in the year H. 987 (A.D. 1579), when the 110 emperor was returning from his pilgrimage to Ajmīr at which the whole of the Qur'ān was read, and was journeying to Fatḥ-pūr by way of Alwar, I was again honoured by an interview with the Shaikh. He had, in truth, reached perfection and was most liberal and open-handed. It is now163 reported that he has recently, at the age of ninety years, bidden farewell to this transitory world.

XXXI. SHAIKH CĀYAN LADH OF SOHNA.

(Ladh) Sohna163a is a pargana town of Mewāt, eighteen kurūh163b distant from Dihlī. There is there a hot spring, rising from a mine of sulphur. The water is green in colour and smells of sulphur. Even in the winter time the water is so hot that it is impossible to bear it on the body. Bathing at that spring is a remedy for scald-head and itch. The smell and colour of the water are clear proof that it springs from sulphur. On summer nights, too, small flashes of fire may be seen on the hills surrounding the town, though nobody kindle a fire there.

The Shaikh was one of the most famous successors of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-‘Azīz of Dihlī163c and travelled resolutely in the path of poverty. He used to give instruction in Ṣūfī-istic books, such as the Fuṣūṣ163d and the Naqd-i-fuṣūṣ,163e to his pupils, who were seekers after the truth. The emperor, towards the end of the Shaikh's life, placed great confidence in him and sought the help of his auspices in several important matters of state. He appointed quarters for him in the ‘ibādatkhāna close to the imperial palace and used to admit him to private interviews at night, and the inverted prayers of the recitation of which the emperor was a witness became inverted in their effects.164

In the year H. 998164a (A.D. 1590) when the Shaikh fell sick of the complaint of which he died he sent for the worthy son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-‘Azīz Quṭb-i-‘Ālam, who was then employed in the army, from Dihlī, and, placing before him the patched robe, the staff, and the other insignia of Shaikh-dom, said to him, “These were a trust which I received from your venerable father. You are more worthy of them than I.” He then set out on his journey to the next world. The words “the truth of poverty”164b were found to give the date of his death.

Shaikh Quṭb-i-‘Ālam, guided by God's grace, retired from the 111 imperial service, and, obeying the call to follow in his venerable father's footsteps, guided his life thereby. He is settled in Dihlī, and is employed, by the emperor's order, in the guardianship of the footprint of his holiness the resort of apostleship164c (the blessing and peace of God be upon him!), rendering service to all who visit it. If it please God, who is honoured, he will be endowed with the noble qualities of his honoured father.

XXXII. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-GHANĪ OF BADĀON.

He164d also is one of the successors of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-‘Azīz. In asceticism164e he has no equal in these days, and in seeking solitude, he is the “Shibli165 of the age. At the beginning of his career, when he was a student in Badāon, he used to be overcome by religious ecstasy, and sometimes even in the midst of his studies on hearing the chanting of a mystical song he would remain insensible for a whole watch of the day, more or less. When his intimate friends asked him what he had seen to bring this ecstatic trance upon him he would reply, “I know nothing of it.”

In consequence of the responsibilities which he incurred by his marriage, which is165a a pitfall for enlightened seekers after knowledge,—

Couplet.

Who are the robbers whom we encounter on our road to
God?
Those robbers are no other than women—

he came to Dihlī in search of a livelihood, and there entered the service of Tatār Khān,165b the governor of the city, who, though clad in the habiliments of the great ones of the earth, was one of the godly. The Shaikh attached himself as a disciple to Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-‘Azīz, and under him he studied all those books which are generally current and are included in the ordinary curriculum. He then spent several years in teaching, and was then suddenly drawn mysteriously by God's grace, and, abandoning all his occupations, he joined the circle of ascetic darvīshes in the Shaikh's hospice, and employed himself in striving in the path of holiness and in self-mortification. After attaining perfection he left human habitations and took up his dwelling near 112 the footprint of his holiness the resort of apostleship (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him!), in a masjid known as the masjid of Khān-i-Jahān. There he dwells in religious seclusion, and, in spite of his having a large family, he follows a religious rule, with a firm trust in God. He had not taken one step from the corner of retirement when in the year H. 1003 (A.D. 1594-95) the Khān-i-Khānān166 waited upon him, and asked him for his advice. He said, “Deem the following of the holy law166a of Muḥammad (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him!) to be of the first importance.” At the time when this hastily compiled history was written Aḥmad-i-Ṣūfiyak166b and Ḥisā-mak 166c of Banāras, men newly converted to Islām, who in the religious strife of these latter days are branded with the mark of eternal execration—

Maṯnawī.

Stand aloof from the Sūfīs of the city and the country,
All of them are unmanly wretches, devourers of men.
Whatever one gives to them that they devour,
Whatever lies in their power that they do.
They have no occupation but sleeping and eating,
They take no thought on the day on which they shall die—

for the purpose of averting from themselves their evil reputation and concealing their gross immorality, formed the design of dispatching a farmān summoning from Dihlī to Lāhōr Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Ghanī with one or two of his surviving children, whose names will be mentioned hereafter, for the purpose of urging him to submit to the new orders,166d which they themselves had most readily and cheerfully accepted. The Shaikh wrote a letter to me setting forth his helplessness and asking to be excused, and accordingly, after many representations Aḥmad-i-Ṣūfiyak was appeased, and abandoned his design, and he caused a letter to be written and sent to the Shaikh excusing him from attending in obedience to the summons and asking forgiveness for what he had done. Please God, the matter will end satisfactorily.

XXXIII. SHAIKH BUHLŪL OF DIHLĪ.

He is very learned in the traditional sayings of the prophet. 113 Having associated much with men who are devoted to a life of poverty and self-effacement he has now, for some time past, recognized the delights of such a life, and, the grace of God helping him, has set himself to follow it for good, and has no longer any dealings with the worldly, but is busied in teaching and instructing his pupils.

XXXIV. SHAIKH ‘ABDU-'L-ḤAQQ OF DIHLĪ.

He has taken Ḥaqqī as his poetical name. He is a compendium of perfect qualities and a source of excellence. He gives instruction in all branches of knowledge, both in those in which the reasoning faculty is called into play and in those which depend on the memory. He has attained a high degree in Ṣūfī-ism, and among his works are the History of Madīnah the Tranquil , and a book on the modern Shaikhs of India, the date of the writing of which is given by the words zikru-'l-Auliyā.167 From his earliest youth he has sought eagerly after God, and, on account of his long-standing friendship with them he was for some time the companion, in Fatḥpūr, of Shaikh Faiẓī and Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad, and by means of them I also had the honour of being permitted to wait on him, and continually enjoyed the advantages of his society. When a change came over the spirit of the time and the men of the time, all of whom are corrupters of what is good and compounded of the abominations of their own natures, and it was no longer safe to trust the dispositions of one's friends, the companionship of such a one and such a one168 became disagreeable to him, and, the grace of God influencing him, he was impelled to journey to the most noble Ka‘bah, and he left Dihlī for Gujarāt, in the condition of one who is mysteriously attracted by God, and cut off from all worldly concerns. Thanks to the good offices and assistance of Mīrzā Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad he there obtained a passage on a ship bound for the Ḥijāz, but, being hindered by physical difficulties, he was unable to reach Madīnah the Tranquil (on its inhabitants be peace and salutation!), and he spent some time in Makkah the glorious with Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Wahhāb of India, the follower of 114 Shaikh Raḥmatu-'llāh the traditionist (may the mercy of God be upon him!), who, having returned from the pilgrimage to Makkah with Ḥājī Begam,168a came to Agra, where I drank some of the water of Zamzam168b from his auspicious hands, and took some lessons from him in the traditional sayings of Muḥammad, by way of a good augury, and from him, Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Wahhāh, that is, he received permission to give instruction in the traditional sayings, and then returned to his well-loved native land. Here he cloaks his Ṣūfī-ism by giving instruction in those branches of knowledge which are included in the ordinary course of education. His aspirations are so high that he will not, if God the most High please, be ensnared on his heavenly way, and fail of attaining his object.

At the time when he returned from Makkah the glorious to Dihlī, and I, perplexed and troubled in pursuit of my object, was on my way to the imperial camp, I had the opportunity of paying my respects to him for a few minutes, and after I had arrived at Lāhōr I wrote him a letter. I place a copy of it on record by way of invoking a blessing and as a memento:—

“After expressing my subjection to you, and the obligations which I owe you, I would represent that the affairs of this disappointed exile are, so far as is compatible with exile and disappointment, matter for thankfulness, and it is my hope that you too are constantly surrounded by God's protection. When you returned to Dihlī and honoured me for one delightful hour, that interview did nothing but excite my thirst and vehement desire for your society, and so much remained unsaid and unheard that I cannot express it. ‘A year of companionship is but an hour’169 as has been said, and I myself experienced the truth of the saying. Indeed, the same might be said even of lifelong companionship (between friends). They said, ‘We have tarried for a day, or part of a day.’169a This world does not allow us sufficient time for companionship, or the delights of the society of friends, if their friendship be true and its bonds strong: it may be that on the morrow, beyond the grave, we shall enjoy this companionship, ‘seated face to face on thrones’169b please God. To-day we must devote our efforts to strengthening the bonds and to directing 115 our aims aright. The time for true companionship will be the morrow, when presence and absence will be alike, and what we here call separation and union will be the same. May God (be He glorified and exalted!) grant to us some kind of affinity, even though it should be common to all, so that we may understand truly what sincerity really means. I pray you to keep your heart towards me, as mine is towards you. I have ascertained with the eye of certainty that the real meaning of affection and the true signification of friendship have implanted themselves in your nature, ‘and praise be to God therefor.’ May he increase them and not diminish them.’ There was an honoured man, one of the dwellers in the two holy places, who used constantly to recite this prayer:—‘O God! as Thou hast favoured so do Thou increase Thy favours, and as Thou hast increased them so do Thou continue them, and as Thou hast continued them, so do Thou bless them to us.’ May God (be He glorified and exalted!) increase, continue, and bless to us the gift of true knowledge and love, by the dignity of the chief of the first and the last of men, Muḥammad, and his family, and his companions, all of them! If you should ever honour your friend with a kind letter I hope that you will also honour and delight me with whatever holy news you may have of his holiness the Shaikh, him to whom all men turn, and who is named Kalīmu-'llāh (may God bless and preserve him!), and that you will convey to his noble presence a few words from me, so that I may not disappear from his memory. Much as I wished to write something on this subject my pen refused its office. Nor was there any need that I should write anything, for when the time came for me to make my requests of the Mīrzā170 I composed some verses on this subject, moreover I wrote plainly that there was no occasion for ceremony. I hope that you will be diligent in delivering that letter. Farewell.”

Shaikh Faiẓī, after his return from the Dakan, following his old custom of ingeniously tormenting his friends, was very desirous of gathering them round him in order to increase the attractions of his social circle and to indulge in conversation with them and was constantly annoying and troubling them (to come to him).

Hemistich.
Our friend has this, and also that.

116 He sent several letters from Lāhor to express the strong desire which he had of summoning Shaikh ‘Abdu-'l-Ḥaqq to him. The Shaikh, however, was exceedingly vexed, and would not come, but sent letters containing excuses, and made his seclusion from the world his pretext for not coming. Shaikh Faiẓī then sent in reply the letter of which a copy appears below, and this is the last letter which he wrote, and what is written in it is written.

“My strong desire of seeing you, my spiritual friend, dear to the Lord (may He long preserve you!) was not of the nature of official or formal matters, that it should have been reduced to writing. At first I was not aware that you were sick at heart— that heart which displays bounty—and it is probable that I may have expressed my desire (somewhat too strongly). After I became aware that you had closed this way of access I gave your wishes precedence over my own, and I trust that the odour (of this action) will be agreeable to you. My request now is that you should not give yourself over to melancholy in your place of retirement. Two or three days ago that choicest of saints, Miyān Shaikh Mūsā,171 honoured my poor dwelling with a visit, and said that it was not improbable that you would be coming hither about this time. I pressed him to tell me what grounds he had for saying this, but he left the matter uncertain and undetermined. I swear by God, the Supreme Object of worship, that I gave him no hint of my own wishes, nor shall I do so.

Hemistich.
When the time comes for speech what need is there of a letter?

If you remain at home, it is light, and if you come it will be light upon light. I swear by God that I have constrained myself to forego this wish and that I have not of my own accord given any intimation of my desire, nor shall I do so. I hope that you will not vex yourself further regarding this matter. But if I had wings I would sit daily on the roof of your chamber and would gather 117 the grains of your affectionate discourse, trilling forth the song of my desire. What more shall I write? Your pearl-like171a petitions are few and far between. I pray you for God's sake close not the road against the caravan of my secrets. If it is closed from your side it shall not be from mine. Greetings. I send supplications to the Alexander of the throne of holy poverty, Miyān Buhlūl. In the past two days what is expressed in the following quatrain has come to pass in a certain counection:—

Quatrain.

“Faiẓī! Old age is upon thee, walk circumspectly,
Let each step that thou takest be such as may be
approved.
Through spectacles of glass thou wilt perceive naught,
Tear a bit from thy heart and place it on thine eyes.”

Glory be to God! That Shaikh Faiẓī has passed away and become a by-word, and as for these, the mention of whom is still among us for a few days, or rather for a few hours, who are they that we should waste time in addressing them where preparation is even now being made for our departure hence? All that remains to them is the wind of speech. How long shall we waste our time in measuring it?

Couplet.

It will not be long before no trace of us remains,
You have broken the flask and spilt the wine, there is no
cupbearer (to replace it).

XXXV. MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD172
OF SULṬĀNPŪR.

He originally came from Banoda, a village in Sind. He was a pupil of Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk. He is distinguished for the nobility of his descent. Although he was formerly much puffed up with the pride of learning and youth he has now gained experience, and his former pride has been changed for poverty and humility. For some time he held the appointment of Ṣadr of the Ṣūba of the Panjāb172a but has now for a long time past held that of Qāẓī of the new settlement of the Ilāhābād,172b and remains in the imperial service, contenting himself with the small allowance which has been allotted to him in that city, and refraining from constantly visiting the houses of the worldly. He is endowed with probity and is zealous in devotion to God.

XXXVI. MAULĀNĀ ‘UṮMĀN OF SĀMĀNA. 118173

In those branches of knowledge which call for the exercise of the reasoning faculty he was a pupil of Ḥakīmu-l-Mulk,173a and he acquired those which depend on the memory from other teachers. He is a capable and ready divine, and very liable to fits of religious ecstasy. He is now in attendance on the imperial court. His understanding is good. He is inclined to religious retirement, and most of his time is spent in devotion. He was employed for some years, by the interest of Qilīj Khān,173b in the administration of some parganas in the Dū-āb. He has now come to court and is ranked among the manṣabdārs.173c

XXXVII. ḤĀJĪ SULṬĀN OF THĀNĒSAR.

He has acquired the honour of performing the pilgrimage to Makkah the glorious and Madinah the delectable. He is well-versed in those branches of learning which depend on the memory and was for a long time in the imperial service. He was employed for four years, alone and without any co-adjutor, on the translation of the Mahābhārata, which is known as the Razm-nāma ,173d and what was begun by Naqīb Khān was finished by him. On account of an accusation of the crime of cow-killing which was brought against him by the Hindus of that pargana173e an order was issued for his banishment to Bhakkar, and the Khān-i-Khānān, who was in those days in charge of the Ṣūba (of Multān), treated him with great consideration and kindness, and applied ointment to the wounds of his soul. After that land had been completely subjugated the Khān-i-Khānān took Ḥājī Sulṭān with him thence, and promised to procure the reversal of the sentence of banishment which had been passed against him. Ḥājī Sulṭān returned secretly to his native place, and the Khān-i-Khānān, after conquering the province of Asīrgaṛh and Burhānpūr, prayed in one of his petitions for the reversal of the sentence against him. His request was granted, and Providence watched over the Ḥājī's affairs, so that the emperor privately ordered Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl to appoint him Karōrī of Thānēsar and Karnāl,174 so that he was freed from the fear that had beset him. He still holds the appointment of Karōrī.

119 Poetry.

“How many mysterious favours are bestowed by God,
The mystery of which is great to the intelligent174a
understanding!”

These events were, as one might say, comfort174b after adversity.

At the time when Ḥājī Sultān was translating the Mahābhārata one asked him what it was that he was writing. He replied, “I am translating what was well known ten thousand years ago into the modern tongue.”

XXXVIII. SAYYID SHĀH MĪR OF SĀMĀNA.

He is a Sayyid of authentic descent, adorned with the excellence of learning and decked with the jewel of piety. His hand is drawn within the skirt of contentment, and he passes his time in instructing students, having his dwelling on the far side of the river at Agra, near to where the late Shaikh Bahā-'u-'ddīn, the Muftī, used to live. Students and Ṣūfīs are gathered together in his hospice and profit by his companionship. He had one pupil, a one-eyed man named Maulānā Farīd, of whom it was said that, although175 he had not studied deeply, as soon as a difficult question or subtle and obscure argument was propounded to him from any advanced175a book whatsoever, he would at once call for pen and inkstand, and, having reduced it to writing, would solve it immediately, although he could not give the solution orally, or even read what he had himself written. Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh175b and the whole of the Ghauṯiyyah order submitted themselves entirely to the authority of this (Farīd), so that their subjection to the Sayyid may be imagined. I have also heard that the same Farīd would in one night relate to Sayyid Shāh Mīr events that had just happened in the farthest parts of the world, east or west. Some attributed this power to the possession of a jinn, and others to other causes. In the year in which the emperor summoned Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh from Āgra with great favour and kindness and assigned a place to him in the ‘Ibādat-khāna on an occasion when there was a gathering of the Shaikhs and ‘Ulamā, I one night in private questioned the Shaikh concerning the matter of Farīd the scribe, and, after relating what was spread abroad concerning him, I said, “Are these things really so?” The Shaikh first of all enumerated his own fragmentary writings and the works of which he was the author, detailed his own accomplishments and acquirements, and gave me a full account of himself, and then said, “In spite of all these favours which God (may His Majesty be exalted!) has bestowed upon me I cannot call myself so much us a gleaner (in the field of knowledge) after Shaikh Farīd, and all that you have heard of him does not amount to one hundredth part of the truth. His dignity is above it all, and he has attained this great good fortune by means of sweeping the threshold of the holy Sayyid Shāh Mīr. Now I had seen Sayyid Shāh Mīr before this at Badāon, whither he had gone on business connected with his subsistence allowance. A copy of the Mashāriqu-'l-Anwār176 was between us, and we had much learned discourse. He certainly had the meditative faculty strongly developed, a pleasant disposition, a ready understanding and a good stock of knowledge, but I did not find him such a prodigy as Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh and other men had represented. As for the rest, God the most High knows the truth. It may be that he purposely concealed his abilities from me, but indeed what need is there to suppose that he might not have displayed to others those abilities of the display of which176a he allowed me to be disappointed?

XXXIX.—SAYYID YĀSĪN.

He is one of the cousins of Sayyid Shāh Mīr. He studied most of the books usually current, and acquired all such knowledge as is included in the ordinary course of education under Miyān Vajīhu-'d-dīn,176b in Gujarāt, and also became his disciple in spiritual matters. He acquired the honour of performing the pilgrimage of Islām, and studied the traditions in the Ḥijāz, and there received authority to give instruction therein. Thence he returned to India, and spent some time in Lāhor in the company of wealthy and powerful men, who were concerned with the affairs of the state. He then broke off his companionship with these men, and lived in Sirhind, clad in the garb of Shaikhs and the raiment of those who follow a life of holy poverty, and for some time gave instruction there to his followers, who were clad in blue, and he also claimed to be a religious leader. Since he was ever desirous of going again to Gujarāt, and thence to the two holy places, he could not rest in the district of Sirhind, and went to Bangāl, where he is now travelling. It remains to be seen whither his destiny will lead him and in what land he will at last find the happiness of retirement.

XL.—SHAIKH ẒIYĀ'U-'LLĀH.

He is the successor of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ.177 Few of the Shaikhs of this age can be his equals in Sūfī-istic converse. In his assembly the talk was ever of “true knowledge,” and nothing was spoken of save the contemplation of unity and the asceticism of the Sūfīs, but who knows what his private opinions may be,177a or to what extent he will carry his claims? At the beginning of his career, when the report of him was spread abroad in all the surrounding country, I heard that the Shaikh had succeeded his father in the throne of holy poverty and religious leadership and that in some accomplisḥ-ments 177b he excelled him, for instance, that he could explain the meaning of the Qur'ān in such a manner that there was no need of a commentary,177c besides having committed the Qur'ān to memory, so that he had it on the tip of his tongue. Accordingly in the year H. 970 (A.D. 1562-63) I went to visit him in Āgra, and that without177d the intervention of any person to introduce me and to act as a mentor, and in the character of one who was altogether free from ceremony and had been long disappointed of his object, a character to which I had accustomed myself. Indeed, in visiting holy men worldly means and the intervention of men interested in externals only are disturbing elements in the attainment of one's object. I made the usual salutation and I had a conversation with him face to face. The Shaikh himself, from the high consideration in which he was held, was probably a slave to those ceremonial observances dear to Shaikhs' sons, and my unceremonial manner of visiting him displeased him. Those who were present in his assembly said to me, “Where do you come from?” I said, “From Sahsarām.”178 When they asked me whether I had made any advance in the study of the sciences, I said that I had, at one time or another, studied a little of each one of them. Since Sahsawān is an inconsiderable town and at that time Qilīj Khan,178a Caugān Begi, the disciple of the Shaikh's father, was jāgirdār of that place, I was of small account in his eyes, and he esteemed me lightly and began to jest with me and mock me, and made a sign to a jester who was present, prompting him to scare me and turn me out of my place, but I, becoming aware of these proceedings, the like of which I had often witnessed, pretended that I had noticed nothing and posed as an innocent fool. The jester then began his pranks, saying, “the odour of some sweet scent has reached my nostrils, and my brain is becoming disordered, let those who are present in the assembly have a care, lest I do some one a mischief.” He then began to foam at the mouth and one of the Shaikh's companions, who posed as a Ṣūfī, asked me whether I had applied the scent to myself. I said, “Yes; but what is the matter?” He said, “This person whom you see in this state of unconsciousness was once bitten by a mad dog, and now, whenever he smells a sweet scent he falls to foaming at the mouth, howling like a dog, and tries to bite people. Have a care for yourself.” Those who were present there began to flee and the Shaikh too, inaugurating this new custom, joined with them in setting himself knowingly to terrify me, and became the accomplice 178b of those devilish men. At that moment I said, “It is strange that men travel from distant lands to this exalted threshold in order to obtain the fulfilment of their desires when, as a matter of fact, one who has been bitten by a mad dog cannot find a remedy here.” The Shaikh asked me whether I knew of a remedy, and, on my replying that I did, asked me what it was. I replied, “This man should be beaten on the head with shoes and clods, as Shaikh Sa'dī (may God have mercy upon him!) said:—

HEMISTICH.
“The cure for a rabid dog is a clod!”

They were all astonished, and I continued, “The strange thing is,” I said, “that kulūkh is also the name of a vegetable drug, which is a remedy for the bite of a dog.” The Shaikh then became uneasy,179 fearing that his jest had fallen flat, and said, “Come, let us go and busy ourselves with the study of the words of God and His prophet.” Then, taking a copy of the glorious Qur'ān he proceeded to expound a verse from the chapter of “The Cow,”179a and in doing so exercised the right of private judgment very freely.179b His pupils, blockheads that they were, assented to every absurdity that he concocted, saying, “We believe it, we accept it!” I, since my heart was full (of indignation) said, “Perhaps this interpretation which is given by the Shaikh is to be found in the commentary.” He replied, “I am speaking of the secondary meaning179c of the text and what may be inferred from it,179d and this is a common practice and by no means a peculiarity of my own.” I said, “Taking this for granted, is your interpretation literal or the metaphorical meaning of the text?” He replied, “The metaphorical meaning.” I replied, “Pray then explain the connection between the two interpretations,” and led him on into an argument regarding the meanings of the text. He replied disconnectedly and glanced, in an agitated manner, in all directions. When I held him firmly to the point he lost his temper, and said, shutting up the Qur'ān, “I have not studied dialectics.” I said, “You have presumed so far as to interpret a text of the Qur'ān in a manner unsupported by tradition, and it is necessary that the connection between the literal interpretation and (your) metaphorical interpretation should be investigated.” He then turned the subject and began to ask me about myself. In the meantime I produced a portion of a commentary which I had written on the Qaṣīdatu'l-Burdah ,180 and called his attention to the expressions in the opening couplet of that qaṣīdah which had struck me. He praised my work, and himself also said something on the same subject, and our interview came to an end in that manner. This was all I saw of him until the time when I entered the imperial service, when the Shaikh in obedience to a summons from the Court came alone and helpless to the ‘Ibādat-khāna, where he took his place. It was on a Friday when the Shaikh with one or two of his intimate companions first entered the ‘Ibadat-khāna and Mīrzā Ghiyāṯu-'d-din ‘Alī the theologian,180a Mīrzā Ākh'und, and Mīrzā ‘Alī Āṣaf Khān180b had been ordered to examine the Shaikh thoroughly and to question him on his Ṣūfī-ism, in order to see what he would let fall. Āṣaf Khān introduced into the conversation the following quatrain from the Liwā‘iḥ,180c

“If thoughts of the rose pass in thy heart, thou becomest a
rose,
If thoughts of the passionate nightingale pass, thou
becomest a nightingale,
Thou art only an atom, God is all,
If thou accustom thyself to meditate on Him who is all in
all, thou wilt become all.”

He then asked, “How can God the most Holy be described as “all” or “the whole,” since He is above being defined as a part or the whole?” The Shaikh who had undergone much tribulation before coming to Court, and whose pride, haughtiness and self-conceit were completely broken, since he had endured much trouble, was181 very modest and indistinctly muttered a few words which nobody understood. At last I, growing bold, ventured to say, “Although the Maulavī Jāmī (may his tomb be sanctified!) has in this quatrain applied the expression “the whole” to God the most Holy and most High, yet he has in another quatrain spoken of Him as being divisible into parts, and far be that from the most High!

Quatrain.

“As for this love which is a part of the Indissoluble One
(whom) we (love)
God forbid that it should be comprehended of our intelli-
gence,
Happy will it be for us if there flash a ray from the light
of certainty
Which will free us from the darkness of our doubts.”

The meaning of these passages is that whatever can be conceived, whether it be the whole or a part, is nothing but God, and that besides Him there is no true existence. In short, since words fail to express the writer's meaning adequately he uses them in various senses, explaining (God's existence) sometimes as a whole and sometimes as (possessing) parts.” I then adduced several propositions regarding the inherent unity of essence, a principle which had at that time become ingrained in me, and called upon the Shaikh to corroborate my arguments, and both 125 the emperor and the Shaikh were well pleased with my discourse. About this time Shaikh Isma‘īl, the half-brother of the Shaikh, near whom I lived in the quarter of the Kh'āja-yi-Jahān in Fatḥpūr, and with whom I was on terms of intimate companionship, took me, in obedience to Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh's wish, to the ‘Ibādatkhāna, and there introduced me to him, and related to him the story of my meeting with him eleven years before, which he had heard from me. Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh was much perturbed and said that he did not remember that any such thing had happened. The Shaikh, although he pretends to refrain from company, which is really self-advertisement, now lives in Āgra, in outward appearance, like his father, one of the holy men, while on the contrary he spends his time in self-indulgence and idleness, clad in the raiment of men of rank, and retains his old habits, many strange utterances, calculated to deceive the vulgar, and delivered with apparent simplicity, being reported. I have not space to record them.

Mīr Abū'l-Ghaiṯ of Bukhārā182 (may the mercy of God be upon him!) used to say, “Let him be what he may, with his devotee's raiment, his assemblies of those vowed to holy poverty, and his discourses on mysticism. We believe in him with our whole heart!”

In the year in which the Khān-i-Zamān was defeated182a Shaikh Ẓīyā'u-'llāh accompanied the army to Ambeṭhī, and had an interview with his holiness Miyān Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn (may his tomb be sanctified!). When the Miyān was commenting on the blessed verse, “And therein shall they be given to drink of a cup of wine, mixed with the water of Zanjabīl, a fountain in paradise named Salsabīl,”182b Shaikh Ẓiyā'u-'llāh, with a view of displaying his ability, interrupted the discourse, and said, “There is a discrepancy between this verse and another verse of the Qur'ān.” The Miyān was moved to anger and said, “Holy is God! The father dived in that (sea of doubt) and must now be feeling the utmost need of intercession, and the son here sets himself to prove discrepancies between the words of God (be He honoured and glorified!)”

Hemistich. 126
Everything that is in the heart is not instruction!
XLI. MĪR ABŪ'L-GHĀIṮ OF BUKHĀRĀ.

He was a high-minded man and a follower of the pure religion who had so acquired angelic qualities that they became, as it were, ingrafted in his noble nature. Though clad in the outward garb of wealth he possessed the inward attributes of holy poverty. From association with many of the great Shaikhs of his time he had profited much, and had inherited much of the customs of his noble ancestors. In good breeding, but especially in liberal disbursement of his substance,183 in independence of character, good fellowship, and uprightness in his dealings, he was one of the noblest of God's works. He followed the ceremonial observances of the law and imitated the laudable qualities of the ancients and their successors so closely that he omitted not the observance of one tittle of the holy law.183a Such were his endeavours to fulfil all the requirements of the law of the congregation183b that even in the time of his mortal sickness, when he was suffering from a painful chronic disorder he did not omit the recital of the “Allāhu Akbar”183c at the commencement of his prayers. The conversation in his assemblies consisted always of texts from the Qur'ān, traditional sayings of the prophet, and the words of holy men. He died in the year H. 995 (A.D. 1587),183d and the words “The Mīr of laudable qualities”183e were found to give the date of his death.

XLII. MIYĀN KAMĀLU-D-DĪN ḤUSAIN OF SHĪRĀZ.

When the heart in calling loved ones to remembrance blossoms like the rose it is not becoming that the dust of vexation should reach or settle upon the hearts of friends even though the account of their lives be somewhat prolonged.

Miyān Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain is the worthy son of Maulānā Ḥasan of Shīrāz who at the time when Shāh Isma‘īl was expelled from Shīrāz went to Makkah the glorious, and on his return thence came to Gujarāt in the reign of Sulṭān Sikandar Lōdī,184 and, accompanying the caravan of Sayyid Rafi‘u-d-dīn the traditionist,184a and Mīyān Abū-'l-Fatḥ of Khurāsān, the father of Miyān Budh, he took up his residence in Agra. The famous and well-known Shaikh Zainu-d-dīn184b praises him as follows:—

127 “My verse is of both reason and tradition, therefore I would
that it should be hearkened to
By him who combines the knowledge of sciences both of
reason and tradition, Maulānā Ḥasan.”

Miyān Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain is an angel in the form of a man, whose laudable qualities and praiseworthy attributes are more than can be either written or related. The emperor, recognizing that he was distinguished for his greatness and loftiness (of mind), was exceedingly desirous that he should enter the imperial service. At last he abandoned everything, and contenting himself with a small grant of land for his subsistence found complete happiness in the exile of poverty and the honour of good faith, and spends his time in continual devotion. He lives, free from care, sometimes in Dihlī and sometimes in Agra. From earliest youth till old age he has walked unintermittently in the path of devotion, reciting the praises of God, giving alms, reciting set portions of the word of God, and reading the Qur'ān, knowing no other habit of life; but with all this excellence and perfection in religious matters he has the highest ability, and perfect eloquence, excellent penmanship, skill in orthography and a masterly style are his by inheritance.

When I first came to Agra in my youth, in the time of Bairam Khān, the first place where I lodged was his masjid, where bounty was bestowed upon me, and his dwelling, where my soul was cherished, and there, in my opinion, the gates of happiness were first opened to me.

From that time till the time of writing this hasty memoir a period of full forty years has elapsed, during which time I have observed that his kindness, sympathy, and regard for my friendship have increased daily, although (I could) not (have believed that) there was room for any increase:—

Poetry.

Enough of love, for that grows less, enough of beauty, for
that decays.
But my love for thee and thy beauty remain undiminished
—nay, have increased.

What now follows is a few drops distilled from his musk-diffusing pen, now incorporated by me in this record of friendship. They are as follows:—

“In185 the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate! 128
We bless his prophet, the gracious one, and love for thee
has not waned but its strength is increased towards
thee,

and my desire towards thee is as it is.

This atom of dust, inconsiderable and full of defects and blemishes, Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, after conveying to you the greetings of an exile and the salutations of one who longs to see you, with the tongue of abridgment and brevity, of supplication and poverty, conveys to the enlightened mind, coruscating with benignity, namely, the mind of my worshipful master, the resort of clemency (may God save and preserve him and bestow on him all that pertains to matters both of religion and of the world!), the intelligence that since in these mournful days the hardships of loneliness and the grief of separation, the anxiety of religious duties and the absence of all traces of love and friendship have become my lot, I have sometimes in my restlessness travelled to the imperial city of Dihlī and have there acquired the honour of visiting the blessed tombs (of the Saints), and at other times have gone to Agra to see my friendless children (may God guard them with his power!) who dwell there in retirement, and I was much disturbed in mind, when those kind letters from my lord186 began to arrive at irregular intervals. I swear by God that they conveyed very much consolation and comfort to my mournful heart, and for some days I took delight in studying and repeating them, and morning and evening I raised and still raise my hands in prayer to the All-Wise, praying Him to grant length of life to my lord:—186a

Hemistich.

(I pray to) God that thou mayest live till the day of
resurrection.

But I will not dilate further on this subject, and will commit it to the care of the All-Wise God who knows the truth, and passing to my ulterior (outward) object, will bring it to your consideration,186b informing you that for a long time I endured great grief and sorrow from hearing of the death of that repository of humanity, inseparably connected with liberality, him who had acquired all perfections, Mīrzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, and from the passing away of all the excellence of that phoenix of the age and of his love and faithful affection for you, my lord.187 “Verily we are God's, and to Him do we return!” What can I say, and to whom can I confide these griefs, which assail me 129 incessantly and repeatedly? At all events we are awaiting our own death, and we have no resource but the favour of the bountiful God. My tongue is now ever chanting this prayer, “O God have mercy upon us, behold the sweat of our brows and the multitude of our groans! May the physician be disappointed of us, and may our friends weep for us! O God, have mercy upon us when the earth surrounds us, and our friends love us! Scatter Thy favours among us, and may the wind cease to blow upon us!” I hope that our end will be good and that we shall preserve our faith unblemished. Since the bearer of this letter was in great haste to depart I have written it hurriedly at night, and have not been able to explain one thousandth part of the desire which I have towards your service. You will be able to conceive it in your pure heart, for verily hearts have intercourse one with another. Salutations and honour be upon you and on him who is with you, both first and last, both inwardly and outwardly.”

XLIII. SHAIKH ABŪ-'L-FATḤ OF THĀNĒSAR.

He is one of the foremost187a among the wise men of the age and one of the chief among profound and eminent scholars. He acquired a thorough knowledge of Islamic tradition under Sayyid Rafī'u-d-dīn the traditionist, and has now dwelt for about fifty years in the quarter named after the above-mentioned Mīr in Agra, engaged in teaching those branches of knowledge which call for the exercise of the reasoning faculty as well as those which depend upon the memory. Many able and ready scholars have sat at his feet and have gone out into the world (with the fruits of his teaching). Both I and Miyān Kamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, just mentioned, shared the benefits of being taught by this great man. His most noble and orthodox son, Shaikh ‘Īsā, is now, by the emperor's appointment, the authorized deliverer of fatwās188 in Agra.

XLIV. MAULĀNĀ 'UṮMĀN OF BANGĀL.

130 He was an old Shaikh who took up his residence in Sambhal. Miyān Ḥātim of Sambhal188a was his pupil, and used sometimes to visit him and request him to put up a fātiḥah on his behalf. On one occasion I, when I was in attendance on the late Miyān Ḥātim in my childhood, had the honour of waiting upon the Maulānā.

XLV. SHAIKH ḤUSAIN OF BAZHAR.188b

He was one of the foremost among the distinguished men (of his day) and was employed in the instruction of students in the college of the imperial city of Dihlī. In those branches of knowledge which depend on the memory and which are usually studied in India, he was the most accomplished man of his time. He had a generous disposition.

XLVI. MAULĀNĀ ISMĀ‘ĪL THE ‘ARAB.188c

He was one of the contemporaries and equals in age of Shaikh Ḥusain. In knowledge of mathematics, philosophy, and medicine he was unequalled, and as a teacher he was associated with Shaikh Ḥusain, and by the blessing of their noble companionship the doors of bounty were opened to students. The Maulavī was possessed of considerable wealth, and one night some thieves, instigated by the inhabitants of the city, broke into his house and murdered him.188d

XLVII. QĀZĪ MUBĀRAK OF GOPĀMAU.188e

He was a most learned man and performed the duties of his office of Qāẓī with great integrity and honesty. He acquired his knowledge and good breeding from his teacher, Shaikh Niẓāmu-ddīn of Ambēṭhī189 (may his tomb be sanctified!), and the Shaikh, from the time when the Miyān first began to study in his hospice, had a special regard for him and bestowed care on his education, and whenever the Qāẓī used to make his request, saying, “Why should not I too receive my share from the reservoir of your saintship?” Shaikh Niẓāmu-d-dīn would always reply, “Qāẓī Mubārak has devoured this world and gained (his reward in) the next.” The Qāẓī lived highly regarded, honoured, and respected 131 to the end of his life, and thus too took his departure to the next world.

Among the sages and learned men who came and settled in Gopāmau for the purpose of studying under the Qāẓī (on him be God's mercy!), and there grew to manhood, so that for the sake of profiting by their society men came from great distances, and attained to perfection thereby, was the respected Budh, who used to give instruction in all the books commonly studied. Another was Sayyid Muḥīyy, of whom the same may be said, and there were others too in the same category. That caravan of sojourners has now reached its journey's end, leaving no successors, and the mansions and abodes of learning have now been cleared of the tigers of the forest of knowledge, so that those who, fox-like, are ever ready to creep into an earth, have taken their place. The author of the Mashāriqu-'l-Anwār too makes the same complaint of his own time, saying no sooner is the den clear of the lioness with two cubs than the gravid vixen enters it in the morning.

Verse.

This one small loaf189a remains to poor Ḥasan,
I fear that day when not even this will be left.

XLVIII. MAŪLĀNĀ VAIS OF GWĀLIYĀR.

He was a learned man, argumentative and disputatious, and in his knowledge of first principles and deductions therefrom he had no equal in his time. The power of his memory190 was such that in the midst of an argument when there was any necessity for an appeal to any authority, he would seem to recite from memory whole pages and would say, “This is what is written in such and such a book, look it up and see,” and would thus confute his adversary, but afterwards, when the book was searched, no trace of the pretended quotation would be found. In this manner he one day confuted, in the imperial assembly, Maulānā Iliyās the astrologer, who had been the tutor of the Emperor Muḥammad Humāyūn, and had great skill and readiness in the preparation of astronomical tables, so that the Maulānā, disgusted with his opposition, set out from Court, and travelling through the pargana of Mohān190a in the Sarkār of Lakhnau, which was his jāgīr, he gave up his military appointment in the imperial service, and 132 proceeded in haste to Gujarāt, and thence to Makkah the glorious, and thence went to the land of 'Irāq and Āẕarbāījān, and Ardabīl, which was his well-loved native land, and there he died. The story of his dealings with Shāh Ismā‘īl II is well known, and is briefly as follows: When Maulānā Iliyās arrived at Ardabīl he wrote a letter to Shāh Ismā‘īl, who had been confined by Shāh Ṭahmāsp in the fortress of Qahqaha, saying, “From the aspects of the planets I have ascertained that in such a month you will obtain your freedom, and from the dungeon will attain to the highest rank, and will sit on the throne of the kingdom. Just as he had prophesied something was put into Shāh Ṭahmāsp's cup after a short space of time, and the affairs of Irāq fell into great confusion, and the amīrs and ministers of state summoned Shāh Ismā‘īl from his prison, by way of Ardabīl, with a view of setting him on the throne. Now the maulavī had said in his letter, “On your way from Qahqaha, when you reach Ardabīl it is necessary that you pay me a visit so that certain agreements and settlements may be made between us in your presence, and certain rites of exorcism may be performed while we are face to face.” It so happened that Shāh Ismā‘īl was in great haste and did not visit the maulavī's house, but after leaving Ardabīl he turned back and went to the maulavī's house with the object of waiting upon him. The maulavī shut the door of his mansion and refused to grant him an interview. After waiting a long time the king was compelled to break the door, and, entering the maulavī's room by force, waited upon him; but the maulavī covered his face, and, turning round, sat facing the wall, and said, “The appointed hour passed, and you did not come; why should I now see your face?” Shāh Ismā‘īl turned away disappointed, and although he became king, the nobles of the realm, a year after he had ascended the throne, conspired to prompt his sister, Parījān Khānum, to attempt his life. He became cognizant of the plot, but before he could do anything to baffle it Parījān Khānum suffocated him and left his 133 room, closing the door behind her on his corpse.

XLIX. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD OF SYRIA.191

He is a true191a ‘Arab and is nephew to that Shaikh Zainu-d-dīn of Jabal-i‘Āmilī who was an ecclesiastical dignitary and religious guide among the Shī‘ahs, and on whom the Sulṭān of Turkey after much finesse and many stratagems laid hands when he was in Makkah the glorious, and after summoning him to Constantinople, put him to death. Shaikh Muḥammad is ranked among the manṣabdārs, and is distinguished for his bravery and valour and noted for that generosity and liberality which are characteristic of the ‘Arabs. He is also well known for his good breeding and courtesy and those branches of knowledge which are generally treated of in the Arabic language, and in the humanities generally his attainments are such that he may be called a second Kisā'ī.191b The following letter, which he wrote in Lāhōr in answer to one from me, in which I had been guilty of some insolence, when our friendship first began, is an example of his correspondence.

[Here follow five letters in Arabic, of which the Editor of the Text writes in a footnote, “Be it known that the whole of the text of these five letters, from beginning to end, is full of errors, and I have found it impossible, notwithstanding the utmost care, to correct it from the three manuscripts at my disposal.” After a careful examination of the text in MSS. (A) and (B) I am compelled to agree with the Editor. Professor T. W. Arnold, who has kindly come to my assistance, agrees with me that the text is so corrupt that no satisfactory translation of these letters can be given. He also agrees, however, that the text, unsatisfactory as it is, is sufficient to indicate that the letters are not worth translating and consist, almost entirely, of long strings of bombastic and extravagant compliments. For this reason I have refrained from an attempt to reconstruct the text from other MSS.—T. W. H.]

136 L. SHAIKH ḤASAN ‘ALĪ OF MAUṢIL.192

He was the faithful pupil of Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh, but notwithstanding this he is an orthodox Sunnī. He entered the imperial service in the year in which Kābul was conquered, and was entrusted with the education of the emperor's eldest son until the young prince could repeat certain lessons from Persian and other treatises on philosophy. Shaikh Abū'l-Faẓl also for some time secretly received instruction from him in the exact sciences, and in physics, and other branches of philosophy, but notwithstanding this he never attempted to advance the Shaikh's interests, so that while he himself has his place on the carpet in the imperial presence his master takes his stand on the bare floor. Shaikh Ḥasan ‘Alī, finding that the conduct of such men was not in accord with his religious views, gave up the allowance which he used to receive and went to Gujarāt, where he associated himself for a time with Mīrzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad. The latter, and his son, Muḥammad Sharīf, received much profitable instruction from him in those branches of knowledge which exercise the reasoning faculty, and in secular learning, so much so indeed, that they advanced to perfection therein.

After the death of Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl and other courtiers recounted some of the Shaikh's accomplishments 137 and perfections in the imperial assembly, whereby the emperor was so impressed that Shaikh Ḥasan ‘Alī is now (recognized as) the spiritual successor of Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh. At that time an imperial order was issued summoning Shaikh Ḥasan ‘Alī to the imperial presence, and he accordingly came to Lāhōr, but when he paid his respects at Court Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad directed him to perform the sijdah (instead of the kūrnish),193 which so displeased him that he made his release from the obligation of performing the ceremony a condition of his attendance, and even in his house he could not bear (to witness at Court) so many things which were abominations to him, and “the elephant once more remembered Hindustan”193a and on the plea of an intention to visit his mother he obtained leave to go to his own country, and in the year H. 998 (A.D. 1589-90) he arrived at Thatha, when the Khān-i-Khānān was governor of that province, and having attained to trust in God and contentment of heart he set out for his own country, and when he arrived at Hurmuz he sent a message to the officers of the imperial court saying, “Praise be to God! I am freed from the hypocritical companionship of my friends.” Please God he has attained the object of his desires.

LI. QĀẒĪ NŪRU-'LLĀH OF SHUSHTAR.193b

Although he is by religion a Shí‘ah193c he is distinguished for his impartiality, justice, virtue, modesty, piety, continence, and such qualities as are possessed by noble men, and is well known for his learning, clemency, quickness of understanding, singleness of heart, clearness of perception, and acumen. He is the author of several able works, and he has written a monograph on the “undotted commentary”194 of Shaikh Faiẓī which is beyond all praise. He also possesses the poetic faculty and writes impressive poetry. He was introduced to the emperor by the instrumentality of the physician Abū-'l-Fatḥ,194a and when the victorious imperial army reached Lāhōr, and Shaikh Mu‘in the Qāẓī of Lāhōr, when he was paying his respects to the emperor, was afflicted suddenly in the presence chamber with the falling sickness, which came upon him in consequence of the feebleness of old age, and the failure of his natural powers, the emperor took pity on his weakness, and said, “The Shaikh is past his work, 138 and we have therefore appointed Qāẓī Nūru-'llāh to the post which he held.” In truth he has reduced the insolent muftīs and the crafty and subtle muḥtasibs of Lāhōr, who venture to give lessons to the teacher of the angels, to order, and has closed to them the avenues of bribery, and restrained them within due bounds as closely as a nut is enclosed in its shell, and to such a degree that stricter discipline could not be imagined. One might almost say that the author of the following verses had the Qāẓī in his mind when he wrote them:—

“Thou art he who has never in all his life admitted
Any statement by anybody in a law-suit, except the sworn
testimony of a witness.”

One day when he was in the house of Shaikh Faiẓī the Nīshā-pūrī commentary was the subject of discussion, and regarding the blessed verse:—“When he said to his companion, ‘Be not cast down, verily God is with us,’”194b —which verse is held, by the great majority of commentators, to refer to the greatest of faithful witnesses of the truth (Abū Bakr)—may God be graciously pleased with him!—he said, “If the signification of the companionship referred to in the text be trifling and unimportant then the expression cannot be understood as conveying praise of anybody, but if it be said that the word is used in the conventional sense which has been attributed to it by traditionists, we come back to the question under debate, and I deny that there was any companionship (in that sense).”195 I replied, “If a mere child even who knew the Arabic language were asked he would say that this verse clearly involves praise (of the person referred to therein) and not blame, and an African infidel, or a Jew, or a Hindū who knew Arabic, would give the same reply.” There was much controversy on the subject, and Shaikh Faiẓī after his usual vile custom took the side of the Qāẓī, though he actually had nothing whatever in common with either side. Suddenly a passage was turned up, in the Nīshāpūrī commentary itself, which supported my contention, and even went beyond it, saying that the verse, supposing that the prophet (may God bless and preserve him!) had at that moment been summoned to the immediate presence of God, would have been authority for regarding Abū Bakr and no other as the successor nominated by the prophet himself.

39 LII. ḤĀJĪ IBRĀHĪM THE TRADITIONIST.

He lived in Āgra, leading an ascetic, abstemious, and pious life, and occupied in teaching divinity, and especially the traditions of the prophet. His strict observance of the holy law and his asceticism prevented him from mixing or associating with his fellow-men. He was in the habit of delivering authoritative commands and prohibitions in matters of faith. When, in obedience to a summons from Court, he attended the ‘Ibādatkhāna, he declined to observe the etiquette and ceremonies of the Court and used to preach and utter admonitions (without respect of persons). To Kh'āja ‘Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad of Shīrāz, who, by reason of his habit of letting out for hire old cotton cloth for decorations, is known as Kh'āja ‘Abdu-'llāh,196 and is much occupied with ceremonial prayers and fasts, and with supererogatory prayers and outward devotions, and had great faith in the Ḥājī, he used to say, “Kh'āja, all these observances will profit you nothing until you give a place in your heart to love for the orthodox successors of the prophet.”

LIII. SHAIKH JALĀL-I-WĀṢIL,196a
OF KĀLPĪ.196b

He is one of the spiritual successors of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ.196c Early in his career he acquired perfection (in learning), but later he no longer allowed such matters to burden his memory and gave himself up wholly to the delight of listening to the chants of mystics, and to fits of religious ecstasy. His majesty the emperor has a very high opinion of him. On the whole there was less of striving after appearances among the spiritual successors of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ than among those of Shaikh Salīm,197 though each sect decried and sought to ruin the other; and now the words of ‘Alī, the leader of the faithful (may God be graciously pleased with him!), which he spoke on hearing the blessed verse, “The Jews say, ‘the Christians are grounded on nothing,’ and the Christians say, ‘the Jews are grounded on nothing!”197a are applicable to both parties. ‘Alī said, on hearing this verse, “We believe it.” Praise be to God, no trace of either sect remains.

LIV. MALIK MAḤMŪD-I-PIYĀRŪ. 140

He possessed such outward accomplishments as a knowledge of Arabic, Qurānic commentaries, the traditions, and miscellaneous Persian compositions in prose and poetry, and was also adorned with spiritual perfection in such matters as devotion, piety, a mystic longing for union with God,197b and religious ecstasy. He was descended from the maliks of the land of Gujarāt, and his venerable father bore the name of Malik Piyārū. Malik Mah-mūd, owing to the elegance and copiousness of his discourse, his knowledge, and his ingenuity, was accorded the great honour of conversing with the Khalīfah of the age, in the heavenly assemblies held at Court, and ingratiated himself with his majesty, and owing to the great pleasure which he took in rendering any service to the godly, he was for some time favoured by being appointed to and associated with the glorious post of the trusteeship of the blessed tomb of that pole-star of saints who have become united with God, Kh'āja Mu‘īnu-d-dīn-i-Sanjarī-yi-Ci shtī (may God sanctify his tomb!). But notwithstanding all the favour which the emperor bestowed upon him and the faith which he had in him, and his nearness to the emperor's person, owing to the all-mastering love and overpowering desire and the strength of the mystic bonds by which he was bound to that pole-star of the heaven of chiefship and centre of the circle of happiness, the lord Shāh-i-‘Ālam of Bukhārā, one of the sons of Makhdūm-i-Jahānīān of Bukhārā198 (may God sanctify his honoured tomb!), him who was the beloved of the possessors of true knowledge, and who was sought after by travellers in the right path, Malik Maḥmūd exerted all the influence and employed all the interest which he possessed in preferring his request that he might be permitted to depart from Court and undertake the guardianship of the holy man's tomb, employing himself in the circumambulation of its threshold, the dwelling-place of angels, and urged his request with an utter disregard of the emperor's wishes. Since he was thoroughly sincere in his intention and design, and was altogether free from any suspicion of hypocrisy or worldly designs, his prayer was naturally granted, but after much discussion and debate, and he retired to the corner of contentment and resignation, passing most of his blessed time in Aḥmadābād in the service of that shrine until he departed from its parterres to those of the abode of peace.

141 The author had the honour of being admitted to his joy-diffusing presence in Fatḥpūr and Ajmīr.

The following opening couplet of a qaṣīdāh is by the Malik:—

“I have an ever-veering heart which nevertheless I call my
qibla-numā,198a
Whithersoever I turn it, it still turns towards His eye-
brow.”

LV. ṢADR-I-JAHĀN,198b
OF PIHĀNĪ.

Pihānī is a village in the district of Qannauj.198c Ṣadr-i-Jahān is a learned Sayyid of a happy disposition, most of whose life has been passed in the camp. He acquired his great learning under the tuition of Shaikh ‘Abdu-'n-Nabī,199 and it was in consequence of the Shaikh's exertions that he was appointed chief muftī of the empire, a post which he held for several years. After the religious leaders of India had fallen into disgrace, his habits of submission to authority and his time-serving and worldly disposition led him to regard before everything the honour and esteem which he enjoyed in the world. He accompanied the physician Humām199a on his embassy to the ruler of Tūrān,199b and when he returned thence he was honoured by being appointed Ṣadr of the empire. At the time when it was noised abroad in Lāhōr that those who remained of the 'Ulamā were to be banished to Makkah the glorious, and a list of them had been prepared, the Ṣadr-i-Jahān said one day, “I fear lest I may have been included in this class.” Mīrzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, who had prepared the list, said, “Why should you be sent to Makkah?” The Ṣadr-i-Jahān asked the Mīrzā, why he needed to ask the question, and the Mirzā replied, “You have never given utterance to God's words, that you should be worthy of this banishment.”

The Ṣadr-i-Jahān, notwithstanding his poetic gifts and his great aptitude for writing poetry, now repents of his former devotion to the art. The following opening couplet of a qaṣīdah is by him:—

“May each hair of my beloved's locks,
O God, become an affliction,
And may my heart be afflicted with each one of those
afflictions!”

I pray that, if it please God, he may be given grace to repent of foolish disputations on points of secular knowledge, of hypocrisy, ostentation, self-esteem, and extravagant boasting, which he must have learnt from one possessed of a devil, just as he has repented of writing poetry.

LVI. SHAIKH YA‘QŪB OF KASHMĪR.200

He assumed as a poet the nom-de-plume of Ṣarfī, and in him were displayed both the accomplishments of learning and the perfect qualities which distinguish a pious man. He was the spiritual successor of the great master Shaikh Ḥusain of Kh'ārazm (may God sanctify his tomb!), and acquired honour by performing the pilgrimage to the two most excellent holy places. He received from Shaikh Ibn-u Ḥajar a licence to give instruction in the traditions of Muḥammad, and clad in the robes of a Shaikh he travelled much and visited most of the Shaikhs of Arabia and Persia, and profited much by his intercourse with them, and received authority to assume the prerogatives of a religious teacher and spiritual guide, and as such he had many disciples, both in Hindūstān and Kashmīr. He was the superior of an hospice. He was the author of some sublime and beautiful works, and completed a Khamsah,200a and wrote many treatises on the art of composing enigmas, and also quatrains on the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs, with a commentary. His works, indeed, are too numerous to be recapitulated, and had it not been necessary that some slight mention should be made of his Ṣūfī-ism, and his mystic longing for God, even these few works could not have been noticed. He was illustrious and much relied upon as an authority in all branches of learning which are treated of in Arabic, such as Quranic commentaries, the traditions of Muḥam-mad, and Ṣūfī-ism, and he was an authorized religious leader. Latterly, not long before his death, he was writing a commentary which was one of the most wonderful productions of his perfect genius. Both the late emperor and his present majesty had a wonderful belief in him and conferred distinction on him by admitting him to the honour of their society, regarding him with gracious favour, so that he was held in high estimation and much honoured. He was generous and open-handed beyond anything that can be imagined of his contemporaries.

Although his poetry was very poor, in accordance with the verse:—“Poetry does not become the learned,” he used nevertheless, continually to exercise his intellect in this direction. These following few couplets are by him:—

Couplets.201

“I see that comely face manifest in whatever I regard, 143
“Though I look at a hundred thousand mirrors in all that
one face is manifest.
“On all sides people are wandering in search of the Friend,
“And the strange thing is that the Friend is manifest on
every side.”

Other couplets by the Shaikh are these:—

“Thy mole lurks near the corner of thine eyebrow to
deceive,
“Wherever a recluse, lurking in a corner, is to be found,
deceit is in him.”
“Break not my heart, Oh grief! and regard not whose that
heart may be,
“The heart is indeed mine, but consider who dwelleth
there.”
“If thou sayest to him, “It behoves that Thy foot pass
over my head,”
“(Remember that) thou shouldst at once forsake all thought
of self.”

This enigma on the name of Shaidā is also by the Shaikh:—

“My moon hath cast the veil from off her face,
“See, how she hath of set purpose turned day into night!”

At the time when he obtained permission to depart from Lāhor to his dearly loved native land, he wrote to me from the far side of the river Rāvī a letter, which I copy here as a fortunate relic.

“My helper and my mighty one! After laying before you the prayers and supplications of true friendship, I represent to your mind, brilliant as the sun, that the cause of your neglecting to observe, in respect of your sincere and true friend, one most excellent institution was probably the fact that, though the approved custom of travelling with a friend for a part of his journey is one of the requirements of the observance of setting 144 him on his way, you were not able at the present time to perform this office and therefore could not help but leave it undone. I hope, however, that you will not entirely efface the memory of me from the margin of your bounteous heart, and that you will adopt the graceful habit of remembering the absent. If you should have any need of Kashmīr paper for rough notes and drafts I hope that you will inform me of the fact, so that I may send you from Kashmīr the rough copy of my commentaries, the writing of which can be washed from the paper with water so completely that no trace of the ink will remain, as you yourself have seen. And now peace be with you and grace be upon you.”

When he reached Kashmīr he sent me from there another letter, which was the last he wrote. I copy it here.

“In the presence of the bounteous Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-Qādir, him who is removed beyond the need of praise, recommendation, or encomium, that is to say our lord and leader in learning, may this letter be opened.

Without a doubt Badāonī excels Dawwānī202
In all branches of learning,

Thus a proof of the superabundance of the signification of his
name,
Is that its very beginning appears to be redundant.

As to the suppliant letters which from time to time I send to you, although owing to their not being worthy of an answer I do not trouble your wonder-describing pen to write one, nevertheless the pen of sincere friendship cannot be restrained from running on in (its desire of) setting forth my submission to you. I hope that whenever you sit in the Nawwāb Faẓiī Fayyāẓī's203 apartment of fragrant grass,203a on the floor with its matting cooler than the breezes of Kashmīr, in the midday heat of summer,203b drinking the water which, though warm, has been cooled with ice, and listening to sublime talk and witty conversation, you will think on me, the captive of the hardships of disappointment.”

Couplet.

“Ah! ye who meet in the cheerful assembly of union extend
a helping hand to the absent,
“For the hand of those who thus meet is never withheld
from the absent.”

“I pray you to accept, on behalf of your most honoured, most 145 orthodox, and most glorious son, Shaikh Muḥīyyu-d-dīn Muḥam-mad, my humble submission. May God, the most Holy and most High, assist him in the acquirement of all knowledge, both secular and spiritual, by the honour of him203c who was named with the name of his sublime title (may his pure tomb be hallowed!).

It is probable that, owing to your claims as a neighbour to confidence, you may have heard what that resort of chiefship, Mīrān Sayyid Quṭbu-d-dīn, had to say with regard to his failure to answer my humble letter to him, but it behoves you rather to regard my essential claims upon you, for these claims are clearly to be preferred to the claim of mere neighbourhood; and likewise you should not place too much confidence in the display of affection which the worshipful Mīrān makes, for in the end it has no stability. God the most High knows the truth!

I have lost the rough copy of the verses which I wrote in the new Āṣafkhānī style, explaining what had not previously been clearly expressed. It is possible that you, my honoured friend, may have taken a copy from my rough draft, and, if so, I pray you to send me a copy of your copy. If you answer this letter it will be well. (I call to mind) God!”

Verses by the Author.204

“O thou, at the thought of whose face intimacy comes back
to me,
My desire cannot be borne on paper,
As the lofty mountain cannot be weighed in a balance,
And as the ocean cannot be measured by a water-gauge.

Why should I sing your praises? They are far beyond the pretensions of the bald style and the impotent rhetoric of me, ‘Abdu-l-Qādir; and any attempt to comprise them therein would resemble the endeavour to imprison the sea in a jug.”

Poetry.

“And what shall I say of my blessings on you?
No bird of devotion flies from me to the lote-tree of Paradise,
For no bird bears in his beak a list of my blessings on thee.
Why should I say anything of my desire of seeing you
again?

Quatrain.

O thou whose hand has been held in my two hands,
Who hast hindered me from the enjoyment of health,

It is impossible, that I should record my desire towards thee, 146
The strong desire that I have towards thee.

Since the time when you saw fit to take your departure hence to the land where you now dwell, the interpreter of divine secrets, by which expression may be understood the root of the elements of true knowledge, gladdened me by coming to me repeatedly, both for a few days before and a few days after the festival of the new year, conveying to me the truth contained in the following couplet from the Ten Sayings of Good Tidings:—205

Couplet.

“This day a tall and comely man, in his own city,
Sits with his bride, rejoicing in his good fortune.”

You wrote with that pen which cherishes the poor and distils musk,

“Without a doubt Badāonī, excels Dawwānī,” etc.

I reply to those verses in the following maṯnavi:—

O thou whose tongue is the key of the Hidden Book,
Whose pure heart is an outcome of the Infallible,
Thy pen hath displayed miracles,
The hidden treasures of “Be, and it was.”205a
Thou saidst, with a logic which nourishes the intelligence,
“Badāonī is more pleasant than Dawwānī.”205b
Whether it be of Dawwānī or of Badāonī (that thou
speakest),
Both subjects receive all their wealth from the treasure-
house of thy grace.
My heart has become the mirror of thy beauty,
The place where thy never-failing bounty is displayed.
What wonder then if, in regarding it truly,
Thou shouldst see thyself there?

If these verses be mere ostentation then let this much suffice. Who am I that I should presume in answering you? I have had recourse to poetry, wherein I have loosed the tongue of deprecation, seeking forgiveness, and asking pardon for my remissness in observing the custom of writing friendly letters, a custom which is contrary to the habit and wont of the vulgar, nay, may rather be described as one of the peculiar characteristics of those who are raised above the common herd, as you yourself know well, and, regarding this letter as atonement for my fault, I count it full satisfaction of all that is past.

147 As for what you wrote regarding the air of the apartment of fragrant grass, and the iced water, it brought to my mind the following verse:—

“Of life (is left) but that which is ice in summer heat.”

And reminded me of the saying, “O company of Muslims, have pity upon him whose stock-in-trade has declined,” for it is some days since I have enjoyed that cool air and that iced water.

“The wolf's mouth is bloody, but he has not torn Yūsuf,”206
Verse.

“Let him who imagines that love is an easy matter come,
and look upon my face, and from its haggardness he
will understand that lovē is a hard matter.”

His Majesty, who is near the sun in excellence, has, for some reason, and without the intervention of any person whatsoever, taken the name of me, the humblest of his slaves, on his blessed tongue, expressing some intention of bestowing on me the trusteeship of (the shrine in) the exalted region of Ajmer.

Verse.

Those tents have vanished from the sight of me, the watcher,
Peace be on the dwellers therein, is the wish which I would
have conveyed.

Nevertheless I have not yet been installed in the office,207 and it is my earnest desire that the effects of this good fortune may soon emerge from the region of probabilities into that of accomplished facts. Then my heart will be independent of the water of the whirlpools of daily life and the unwholesome air of every country, and the coolness of pure truth will become my portion, so that the rubbish-heap of the world will appear to me to be no more than rubbish, and the iced water of the times a mere mirage. My wretched lot impels me to be chanting ever this mournful refrain:—

“Wonder of wonders that your heart is not disgusted, and
your soul is not sick
With the putrid odours which arise from these unwhole-
some waters.”

The ambition and object of me, your well-wisher, is that you will strive to help me in all matters, worldly and spiritual, so that when I go to Ajmīr207a I may remember that the name of the place rhymes with Kashmīr inasmuch as each delightful place 148 is the pivot of one of the two axes, or rather the two extremities, north and south, of the same axis, which extends in either direction. “A delectable city, and a forgiving God!”

Just as you, in Kashmīr, will be drinking the ice water207b of the fount Jhālara,207c so shall I be moistening my tongue with the limpid water of thanks and praise to the Giver of all good things, both spiritual and bodily.

Verse.

To the bounteous may their bounty be pleasant,
And to the poor lover that which he sips.

A counterpart of my present condition would be the revealing of that which has been disclosed to the inspired. Your ssrvant's son has gone to Badāon, where he is employed in putting up prayers for you. May your sublime shadow never grow less!

Written in the month of Ramaẓān the blessed, dispensing blessings, in the year H. 1003 (May-June, 1595).”

The following ode is one of the productions of the Shaikh's pearl-scattering and jewel-dispersing pen, which he wrote to me during one of his travels.

Ode.

“At the moment when I was writing this letter,
My tears were flowing, mingled with blood,
All the writing which was set forth by my pen,
The letter of my longing for you, has been blotted out from my
heart.
The bitterness of separation is medicine.
Ṣarfī, so great is the flood of my tears that the nine oceans to
me
Seem but as the dropping of rain.”

To be brief I may say that one so feeble and so devoid of the graces of speech as I has not the power to recount fully the excellent qualities and perfection of the noble Shaikh. The noble works which he has left behind him, and which have, as one may say, put a girdle round the day of resurrection, are a sufficient witness to what he was. On the 18th of Ẕī-qa‘dah, in the year H. 1003 (July 25, 1595) the bird of his soul, whose nest was holiness, escaping from the cage of this world of confinement, flew to that of liberation, and the words “He was the Shaikh of nations” were found to give the date of his death.208

Verse.

Peace be to the world, for pleasant are its blessings.
148 As though Yūsuf were sitting in it.

Verses.

Seek not in this waste spot the road to the treasure-house of
your desire,

For this ruined abode is nought but the place of toil and
grief.
Fate has laid, at every step herein, a snare of calamity,
Who is there that has set his foot in this region of snares
who has not also left his head here?
The vanished heart of the rose has left behind it a word of
hope,
But what can that profit us who are unable to read?209
The days of man's life are exceeding short. Be not deceived
For no sooner have you drawn a breath than you give your
life to the wind.

LVII. MAULĀNĀ MĪRZĀ OF SAMARQAND.

He was an angel in the form of a man, who had acquired honour by performing the pilgrimage to the two holy places, (may God increase their honour!). During the regency of Bairam Khān, the Khān-i-Khānān, he dwelt in Āgra, where the people profited much by his precious utterances. Under the tuition of the Maulānā, who was one of the best men of his time. I studied a portion of the Shamsiyyah,209a commentary on logic, the work of Amīr Sayyid Muḥammad, who was the most noble and most orthodox son and successor of the holy Amīr Sayyid ‘Alī of Hamadān, by the blessing of whose holy foot-steps, which were inseparably connected with the spiritual instruction of the people, the faith of Islām was first promulgated and preached in the land of Kashmīr. And besides this commentary on logic I read other brief works with the Maulānā. From his blessed tongue I heard the following saying of the prophet, which has the very highest authority. “The prophet (may God bless and assoil him!) said, ‘He who sees a stranger (with his wife) may slay him; his blood is lawful (to him),’” and from him also I received authority to propound and expound this tradition, he having received it through only six intermediaries from 150 that holy one who was the seal of prophecy (on him and on his family be blessings without end!) The authenticity of the tradition of this saying is related in detail in the Najātu-r-Ra shīd.210

The Maulānā, at the time of the Khān-i-Zamān's rebellion, came from Agra to Dihlī, further than which place I have not been able to trace him, so that I do not know the (latter) circumstances of his auspicious life.

LVIII. QĀẒĪ ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ.210a

He is the disciple, the spiritual successor, and also the son-inlaw of the Governor210b of Bukhārā (may his honoured tomb be sanctified!). The venerable Governor was so learned in law and divinity that if we may suppose that all the books on the theology of the Ḥanafī210c school had disappeared from the world, he would have been able to write them afresh. It was on his account that ‘Abdu-'llāh Khān,210d the king of Tūrān, put a stop to the study of logic and dialectics in his dominions, and expelled Mullā ‘Iṣāmu-d-dīn of Isfārāin with his vile pupils from Transoxiana. The circumstances were as follows: After the study of logic and dialectics had gained ground in Bukhārā and Samarqand vile and wicked students, whenever they met a pious and simple-minded man, used to say, “This fellow is an ass, for he will deny the proposition that he is an animal,210e and, since the rejection of a general proposition necessarily involves the rejection of particular propositions dependent on it, he necessarily denies also his humanity.” When fallacies of this nature were frequently repeated and spread abroad the Governor wrote a treatise on divinity, inciting and urging ‘Abdu-'llah Khān to banish this school, and adducing clear proofs of the unlawfulness of teaching and studying logic and philosophy. He also recorded his opinion that there was no harm in using as a torchecul paper on which logical exercises had been written, and wrote much more to the same purport.

The Qāẓī always performed the zikr-i-arra211 after his prayers with his companions, and used to enroll disciples.

In the year H. 969 (A.D. 1561-62) he came to Agra, and I, as a 151 means of attaining good fortune and blessing, read some lessons with him in the beginning of the Sharḥ-i-Wiqāyah, and in truth, so far as that subject was concerned I found him to be a boundless sea of learning.

LIX. MAULĀNĀ MĪR-I-KALĀN.211a

He was the grandson of Mulla Kh'āja, one of the greatest of the Shaikhs of Khurāsān. Maulānā Mīr-i-Kalān was endowed with both inward and outward perfection and was a profound sage, being especially proficient in the traditions, in which respect he was the wonder of the age. He had authority from Sayyid Mīrak Shāh212 to teach this branch of knowledge. He was highly regarded by Maulānā Zainu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, the bowmaker 212a (may his honoured tomb be sanctified!). He was preserved by God, the most Holy and most High, from all sins, mortal and venial, and was ever employed in teaching divinity, and passed his life with his eyes cast down in meditation. He was the disciple of Shaikh Jalāl of Hirāt, who was one of the most famous of great Shaikhs. Maulānā Mīr-i-Kalān acquired a disposition like that of Muḥammad (may God bless and assoil him!), and his angelic nature was a manifestation of the (ninety-nine) attributes of God. He attained the age of eighty years, and his mother, who was a Sayyidah, was living at the time of his death. He never married, for fear lest his wife should not subject herself to his mother, and thus he passed away in his mother's lifetime. At the time when the Maulavī passed away to the eternal abode his mother was engaged in reading the glorious Qur'ān, and when they conveyed to her the news of the death of so precious a son, and asked her permission to proceed with the last rites she recited the noble verse, “We are God's, and to Him do we return,” and continued her reading of the Qur'ān, without a sign of weeping or lamentation. The Maulānā 152 passed away to the Presence of God's mercy in Agra, in the year H. 981 (A.D. 1573-74), and was buried also in Agra, and a year later his mother too journeyed to the next world and obtained the felicity of rejoining her blessed son.

I was blessed and honoured by meeting with the Maulānā of angelic disposition, but I received no instruction from him.

LX. MAULĀNĀ SA‘ĪD OF TURKISTĀN.212b

He was the most learned of the sages of his time. Some of his learning he acquired from Mullā Aḥmad-i-Jand213 and some from Mullā Maḥmūd-i-Surkh,213a and he also studied for a while under Mullā ‘Iṣāmu-'d-dīn Ibrāhīm.213b He came to India and entered the service of the emperor, who delighted much in his company. He possessed all the qualities of a true, religious man and was lowly-minded and of a most genial disposition. In from understanding, likewise, and quickness of perception no Mullā Turkistān who has appeared in this country has equalled him. He was an eloquent and charming speaker, and as a teacher was kind and gentle towards his pupils.

He passed away into the presence of the Lord's mercy in the year H. 970 (A.D. 1562-63) after his return from India to Kābul.

LXI. ḤĀFIẒ-I-KŪMAKĪ.213c

He was generally known as Ḥāfiẓ of Tāshkand,213d and was a profound scholar, especially in Arabic. He studied under Maulānā ‘Iṣāmu-d-dīn6 and acquired proficiency in all branches of knowledge. He taught much, and all the learned men of Transoxiana concurred in acknowledging his superiority. He affected a military mode of life, and whenever he rode abroad had a quiver in his belt, after the manner of the Turks. He came to India in the year H. 977 (A.D. 1569-70) and was honoured by 153 being admitted to the service of the Khalīfah of the age. After receiving many substantial marks of the imperial favour he set out, by way of Gujarāt, on a pilgrimage to the two holy places, Makkah and Madīnah, whence he proceeded to Turkey, where he was presented to the Sulṭān of Turkey, and in that country received ten times more honour and attention than he had received in India, so that even the office of grand vazīr of the empire was offered to him. This office he declined, and returned to Transoxiana, where he died. I never had the honour of paying my respects either to Ḥāfiẓ-i-Kūmakī or to Maulānā Sa‘īd.

LXII. QĀẒĪ NIẒĀM OF BADAKHSHĀN.214

He received the title of Qāẓī Khān, and was a native of Badakhshān, where his home was situated near a ruby-mine. In such branches of knowledge as are acquired by study he was the pupil of Maulānā ‘Iṣāmu-d-dīn Ibrāhīm, and also studied under Mullā Sa‘īd. He had a great taste for and proficiency in Ṣūfī-istic studies, and in these, the way of truth, he was the disciple of the greatest of leaders, Shaikh Ḥusain of Kh'ārazm. In consequence of his close adherence to the esoteric school he has also acquired much respect among men of the world, and in Badakh-sh ān was one of the nobles of the State. When he came to India he obtained unbounded honour, receiving first the title of Qāẓī Khān, and afterwards that of Ghāzī Khān. He was eloquent and his delivery was pleasing. He was the author of some standard works, among which was a treatise on the proof of the word (of God) and an account of the religion of truth and verity. He also wrote marginal notes on the commentary on the dogmas of the faith, and numerous treatises on Ṣūfi-ism. He passed away to the presence of God's mercy at the age of seventy in the year H. 992 (A.D. 1584) in Awadh. He was the first person to suggest the performance of the ceremony of prostration214a before the emperor. Mullā ‘Ālim of Kābul used to say regretfully, “Alas, that I was not the inventor of this ordinance!”

LXIII. MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD-I-LANGARKHĀNĪ. 154

He comes from a quarter in Lāhōr. He is well versed in all such branches of knowledge as are included in the ordinary curriculum, and is a profound scholar. He rules his life in accordance with the holy law, and is abstinent, and most pious and religious. He employs his time in teaching. He has never visited the houses of worldly and unpolished men, and has never asked assistance from the great ones of the earth, nor accepted the usual subsistence allowance made to religious teachers. He is nearly eighty years of age.

LXIV. MAULĀNĀ MUḤAMMAD, THE Muftī.215

He is one of the most respected teachers of Lāhor. He is endowed with many perfect qualities and is employed as Muftī. On each occasion on which he completes the perusal of the Ṣaḥīḥu-l-Bukhārī215a or the Mishkāt215b he gives a great entertainment, regaling his guests with bughrā khānīs215c and sweetmeats. His assembly is the meeting-place of the most learned men. The Maulānā, now that he has reached the age of ninety years, and is bent and feeble, has given up teaching. He has four or five orthodox sons, all of whom are in learning and accomplishments worthy successors of their father.

LXV. MĪR FATḤU-'LLĀH OF SHĪRĀZ.216

He was one of the Sayyids of Shīrāz and the most learned of the learned men of his time. He was for a long time the spiritual guide of the rulers and nobles of Fārs. He was thoroughly versed in all those sciences which demand the exercise of the reasoning faculty, such as philosophy, astronomy, geometry, astrology, geomancy, arithmetic, the preparation of talismans, incantations, and mechanics, and in this department of learning he was such an adept that he was able to draw up an astronomical table as soon as the emperor demanded one from him. He was equally learned in Arabic, traditions, interpretation of the Qur'ān and rhetoric, and was the author of some excellent works, which were not, however, equal to those of 155 Maulānā Mīrzā Jān of Shīrāz, who was a teacher in Transoxiana, an abstemious recluse, and was unique among the learned men of the age. Mīr Fatḥu-'llah, although he was polite, courteous, and well-conducted in society, seemed to be unable, as soon as he began to teach, to address his pupils otherwise than with abuse, insinuation, and sarcasm (God save us from the like!). For this reason very few ever became his pupils, and he has not left behind him one worthy disciple. He was for some years in the Dakan, and ‘Ādil Khān,216a the ruler of that country, had a great regard for him. When he entered the imperial service he received the title of ‘Aẓdu-l-Mulk.216b He died in Kashmīr in the year H. 997 (A.D. 1588-89) and is buried in the place known as Takht-i-Sulaimān.216c The words, “He was an angel,”216d were found to give the date of his death.

LXVI. SHAIKH MANṢŪR OF LĀHŌR.

He is one of the disciples of Shaikh Isḥāq i-Rākū,217 and acquired most of his learning under Maulānā Sa‘du-'llah,217a with whom he was connected by marriage. He is a learned and able man and is proficient in all such philosophical learning as is usually studied in India. He has a pleasant disposition and a sound understanding, which enables him reading to grasp a subject. He associates much with the nobles and chief men of the State and is resorted to by them. For some time he held the post of chief Qāẓī of Mālwa, and when the emperor set up his court at Lāhōr, he left Mālwa and paid his respects at Court. He is now employed in the administration of the pargana of Bajwāra217b and the submontane districts. His son Mullā ‘Alā'u-d-dīn was one of the most famous of the learned men employed in teaching, and was for some time among the companions of the Khan-i-Khānān, by whom he was highly regarded and much honoured. When he entered the imperial service he also received much honour, and though much pressed and urged to enter the 156 military service he declined to do so, and employed himself in teaching, spending whatever he received from his jāgīr on the students whom he taught. Of all the Mullās in India, after Pīr Muhammad Khān, there was nobody so famous as Mullā ‘Alā'u-'d-dīn and Mullā Nūr Muḥammad Tarkhān for generosity, liberality, and open-handedness. Mullā ‘Alā'u-d-dīn has written wellknown marginal notes on the Sharḥ ‘Aqā'id.217c He attained to the honour of performing the pilgrimage of the Ḥajj and is buried in the holy land of pilgrimage. I never met him.

LXVII. MULLĀ PĪR MUḤAMMAD OF SHĪRVĀN.217d

He was a Mullā of good understanding and great penetration, and gathered round him a cheerful company. Notwithstanding this he was hard-hearted man, and took no heed to do that which was lawful or avoid that which was unlawful. He came from Shīrvān and entered the service of the Khān-i-Khānān, Bairam Khān, in Qandahār, and received advancement. After the reconquest of Hindūstān he received the title of Khān, and afterwards that of Nāṣiru-l-Mulk, and lived for three or four years in the greatest honour and consideration, but since the days of the wicked are few, he was shortly afterwards drowned218 in the river Narbada in Mālwa, and joined Pharaoh in the Nile of hell. His death has been recorded in the history of the reign. I saw him from afar, but, thank God, I never associated with him.

LXVIII. MĪRZĀ MUFLIS THE ŪZBAK.218a

He was one of the disciples of Mullā Aḥmad-i-Jand.218b He was an able Mullā, and quick and ready in controversy, but was not eloquent, and when engaged in teaching behaved grotesquely. His figure was ungainly. He spent his time in religious retirement. He came from Transoxiana to India, and taught for four 157 years in the jāmi‘ masjid of Kh'āja Mu‘īnu-d-dīn-i-Farankhūdī218c in Āgra. By the grace of God he was enabled to perform the pilgrimage to the two holy places, and in Makkah the glorious he departed this life, dying at the age of seventy.

LXIX. MAULĀNĀ NŪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD TARKHĀN.218d

He had a comprehensive knowledge of philosophy and rhetoric, and was a man of pleasant disposition and a poet. Towards the end of his life he repented of and gave up poetry. He was appointed to the trusteeship of the mausoleum of his late majesty, the emperor Humāyūn, and died in Dihlī.

LXX. MAULĀNĀ ILĀHDĀD OF AMRŌHA.219

He was an able Mullā, of a pleasant disposition, unaffected, a good conversationalist, a charming associate and a boon companion, ever ready with a pleasant jest. He attracted many to his society and delighted all who associated with him. He obtained an appointment in the military service of the empire which enabled him to live contentedly. He was much attached to me throughout his life. In the year H. 990 (A.D. 1582), when the victorious army was marching towards Aṭak on the river in the neighbourhood of Siyālkōṭ, he delivered up the life which had been entrusted to him,219a and his corpse was taken to a village in the pargana of Amrōha, which he had beautified for himself, and was there buried.

This concludes the brief account of those Shaikhs and learned men of the age whom, for the most part, I have had an opportunity of meeting and waiting upon, and by whose illuminating regard I have been honoured; as for those of them whom I have not seen, be it as God will! Of all those of whom my pen has given an account, but very few remain here and there, like moles on the face of the age, in these days in which there is such a dearth of men worthy to be so called. Those who remain avoid and flee from the world and have been completely forgotten by those of feeble and defective nature, the vulgar, that is to say, who are no better than cattle. These learned men, counting as a 158 loan the few moments of life which are left to them, await the arrival of the swift-footed messenger of death, and, having fully realized the dignity of old age, now hearken with the ears of the soul for the cry “Prepare to set out!” expectantly waiting to answer obediently to the shout.

Quatrain.

In the history of the world the lives of all, both small and
great,
Are written, and accounts of brave men and heroes,
Read, and on each page of it you will see “In such a year
Died such one, the son of such a one, the son of such a one.”

And other Shaikhs and learned men are and were scattered throughout all parts of India, throughout its length and breadth, in such numbers that the reckoning of them is left to the knowledge of the Knower of Secrets. Likewise the number of those who are famed and known for the natural wickedness of their dispositions and innate baseness, for their hypocrisy, vileness, worthlessness, crooked dealings and injustice is beyond computation, and there is no need for me to soil my pen by recording anything concerning this handful of rubbish, these base fellows, for I have a great task before me and but little hope of long life, and my condition resembles that of the ice merchant of Nīshāpur who was selling ice in the summer, and when the sun waxed hot cried out, “O, ye Muslims! Have pity upon him whose stock-in-trade is melting away on his hands!”

Couplet.

“Our life is as ice in the heat of summer,
But little of it remains and its owner is still deceived.”

And my recording the dates of the deaths of the men of whom I write resembles the case of that tailor who in a certain city had his shop by the gate of the graveyard, and hung an earthen pot from a nail in his door, his only care being to drop a stone in the pot for every funeral which came from the city. Every month 159 he used to count the stones, saying, “They have carried away so many to burial.” Then he would empty the pot and hang it again on the nail, dropping stones into it as before till another month had passed. It so happened that the master tailor died and a man who had not heard of his death came to demand his services. He found the door of his shop shut and asked a neighbour whither the tailor had gone. The neighbour replied, “He too has gone into the pot.”

Couplet.

Regard well what happens to others,
For when it has passed by them it will be your lot also.
God be gracious! We have fallen into the mouth of a
dragon where we cannot even struggle or move, and
whence we cannot obtain freedom.
Devour thine own blood like the rosebud; mourn and open
not thy lips,
For the rosebud of this garden, the world, has no hope of
blossoming.
It points out to thee that some form, lofty as the cypress,
has crumbled away to dust.
On every spot which is shaded by the box-tree.
Since some rose from the pleasaunce is every moment borne
away on the wind
The solitary lily wears ever the blue raiment of mourning.

I would here request my respected and critical readers and acute appraisers not to be unduly carping and censorious as regards the lack of arrangement in this work, for the famous names of the members of the two classes which I have mentioned, who have been specially chosen out from among the people for honour, are mentioned in these few pages at haphazard like scattered pearls, and without regard to precedence or place. I would deprecate criticism on this score inasmuch as these historical selections have been written, as it were, by a broken-winged pen in a hasty flight, and I have had no leisure to arrange my composition in a commonplace book. My case much resembles that of the saddler who was constantly losing 160 his needle and said, “If my time were not mostly wasted in looking for my needle I should be able to get through a good deal of work in the day, notwithstanding that the beggars as one man gather round me like the thong of a whip.” This is a wellknown saying. Although some of those whom I have mentioned may not perhaps be altogether as I would have them, for many a sincerely pious man wears the appearance of an atheist, yet if there be even one of them who is acceptable to the Lord, that one person will be sufficient for my salvation, to make intercession for me and to gain honour for me. Although all of them in general are entitled to be considered as, in some sort, saints, for “God is near to them who believe,” and are thus many degrees better than I, yet some of them have a special and manifest claim, which I fully admit, to be regarded as saints. It is for this reason that I have not included among these biographies those of the irreligious and lewd, taking as my rule of conduct the saying of the sage of Busṭām, which he spoke to one of his disciples by way of advice, saying, “If in these present times you see anybody who has faith in the sayings of the Shaikhs request his prayers both for me and for yourself, for the prayers of such a one will most certainly be answered.”

I know no way and I can find no help for myself,
Except the love of those whose faith is firm.

It so happened that when I reckoned up the number of those of this honoured class whom I have mentioned, most of whom are truly men of God, and generous and enlightened souls, I found that it came to a hundred and eleven, the number which is given by the word quṭb and also by the word alf (“one thousand”), which latter word was the date of the year223 in which I wrote this treatise which has given me so much pleasure.

Now that my heart is disgusted with those depraved wretches who have not scrupled unblushingly to cavil at and openly to revile the faith of Islām, convicting themselves of infidelity and shamelessness, and who are the cause of all the ruin which has 161 fallen upon both the state and the people of Islām, and are known as the strife of the latter days, I will proceed to an account of the physicians (of the court) although some of these, too, may be classed in the same category as the infidels just mentioned.

CHAPTER III.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PHYSICIANS OF THE REIGN OF THE
EMPEROR AKBAR.

Some of the physicians in this reign were so learned in the theory and skilled in the practice of medicine that they performed miracles like those of Mūsā,224 and brought to mind the wonder-working breath of the Lord ‘Īsā,224a while others, for the reason that the healing art is a noble subject of study, but a mean pursuit in its practical application, although they busied themselves in the study of medicine, sought political employment, according to their several degrees.

I. ḤAKÍMU-L-MULK OF GÍLĀN.224b

His name was Shamsu-d-dīn, and in medicine and the healing art he was the Galen of the age, and was endowed with the healing breath of the Messiah.224c In other branches of traditional learning also he was distinguished far above all his fellows. I myself had no dealings with him, for when I first entered the imperial service and presented my preface to the Nāma-yi- Khirad-afzā225 to the emperor, the ḥakīm served me very ill, replying, when asked by the emperor what he thought of my writing, “His style is polished, but his book is ill to read.” Notwithstanding this the ḥakīm was, to do him justice, a sincere well-wisher and a practical helper of God's servants, firm and steadfast in the faith, and devoted to the interests of his friends. He was constantly engaged in teaching students, to whom, indeed, he was not only a tutor, but also a generous patron. So devoted was he to them that he never on any occasion willingly took his food apart from them, and on this account he was an infrequent guest at the houses of others. He was seated one day in the assembly of Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī, discoursing on theology and theologians and praising physicians and magnifying and extolling the importance and glory of the science of medicine, and the greatness of Shaikh Abū ‘Alī Sīnā.225a This occurred at 162 the time when the ‘Ulamā and the physicians were at feud, and were daily wrangling, disputing, and quarrelling regarding the dignity of their respective orders. As I was unacquainted with these matters and had only recently come from the country and was ignorant of the real grounds of the controversy, I quoted the following verses of Shaikh Shihābu-d-dīn-i-Sahravardī225b (may God sanctify his soul!).

Verses.

“How long did I say to this people, “Ye are superfluous?
One cure, the grave, is to be found in books of medicine.”
But when they sought satisfaction in threatening us,
We rested in God for the sufficiency of our recompense.
And they died in the faith of Aristotle,
While we live in the faith of God's chosen prophet.”

And I also quoted, in support of the position which I had taken up, those verses of the inspired lord Jāmī226 (may his tomb be sanctified!) which he has written in his Tuḥfatu-l-Aḥrār.

Couplet.

“Seek not enlightenment of the heart from the bosom of
Sīnā,226a
Seek not for light from the eyes of the blind.”

This enraged the ḥakīm, and the Shaikh said: “The fire of strife was already blazing between these people. Now you have come and have blown it to a still fiercer blaze.”

When the arena of strife was closed to the ‘ulamā and shaikhs this physician disputed with the enemies of the faith whenever he could find an opportunity of doing so, as is briefly related in the account of that party.226b At length Ḥakīmu-l-Mulk was no longer able to continue the unequal struggle and applied for leave to go to Makkah the glorious, and in the year H. 988 or 989 (A.D. 1580 or 1581)226c he departed on the pilgrimage, and died in the land of the pilgrimage. Thanks be to God for his efforts.

II. ḤAKĪM SAIFU-L-MULŪK OF DAMĀWAND.226d

To great learning and knowledge of medicine he united a taste 163 for writing vilely scurrilous and satirical verse. His nom-deplume was Shujā‘ī.226e As ill-luck would have it, whenever this physician undertook the cure of a sick man, the unfortunate patient surrendered his life to the messenger of death, for which reason the wits gave him the nickname of Saifu-l-Ḥukamā.227 He attended one of the grandsons of the venerable Shaikh Jāmī, Mūḥammad-i-Khabūshānī227a by name, better known as Makhdūm-zāda ,227b and helped him on his journey to the next world. The words “Saifu-l-Ḥukamā killed him”227c were found to give the date of his death. These few lines which were written on the physician Jalāl may well be applied to Saifu-l-Mulūk.

Verses.

“Regarding the physician Jalāl the Angel of Death,
Last night made his complaint to God, saying,
‘Thy slave is helpless before the physician,
Where I kill one he kills a hundred.
Either depose him I pray Thee, from the position which
he holds,
Or assign to me some other employment.’”227d

He was held in much honour in India for some years during the time of Bairam Khān, and afterwards, but according to his own statement he received neither patronage nor honour, and returned to his country disappointed. Thence he wrote and despatched a satirical poem, which for gracefulness and the laughable nature of its subject has been equalled by the poems of few writers of this age. To whet the taste of my readers I transcribe here a few couplets from that poem, which recall themselves spontaneously to my memory.

“A pious calf, untimely born, hailing from Barbary,
Whom I have sometimes called a cat, sometimes the mouse
of the saints,
A Brahman without caste-mark or thread, that is to say an
Indian Shaikh.

I should be no Musalman were I to call such a one a
Musalman.
Hold, Shafī‘u-'d-dīn Muḥammad, cease your eternal mum-
bling of words,
That mumbling which I have likened to the chewing of a
cud by a man.
Farīdūn,228 in my anger against you, your shameless face
164 Have I likened to an anvil, not for its smoothness, but for
its hardness.”

Mīr Farīdūn replied with the following couplet:—

“Philosopher's tears are the boast of the ass of the angel of
Death,
Of him whom I have called the doorkeeper of the house of
misfortune.”

When Mīr Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk228a left the army and entered upon a life of religious retirement at Dihlī Saifu-l-Mulūk wrote of him:

“The king of the ascetics, Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk, is displeased with
me.
Why, when have I, his slave, ever said that he repented of
his ascetic life?”

III. ḤAKĪM ZANBĪL.228b

He was distinguished for his learning, and had a place among those who were admitted to the emperor's company.

IV. ḤAKĪM ‘AINU-L-MULK OF SHĪRĀZ.229

He bore the nom-de-plume of Davā'ī,229a and held a very high rank among the learned, besides being of a most noble disposition. He died in the city of Hāndiya, as has been related.229b The following verses were written by him when I was escorting him to the gate of the garden of the late Kh'āja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad in the suburbs of Lāhōr. He wrote them and gave them to me as a keepsake as he bade me farewell, just before he set out229c from Lāhōr for the Dakan, on his mission to Rāja ‘Alī Khān of Burhānpūr.229d That was the last time I saw him.

Verses.

“So full am I of love that the world will not contain me,
All places are full of my love, and no place will contain
me.
If I care for naught but love it is no wonder,
Regard it rather as an example of my chastity, for wine
does not content me.

165 Why do you ask me of that which I myself do not know.
Verily I am the mystery of unity, though even that
mystery cannot contain me.”

Other verses by ‘Ainu-l-Mulk.

“No desert place has been seen without a sign of some
habitation.
But against the incurable pain of love no plans avail.
I became the prey of one fair as a gazelle, but when I
looked intently
(I saw) that there was nothing in the game-straps but a
pure soul.”

V. ḤAKĪM MASĪḤU-L-MULK, OF SHĪRĀZ.230

He had been brought up by the physician Ṇajmu-d-dīn ‘Abdu-'llāh, the son of Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥasan. He had the disposition of a religious and also sound faith. He was exceedingly well skilled in medicine. He came to Hindūstān from the Dakan and was sent with Sulṭān Murād230a to Gujarāt and the Dakan. In Mālwa death cut short the (silver) cord of his hope.

VI. ḤAKĪM-I-MIṢRĪ.230b

He was well skilled both in the theory and the practice of medicine and learned in all traditional learning. He had some acquaintance with the profane sciences, such as exorcism, etymology, and the formation of broken plurals. He is a cheerful soul and a good companion, whose very approach is a blessing. He put forth his best efforts in treating Shaikh Faiẓī in his last illness, but all to no avail. What indeed could he do in the face of the irresistible decree of fate, before which all are helpless and dumb. If medicine could prolong the life physicians should never die.

The ḥakīm sometimes wrote droll verses in Persian, an example of which is the following couplet which he wrote on Kh'āja 166 Shamsu-d-dīn of Khawāf,231 the Dīvān.

Couplet.

“What overbearing conduct is this of Kh‘āja Shamsu-d-
dīn's?
He intrudes, God forbid it,231a upon the domain of medicine!”

One day, on seeing an oleander, which in Arabic is called diflā, in bloom, he uttered the following hemistich:—

“The locks leap up like flame from the head of the diflā.”

When the emperor built a dais in the courtyard of the masjid at Lāhōr and issued an order to the effect that anybody who wished to do so might recite their prayers there in his presence, Ḥakīm-i-Miṣrī wrote the following verses:—

“Our king has founded a masjid
O ye faithful, good fortune may it bring!
It is good policy also in this masjid
To recite and reckon up our prayers.”

He was very simple-minded and unselfish, and for this reason acquired but little wealth. He produced, however, some practical treatises on medicine. He died in Burhānpūr in Khāndēsh and was buried in the neighbourhood of that city.231b

VII. ḤAKĪM ‘ALĪ.232

He is sister's son to Ḥakīmn-l-Mulk and was the pupil of his uncle and of Shāh Fatḥu-'llah of Shīrāz, in medicine, and studied traditional learning under Shaikh ‘Abdu-n-Nabī. Notwithstanding his great learning in the holy law and in Sunnī theology, his malignancy in adhering to the Zaidī232a sect and his obstinacy in the Shī‘ah heresy, in which matters he resembles the other physicians of the age, are as great as ever they were.232b His excellence in acquired knowledge, and especially in the science of medicine, is extreme, and he is passionately devoted to the practice of the healing art, but as he is but a youth, self-opinionated 167 and of limited experience, it sometimes happens that a patient, after taking one of his draughts speedily has a taste of the draught of extinction, and notwithstanding the fact that he was the pupil of Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh of Shīrāz, he ordered him, when he was in an ardent fever, a diet of thick pottage,232c thereby handing him over to death, the executioner.

“To drink with him is death to the senses.”
VIII. ḤAKĪN ARŪ-L-FATḤ OF GĪLĀN.233

He obtained favour in the emperor's service to such a degree that he was admitted to his intimate companionship and acquired such influence over him as to render himself an object of envy to all who concerned themselves in the affairs of state. He was highly distinguished for his acumen and quickness of apprehension, and for his proficiency in all worldly accomplishments, prose and poetry. He was no less a byword for his infidelity and all other reprehensible qualities.233a I heard, when the ḥakīm first arrived at Court, that he used to say, “The only things worth considering are Khusrav and these twelve couplets.” He always spoke of Anwarī as “Anwarīak the flatterer,” and likened him to Mīr Bādanjān, who was the buffoon of his time. Of Khāqānī he used to say, “If he were now living he would be much improved, for whenever he came to my house I would box his ears for him, to arouse him from his sleepiness, and when he went hence to Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl's house he also would box his ears, and between us we should improve his poetry.

IX. ḤAKĪM ḤASAN OF GĪLĀN.234

He was noted for his natural quickness of wit, but he had not learning in proportion, though he possessed excellent qualities and praiseworthy attributes.

168 X. ḤAKĪM HUMĀM.234a

He was the younger brother of Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ, and his disposition was better than his brother's. Although it was not naturally good, yet it cannot be said to have been naturally evil. Ḥakīm Ḥasan, Shaikh Faiẓī, Kamālā the Ṣadr, and Ḥakīm Humām234b all died one after the other within the space of a month, and all the wealth which they had amassed disappeared in a moment, vanishing as completely as though it had been sunk in the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea, and to them nothing remained but the wind of vain regrets. But this indeed is and has been the common fate of all courtiers, both dead and living, namely, that, in spite of the treasures of Qārūn234c and Shaddād234d

which they are enabled to amass, they depart hence often without so much as a shroud, and bearing on their broken necks the affliction of their malignity, the load of eternal disappointment and everlasting ignominy—And this, too, is the saying of ‘Isā (on whom be peace!), which he spoke to the world, likening it in parable to an old woman, “Woe to thy living husbands, they believe not on the fate of thy husbands who are no more!”

“Surrender thy soul to the Beloved, else shall death
snatch it from thee!”
“Judge thou for thyself, my soul, which of the two is
the better.”

The ḥakīm died in Lāhōr, and his body was carried thence to the camping ground of Ḥasan Abdāl, and interred beside that of his brother.

XI. ḤAKĪM AḤMAD, OF TATTA.235

He was a good theologian who was impelled by his own shameless assurance to pose as a physician. His learning was extensive, and he had travelled throughout Arabia and Persia. He was a cheerful soul, but somewhat disordered in mind, a prey to vain desires, and a pretender to honours to which he had no claim. I constantly admonished him, reminding him that he had no right to the rank of a Sayyid, and that groundless claims of this sort met with scant consideration in India. I told him if he had any regard235a for the faith, to profess himself a true Musal- 169 mān, for that in these latter days nothing remained of the true faith but its name. But my admonitions availed nothing, and he met with the just reward of his deeds. I saw him after he had received his death-wound from Mīrzā Fūlād,235b and I swear by God, the God of whose Godhead there is no doubt, that the ḥakīm's face appeared to others, as well as to me, exactly like the head of a hog, and the words “the hellish hog”236 were found to give the date of his death. Shaikh Faiẓī found another chronogram in the words, “on the twenty-fifth of the month of Ṣafar.”236a I found two chronograms for the event in the following couplet slightly altered from the Ḥadīqah,236b which is applicable equally to the slayer and the slain.

“And we adhered to the certain presumptions.”

Another person found a chronogram in the words, “Hail, dagger of Fūlād!”236c

XII. ḤAKĪM LUṬFU-'LLĀH, OF GĪLĀN.237

He was well known as a clever practitioner, and his learning was very great.

XIII. ḤAKĪM MUẒAFFAR, OF ARDASTĀN.237a

When a young man he was physician to Shāh Ṭahmāsb.237b He came to India and was here highly regarded. He is a young man of great piety, and lives cleanly. When he attends the sick his very footstep seems to bring them good luck. Although he has not much learning, his practical experience is very great.

XIV. ḤAKĪM FATḤU-'LLĀH, OF GĪLĀN.237c

He has read very many works on medicine, and his knowledge of astronomy also is great. He has written a Persian commentary on the Qānūn. He has now gone to Kābul to treat Qilīj Khān.

XV. SHAIKH BĪNĀ.237d

He is the son of Shaikh Ḥasan, the quack doctor of Sirhind. His skill in surgery is great, and in the treatment of elephants he 170 is one of the wonders of the age. Latterly, he has become the prey of mischievous hallucinations.

There are also among the physicians others, obscure Musal-mans 238 and accursed Hindūs,238a from writing of whom my heart revolts.

CHAPTER IV.
An Account of the Poets of the Reign of the Emperor Akbar.

A full account of the poets of the reign of the Emperor Akbar is given in the Nafā'isu-l-Ma'āṯir, well known as the Taẕkirāh of Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah,239 which is the source from which the materials for this brief account are extracted. Some of these poets have composed dīvāns. I have written of those with whom I was acquainted, whom I have even seen, whether near or from afar, or who have acquired fame.

I. GHAZĀLĪ OF MASHHAD.239a

When his life was attempted in ‘Irāq on account of his infidelity and intemperance, he fled thence to the Dakan, and afterwards came to Hindūstān. The Khān-i-Zamān sent him one thousand rupees for his expenses, and wrote from Jaunpūr a witty epigram’ which contained an enigma in the poet's name.

“O Ghazālī, I adjure thee by the claims of the lord of Najaf239b
That thou come to the slaves of the peerless one!239c
Since thou art without honour in that country239d
Take thy head,239e and come out of it.”

He was for some time with the Khān-i-Zamān and afterwards240 entered the emperor's service and received the title of Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā.240a He compiled several dīvāns and a book of maṯnavīs. It is said that he has written no fewer than forty or fifty thousand couplets.240b Although his compositions do not rank very high, yet his poems, as regards both quality and quantity, are superior to those of any of his contemporaries. He had great facility of expression in the language of the mystics. He died very suddenly in Aḥmadābād on Friday, Rajab 27, A.H. 980 (Dec. 3, A.D. 1572),240c 171 and his majesty ordered that he should be buried in Sarkhej,240d the resting-place of many of the great saints and famous kings of old. Qāsim Arsalān240e wrote this chronogram for the date of his death, taking it down from the dictation of Qāsim Kāhī.240f

“Last night Ghazālī, that accursed dog,
Went drunk and defiled to hell.
Kāhī wrote the date of his death
‘A base infidel departed from this world.’”240g

Another chronogram—

“Ghuzālī was a treasure-house of hidden meaning,
His resting-place is the pure earth of Sarkhej.
The date of his death, with the difference of one year only,
Is given by the words, ‘Aḥmadābād and the dust of
Sarkhej.’”241

The following is the opening couplet of an ode which I have not been able to discover in any dīvān written by him:—

“We heard a noise and opened our eyes from the sleep of
nothingness.
We saw that the night of strife had not passed away, and fell
asleep again.”241a

Couplets by Ghazālī.

“If in the Ka‘bah thy heart wanders towards any, besides
(the Lord of the Ka‘bah).
The worship is all wickedness, and the Ka‘bāh is to thee no
more than an idol-temple.
But if thy heart is fixed on God, even though thou dwell in
the wineshop,
Drink wine fearlessly, thine end can be nought but good.”

“We fear not death, but this is our misfortune
That we must remain disappointed of regarding the lovely
ones of this world.”

“Those who are at rest in the dust were all slain by thy
sword.
The sword of Death has had no opportunity here.” 172

“We are within the compass of a revolving lantern;242 a whole
world remains in astonishment therein,
Man whirls madly therein like the figures on the lantern.”

“The zealot's cloak is stretched over his bent form like the
string on a bow,
But the debauchees fear not the arrows of his prayers.”

A Quatrain.

“My mind is an ocean which contains a gem,
My tongue is a sword which has an edge,
The clarion of my pen has the sound of the last trump,
I am the bird of the angels, my words are winged.”

He has introduced into one qaṣīdah all the numerals from one to a hundred. This is its opening couplet—

“By one word from thy two ruby lips Masīḥ242a obtained three
favours;
Eternal life, and graceful speech, and power to give life.”
“We are wine, and round our necks is the collar of the wine-
jar,
We have a power of intoxication in which the whole world
is lost.”

II. QĀSIM-I-KĀHĪ.242b

He was Miyān Kāhi of Kābul. Although his verses are crude 173 and his ideas all stolen from others, yet they are written in a connected style, and in this respect Kāhī had no equal. He was well versed in astronomy, rhetoric, and the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs, and wrote a treatise on music. In short, he had no equal in his time in knowledge of the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs, the art of composing enigmas, history, elocution, and various other arts. Although he had had the advantages of associating with the shaikhs of former days, among them that lord of his age Maulavī Jāmī, (may his tomb be hallowed!) and others, yet all his life was spent in heresy and infidelity. But notwithstanding these ill qualities his liberality, generosity, open-handedness and bounty were extreme, and he was always surrounded by a crowd of qalandars, lewd fellows, and courtezans, and associated unrestrainedly with dogs. It would seem that such conduct is the invariable attribute of one bearing the title of Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā,243 as has been said in the verses—

“Hearken to this advice from Saifī,
That it may suffice thee all thy life,
On good poetry and a handsome boy,
Pin thy faith, no matter whose they be.”

I have no concern with his religion, but I reproduce the following selections from his verses:—

Couplets.

“Like thy shadow we are with thee, whithersoever thou
goest,
It may be that in time thou wilt shew us some kindness.
O ancient of love, seek the company of one with Yūsuf's
cheeks.
Small wonder were it if so thou becamest young like
Zulaikhā.
Kāhī, thou art the nightingale which adorns the pleasaunce
of Kābul,
No crow or kite art thou that thou shouldst come to Hindū-
stān.”
174 “Grief for thine absence has reduced my body to the likeness
of a spider's web,
It is for this reason that the corner of a ruin is my dwell-
ing.”

He set the two odes of which the opening couplets are given below to sweet music, so that they have become known throughout the world and are sung in all assemblies, enlivening alike the banquets of kings and the gatherings of mystics.

Opening Couplet of the First Ode.

“The bird which began to flap his wings on the forehead of
Majnūn
Inflamed in his brain the fire of his grief for Lailā.”

Opening Couplet of the Second Ode.

“When the mirror is filled with roses, the reflection of the
loved one's face,
The parrot who looks therein becomes a nightingale.”

The following is an enigma244 on the name of God:—

“Nobody has full knowledge of His essence,
From eternity without beginning has He been, He is limit-
less.”

And the following is another enigma on the name of the prophet:—

“Since I journeyed along the road of the holy law,
My path has been divided from that of Muḥammad the pro-
phet.”

He was the author of a well-known dīvān and has also written a maṯnarī which he has entitled Gul Afshān, a reply245 to the Būstān of Sa‘dī, corresponding with it rhyme for rhyme. Its opening couplet is—

“To the world's Creator be praises from the soul,
To the soul's Creator a hundred worlds of praise.”245a

The following is another couplet by him—

“My cruel darling has killed thousands with her coquetries,
My spoilt darling still continues her coquetries.”

“The rain of misfortune has broken on my grief-stricken body,
What misfortune is there that the heavens have not rained
on my head?”

“No narcissus blooms in the place of my pilgrimage,
My eyes are whitened with watching for thee.”

The following couplet was written by him on a Hindū youth, a Jōgī:—

“Thy flame-coloured face shines above the ashes on thy body246
like the lotus,
Or it may be that thy head-cloth has been reduced to ashes
by thy resplendent face.”

175 But the idea developed in this couplet very much resembles that which is the motive of the following couplet by Mullā Vaṣfī246a of Kābul:—

“It is not the burning fever of separation from thee which
has induced me to choose the dust for a bed,
Rather is it that my bed has been burnt to ashes by the
ardent fever which possesses me, sick with my longing for
thee.”

When Mullā Qāsim was told that most of his poetical ideas were stolen from others, he used to reply, “I have never asked you to believe that my poems were wholly my own. If they please you not, take a pen-knife, and erase them from the copies of my divān.” He has an excellent qaṣīdah on the astrolabe, which runs on into an encomium on the late emperor, Humāyūn. His copiousness of diction is well exemplified therein. When Kh'āja Mu‘aẓẓam Khān,246b notwithstanding his lameness, came to visit Mullā Qāsim-i-Kāhī in his sickness, the Mullā composed the following extempore ode on the event, setting it to music at the same time:—

“Thou did'st halt in affected disdain one pace from the face
of my longing,
May thy foot never pain thee more, my graceful cypress!
Howmuchsoever I recounted, in the night of separation, the
joys of thy presence,
The tale of my long-drawn-out grief was not lessened.”

One day the Mullā was walking in the emperor's garden, on the far side of the Jamna, when the poet Ṣubūḥī246c met him, and as soon as he saw him said, “Sir, have you heard that a man who accepted Islām late in life247 has died in ‘Irāq?” The Mullā replied, “May you be spared!”247a

When the imperial army marched to Gujarāt Mullā Ghazālī accompanied it in the early stages of the journey. It so happened that a falso report of the death of Mullā Qāsim-i-Kāhī was spread abroad, and when Ghazālī heard it, he composed the following chronogram, which is, although far-fetched, and based on a false rumour, not without elegance.

“The wretched Kāhī left the world.
Should you wish to know the date of his death,
Know that since he could not help but go he was constrained, 176
And ‘Qāsim-i-Kāhī went from the world.’”247b

But before this lying tale became a fact Mullā Qāsim-i-Kāhī was enabled to take his revenge by composing a chronogram on the death of Ghazālī, and a second one also, as full retribution. These have already been cited.247c But,

“What can a liar tell, but a lie?”
Although the following couplet is true,
“I have seen poets, within my experience,
Without followers, without offspring, and without any snc-
cessful issue of their labours,”

and all the poets of the present age together, both small and great, are, with the exception of three or four aged men, adherents of the Jauratī and Ḥaidarī247d sects, yet these two whom I have just mentioned were the guides and leaders of all the rest, and left the heritage of their baseness to their followers and dependants, dividing it among them in due proportion to the natural fitness and ability of each one to avail himself of it, and with due regard to the claims which each had acquired by former companionship with them.

When I regard this vile gang I am oppressed by the fear that the poets of old248 (may God protect us from them!) may perhaps have resembled them. God forbid that it should have been so! Yet the experience of ages tells us that worldly people in each particular period follow closely in one another's footsteps and that there are no radical differences of disposition among them.

III. KH'ĀJA ḤUSAIN OF MARV.248a

He was one of the sons of that saint of the Lord and traveller in the path of the Eternal God, Shaikh Ruknu-d-dīn ‘Alā'u-d-daulah of Samanān (may God sanctify his tomb!). In those branches of knowledge which exercise the reasoning faculty, he was the pupil of Maulānā ‘Iṣāmu-d-dīn and Mullā Ḥanafī, and in the study of the holy law he was the disciple of the last and best of the sages and traditionists Shaikhu-bnu-Ḥajar-i-Ṯānī (may God have mercy on him!). His facility in verse, his elegance in literary style, his rhetorical flourishes, his fine delivery, 177 his polish and copiousness of diction, and his wit, were unrivalled. He composed a dīvān, and his poetry, though not in the first rank, is of respectable quality. The following couplets are by him:—

“O, thou in whose absence the tears drop from my eye-
lashes,
While the thought of sleep249 is banished from my eyes!
Thou didst display thyself to me in such wise as thou wert
not,
Alas! that thou wert not such as thou didst seem.”

It seems likely that this couplet is an imitation of the following quatrain:—

“We say that maybe we are of the faithful,—but we are
not.
And that we are of the truthful and sincere,—but we are
not,
We are adorned outwardly, but inwardly we are otherwise,
Alas! that we are not what we seem to be!”

The following couplets are also by Marvī:—

“With me thy brow is wrinkled like the rosebud,
With others thy lips open in smiles, like the pistachio.”

“I wish that the love which I bear to thee,
Should be known to me, and to thee, and to God.”

The following couplets in praise of Muḥammad are from the translation of the Singhāsan Batīsī,249a of which His Majesty ordered this poet to make a translation, which was never completed:—

“The sweet-voiced nightingale of the garden of revelation250
Whose eyes were anointed with the antimony of us base
crows,
Who in his unquestionable abrogation of the Psalms of
David,
Has drawn his pen through the copies of the Pentatench
and the Gospels,
To his high court is prophecy entrusted,
To him, the chief of the prophets and the seal of apostle-
ship.”

A Quatrain.

“I am he whose kingdom is the realm of words,
178 The money-changer of wisdom is the appraiser of my
threaded gems.
The exordium “Be!” is but one leaf of my writings;
The secrets of the two worlds are on the tip of my pen.”

In the year H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72) he obtained permission to depart from Hindūstān and to go to his native land, and Shaikh Faiẓī, who was his pupil, found the date of his departure in the words “may his shadow be extended!”250a He went to Kābul and was received with consideration and honour by Mīrzā Muḥam-mad Ḥakīm, but when he presented his pīshkash250b of merchandise, goods, valuables, and precious articles from India, he rose from his place and took the list of his presents from the hands of the registrar of complimentary presents and detailed and explained the quantity, quality and name of each description of cloth, even going so far as to give the price of each. The Mīrzā was much displeased at this breach of decorum, and, rising from an assembly with which he was disgusted, ordered that all who pleased should fall on the spoil and carry off what they could, so that in the space of an hour everything disappeared. The Kh'āja shortly after this died in Kābul.

IV. QĀSIM-I-ARSALĀN.251

He wrote poetry under the nom-de-plume of Arsalān on account of his father's claim to descent from Arsalān-i-Jāẕib, one of the great nobles of the court of Sulṭān Maḥmūd-i-Ghaznavī. His native place was Ṭūs251a and he grew to manhood in Transoxiana. He was a poet sweet of song, welcome to all, both great and small, for his personal beauty and graceful wit, adorned with the ornament of an open and cheerful disposition and with the quality of sociability and social amiability. In the composing of chronograms he had no equal. He was the author of a divān, and the following few couplets are of his making:—

“I wish to raise my head, at the resurrection, from a spot of
earth
On which the foot of a fair one shall be lingering in grace- 179
ful coquetry.”

“O, thou who hardly givest up but half thy life, what place
hast thou
Where lives are freely given by the hundred for one glance
from the beloved?”

I remember something very like this latter couplet in an ode of the author of which I cannot quite recall the name. It is as follows:—

“What though I be alone with thee in lovers' meeting?
Thy modesty repels me more than a thousand watchers.”

Another couplet by Qāsim-i-Arsalān—

“Both letter and spirit of my reading mourn my lot,
Without thee how can I keep my regard intent on my book?”

“As we passed weeping to the loved one's dwelling,
A hundred times in each step we crossed a river of tears.”

He has written the following verse descriptive of the mountain of Ajmīr, the holy burial place of the Kh'āja, the pole-star of pole-stars, Kh'āja Mu‘īnu-d-din-i-Ajmīri-yi-Cishtī (may his tomb be hallowed!):—

“Lo! The mountain of Ajmīr, a mountain of ambergris,
The lodging of the chief of the leaders of Cisht.
What hill is this, that when it raises its head to the empy-
rean,
Has the ocean of the sky no higher than its midst?
The bodies of the sun and moon appear
From that hill no larger than the eagle's eye.252
Fountains there are therein, like to the sun in brilliancy,
Their sand252a is the starry host of heaven,
Heaven's eagle252b winged his flight,
To seek its summit, but his flight fell short.
Should but a stone be loosened from that fort,
It would in its downward course loosen the strongholds of
heaven from their foundations.
That darting brilliance which issues from the clouds is not
lightning,
It is nought but the sword-like summit of that mountain
striking the sky.

Glancing from that mountain foot the beholder sees 180
The sky as a clear pool, and the moon as the fish's253 eye.
The torrents which rush down from that awful stronghold
would carry away a thousand hills such as Alwand and
Alburz.253a
When the eagle rises from the vase of the fortress' walls,
His shadow falls on the moon and sun.
Arsalān. behold the loftiness of its mere foundations!
The sun seeks protection beneath their shadow.”

The Mulla in the year in which the emperor returned from Ātak took up his dwelling in Lahōr. He died in the year H. 995 (A.D. 1587).

I should state here that the three or four poets whose biographies I have already given have been mentioned first on account of the fame which they acquired as poets only, and of the ill-luck which they brought with them to the world, as they occurred in my mind, and in no particular order. Henceforward for ready reference and for the sake of method I shall mention the poets in the alphabetical order of their poetical cognomina.

V. ĀTASHI OF QANDAHĀR.253b

He came to Hindūstān with the Emperor Bābar, and was at first a vāqi‘ah-navīs.253c Subsequently, in the service of his late Majesty also he held several high posts, and died in Lāhōr in the year H. 973 (A.D. 1565-66). Some of his verses are the following:—

“In thine absence my tears by degrees became a sea,
behold!
Come, sit in my eye as in a boat and make a voyage of the
sea!”

“Aye, have a dagger at thy waist, a sword in thy hand, a
frown on thy brow,
Thirst for blood and be cruel and still implacable.”

181 “What can one do with one who knows nought of those who
are faithful?
What can one do with one whose body shines as silver and
who still inclines to wrath?”

“The crescent moon shines in the gloaming on the eve of
‘Id,254
Setting us free to haste to seek a cup of rosy wine.”

At the time when his late Majesty recovered from his indisposition in the Fort of Victory, this poet composed the following quatrain:—

“A thousand thanks to God, that His Majesty the Emperor is
freed from the sorrow of sickness,
That he has arisen and seated himself once more on the
throne of his glory.
The news of his recovery was conveyed to me by the words,
‘Thanks be to God that His Majesty has recovered.’”

VI. ASHRAF KHĀN, MĪR MUNSHĪ.254a

He was a Ḥusainī Sayyid of the holy city of Mashhad. He was well qualified to instruct the best calligraphists of the world in the seven different styles of penmanship. He was one of the most trusted among the nobles, and it is a pity that he should have merited the name of poet, but since he had natural poetical ability, the following verses of his are quoted:—

“Before I have received a single cup from the hand of the
cup-bearer of fate,
The stone of reproach strikes my wine-jar. What can I
do?”

“We are those in this world whose hearts are sad,
A heart as sad as our own, we know not of.”

A Quatrain.

“O, Lord! consume me not in the fire of Thy wrath! 182
But light the lamp of faith within the house of my heart;
And as for this robe of life which hangs torn on my body,
Of Thy mercy stitch it again with the thread of forgive-
ness.”

Another Quatrain.

“Free from the alloy and like fine gold came love from the
assay,
Well were it to spend the cash of our lives in the business
of love.
Since the expanse of thy beauty blossomed like the rose,
The thorns of love have pierced my breast as that of the
nightingale is pierced.”

VII. AMĪR QĀZI, ASĪRĪ.255

He possessed both learning and accomplishments. For some years he studied under Hakīmu-l-Mulk, and was the best of all his pupils. He was one of the most entertaining men of his time. As the climate of India did not suit him, and as he obtained no real promotion in the imperial service, in spite of his having been admitted to the circle of His Majesty's intimates, he went at length to his own country, and in the city of Rai, the native place of his ancestors, he obtained rest from the toils of the world and departed this life. The following verses are quoted as an indication of the copiousness of his imagination:—

“The jealous watcher himself has been our intermediary,
while I suspected no fraud,
He has been enabled to interpose between us his own condi-
tions.”

“'Twas but yesterday that my loved one derided my piteous
lot,
My grief and her derision were plain to see.”

“To-day has my heart's anguish grown more acute,
183 For to-day it seems that my loved one is more than ever
bent on my destruction.”

“I am wounded to the heart by the arrow of a fair boy to
whose hands time
Has not yet delivered a bow to sport withal.”

“The hope of union with thee forbade me to surrender my
life,
Else I would gladly have died when I parted from thee.”

“I lament the presence of others when that silver-bodied
one draws nigh,
It would seem that my tongue breaks into speech from
constancy to her.”

“The zest of union with her never leaves my heart,
For she spoke with me in graceful coquetry and looked for
my coming.”

VIII. MĪR IMĀMĪ, KNOWN AS MUGHBACA.257

He was a Sayyid of Kābul. In the year H. 981 (A.D. 1573-74) he fell from his horse in Jaunpūr, and died of the injuries which he received. He wrote a dīvān, and the following chronogram which he composed on the death of a graceful boy of rare beauty, named Sulṭān Caghatāī, is well known.

“Sulṭān Caghatā was the rose of the garden of beauty,
But death was his guide to the garden of Riẓwān.257a
In the season of roses he set forth to journey from this
garden,
Many hearts in mourning for him were drenched with their
blood.
I asked of the mourning nightingale the date of his death,
He broke into lamentations and said, “The rose has left the
garden!”257b

“How shall I compare thy stature to the letter alif, O palm- 184
tree of life?
For alif is quiescent257c while thy graceful form is ever in
motion.”

“My heart in thinking on that sweet mouth is in the straits
of perturbation,
Perturbation has confronted it from the place in which it is
bred.”

“Never do I forget thee, possessor of all sweet attributes.
Though thou forget me, yet do I never forget thee.”

A Quatrain.

“For the proof of His existence what need is there of words,
Since He is all in all, both of what is manifest and what is
hidden?
They tell me to open my mouth in denial of all that is apart
from Him;
But what shall I deny? Where is there a trace of ought
that is apart from Him?”258

Another Quatrain.

“The juggler who sits on the prayer-mat of the blue expanse
of sky
Shines in the morning with the mark of piety on his face,
At midday he straightens himself up in prayer,
And when he, the leader of the prayers, made his inclina-
tion, the rest prostrated themselves.”258a

IX. MĪR SHARĪF-I-AMĀNĪ, OF IṢFAHĀN.258b

He wrote charming verses. He spent twenty years of his life in India, living in religious retirement. The following verses are from his pen:—

“The flood of my tears rushed towards her dwelling,
To wash the dust of strangers' feet from her threshold.”

The water of life is but a type of thy ruby lips,
Where is a Khiẕr259 to give his life in keen desire for them?” 185

“Like Amānī, in the desire of losing my head by a stroke of
thy sword
I have entered the ranks of the army (of thy lovers) with
nought but my life for my shield.”

“It is not the presence of the stranger in thine assemblies to
which I object,
But thy friendly glances for the stranger which I cannot
endure.”

X. QĀẒĪ AḤMAD-I-GHAFFĀRĪ OF QAZVĪN.259a

He was a son of Imām Najmu-d-dīn ‘Abdu-l-Ghaffār, who was the author of a compendium of the Shāfi‘ī259b doctrines. In learning, in elegance of literary style, in knowledge of history, and in geniality of disposition he was unrivalled. He wrote the Nigā-ristān .259c a compendium the like of which has not been produced by the wit of anybody in this age, and wherein are related wondrous circumstances and strange occurrences. He also wrote the book Naskh-i-Jahān-Arā,259d the date of the composition of which is given by the title. It is a cursory history of the world from the time of Adam to the days of his holiness the seal of prophecy (may God bless and save him!). The Qāẓī towards the end of his life gave up the office of vazīr, which he held under the princes of ‘Irāq, and after his resignation proceeded on a pilgrimage to the holy place (Makkah). After attaining the felicity of performing this pilgrimage he came to Hindūstān by way of the port of Dābul,260 when the hand of fate, suddenly loosing the cord of the existence of that incomparable man, led him to the world of immortality. This occurred in the year H. 975 (A.D. 1567-68).

The following couplet is by him:—

“If that fair tyrant sit by me, after a lifetime of expectancy,
186 My heart will flutter in my breast, lest she should rise too
soon.”

XI. MĪR ASHKĪ OF QUM.260a

In his poetry he displayed a pleasing fertility of imagination, and he was an imitator of Āṣafī. In Āgra he placed the baggage for his journey to the next world on the back of Death's swift steed. I append some of his verses.

“He whose bosom is rent with grief in thine absence beat his
head with a stone so violently
That the stone became nought but a handful of dust in his
grasp.”

“In grief at thine absence I will smite my head, wretched
being that I am, with a stone.
Should my hand fail of its office I will strike my head upon
the stone.”
“I, thy candle, O my King, am a slave like Nuṣair,
Though decapitated a hundred times I yet live.”
“Those slain by thy cruelty lie scattered here and there like
drunken men,
It would seem that thy sword was tempered with wine in-
stead of water.”

“So much has my body melted away in grief at thine absence,
That if thou castest a chain on my neck it falls about my
fect.”

It is said that when he recited this last opening couplet before Maulānā Ṣādiq in Qandahār, and sought his approbation, the Manlānā said, “You have stolen this idea from Amīr Khusrav of Dihlī, who says—

‘So much has my mournful body melted in thine absence
That if thou placest a collar about my neck it falls to my
feet.’”

Another Couplet by Ashkī.

“If I would fall in following thee smitten with the stone
of calamity,
Stones rain upon me from every hair on my head prevent- 187
ing me from falling.”

Ashkī seems to have used the metaphor of the stone so much as to leave nothing else for others to say upon the subject.

“See my feeble body among the dogs of thy street,
This one drags it one way, that one another.”

“My hair hangs dishevelled from my head down to my feet,
My body appears in the midst of it like a single white hair.”

XII. YOL QULI ANĪSĪ.262

He is a Shāmlū Turkmān in the service of the Khān-i-Khānān. He writes pleasing poetry and has composed a maṯnavī. The following verses are his work:—

“My heart is a fire-temple when I think of thee, and on it
Is thy brand, like a black Hindū who tends the fire.”
“When you see a tongue of flame deem it to be a tormented
fire-worshipper
Whose soul has departed, while his body still dances in the
fire-temple.”
“Love is like the loadstone, for when its arrow enters the
[heart,
It cannot be removed till love itself in kindness draws it
forth.”

XIII. MULLA GHANI, AMANI.262a

He is a young man in the flower of manhood. He was for a long time in Gujarāt with Kh‘āja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, and at first assumed the nom de plume of Khanfī, which the Kh‘ājā changed, giving him his present takhalluṣ. He is now in the service of His Majesty's eldest son. His disposition is pleasing. The following quatrain is his:—

“I am one who can treasure up nought but grief;
Though I am all jealousy I cannot renounce the loved one,

Although through my enlightenment of soul I am as
conspicuous as the sun,
Still I know not how to light the lamp of my own lot.”

XIV. ABTARI OF BADAKHSHĀN.

His assumed name accords well with his nature.263 He has committed to memory, parrot-like, some phrases from the Futūḥāt and the Fuṣūṣu-l-Ḥikam,263a and has striven hard, in a polemical treatise, to establish the good faith of Pharaoh,263b for which reason he has been nicknamed “Pharaoh's Advocate.” The following is the opening couplet of a qaṣīdah by him:—

“Thou saidest, ‘Shall I deal with my lovers faithfully or
cruelly?’
O, impudent one, know that we choose the former!”

XV. ULFATĪ, QILĪJ KHĀN.263c

He is of the Jān Qurbānī tribe.263d He is accomplished in learning and the sciences, and is one of the commanders of five thousand. His faith is orthodox. For some time he held the title of Jumlatu-l-Mulk,264 and is now Governor of the Ṣūba of Kābul. He has poetical genius and facility in writing verse. The following few couplets are by him:—

“No sooner had my sun cast the veil from off her face
Than the sun appeared no more than a mote in a sunbeam
in motion.
I am slain by that languid narcissus-like eye, which, in its
heaviness,
Has slain a whole world and composed itself to sleep.”

“Thy two dark languid eyes264a play havoc with my wit and
my faith,
189 With drawn bows they lie in wait for me in every corner.”

“It is not the rosebud-like arrow of my slayer that rankles
in my heart,
But my own blood which, while apart from her lips, I have
swallowed, that is clotted in my heart.”

XVI. ULFATI OF YAZD.

He was well skilled in the exact sciences. He was a companion of the Khān-i-Zamān, and was captured in his rebellion.264b The emperor spared his life, but death, less merciful, took it from him. The following opening couplets of qaṣīdahs are his:—

“Until like dust I settled on the skirts of the robe of my
beloved,
I had no rest from my wanderings nor ease at my heart.”

“We are but a handful of ashes, but we carry fire in us,
It would be no wonder if we were consumed by the sparks
of our own sighs.”

The Khān-i-Zamān gave him a thousand rupees as a reward for composing this latter couplet.

XVII. ULFATI OF ‘IRĀQ.

He was for some time in Kashmīr with Mīrzā Yūsuf Khāu,265 and there he composed a poem on the people of the city in which he dwelt.265a The following couplet occurs in it:—

“Sarmadī265b is the squirrel of the tree of the poets,
He loves the stature of Orion and the feelers of the Crab.”

On a youth who was beloved by Mīrzā Yūsuf Khān he wrote the following couplet:—

“Mīrzā Yūsuf, the prince of the age, is in love.
He loves thy pure love, but he loves the beauty of others.”

XVIII. BAIRAM KHĀN, THE KHĀN-I-KHĀNĀN. 190265c

He was one of the offspring of Mīrzā Jahān Shāh. In wisdom, generosity, sincerity, goodness of disposition, submissiveness, and humility he surpassed all. In early life he was in the service of the emperor Bābar, and in middle age he obtained advancement in the service of emperor Humāyūn, and received the honourable title of Khān-i-Khānān, and his present Majesty added Bābā-am265d to his titles. He was a great friend to religious, was subject to fits of religious ecstasy, and was a benevolent man. The second conquest of Hindūstān,266 and the building up of the empire were due to his strenuous efforts, his valour, and his wise policy. Learned men came from all parts of the world to visit him and departed happy in the possession of gifts bestowed by his hand, as open as ocean itself, and his high court, lofty as the sky, was the resort of the lords of learning and all perfect qualities. His existence was, indeed, an honour to the age in which he lived. At last vile hypocrites poisoned the mind of His Majesty against him, until his affairs fell at length into the condition of which a brief description has been given in the chronicle of the reign.266a He has composed a divān in Persian and Turkī which is in every hand, as his verses are on every tongue. This quatrain is his:—

“The masters of self-effacement are both high and low,
It is they who are ever drunken with draughts from the cup
of immortality.
Whatever there may be in the plane of non-existence,
Know for certain that it is they alone who truly exist.”

“Oh! Thou whose street is the Ka‘bah266b of our happiness,
191 Whose Face is the point towards which we turn in prayer!
Blest will be the time when thou graciously drawest us to
Thyself,
Freeing us from the bonds of ceremonialism and conven-
tionality!”

He wrote an ode in praise of his holiness ‘Ali, the commander of the faithful (may God be gracious unto his countenance!) of which the following are the opening couplets:—

“Though a king be so great that his crown towers over the
nine heavens,
If he be not the slave of ‘Alī let dust be cast upon his head.
Hope not for love for the king of men from one who knows
not his own father,
Cujus matris ignominiam discooperiut alienus.”

The following is the commencement of a qaṣīdah which he wrote on the astrolabe:—

“What globe is this whose axis rests on the centre (of the
universe),
This full moon across whose midst the meteors dart?
Though it vaunts itself the equal of both sun and moon
It gladly enrolls itself among the emperor's slaves.
The sun's resplendent orb looms not so largely in our eyes
As the crescents which surmount the banners of the world-
famed king of kings—
Both sky and earth are ever subject to his authority,
Like the seal of a ring on the hand of a monarch as power-
ful as Jamshīd.
This globe brings with it a golden tray full of ashrafīs
To scatter before the feet of great kings,
The feet of the emperor of exalted dignity, Humāyūn, 192
before whom, in order to obtain honour,
The sky itself places the head of humility on the threshold
of the Court.”

They relate that the emperor Humāyūn was one night in conversation with Bairam Khān, who was overcome by drowsiness. His Majesty reprovingly said, “Ha, Bairam Khān! It is to you that I am speaking.” He replied, “Yes, sire, I am attentive, but since I have heard that in the service of kings a watch should be kept over the eyes, and among darvīshes a watch should be kept over the heart, and among learned men a watch should be kept over the tongue. I was just pondering over which I should keep a watch, for Your Majesty is a King, a darvish, and a learned man.” His late Majesty was much pleased with this seemly reply, and expressed his approval of it.

Bairam Khān obtained the blessing of martyrdom267 at Paṭṭan in Gujarāt in the year H. 968 (A.D. 1561) and his bones were, in accordance with his will, taken to Mashhad.

XIX. BĪKASĪ OF GHAZNĪN.

He was known for his varied attainments and numerous accomplishments. He had performed the pilgimage to the two holy places, Makkah and Madīnah, and afterwards came to India. In Arabia he had studied some of the books of traditions such as the Mishkāt,268 and the Shamā'ilu-n-Nabī268a (may God bless and preserve the prophet!) under Mīr Murtaẓā-yi-Sharīfī268b and others. Being overcome by the weakness of old age he set out for his beloved native land, his original home, and while halting at Peshāwar on his way thither he heard the cry, “Return to Me!” from the lips of the Angel of Death, and in A.H. 973 (A.D. 1565-66) he withdrew to the Presence of the Merciful God.

The following verses are some of the relies of his copious imagination.

193 “Whether in the idol-temple or in the Ka‘bah I have looked
to none but Thee,
Wherever I have been I have never been forgetful of
Thee.”

“It is not in our age alone that the sky (fate) has been
pitiless,
Since its revolutions first began it has been both pitiless
and faithless.”

“Though Bīkasī should hear the reproaches of his enemies
a hundred times,
It were fitting that he should not allow them to vex or
disturb him,
For the following perfect couplet is well known throughout
the world:
And why, indeed, should not such a couplet have world-
wide fame?

‘Though the worthless stone crush the golden vase
The worth of the stone is not increased nor is that of the
gold diminished.’”

Quatrain.

“Oh heart, give not the rein to thine anguish and grief!
Forgo not one moment of true delight for all the dominion
of Jamshīd;
Should a loved one fall to thy lot, see well
That thou exchange not the dust of her footsteps for all
that both worlds can give.”

Maulānā Bīkasī writes that one day the late emperor Humā-yūn wrote in his own graceful handwriting over the arch of the porch of his palace in the royal residence of Dihlī the following couplet by Shaikh Āẕarī:—

“I have heard that on this gilded dome
Is written ‘At last the actions of all become praiseworthy.’”

The emperor was fated shortly afterwards to leave this narrow dwelling of deception for the sweet abode of bliss,269 and owing 194 to the exigencies of the time that very palace was utilized as his tomb, and since this action of that enlightened king was attributed to miraculous prevision the chronogram for that event, contained in the following verses, was widely quoted at the time:—

“When the Emperor Humāyūn shortly before he died
Wrote on the door of the dwelling in which he lived,
‘It is written that at the last the actions of all become praise-
worthy,’
He referred prophetically to his own righteous end;
And when that dwelling by the decree of fate became his
tomb
It became the point towards which all turn in prayer, and
the Ka‘bah of their desires.

For this reason I give the following chronogram for his
death,
‘The foundation of the dwelling270 of the Sulṭān whose end
was praiseworthy.’”

XX. BĀQĪ OF KOLĀB.270a

He had a natural talent for poetry. The following verses are his:—

“In thine absence I am the slave of a hundred griefs,
Do thou rejoice since I am overwhelmed with anguish.”

“Although the fair to-day do not know my worth,
They will know it to-morrow when I shall be no more.”

“My eyes are suffused sometimes with my heart's blood,
sometimes with blood from my liver,
To me, the wretched one far from her face, even the way
of sight is closed.”

“He never becomes liberal like the cypress in the garden of
the world,
Who, like the narcissus, fixes his eyes always in covetous-
195 ness on silver and gold.”

Bāqī was a long time in Hindūstān and was killed during the rebellion of Ma‘ṣūm the Kābulī.270b

XXI. BAYĀẒĪ.

He lived in Agra after the fashion of humble men and the style of bygone days. This opening couplet of a qaṣidah is his:—

“Whoever enjoys the fruits of union with that jasmine-
bodied cypress
Owes it to his good fortune. It is his good fortune that
enjoys the fruit.”

On the discussion raised by Kāhī and Ghazālī271 he wrote the following quatrain:—

“Kāhī and Ghazālī, those two drunken fools,
Have put hand to pen to belittle Jāmī271a and Navā'ī.271b
There has been nobody like them in the world,
For Kāhī271c is nought but straw and Ghazālī271d is nought but
a dog.”

XXII. PAIRAVĪ.271e

He is for the most part an imitator271f of Kh'āja Āṣafī. He is a skilful painter and has attained by means of studying the outward form to hidden truths, and has written on outward form and hidden essence a poetical treatise which begins as follows:—

“O Lord, I am unable to grasp hidden truth!
Forgive me, for I am too much a worshipper of the out-
ward form
Of thy grace, O most Pure God!
Thou hast so fashioned the outward form of our earthly
tabernacles
That every (fair) form which I see
Points out to me the way to the hidden truths of Thine 196
Essence.”

Other Verses.

“When is the wine of love given to him who suffers no
pain?
Love for the beautiful is a state of exhilaration. To whose
lot does it fall?”

“In my dream I saw her sitting with the jealous watcher,
and my heart was perturbed.
Had I at that moment awoken from my dream I should
have died, but died too late.”

“When I cast a glance at her moonlike face, even while I
am looking,
She glowers at me angrily, to bid me not to gaze at her.”

“I steal a glance at that graceful one,
And when she looks towards me, I look downwards to the
ground in shame.”

“The child of my tears took his way in the road of my
beloved,
Like a sweet orphan he put his foot forward in this path;
But the delicate child was unable to endure love's tyranny,
And called my beloved cruel and faithless.”

“I am perturbed when she is away from me,
Lest my moon-faced darling should fall in love with
another.”

Pairavī wrote a complete dīvān of ghazals. He died in Hindū-stān.

XXIII. BAQĀ'Ī.273

On first leaving his native land he went to the Dakan, where he was with Malik Qumī, the poet. Thence he went to Gujarāt and was there with Mīrzā Niẕāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad,273a adopting the nom-de-plume of Mashghūlī. The Mīrzā changed it, giving him 197 his present nom-de-plume. His poetry is good, and since it is easy and flowing I quote the following excerpts:—

“When love made the eyelashes of the fair ones a lancet,
It caused the blood to flow from my arteries and veins,
Alas, that before I could close my eyes the arrow of
thought of the loved one
Penetrated my eye and thence pierced my heart.”

“In place of tears my wounded heart itself drops piecemeal
from my eyes,
From this fiery cloud all the blood of my liver rains down.”

“So long as the bird of my heart was the prey of that
hunter.
Each separate hair of my head rose up as a bird rising to
flight.”

Baqā'ī has now left the service of the Khān-i-Khānān,273b and they say that he has come to Āgra and intends to go to Lāhōr.

XXIV. MULLĀ NŪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD-I-TĀRKHĀN.273c

He was called Safīdonī, and assumed the name of Nūrī as his nom-de-plume. Since he held the pargana of Safīdon in the sarkar of Sirhind274 as a jāgīr for some years, he was spoken of as though he had been a native of that place. He was distinguished for his attainments in geometry, the exact sciences, and astrology, and was one of the intimate companions of the late emperor, obtaining the title of Tarkhān in the course of his confidential association with him. He was unequalled in liberality, generosity, munificence and conviviality, for which qualities he was proverbial. 198 He had poetic talent too, and composed a dīvān. One day on the polo-ground at Fatḥpūr he was injured by an elephant, and was in great pain. While in this condition he continued to repeat, “Be my witnesses, all of you, that in my present uneasiness I repent of some of my former acts and am resolved to amend my ways.” However much he was pressed on the subject he would not say what those particular acts were of which he repented. I said, “The first thing of which you will have repented will surely be the writing of poetry.” I do not know whether he was pleased with my suggestion, or annoyed, but the others who were present were much pleased. In the days of his authority he dug a canal from the Jamna, fifty kurūh in length, in the direction of Karnāl, and beyond that town. This was the cause of large additions to the cultivated area, and a great increase in the prosperity of the people. As it was dug in the name of the prince Sulṭān Salīm, it was called Shaikhūnai,274a which word gives a chronogram for the date of its completion. Nai in Hindī means “a stream.” At length cruel fate brought utter ruin upon him so that he endured many hardships and privations. When His Majesty in A.H. 994 (A.D. 1586) departed for Āṭak he appointed Mullā Nūru-d-dīn to the trusteeship of the tomb of the late Emperor in the imperial city of Dihlī, and there the Mullā died. The following verses are excerpts from his poems:—

“Sad at heart am I sitting, far from those smiling lips,
Like the rose-bud am I sitting, with my head cast down to
my collar.”

“In his kindness and generosity
The most just King conferred on Tarkhān275 the title Khān.
Of this Khān-ate he possesses the name alone.
From this name, however full of dignity, what does he gain?
Nay more, he makes this complaint of the tarkhān-ate also
Before the king's perfect wisdom, 199
That besides the “khān” nothing but desert lands seems to
remain to him,
While with his tarkhān-ate moisture275a seems to disappear
from them altogether.”

The Khān, when the Emperor was marching against Ḥakīm Mīrzā in A.H. 989 (A.D. 1581), remained behind and returned from the Panjāb to his own jāgīr, a line of conduct which excited suspicion against him, so that after the Emperor's return from this expedition he was summoned to Fatḥpūr, there to be called to account for his monetary transactions and his writings, to be reprimanded, and deprived of his title. In this manner, he was persecuted for some years. Those who are qualified to discriminate attribute his ruin to the impropriety of which he was guilty in lampooning the officials in the imperial city of Dihlī, wherein he was actuated solely by the enmity which he bore to Tātār Khān.276 The satire which he wrote he chose to attribute to Qāsim-i-Kāhī, publishing it as the work of that poet. The grounds upon which his satire was based will be best defined by quoting from the effusion.

“Mīyān Jamāl Khān276a is the muftī of Dihlī,
But he never yet delivered one of his foolish judgments
gratis;276b
He is the Governor of the city under Tātār Khān,
And has just such another little donkey's face as his master's.
Shaikh Ḥasan the little decree-writer with his poisoned pen
Spreads on all sides false news and slanderous whispers.
At the very time of prayer he performs, in a perfunctory
manner, his ceremonial ablutions
When the reader has already ascended the pulpit,
It is he, it is he, it is he that oppresses the city,
A vain babbler, with his harlots”276c

The opening couplet of that effusion, which even to quote is scurrility, is as follows:

“Alas, for Dihlī and its holy shrines,
Alas, for the ruin of its palaces!”

This satire extends to nearly two hundred and fifty couplets. One of the learned men of that city, Shaikh Muḥammad Kambū276d

by name, wrote an answer to the whole of it in the following two277 couplets:—

“Nūrn-d-dīn is such a blockhead
That it must have been in folly that his father begat the fool. 200
The babbling dolt has been struck on the head with a mallet,
There is no (need to) answer his foolish chatter.”

Praise be to God! These verses are equal to277a that world-famed fragment of the lord Maulavī Nūru-d dīn ‘Abdu-l-Raḥmān-i-Jāmī (may his tomb be hallowed!), the opening verses of which are given below:—

“Alas for the Love of God, and its ecstasy,
It has consumed my heart with its scorching heat!
Mine eye never glanced towards aught but God.
My lot is cast with God and with His revelations!”

The worthy Maulānā Nūru-d-dīn fancied himself a second Jāmī, both as a story-teller and as a stylist. But how can there be any comparison between the two?

“If in your actions you resemble not the virtuous, of what use
is it to resemble them in name?
“One who bore the title of Masīḥ restored sight to him who
was blind from his mother's womb, but another Masīḥ
had himself but one eye.”

It is to be hoped, however, that as he was not without natural goodness of disposition, he repented of his evil deeds, and that God in His gracious mercy allowed his tribulation and suffering in this world to be an expiation of his sins. May God forgive him When the Maulānā, after being put down from his high place, came to Agra, I was walking in the public market one day, and met him. One of my friends, the genial and witty Miyān Kamālud-dīn Ḥusain of Shīrāz,277b who was one of the leading men in Āgra, said to him, “Well, my lord Nawwāb, you have written something regarding the officials in Dihlī, and now why should you not bestow the same favour on the officials in Agra, who expect it of you!” I said, “Evidently he has seen nothing in the leading men of Agra which renders them worthy of this honour.” Miyān Kamālu-u-dīn laughed and said, “This is a false charge which you have brought against us.”

XXV. TARDI, Rūda.

He is a native of Transoxiana and is a witty man. He was with Mīrzāyān Ulugh Mīrzā278 at the time when the Mīrzās captured the fort of Bahroc, and wrote the following quatrain on the event:—

201 “The Timurides are unequalled in valour,
Victory smiles on them whithersoever they turn,
When they took Bahroc by storm
This chronogram was found for the event, ‘They captured
Bahroc.’”278a

XXVI. TAUSANĪ.

His name is Manohar and he is the son of Lon Karan, Rājā of Sāmbhar,278b a famous salt tract. It may be that the “Attic salt” of his verses is the effect of his native land. He possesses wonderful personal beauty and extraordinary intellectual power. He was called at first “Muḥammad Manohar,” and afterwards received the title of Mīrzā Manohar. His father, in spite of his infidelity, used, by way of honouring and distinguishing him, to glory in calling him Muḥammad Manohar. Although he was not acceptable to the emperor he has poetic genius. These verses are his:—

“The Shaikh is boastful of his religion, the Brahman brags
of his idolatry:
He who is intoxicated with the beauty of the Friend has
naught to do with idolatry or religion.”

Quatrain.

“Without the love of Thee the liver is filled to the brim with
fire,
Without the pain of longing for Thee the thorn is sunk deep
in my brain;
The idol-temple and the Ka‘bah279 alike mean naught to me
but infidelity.
My concern is only with the One-ness of God.”

When they gave him his takhalluṣ (poetical name) he recited these few couplets:—

“O thou who sippest sharbat, visit the assembly of us who
drink the lees!
For our livers supply us with roast-meat, and the wine-
cup is filled with our heart's blood.
It is shameful for men to make mention of soul or heart in 202
the case of love,
But our hearts are like congealed blood and our souls are
like the bitter blast.
Tausanī,279a give rein to the steed of desire in the field of love.
Thou shalt safely attain thy desire with Akbar for thy
guide.”

Since a Hindū279b had so much poetic genius and ecstatic feeling 279c I have recorded these verses.

XXVII. TAẔARVĪ OF ABHAR.

He was sister's son to Maulānā Nargisī, and, in accordance with the saying, “the true son resembles his maternal uncle,” he was distinguished by his wit and the strength of his intellect. He came from Turkey to India in the days of Bairam Khān's supremacy, and profited much by his generosity. He was captured in the battle fought beneath the mountains280 by Ataga Khān, and was by him paraded before the emperor, as the chief of his gifts, with the banner of the eighth Imām, ‘Alī-ur-Riẓā280a (may God accept him). He was very favourably received by the emperor. He composed his treatise on Beauty and Yūsuf for Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān,280b the son of Ataga Khān. The opening couplet of the poem is as follows:—

“In the name of Him to whom the face of foe and friend
Is turned, in which direction soever He may be.”

He composed some verses descriptive of the members of the beloved, among which are the following couplets:—

“Her face is a mirror, her neck is a shaft of ivory,
Those who are in face like the fairies desire that mirror;
The palm of her hand is, like the sun, a mirror of light,
The fingers of that houri are the rays of the sun
To the eye of understanding the parting of the hair of that
sweet-lipped maid
Is a meteor resplendent in the heart of the night.280c
Nay, I erred in describing it as a meteor,
Rather is it a stream of fair water traversing a garden of
hyacinths.

Desire fails281 in its hope of reaching her navel, 203
Remaining for ever in the pit of despair.
Desire ever hovers round about her,
Like the thirsty quarry round about the well.
Above her nose is the palm-tree of our desire.
Her arched eyebrows stained with dye:
There grow, in spite of nature's rule,
Two lily petals from a wild rose sprig.
In the eye of that light of my eyes
There appears, as it were, a drop of dew on a rose.
Circumdant pudendum margaritae illius intemeratae,
Lunge velut crescentes duae
.
In grace she excels the lily bud,
Tongue placed in palate and lip on lip.”

He has written in reply to the Dihnāma of ‘Imād a maṯuavī in which the following couplets occur:—

“From regret for thy moist281a ruby lip
And from separation from thy curled looks
His (the lover's) weak body has dwindled to a hair,
In his body there remains no place for his soul.
From vexation and grief his heart is melted to blood,
He drinks his own blood and draws no breath.”

In a description of the morning he has written:—

“The ashes of the morning have gone on the breeze,
Fire has caught the cotton of the morning.”281b

Couplets.

“When my head droops on my knees in separation from that
faithless one,

My body is reduced to a heap of ashes by my burning
heart.”

“When her cruel sword is raised like a banner to slay me,
I make my complaint of her cruelty, my excuse for falling
at her feet;
For her sake I cheerfully endured the cruelty of the world,
not knowing
How little trust could be placed in her tenderness and
faith.”

“In truth the quiltings of the patched woollen robe of
poverty
Bind upon the hands and feet of avarice the chains of con-
tentment.”

204 “Love's mendicant laughs at the ermine of royalty,
As he comes forth from love's furnace smeared with ashes.”

“The dust of existence has gone on the breeze, but still from
moisture of tears
The feet of Thy humble lovers remain in the mire.”

“The sword of thine eyelashes came as a boon to me when
I was beside myself,
When I came to myself I had a hundred wounds on my
soul.”

By the emperor's order he wrote the following verses, descriptive of an elephant:—

“From the dust of the road of the emperor whose throne is
the sky,
He scatters ambergris on himself by way of perfume.
The constellation of the Eagle appears on his head, without
exaggeration,
Like a midge on the summit of the mountains of Caucasus:
When his body is encircled with its golden chain
The milky way and the heavens come into view.

When he is distressed by the heat of the sun
He pours water over himself like a fountain.
Damsels of fairy form and moon-like countenance
Sit, by the emperor's command, on the throne which he
bears.
They sit there ever in their entrancing beauty
For verily the mountains of Caucasus are a meet resting-
place for fairies.”

One night in the year H. 975283 robbers put him to death with cruel sword, and he was buried in the building which he had erected for himself in Agra.

XXVIII. TASHBIHI283a
OF KASHAN.283b

He came two or three times to India and left the country again, and now in these days he has returned and attempts to seduce men to heresy, and invites them to join the sect of the Basākh-ānīs. 283c He has persuaded Shaikh Abū-‘l-Faẓl that he is an 205 infallible spiritual guide and by his means has been enabled to present to the Khalīfah of the age an ode, the object of which was to ask the emperor why he did not devote himself to the overthrowing of the self-styled orthodox, so that truth might be confirmed in its central position and pure monotheism might be established. He also dedicated to Shaikh Abū-‘l-Faẓl a treatise after manner of the Nuqṭawī sect, and their manner284 of writing the letters, all of which is hypocrisy and dissimulation284a and comparison of the numbers of the letters, and Ḥakīm ‘Ain-ul-Mulk discovered that the sum of the letters in the word Tashbīhī was the same as in the word Taẕrīqī,284b “the hypocrite”; and the rest of his revelations may be estimated in the same manner. Tash-bīhī wrote a dīvān, and the following few verses are among his ravings:—

“For once, O dust of the graveyard, plume thyself on thy
fertility,
For thou bearest in the tomb a corpse like me killed by that
hand and dagger.”

“Wear those garments of whatever colour pleaseth thee,
For I recognize the majesty of that graceful form.”

“The two hands of this world and of that world are naught,
The ring is in thy hand,284c both the ring and the hand are
naught.”

At the time when I was writing this hasty compilation he gave into my hand, in the presence of Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl, a treatise on Maḥmūd of Basākhẉān, the preface of which was as follows:—

“O God! who art praiseworthy (Maḥmūd) in all Thy doings, I call upon Thee for help, on Thee of whom it is said, ‘There is no God but He.’ Praise be to God whose mercies are visible in all His works, who has shown the existence of all His works. From Him are their* * .285 He knows Himself, but we do not know ourselves, nor Him. He is an existence not existing except through Himself, and a place of existence independent of others; and He is the most merciful. Question:—What is that which is 206 called ‘Nature’? Answer:—“That which is called ‘Nature’ is God.”

Dirt in his mouth, for daring to write such stuff! The point of all this lying is ‘the four nuqṭahs.’ At the end of the treatise I saw, in his own writing, “This has been frequently written with reference to the Persian, the infallible religious guide, Ṭ, b, ā, r, ‘a, lī, a, k, r, b, lt, ash, b, ī, h, ī, Anavī, Ukhravī, Sāḥib Maqām (the representative).285a And the rest was after the same fashion. We flee to God for refuge from such unbelief!

XXIX. TAQĪ-UD-DĪNĪ285b
OF SHŪSHTAR.

He has recently entered the imperial service and is well versed both in those sciences which call for the exercise of the reasoning faculty and in traditional knowledge. He is well acquainted with poetry and has poetic genius. The following couplets are his:—

“If I be not enabled to steal a glance at Thy face,
I can at least fill my mouth with sweetness by thinking on
Thy lip:
If Thou hast planted me like a herb on the earth,
Where shall I find the hand and the heart that will enable
me to end my earthly pilgrimage?”

He is at present employed, by the emperor's command, in turning the Shāhnāma into prose, or in other words in converting fine linen into sackcloth, or in unravelling a rope to make oakum.

XXX. ṮĀNĪ KHĀN286
OF HERĀT.

He is one of the amīrs who have been long in the imperial service, and is well known for his ability, scientific knowledge, and wit. If anybody were praised to him for his learning and accomplishments he would at once say to him, “My love and friendship are conditional on this, that you pay no heed to what the base and vulgar say of me, for such people are a hindrance to 207 friendship and a cause of strife.” His verses are, as it were, disconnected fragments of chaff, but he has nevertheless completed a dīvān.

“O thou whose practice is to vex me, and whose rule of
conduct is injustice!
I cry out against this injustice and against this rule.”

Pass by this bitterness, for in this tardy world no one who
ill-treats the poor prospers.”

“A rival is on the road to salute thee,
O God! Grant that he leave not the road with his life.”

Quatrain.

“I have suffered from separation as even Jacob287 never
suffered,
I have suffered for love what even Majnūn never suffered,
This calamity which thine absence has brought upon me
Was never dreamt of by Farhād nor heard of by Vāmiq.”

His name is ‘Alī Akbar and he has made the fact that he bears the same name as the emperor, an excuse for addressing to him treatises on heresy, in which, agreeably to the system of the Nuqṭawīs,287a he sets forth both the emperor and himself as that promised person who was to appear, in accordance with the numerical values of the letters composing the word shakhṣ,287b in the year H. 990,287c and he quotes the words of Maḥmūd in support of this view:—the curse of God be upon them all! He has versified the Kāfiyyah287d and a treatise on Ṣūfī-ism, in which occurs the following ridiculous couplet287e which is made to scan merely by filling in vowels:—

◌

He has apparently, at the latter end of his life, repented of poetry.

XXXI. ṮANĀ'Ī287f
OF MASHHAD.

His name is Khẉāja Ḥusain. Before he came to India the 208 great men of his country used secretly to assemble at social gatherings to consider and discuss even one couplet by him, and in each gathering his verses were read by way of good augury, and all agreed, both with tongue and pen, in his pre-eminence in poesy, and recorded their opinions. Since his arrival in India all his poetic fancy has been frozen by envy, and he is fallen into the corner of neglect and become the target for a hundred shafts of criticism, and wanders distracted in the way of the vulgar. His dīvān is well known and contains a good maṯnavī, although it is for the most part pointless, and its style is not comparable with that of his loftier odes. He has, however, a poetic nature, and in all subjects save unity, preaching, advice, and direction he has wonderful aptitude. I quote these few couplets as a memorial of him:—

“Such grace rains down from her from head to foot,
That one could sweep grace out of her bed.”

The idea expressed in this couplet, however, very closely resembles that in the couplet of the master-poet:

“She causes blandishments to spring from the ground, she
scatters grace in the air
By means of her graceful gait and her sweet foot on the
earth.”

“If, for example, thou sittest288 behind a mirror, a person
Standing before it sees his own image with the face
reversed.”288a

‘I shed so much grief abroad from my house
That the difficulties of my house are from without the
door.”

In describing an ambassador he says:—

“Like the sun in the sky thou hast traversed the world,
Like sleep thou art welcome to all eyes. 209
The sun, perchance, is but a distillation from thy hand,
Which washes the whole world with one drop of water,
Such blackness has overspread that tribe whose fate is
dominated by Saturn that if, for example,
Each hair on their bodies became a candle,
The sight of man would not be able to distinguish their
faces.289
The sound of their shoes would snatch Venus away from
life,
Their hideous voices reach not the understanding,
Their gait is like fire, their speech is like war,
The sight of them is punishment and their voice is a
brazen trumpet.
If a thought of them passes through the mind of the
wet-nurse
The child from fear desists from sucking.”289a

“O thou! from the splendour of the fair candle of whose
face the mirror is illumined,
From whose reflection the mirror seems to cherish a soul,
Place not the mirror before thee for the sake of seeing
thyself,
Reflect rather on my condition and look not in the glass.
Fire has burst into flame in my heart, like its reflection in
a mirror,

Since the sunlight of thy face has been reflected in every
mirror.
210 If the burning blast of thy wrath should break into flame,
It will see its reflection in every mirror.”

THE SONG OF THE CUPBEARER.

“Come, my heart, to the wine-shop of the people of the
Secret,
Drink of the cup of truth which melts outward semblance;
So free thyself from the outward form
That thou mayst, like the fairy, become invisible to vulgar
eyes.
Perchance the desire of that guide shall seize thee
So that thou mayst obtain a place in the street of the
wine-shops.
Bring me,290 cupbearer, that candle which lies in privacy,
Which is hidden, like the hand of Moses,290a in his sleeve:
Give it into my hand and thus make my hand resplendent
That in its light I may stretch forth my hand to perform
miracles.
Come, O cupbearer, and for the sake of the drunken
debauchees
Stretch forth thy hand to shed the blood of the bottle.
Look to the circulation of the bottle and reck290b not of
punishment.

For in times of famine it becomes lawful to drink blood.
Give me, O cupbearer, that amber of existence
That by means of its attraction I may ascend
And may pitch my tent above this lowly place,
And, like ambition, may set my foot on whatever is!
Bring me, O cupbearer, that warm-blooded wine
Which increases love in my heart.”

This “Song of the Cupbearer” clearly contains many vulgarisms, for everywhere he has used “come” in the sense of “bring,” and he has reproduced the expressions used by masters of poetry on the same subject, forgetting that their expressions are used in brief fragments, of which the second couplet is dependent291 on the first.

In his ode on the sun the following couplet occurs:—

“The sun's reflection makes manifest in water the properties
of oil
When he makes of the dust of his worth a crown.”291a

He has written odes on sublime subjects, but in a mean style, and to him the proverb applies:—

“Their houses are lofty, their spirit is low,
O Lord! make these two things equal.”291b

XXXII. JUDĀ'Ī. 211291c

He is Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī, the painter, a versatile man, each page of whose paintings is a masterpiece, and who may be described as a second Mānī292 in India. The story of Amīr Ḥamzah in sixteen292a volumes was illuminated and completed under his supervision. Each volume of it fills a box, and each page of it measures a yard wide by a yard long, and on each page is a picture.

He has completed a dīvān, in which the following verses occur:—

“As the morning broke the thorn boasted of its fellowship
with the rose
And thus pierced with its nail the broken heart of the
nightingale.”

“The beauty of idols is the Ka‘bah to which I journey;
love is the desert by the way,
The railing of rivals292b is the acacia thorn of that desert.”

“From head to foot we are covered with swellings from the
wounds of love for thee,

We are the merchants of love and these wounds are our
merchandise.”

“I am a quarry half-slaughtered, fallen far from the street
of the Friend,
I stumble along on my way striving to see the face of the
Friend.”

“I wished to describe my circumstances to that ill-natured
one,
She is ever in company with others, what shall I say to
her?

XXXIII. JAẔBĪ.293

His name is Pādshāh Qulī, and he is the son of Shāh Qulī Khān Nāranjī.293a He has a poetic293b turn of mind. The following verses are excerpts from his works:—

“Such sweetness has the Beauty which knows no beginning
conferred on the lovely,
That love reaches a stage at which it gladly relinquishes 212
life.”

“See the extent of my jealousy. From love's madness I
come to myself
If any one perceives that my speech is of the beloved.”

“Thou art the unrestrained hunter and I am the (wounded)
quarry
Which the hunter, from excess of cruelty, neglects to kill.”

“Thou art one who hast not experienced the delicious
torment of the night of separation,
Nor seen thyself shrinking from (the fierce delight of) the
day of reunion.
The thorn of reproach has not detained thy skirt,
Thou hast not seen thyself with thy head drooping on thy
breast like a bud.
Never has thy love been constant,
Thou hast not felt the sweet anguish of the beloved's
neglect;
With no one hast thou held discourse of love,
Thou hast a heart which has nothing to regret.”

“My heart, at the sight of another in the arms of the be-
loved, is like the bird
Which the school-boy, from fear of the master, suddenly
releases.”
“Now that, after an age, my eye falls on the ravisher of my
heart
The veil of shame falls between us, so that I cannot see
her face.”

“I am not one to tell my tale to a messenger,
Or to base pretensions on what a messenger may say.”

“From one glance of thine in the assembly of me and my
friends
213 What quarrels had we not among ourselves?”

His father, Shāh Qulī Khān, composed294 the following quatrain:—

“Sometimes I break my vow of repentance and sometimes
the wine-bottle,
Once, twice, incessantly I break my flute.
O Lord, deliver me from the evil promptings of my spirit!
How often shall I repent and again break my vow of
repentance?”

Praised be God! Even a clod has broken into flame.

One day after the return from the journey to Paṭna295 Jaẕbī, Qāẓī Shams-ud-dīn Qazvīnī, and some other poets, began to argue about a couplet of Ḥusain Ṯanā'ī's, viz.:—

“If, for example, thou sittest behind a mirror, a person
Standing before it sees his own image with the face
reversed.”295a

When I drew near to them they asked me the meaning of the couplet which formed the subject of discussion. I replied, “Such is the state of things nowadays that it is impossible to draw any distinction between the poetry of one's friends and (the actions of) Tītāl.”295b Now this Tītāl, who lived in the days of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā Darharī,295c was a wag295d and a linguist, a man of disguises,295e who used to go into social assemblies and into colleges clad in the turban, the clothes, and the trappings of a learned man and accompanied by a body of pupils. He would first introduce his theses and discuss them in a very orderly manner, thus making himself attractive to all present. He would next introduce sophistries confused with meaningless arguments, until even the most learned doctors were thrown into perplexity.

214 XXXIV. JAMĪLĪ OF KĀLPĪ.

He is the son of Shaikh Jalāl, Wāṣil, who was the deputy of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghanṯ,296 and took great delight in the ecstatic songs and dances of darvīshes. Jamīlī, though he has very little of the ecstatic piety of his father, is yet not without a love of learning and poetic taste, although he has written some ridiculous 296a verses.

The following verses are extracted from his works:—

“Whenever I think on the rose of thy face,
Like the broken-hearted nightingale I utter lamentations.
If the joy of union with thee has never been my lot,
I can, at least, indulge my heart with grief for the want of
thee.”

“Since her ringlets have led me into love's madness,
My distracted heart is bound in the bonds of that mad-
ness.”

He has written an ode in praise of Qāsim ‘Alī Khān, the corn-chandler, governor of Kālpī, in the course of which this couplet occurs:—

“To connect thee with the race of Khāns (nobles)
Is most revolting and most unfit.”

This couplet also is attributed to him, but God knows whether correctly or not:—

“The mouse of my heart, which I nourished with blood
drawn from my liver,
Has been suddenly seized by the cat of love,
Pierced by her teeth, and carried off.”296b

His elder brother, Shaikh Faẓīl, was a wonderful Arabic scholar, and has written some fine poetry in Arabic. The following is the opening couplet of an ode which he wrote in answer to an ode by Mu‘īn-ud-dīn Ṭanṭarānī:—

O beautiful of face, my face, from days of old, has declined,
My soul has descended to the pit and tears have followed
like running water.

One day he recited this couplet, and as both he and his respected brother have very sallow complexions I said, “In this opening couplet you have evidently addressed your younger brother.” This quip was very well received. The opening couplet of the original ode, which was answered, is:—

“O thou of easy circumstances, sure thou hast thrown my
affairs into confusion,
Thou hast disturbed my heart by thine absence and it is
in a decline owing to its palpitation.”297

And Shaikh Faẓīl has written on Faīẓī's commentary297a an 215 essay in Arabic, in prose and verse, which furnishes sufficient proof of his great learning. At the present time both brothers have set out from Lāhor for their native place. If, in the course of following the object which they have in view, which is a review of all the Imāms of India, they do not slay one another utterly, it will be a wonder.

XXXV. CISHTĪ.297b

He is Shaikh Ḥusain the Ṣūfī, whose native place is Dihlī, and as he is a disciple of Shaikh Salīm Cishtī297c he has chosen this poetical name. He was one of the Ṣūfī members of the monastery at Fatḥpūr, otherwise known as Sīkrī. He has composed a dīvān and is the author of several works, one of which is “The Book of the Heart and the Soul” written in verse, but in an Indian style, and since its purport is the same as that of the book “Beauty and the Heart,” in which the master Mīr ‘Alī Shīr298 has displayed his verbosity, it would be a pity to soil one's tongue with the mention of it.

Perhaps this opening couplet is the only one of several thousands of couplets written by Cishtī which is worthy of mention:—

“Such love has Qais298a for the peacock's feather
That it would seem that he believes its eye to be the foot-
print of Lailā's camel.”

XXXVI. JA‘FAR.298b

He is a Sayyid of Hirāt and has good taste in poetry and in the composition of enigmas. He was the chief paymaster of Ataga Khān298c and has written an ode and composed an enigma dedicated to Mīrza ‘Azīz Kūka,298d containing a list of his titles and prayers for his long life and prosperity. The following few couplets are selected from his poems:—

“Now that the comb has disturbed those musky locks299
Ah, that the wind would bear this message to thine ear!”

“I would not that the dust, even of musk, should settle on 216
that cheek,
God forbid that dust should have a place near thy heart.”

“The place of herbage in the garden is beneath the foot of
the rose,
In the garden of thy beauty299a herbage has settled on the
rose.”

XXXVII. JA‘FAR BEG.299b

He is well known as Āṣaf Khān the Qazvīnī, and is brother's son to Mīrzā Ghiyāṯ-ud-dīn ‘Alī ‘Āṣaf Khān, the late paymaster-in-chief. He is himself now one of the chief paymasters. So bitter is his resentment at having received no honour in the days in which his uncle was influential at court, that he continues to show it, and to attack his uncle even now that he is dead.300 His poetic genius is greater than that of all his contemporaries, but is restricted by not being exercised, owing to his love of pleasure and ease and the great demands made upon his time by official business. He is also moderately fond of learning. Had he been a man of one occupation he would have enchanted the hearts of many of the poverty-stricken people of this time, which would probably have been worth to him forty tūmāns in cash.300a (Whenever he made any considerable sum of money by his poetry he would squander it.)300b

The following few couplets are some of his:—

“My lives are cast to-day in the ways of injustice
For wherever the beloved sets her footheads fall.”

“If, like the moth, I fly distractedly around thy candle,
O obstinate one!
My presumptuous flight will at length land me in death.”

“The roses of all are despoiled by the autumn,
But in my case both the rose-tree and the rose-garden are
gone.”

“Thine affair, O Ja‘far! is fallen into the fire,
217 Two hundred songsters are here not worth one sala-
mander.”

“At length the day of resurrection has come for the
reckoning of my sin.
O, tear up the record of the sins of the people.”

“What plain was this and what hunter that always brought
down the game?
No quarry appeared in view, but received an arrow from
him.”

“I must write a letter concerning my grief to her who
possesses my heart;
The grief of my heart is great, I must write to my love
concerning it.”

“If Thou art pleased with Ja‘far, with the faith which he
holds and his heart,
I am deputed by him to say that he freely gives Thee this
faith and heart.”

“Behold my magnanimity! A hundred leaves of the book
of hope
Have I torn into a hundred pieces and washed them with
tears of blood!”

“A rose has now bloomed in the garden afresh,
For last night the nightingale slept not till the morning.”

“Since the city was too small to contain the griefs of my
heart
The open plain was created for my heart.”

“All thy complaints are over, as mine begin,
For the whole of my complaint is that I do not hear the
voice of thy complaint.”

“Come into her heart, O pity, and let not my grief be in
vain!
For I am deeply afflicted while she is occupied with
cruelty.”

“Ja‘far found the way to the street of his love,
Now he will hardly rise to his feet again.”

“She came and distracted me, and remained not for so long
That I could make my heart acquainted with consolation.”

XXXVIII. ḤAIDARĪ OF TABRĪZ.302

He has performed the pilgrimage to Makkah. He was the pupil of Lisānī, and has written, in reply to the book Sahw-ul-Lisān (‘a slip of the tongue’) by his fellow-pupil Sharīf of Tabrīz, the Lisān-ul-Ghaib (‘a voice from heaven’) in praise of Lisānī. He was for some time in India and then left and returned, and again went away in such sort that he cannot return again. I have seen his dīvān, containing about 14,000 couplets, but with very little good stuff303 among all these. In an ode describing the imperial elephants he has written:—

“They were not mounds of driven sand—
His elephants, for they are in battle array;
And, for the purpose of engulfing his foes
They are, on every side, the billows of the ocean of cala-
mity.”

As meed for this ode the emperor ordered that a horse and a money reward should be given to him, but the treasurer delayed in carrying out the order, and Ḥaidarī wrote this fragment:—

“I have a difficulty, O King! I wish to present to thee a
petition.
My difficulty imprints on my heart a hundred brands of
regret.
Thou didst command silver and gold to be given to me,
but from thy treasurer
It is hard to get, and yet harder not to get.”303a

Some of his verses:—

“No trust is to be placed in the love303b of the moon-faced
beauties of this world
A ray of the sun settles not long on one place.

“I burn ever with an inward fire, such it is.
I am contemned everywhere, such is my miserable lot.

219 A fragment.

“Ḥaidarī! Strive, like the virtuous, to the utmost
To attain to some perfection in this world of sorrow;
For to go from this world deficient in anything
Is as though one were to leave the bath unclean.”

XXXIX. ḤUZNĪ.304

He was one of the learned men of ‘Irāq. During the disturbances at Hirāt he left that perilous place to journey towards India, but before he reached his goal he set forth for the desert of non-existence. The following verses are his:—

“Laughter comes upon me when I think on the simplicity
of Ḥuznī,
For he loves, and expects fidelity from his beloved.
The loved one, in her ignorance, rendered fruitless my
efforts on his behalf;304a
And the strange thing is that he is all the more indebted
to me.”

“I throw my darvīsh's robe on the fire that thou mayest
smell the odour of faith
From the patched garment, every thread of which is a
fire-worshipper's sacred thread.”

XL. ḤAYĀTĪ OF GĪLĀN.304b

He was a sympathetic friend, and excelled in all descriptions of poetry. He entered the imperial service on the recommendation of Ḥakīm Abū-'l-Fatḥ and grew up in that service. He has written a dīvān and is well acquainted with the poetry of the ancients. Although he is entirely destitute of actual learning he is strenuous and has a sound understanding and a well-balanced mind.

The following verses are his:—

“Watch thyself well in every word that thou utterest, 220
Repent of a speech which gladdens no heart.
What need hast thou of the wing of a bird? If the men
of this age are employed in light talk
Borrow the foot of the ant, and flee.”

“God doth not accustom my tongue to the uttering of com-
plaints.
May He not associate me with complaints, especially of
thee.”

Quatrain.

“Ever hast thou treated me with harshness,—thou art
excused:
Thou hast heard but the name of faithfulness,—thou art
excused:
Thou sayest, ‘I am falsely accused of harshness’;
Thou hast not tried thyself,—thou art excused.”

Quatrain.

“So long as thou art employed in the nurture of vain
desires
Thine axe shall strike no stump but thine own foot.

No enemy works thee such mischief as thou workest thy-
self,
Thy blood is on the head of thine own imagining.”

“We have associated with unbelievers
But found among them no waist worthy of the sacred
thread.”306

An ode.

“I desire a house of mourning that I may shut its door on
myself
But my resolution has peopled it, and now I desire some
desert spot.
The world is disturbed by stories of “to-morrow” and
“yesterday,”
I desire some tale of the speech of my own grief.
221 From the fields of this world, the harvest of ox and ass,
I desire no harvest nor ear of corn nor even a grain.
I am content whether I be killed by the sword of the
warrior of Islām or the arrow of the unbeliever,
I thirst for my own blood and all I require is a cup.
Ḥayātī, sit not before me, prevent not my ravings,
I am a lover and thou art wise, a demented companion
is what I require.”

XLI. ḤAYĀ'Ī.

He was in Gujarāt with Mīrzā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad.306a The following verses are by him:—

“The message of the loved one re-opens the wound in my
liver,
And renews the grief of farewells and the pain of the
journey.”

Quatrain.

“The lover pressed his cheek against thy door and went,
He displayed that love which he had for thee and went
One night, having obtained admission to the assembly
and union with thee by a thousand stratagems,
The moth opened his eyes to the candle, and went.”

XLII. ḤĀLATĪ.307

His name was Yādgār, and he claimed descent from the late Sulṭān Sanjar,307a though in the Tārīkh-i-Niẓāmī307b Mīrzā Aḥmad says that he was a Caghatāī. He was known for his sincerity and orthodoxy. He wrote a dīvān. The following verses are his:—

“From weeping there remains not in my liver so much 222
moisture
That the bird of thine arrow could wet his bill therein.”

“Would that I could be the string of thy shift
So that thou and I might be enclosed in one garment.”307c

“That line of dark musk on the page of thy cheek
Is a new revelation from on high.”

“I constantly come behind the rival and cover his eyes in
sport,
That he may have no share in the joy of beholding my
beloved.”

“The dark mole is placed by the corner of thine eye
Like a hunter sitting in ambush for his prey.”

“Again am I weeping for the beauty of that rose,
To-day have I seen the rose, for I have again become the
nightingale.”

“Thy ravishing lip has suffered much from fever spots,
Alas that thy rose-petal has been damaged by hail.”

Ḥālatī's father had the poetical name of Wālihī. This opening couplet is by him:—

“The moon of the ‘Id has shown her eyebrow, and glad-
dened my heart,
Thanks be to God, who has freed me from this thirty
days' grief.”308

His son, although he had the poetical name of Baqā'ī, changed it to Rusvā'ī (‘the blackguard’) on account of his unprofitableness. He met an early death, for having, by instructions from his mother, given his unfortunate father poison, for some fault that he had committed. He was sent, by the emperor's order, from Kashmīr to Lāhor, where the Kotwāl executed him. He had some poetic genius, and wrote the following couplet:—

223 “While thy death-dealing glance is the despoiler of life
Death looks on from afar with regret.”

XLIII. THE KHĀN-I-A‘ẒAM.308a

He is Ataga Khān who, when the imperial army was defeated at Jausā,308b at the time when the king who had obtained forgiveness, 309 the emperor Humāyūn, fell, like a crocodile, into the river Ganges, and the sun of dignity309a nearly disappeared for ever in that boundless waste of waters, seized his hand and brought him from that whirlpool of calamity and from the deep waters of destruction to the shore of safety and security. This service led to his very great advancement.

Although his dignity is too great for him to be described as a poet or one given to poetry, still, as he had poetic genius the following verses by him are quoted:—

“My little tear, set not thy foot forth from the house of my
eye.
For well-born children309b leave the house but seldom.”

“If the full moon in her glory should boast o'er the sun of
thy face
She will at last sink down from the turquoise sky invert-
ed.”

The following quatrain is by his son, Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān:—310

“Those who walk self-satisfied in the street of desire are of
one sort,
The paupers of the valley of love of another.
Those who seek aught but the pleasure of the beloved
Differ widely from those who grieve with love.”

XLIV. KHANJAR BEG.310a

He is one of the Caghatāī nobles and is related to Tardī Beg Khān,310b who has been already mentioned. He has written a 224 maṯnavī of three hundred couplets on his own condition and containing also the praise of the emperor. He is a versatile man, unequalled in the art of war, in calligraphy, in poetry, in the composition of enigmas, in general knowledge, in the use of the astrolabe, in astronomy, and in handling figures. He is also the author of several works, and he has enumerated his own excellences in the maṯnavī already mentioned. In the art of music he collected information regarding the systems of the Persians and the Indians and particularly regarding the six modes311 of Hindū music, an undertaking which is impossible except to wealthy men of high rank and exalted position; and, indeed, there is now no trace of that information left in the land.

He had no equal in his time. These few couplets, written for the edification and instruction of the emperor, are excerpted from the maṯnavī already mentioned:—

“O King! The world is a wonderful place,
Every moment it presents some fresh spectacle.
The revolving sky, like a deceitful juggler,
Begins every moment some new prank.
From times of old there have been in the world
Crowned kings, with armies and suites.
Of those old heroes, with all their desires and ambitions,
There remain time-worn histories, naught else.
Had the prophets seen any hope of permanence in the world
Why should they have fled from it?
O King! the works of this world are all envy,
Thus is it now, and was in the past, and ever will be:
Among all these complicated affairs
One's first object should be to acquire a good name, the rest
is naught.
The object of this long harangue of mine is to say
What thou should'st do now that thy turn for sovereignty
has arrived.
In this age, in which the world is adorned by thy presence,
May God be thy protector from harm!
If the humā311a has flown from this rose-garden
Cast thou thy shadow on our heads.
Since my words are without guile
It is meet that I should offer thee counsel.

Since I strive only for thy welfare,
Why should I conceal from thee the words of truth?
To all words, whether uttered by this one or that one,312
Give ear, if they touch the root of the matter.
It behoves a king, both in season and out of season,
To take heed to himself and to consider both the people
and God.
225 The poor man's error leads only to the loss of his bread,
The king's error is a calamity to the world.
The beggar takes heed only for his gullet and his patched
robe.
In the king's heart there must be thought for the people.
Kingship is best exercised according to law,
As the king's order is authenticated by his great seal.
Since it is thy turn to exercise sovereignty,
It is necessary for thee to exercise caution and prudence.
Thou art as the candle, thy kingdom as the house,
And thy people are around thee like moths.
The mote in the sunbeam is not seen if the sun shines not,
And where there is no candle there is no moth.
That is to say, the livelihood of all is from thee,
Thou art the shepherd, and thy people are the flock.
The flock has come to thy pasture;
How canst thou leave the flock to wander unrestrained?
God has appointed thee their guardian,
The shepherd's dignity belongs to His prophets;
Neglect not then the practice of the prophets.
But take heed to thyself and also to mankind.
A happy life is a jewel. See that thou value it properly,
And count as gain both wealth and dominion.
Thou art a king with a prophet's attributes,
Thou art in the world for a great work.
Justice and equity, generosity, knowledge, liberality,
Favour and grace, humanity kindness, and faithfulness.

All these thou hast by the grace of God,
What shall I do if thou ignore thine own worth?
Thou ridest, laughing light-heartedly, on thy fierce ele-
phant,
But the people lining the walls to see thee pass are weeping.
Thou layest thy hand on the tusk of the elephant,
But thy people take the finger of anxiety between their
teeth:
Thou layest thy hand on the elephant's trunk,
But our sleeves are shaken free of the world.
Thou boldly facest the raging tiger,
While men flee on every side in terror:
Take thou thy pleasure in the fighting of leopards
While we in fear tear our faces with our hands and our
nails:
Thou withstandest unmoved the attack of the wolf,
While all, both great and small, wonder at thee from afar:
Thou seizest by its neck the snake that has, like the
dragon, an arrow for its tongue,
While the people of the world are writhing in dread:
Thou art swimming in a boundless ocean,
While we, washing our hands of life, stand trembling
on its brink.
Thou enterest the forest intent on the chase, 226
The people stand at its margin in fear and anxiety.
In one dark night thou travellest a month's journey,
While men struggle after thee sighing for the light of a
torch:
Thou wanderest almost naked in the cold,
While the people are shivering under their wrappings:
Thou runnest, heavily clad, in the heat,
While the people bathed in sweat, take shelter under a tree:
Thou pressest onward in every direction on foot,
While we on our horses are fainting with weariness:
Thou facest the warlike foe on the field of battle,
While the army looks on from every side.

What favour is this, and what sympathy,
That thou hast towards us and towards thyself?
This valour of thine is beyond conception,
This bravery is ever fresh in thee.
Although these things are doubtless a merit,
They are, nevertheless, a defect in a king
While the king remains far removed from hurt,
The people of his land are in safety:
If a king never spares himself,
The whole world is thrown into confusion.
We desire the world and our lives to be blessed with thy
[presence;
Without thee what are the world and our lives to us?
Khanjar, beware of prolixity,
And weary not the king's heart:
This speech of thine has wandered from the point,
And the king has no need of it:
Since he is accepted before God
His wealth consists in devotion to business.
His very sleep is perfect wakefulness
Even when he wanders, it is perfect wisdom.
The right is with him who does his duty
And thus becomes independent of all labour.”

When he recited this maṯnavī he was honoured with various favours. He has also composed a divān, which is well known. The following verses are by him:—

“How often in her street shall my heart secretly heave sighs,
And afterwards how often shall I lament that my life is
leaving me?”

“The waters have passed over my head, and my life has gone
on the breeze;
227 My body has become dust; yet still the fire of my heart
breaks into flame.”

At the time when the Khānzamān and Bahādur raised their heads as high as the star Capella in turbulence and rebellion314

Khanjar Beg was confederate with them, and fled into Bengal, and he has probably disappeared in consequence of those disorders.

XLV. KHUSRAVĪ.315

He is sister's son to Mīrzā Qāsim of Junābid.315a He came to India after performing the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz, and he is in the service of the emperor's eldest son.315b He is worthy of mention. The following verses are by him:—

“The heart of Khusravī is so inflamed with the light of love
That candles to light his tomb may be made of his bones.”

“The lions of the temple of Makkah will not pollute their
claws with my blood,
Do thou, my companion, regale with this morsel the dogs
of the monastery.”316

XLVI. MĪR DAURĪ.316a

His name is Sulṭān Bāyazīd, and his title Kātib-ul-Mulk (‘scribe of the kingdom’). It is probable that nobody in Hindūstān has written the nasta‘līq hand better than he, and he has reasonably good taste in poetry. At the end of his life he obtained grace to perform the pilgrimage of Islām. The following verses are by him:—

“At times thou art in my very soul, and at times in my
afflicted heart,
Such is thy levity that thou canst not remain in one
place.”

An ode.

“Had I not been pampered by union with thee,
I had never suffered so much now from parting with thee.316b
228 The bird of my heart is burnt like a moth. Ah me!
Would that I had never fluttered around that candle which
illumines the night.
Had I not brought blood to my eyes with the arrow of her
eyelashes,
I had never become a mark for her heart-piercing arrow.”

A quatrain.

“Since my love has departed from my sight,
My heart's blood flows from my afflicted eyes.

She has gone from my sight but not gone from my heart.
Nay, surely this cannot be,
For that which goes from the sight goes from the heart.”

One of the Mīr's pupils in calligraphy, who was also one of the writer's companions, was Khẉāja Ibrāhīm Ḥusain the Aḥadī317 (may God have mercy on him!), who was a well-born man of the city of Balūṭ,317a and closely related to Shaikh ‘Abd-ur Raḥmān the Balūṭī of Lāhor, who was, in his time, famed throughout the world as a religious leader and a follower of the saints. Khẉāja Ibrāhīm Ḥusain in the flower of his youth left this world of deceit for the abode of joy, to the infinite regret of his friends; and the writer suffered in one year, and within the space of a few days, the grief of losing him and the grief of losing Mīrzā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad,317b and these griefs renewed my regret for the loss of my old friends—a regret which grows stronger every day.

Alas, I see no remedy for my pain!
I had some hope of union:—that is gone
All my concerns are languishing, because
I see that the promise of my friends is unfulfilled.

Alas! Misfortunes have crowded so thickly upon me that I have scarcely the strength left to bewail them. But what cause is there for bewailing, since we are all beneath one dome and have but to pass behind the veil to meet once more?

The following chronogram was composed on Khẉāja Ibrāhīm Ḥusain's death:—

229 “In accordance with the command of the Ruler of the
universe,
In the month of Ṣafar, Khẉāja Ibrāhīm Ḥusain
Journeyed from this world of wickedness and dishonour,
And the date of his death was found in the words,
‘Khẉāja Ibrāhīm Ḥusain.’”318

XLVII. DAKHLĪ.318a

He has recently come from ‘Irāq and has been appointed an Aḥadī,319 and before he attained this dignity he wrote the following quatrain on Sharīf-i-Sarmadī319a the roster-keeper, inspector of the Aḥadīs, who has an enormous moustache:—

“This simpleton will at length become an Aḥadī,
And will be asking for the felt cap319b
In the depth of his perplexity he will, a hundred times a
day,
Become a sacrifice for Sarmadī's moustache.”

XLVIII. DĀNIHĪ.319c

Dānih is a village in the district of Nīshāpūr,319d where he passed a life of humble contentment in tilling the soil. Suddenly the seed of wandering was sown in his heart and he conceived a desire to visit India and gained no advantage from his husbandry. He has written most of his poetry in his own rustic dialect, but has also composed many odes in more polished language. He gave up the use of his own rustic dialect when he found that it could not be understood by the generality of people. One day a poet with the takhalluṣ of Ulfatī was playing polo, when his stick flew from his hand and struck him on the nose. Dānihī wrote the following epigram on the circumstance:—

“So much bad verse did Ulfatī recite
That all the libertines were delighted with him.
His polo stick by ill chance broke
The bridge of his nose instead of his teeth.”319e

They say that Qilīj Khān319f was the subject of this epigram. 230

XLIX. DAVĀ'Ī.

He is Ḥakīm ‘Ain-ul-Mulk.320 He traces his descent on the mother's side to that most learned man Maulānā Jalāl-ud-dīn Davvānī.320a He is distinguished by his gracious manners and excellent qualities, and in the treatment of ophthalmia his equal has not been seen. Occasionally he occupies himself by writing poetry, and the following are some of his verses:—

An ode.

“It is not only hail that rains down from the cloud of grief
on me in my misery.
But stones that rain down upon me in the form of cala-
mities.
So violent towards lovers is that capricious and cruel
charmer,
That even in the course of familiarity warfare gleams in
her eye.
Davā'ī, it is infidelity to despair at the door of her favour,
For rain from the cloud of her generosity covers leagues.”

“Each night my lamentations, sighs, and weeping reach the
sky.
O Lord! What shall one whose days are as dark as mine
do with such nights as these?”

An ode.

“No waste spot is to be seen which cannot be peopled.
The incurable pain of love is that here no plans avail.
In the night of her dark locks the sleep of death fell upon
me,
A wonderful and confused dream not to be interpreted.
Ah, what a glance was that to slay a lover, and where is
the stage on the journey of love
In which is to be found a breast unpierced by an arrow?”

“Each one who has tasted a drop of the wine of love
Has become more wearied than before, and broken both 231
cup and wine-jar.”

“Awake, my heart, for the beloved is enraged,
And life has become hard for lovers.
For lovers, on the way of devotion,
Every step is a hundred thousand leagues.
The spacious arsenal of love
Is all too narrow for the army of my affection.
The arm of my ambition is long enough,
But what shall I do? For my good fortune is lame.
Davā'ī beware, for in the street of the beloved
Strife is hot and love is in disguise.”

“Bright are those eyes which know how to see,
Happy is that heart which knows how to palpitate.
How shall the torment of this narrow cage
Be endured by the bird of my soul, which has learnt how
to soar?
Never remains in the corner of my eye
That little tear which has learnt how to run down my
cheek.
There is not to be found elsewhere in a house
A wild creature which has learnt how to flee.
Davā'ī no longer has any desire for heaven,
Since he has learnt how to pluck the rose of thy garden.”

“On the day of separation, which is the moment when (the
heart) burns,
The soul's employ is to fan the flame.
In the night of separation, when hope of life must be 232
foregone,
The heart's employ is to heap up pain and grief.
Ah separation, such a calamity art thou that ever
Hell is in flames for fear of thee!

From the two magicians, coquetry and blandishment,
The drunkard may learn quarrelsomeness.
Davā'ī, the longing for association with the fair,
Is an attempt to unite flame and cotton.”

L. RAFĪ‘Ī.322

He is Mīr Ḥaidar of Kāshān, the composer of enigmas. His understanding is excellent and he has correct taste. He is unrivalled in the art of composing enigmas and chronograms,—322a

indeed, he does not even know that there are any arts but these two. One day Shaikh Faiẓī told him that the art of composing enigmas had gone out of fashion in Hindūstān and that the practice of it was considered unworthy. He replied, “I have toiled for years in my own country in the study of enigmas, and now that I have grown old in this pursuit, how can I give it up?” He came with Khẉāja Ḥabībullāh from Gujarāt to Lāhor and received a fixed allowance from the emperor's privy purse and from courtiers. He embarked in a ship and set sail for his native land, but, when he had passed Hurmuz and was nearing Kīj and Makrān,323 his ship was wrecked and all that he had was lost, among the rest several parts of Shaikh Faiẓī's pointless commentary323a on the Qur'ān, letters of introduction from learned men, and Faẓiī's dīvān, a copy of which he was sending abroad 233 in order to increase his reputation.

The following verses are by Rafī‘ī:—

“I have a tender heart, my sprightly love, what remedy
is there for me?
I am a lover with the nature of one beloved, what can
I do?”

“I was jealous of Rafī‘ī's coffin, for thou
Didst accompany it weeping more bitterly than the
mourners.”

A quatrain.

“The devotee sins not, for Thou art the Avenger,
We are steeped in sin, for Thou art the Pardoner;

He calls Thee the Avenger, and we the Pardoner,
O Lord! say which name Thou preferrest.”

And he has a quatrain which contains twenty-six chrono-grams. 324

LI. RAHĀ'Ī.324a

He is descended from Shaikh Zain-ud-din of Khavāf,324b and he has composed a famous dīvān. The following verses are his:—

“O love, thou didst encourage me to hope for thy favour,
And didst then repulse my hope on every side.”

“I travelled in order to ease my heart of its grief,
How was I to know that a hundred mountains of grief
would confront me on my way?”

“The secrets which I have with that rose are as buds formed
of my heart's blood;
To tell the heart's secrets to all is hard indeed.”

“Pass not from my eyes like tears, my dear,
Be more humane and pass not thus by men.” 234325

“In the heat of thy wrath thou throwest me into the fire,
And then coquettishly warmest thy hands at the fire.”

“I have so devoted myself to thankfulness for that small
mouth and that eyebrow like the new moon
That nobody now calls me to mind.”

“I have suffered cruelty not only at the hands of that
faithless and capricious girl
But at the hands of all from whom I hoped for faithful-
ness.”

“Thou, my friend, dost not know all the grief of my heart,
Nor all that I have suffered at the hands of that cruel
moon-faced beauty.”

LII. RAUGHANĪ.325a

He was an impudent jack-pudding whose jesting passed all bounds. He was for many years in the service of the emperor. He has written a dīvān containing nearly three thousand couplets. This is one of his couplets:—

“The martyr who suffers death by the sword of his injustice
enjoys life eternal:
Perhaps the master-armourer who tempered the sword
used the water of life.”

The idea contained in this couplet closely resembles that in the couplet of Mīr Ashkī,325b already quoted, namely:—

“Those slain by thy cruelty lie scattered here and there
like drunken men;
It would seem that thy sword was tempered with wine
instead of water.”

The following verses are also by Raughanī:—

“I weep not for her cruelty, for I fear that my rival
235 Might guess from my weeping whose cruelty was its
cause.”

“My burning heart in her hands and beneath her feet is
like a live coal,
Which a boy in sport takes up and quickly flings away.”

“Thy dignity so plants upon the mountains the foot of
clemency
That fountains of water flow from each vein of it.”

“O messenger! Give her by word of mouth an account of
my condition,326 for in my letter
There are many words which have flowed from my pen
while I was beside myself.”

“The messenger gives me news of her coming
In order that the force of my desire for her may draw me
to the road by which she is to pass.”

In the year H. 980 (A.D. 1572), when the imperial army was marching towards Gujarāt,326a Raughanī died beneath the fort of Ābūgarḥ326b and was buried there Qāsim Arsalān326c made the following chronogram on his death:—

“Like a dog he delivered up his soul to the abode of in-
fidelity.”327

LIII. ZAIN KHĀN KŪKA. 236327a

In playing Hindū music, beating the drum, and other accomplishments of that sort he is unrivalled in this age. Although he cannot be said to have any other accomplishments, save calligraphy and transcription, yet he sometimes composes a couplet. The following is one of his couplets:—

“This world, which moves crookedly, gives me no rest,
Until I have threaded my needle with the thread of my
desire.”

LIV. SULṬĀN OF SAPLAK.327b

Saplak is a village in the Qandahār district. The vulgar in India call him Siplakī (Sipkalī) with a kasr to the bā, which means ‘a lizard,’328 and this greatly offended him, and he used to say, “What can I do, though they call me by the name of such a dirty carrion creature?” He was a devotee girt as to the loins and unfettered by conventions. On the day on which he saw Mullā Qāsim Kāhī328a he asked him his age. Qāsim replied, “I am two years younger than God.” Sulṭān said, “My dear sir, I took you to be two years older. I fear you are deducting from your years.” Mullā Qāsim laughed and said, “You are worthy to associate with us.” It may be noted that as Mullā Qāsim Kāhī was a great plagiarist he probably borrowed this speech from Shaikh Bāyazīd of Busṭām328b who said, “I am younger than my Lord by two years.” This is one of the ravings of the Ṣūfïs, and some men of God have interpreted it to mean, “I am younger than God (may He be honoured and glorified!) by two years, i.e. in two qualities, that is to say self-existence and omnipotence”; for a creature may display all divine attributes and qualities except these two; for the brand of accidental existence and dependence can never be removed from the forehead of a created being. I ask forgiveness of God for this nonsense and these ravings!

Sulṭān had a disposition well attuned to poetry. When he saw the Khānzamān,328c who also used Sulṭān as a poetical name, and presented to him an ode in his praise, the Khānzamān sent him, as a reward for it, a thousand rupees and a robe of honour, 237 together with a request that he would, for his sake, change his poetical name. He sent back the gift and said, “Sulṭān Muḥammad is my name, which was given to me by my father. How can I give it up? Moreover, I wrote poetry under this name many years before you did, and obtained much fame by it.” The Khānzamān said, “If you do not give up the name I will throw you under the feet of an elephant,” and being enraged, he had an elephant brought to the spot. Sulṭān said “Ah, what good fortune is mine, that I shall attain martyrdom!” After the Khānzamān had threatened and intimidated him for a long time, Maulānā ‘Alā-ud-dīn Lārī,329 the Khānzamān's tutor, suggested that an ode should be selected from the dīvān of the reverend Maulavī Jāmī,329a (may God hallow his tomb!) which was at hand, and that if Sulṭān could answer it extemporaneously he should be pardoned, but if not the Khānzamān should do with him as he had proposed. From the dīvān of the reverend master (may his tomb be hallowed!) this ode was selected:—

The writing of God's creation knew the writing on thy
heart,
And knew the invisible proofs of kingship on the heads
of beardless boys.

Sulṭān Muḥammad recited an extemporary ode, the opening couplet of which is:—

“Whoever has regarded his heart as the shell containing
the pearl of God's secret
Has rightly appraised his own jewel.”

Although this ode was no great matter the Khānzamān was exceedingly pleased and praised it, and, having given the poet twice the reward which he had given before, dismissed him with honour. But Sulṭān could no longer stay in that place, and without the Khānzamān's leave he came thence to Badāon, and afterwards travelled through the country, and went to the Dakan. In the year in which the four kings of the Dakan formed a confederacy and after a great battle in a stricken field 238 conquered Vijayanagar,330 and destroyed that famous idol-temple, which was a veritable mine of misbelief, Sulṭān Muḥammad was with their army and acquired great store of plunder, and returned, but no further information regarding him is to be had. It was, indeed, the height of discourtesy on his part to enter into a dispute with his betters and to refuse the request, so courteously made by a man like the Khānzamān, that he would change his poetical name.

In reply to the following opening couplet by Ghazālī,330a viz.—

“Devotee, true knowledge of God lies not in the patched
robe, the rosary, and the tooth-stick,330b
Acquire mystical love, for these other things have nothing
to do with the comprehension of God,”

he wrote,

“Though the dust of envy has settled on my rival's heart I
have no fear,
This is clear to me, that the mirror of his heart is not
clean.”

The following are other verses by him:—

“My love sits sometimes in my eyes and sometimes in my
heart,
She rests nowhere, she must be bewitched.”

“How can I liken thy eyebrow to the new moon, for I
Have seen the new moon in every hair of thy eyebrow?”

LV. SULṬĀN.331

This is the poetical name of the Khānzamān. As the events of his life are well known, not only from this selection, but from every history of Hindūstān, any further account of him would be merely a repetition. He wrote these verses:—

“Slender as a hair is thy waist,
No wider than the end of that hair is thy mouth.”

When he published abroad the ode which begins thus, many of 239 the poets of that province331a wrote odes to compete with it. One began as follows:—

“I said, ‘Thy mouth is no more substantial than an idea,’
She said, ‘The idea that thou hast formed is correct.’

I composed the following:—

“Thy mouth is the fountain of Khiẓr,331b
Thy tongue is a fish in that fountain.”

In these days I prefer to repent sincerely of such poetry and versification, which I published freely in the days of my ignorance, but which now appear to me to be a vain accomplishment.

The following verses are by the Khānzamān:—

“Cease, my heart, from weeping and wailing continually
like a bell,
Make, my heart, to none complaint of the cruelty of thy
love.”

“O breeze, in the court of my love, in that language which
thou knowest
Make my supplication before her, as thou canst.”

“I have a charmer whose face is like the rose, and like
hyacinths her hair,
Her rippling locks of hyacinth fall over rose-petals.”

“My love, the darling of no other is like thee,
No other lover is distracted like me.”

“O infidel boy,332 we drink no cup at thy hands
We are drunk from another cup, with the wine of
‘Am I not your Lord?’”332a

The Khānzamān's brother, Bahādur Khān,333 also had some poetic genius, and wrote an ode. which is reproduced below on 240 the theme of that ode of Mullā Āsafi's which begins:—

“The night of grief has much embittered by lot.
Where is the morning? For rust has settled on my
mirror.”

Bahādur Khān's ode.333a

“The wanton, cruel charmer has taken a stone in his hand,
As though he would attack me, the weary one.
My moon-faced darling sits on the throne of beauty,
He is a king, seated on his throne.
Without thee, Bahādur, they will not cease from their
wailing and their wine-bibbing
For they have taken from thee the flute of grief.”

In accordance with the saying, “the words of kings are the kings of words” this appears to be a sufficiency of the poetry of these two333b

LVI. SAIRĪ.334

He was a qāẓī334a and a theologian of cheerful disposition. He came to India and died, having acquired honour by performing the pilgrimage of Islām. In prosody, and rhyming, and the composition of enigmas he was unrivalled. The following quatrain is by him:—

“Sairī, take up thy abode in the sanctuary of the soul and
the heart,
Withdraw thy sight from this form compounded of water
and earth;
Everything, save the knowledge of God, is naught,
Forsake everything, and acquire this knowledge.”

These verses also are by him:—

“She does not close that narcissus-like eye on account of
ophthalmia,
241 She shuts the door of mercy on grief-stricken lovers.”

“Preacher, miscall me not for my devotion to my idol,
For God's sake torment me no more.”

LVII. SIPIHRĪ.334b

He is Mīrzā Beg, brother's son to Khẉāja Amīnā,334c who was known as Khẉāja Jahān. He has written a dīvān. The following verses are the fruit of his brilliant intellect:—

“Soften with a smile the poison of thy angry eye.
As bitter almonds are made sweet by the addition of salt.”

“My wandering heart passed by the street of calamity,
It is strange that my heart wandered without thee.335 Its
action was strange.”

“Sipihrī, take, like the tulip, a cup in the king's round,335a
Now that the heart has blossomed and the rose-garden
smells sweet.”
“The king of exalted rank, Humāyūn, the dust of whose door
In dignity far excels the heavens.”

LVIII. SAYYĀFĪ.335b

He was a servant of Bairam Khān.335c and the Khān sent by his hand a sum of seven thousand rupees as an offering to the shrine of his holiness the Imām Riẓā335d (on whom be blessings and praise! Having spent all this money he was there called to account by Shāh Ṭahmāsp and in the year H. 974 (A.D. 1566-67) was released from torture by death). These couplets are by him:—

“When my sallow countenance appeared in the mirror,
The mirror, from the reflection of my face, became an
autumn leaf.”

“My narrow breast, in which lodges grief for the absence of
my love,
May yet be so situated that joy will leave in it no room for
my soul.”

LIX. SAHMI.336

He chose his poetical name from the profession of his father, who was an arrow-maker. He grew up in the service of Mīrzā Azīz Kūka336a and, since he has been addicted to poetry from the age of ten, he has become thoroughly versed in it, and is famous throughout the world. In reply to that ode by Ummīdī the mystic,336b which begins,

“Thou art the king of the kingdom of beauty,
We are beggars enjoying the spectacle,”

he was one day reciting an ode of his own before the court. When he came to the hemistich,

“I am a pure Sunnī and come from Bukhārā,”

Lashkar Khān,336c the paymaster in chief, who was a Khurāsānī suspected of heresy, though he did not openly profess it,336d said, “Then, Mullā, there is also such a thing as an impure Sunnī?” Mirzā ‘Azīz Kūka said on the spur of the moment, “You, for example.”

Qāsim Arsalān has the following quatrain referring to Sahmī.

“Sahmī, Ṭarīqī,337 and Farīdūn337a are thieves,
They are thieves like the cat, the jackal, and the monkey,
Take care not to recite your poetry before them
For these two or three poets will steal the lines from you.”

The following are some lines from Sahmī's ode written in answer to one by337b Ummīdī:—

“The thought of thy mole has ever had its place in my heart, 243
I did not mention this scar to thee, but it remained on my
heart.
I sowed the seed of hope in the field of love,
But obtained no crop save a crop of despair,
When thou sawest in the mirror the reflection of thy cruel
face
The mirror melted before it from shame.”

“This is not the new moon that has risen to the highest
point of the heavens,
It is a sword hung in the air for the purpose of slaying
me.”337c

“The new moon of the ‘Īd was likened to the arch of her
eyebrow.

If the simile were just there would be ever another338 new
moon at her side.”
“Her mouth is like the end of a hair in its delicate propor-
tions, but see
How the sword of her tongue in speech splits the hair.”338a

244 “Thou camest before me in order to vex my wounded heart,
What evil have I done that thou hast thus come before
me?”

LX. SAQQĀ.338b

His name was Bahrām. He was a devotee who believed that he had attained the stage of annihilation.338c He was one of the disciples of Shaikh Ḥājī Muḥammad Khabūshānī (may his tomb be hallowed!), and was in some measure mysteriously attracted towards God.338d He constantly traversed the streets of Āgra with a few pupils, giving water to the people of God, and while he was thus employed his tongue would be uttering refreshing verses. One of the sons of his religious guide came to India, and to him he gave all that he possessed, and would have given more, had it been possible, and he then set forth on foot, alone and destitute, for Sarandīb,339 and on the way to Ceylon the torrent of annihilation swept away the chattels of his existence, and in that infidel land some person, guided by a sign from the prophet (the blessing and peace of God be upon him!) appeared, no one knew whence, and arranged for the obsequies of Saqqā, (may God water his grave!).

He collected several dīvāns of his own poems, and whenever he was overcome by religious ecstasy he would wash the ink from the pages of the dīvāns, one by one, but the remains of his poems form a large dīvān. The following verses are part of the outcome of his clear and sparkling intellect:—

“I am thrown into bewilderment each time I regard the mole
on His cheek,
I distractedly encompass that spot like the leg of a pair of
compasses tracing a circle around its centre.
I, distraught as I am, have withdrawn my gaze from fair
creatures for this reason
That I have in the nest of my heart a Friend of my soul
like Thee.”

“I have broken the foundations of austerity that I might
see what would come to pass,
I have sat in the market-place of ignominy, that I might
see what would come to pass.”

“I see my poor mad heart distracted with the love of Thy
face,
I see it encompassed on every side with the chains of Thy
locks.”

“This day from weeping am I plunged in my heart's blood,
Ah, heart! cause not my head to burst this day with
weeping.”

“The love of that beloved one with garments like the rose
has again grasped me by the collar,
Ah, now, at last, it has rent my garment from collar to
skirt.”340

LXI. SIPĀHĪ.340a

245 He was the grandson of the famous Khwāja Kalān Beg.340b This quatrain is by him.

“Alas, that the season of the rose has passed so quickly,
Alas, that it has passed in the twinkling of an eye!
Without thy eyes and the down on thy cheek the violet
and the hyacinth
Pass their days in blindness and in mourning.”340c

He died in Āgra in the year H. 978 (A.D. 1570-71).

LXII. SARMADĪ OF IṢFAHĀN.340d

His name is Sharīf. He was for some time a roster-keeper, and now holds some appointment in Bengal under Sharīf Āmalī. He at first assumed Faiẓī as his poetical name, but when Shaikh Faiẓī submitted a complaint to the emperor on the subject he abandoned his pretensions, and chose Sarmadī as his poetical name. He has some poetic genius. The following verses are by him.

“Since the sword of the coquetries of that haughty
beauty has been raised,
Spectators from afar have stretched out a hundred necks
to receive its blow.”

“When thou camest to my house with the fumes of wine
in thy head and roses under thy arm
The very dust of this house of grief put forth blossoms
to see the sight of thy arrival.”

“Since in contempt I set my foot upon both worlds
Neither joy nor sorrow has had any power over my
heart.”

LXIII. SĀQĪ OF THE JAZĀ'IR.341

He is an ‘Arab, and his father Shaikh Ibrāhīm was a learned theologian whom the Shī‘ahs, after their mode of belief, regarded as an infallible religious guide. He settled in Mashhad, and Sāqī was born there. Sāqī has acquired some learning, and is 246 of a cheerful disposition and eloquent. He came from the Dakan to Hindūstān, and is now in Bengal. The following verses are by him:—

“From my soul, as I weep, arises a sigh of grief,
Even as smoke arises when water is thrown on fire.”

“I grieve not for the cruelty of my love
Lest my grief should become a cause of joy to others.”

“When she passes by me in wrath the tears flow from my
eyes,
“Just as tears flow from eyes dazzled by the sun's rays.”

“My heart flutters lest thou should have come to it in thy
sleep.
Whenever there comes before me any person heavy with
sleep.”

An ode.

“In my desire for thy eyelashes each breath loads my heart
with blood,
In order that it may bring me once more into thy hand.
My heart obtained a glance from thee which made my soul
thy prey. Aye,
An arrow which has struck the mark steadies the aim.
My heart is, as ever, ardent with love; thou art, as ever,
indifferent.
Sāqī, describe to her thy pain, before she publishes it
abroad.”

LXIV. SAYYIDĪ.342

His name is Sayyid Shāh, and he has already been mentioned. He comes of the Sayyids of the Garmsīr342a who settled in Kālpī. He is of a cheerful disposition and is pleasant in conversation and is to some extent imbued with religious mysticism. He is the disciple of Shaikh Salīm Cishti. He was for some time in the emperor's service, but it was his fate to leave it, and he has 247 since spent his time in the service of various Amīrs. He is now in Kābul with Qilīj Muḥammad Khān. I quote the following few couplets of his:—

“I am in the first pangs of love, and my heart is disquieted,
Like a child who trembles as he wakes from sleep.”

“Since that stately cypress-like beauty made for herself a
necklace of roses,
I envy the roses, and the roses envy her shift.”

“From my strayed heart the breeze obtained no news of
what had happened,
Although thy two locks spread their tresses to the wind.”343

“Reverence forbids me to set foot in my house,
Since the whole house has been filled with the effulgence
of thy face.”

“I utter not a word of the secrets of thy favours and thy
chiding,
No sound arises from him who has been killed in sub-
mission to thee.”

“Although there remains to nobody in the reign of the
king of the world
Anything but a draught of water and a patched garment,
Yet thanks a hundredfold are due to God that poverty
has become universal,
That there remains no envy among the people.”

“I wrote an ode in thy honour, lord of generosity,
Which was a faithful index of the volume of thy virtues
and perfections,
But the generosity which thou showedst to me in return
for it was so slight,
That my hope of benefiting by thy wealth was destroyed.
Thy generosity was not an equivalent for my poetry,
248 Keep, then, thy generosity, and return my poetry.”

“God forbid that I should have a heart that never ex-
periences pain,
An arrow is better in the breast than a dead heart.”

LXV. SHĀH ABŪ-'L-MA‘ĀLĪ.344

He has been mentioned in the historical record of the reign. He was a man of cheerful disposition and had good taste in poetry. I reproduce these few couplets of his:—

“My soul, to keep company with strangers is not good,
It is not good to associate with every beloved one and to
leave one friendless.
It is pleasant sometimes to torment a lover, but kindness
is also pleasant sometimes,
To sit ever on the throne of scorn is not good.
Sit in the corner of separation, happy in the hope of
re-union.
To despair of the good fortune of seeing345 the beloved one
again is not good.”

“Beloved, I have been alone, and separated from thee.
I have been, for a purpose, a prisoner in the bonds of
separation.
In every place have I read the story of thy love so often
That on this account I am become a by-word in the
world.”

“My heart suffers grief of a thousand descriptions on her
account,
If my grief kills me not what other boon shall I obtain
from her?

LXVI. SHĪRĪ.345a

He comes from a village called Kokūwāl345b in the Panjāb. 249 His father belongs to the Mājīs,345c a large and well-known tribe, and he used to say that his mother was a Sayyid by race. Although he is not of noble blood he has a disposition sufficiently noble, and leads a well-regulated life. He studied under his father, Maulānā Yaḥyā, who wrote an ode with this opening couplet:—

“From the rain of Thy favour, O merciful Providence,
There remain, from each drop, in the heart of the wise a
hundred rivers of precious secrets.”

Shīrī had great facility in writing verse, and once boasted that he had composed thirty odes in one night, but God knows whether this was true or not. One day he was reading in an assembly a fragment from his dīvān, which contained this hemistich,

“I have thrown four volumes of verse into the river Cināb.”

The late Maulānā Ilāhdād of Amroha346 at once said, “What if you had thrown this spill346a of paper after them?”

Shīrī possessed, to some extent, unworldliness, sympathy, and the ascetic spirit, and has written verses in this vein, for example,

“I am lord of the table of poverty, and never
Will my spirit allow me to beg from my friend.
To borrow from Hindūs at four hundred per cent
Is better than receiving gifts from these Musalmāns.”

No poet among his contemporaries has written better pessimistic poetry346b than he has. This is a specimen of such verses:—

“O, ye dead, rejoice that ye are at rest,
For pleasure has departed from our midst!
O, ye who are to follow us, read the fātiḥa346c
To offer thanks that you were not living in our time!”

In the composition of elaborate odes and epigrams he certainly excelled all the poets of his time, and silenced them by making such felicity of diction as they possessed seem as naught beside 250 his own. The following fragment justly |describes his abilities in this line.

“If thou ask me of the poetry of Shīrī
I would say, if justice is to be done,

That not all the verses that poets write pass as current
coin
Just as nobody's wine is all clear.
Shīrī, praise not the base,
For praise befits the noble.347
Shīrī's ghazals and maṯnavīs are mere rubbish,
And this is intended neither for praise nor for blame,
But the fame of his odes and epigrams
Has reached the uttermost parts of the earth.”347a

The few verses quoted below are the production of his brilliant wit:—

“My heart is so enamoured of the beauty of Salmā347b
That it wanders abroad with her heart in search of
consolation.
The remembrance of another by that heart in which thou
dwellest
Is equivalent to the worship of ‘Uzzā347c in the Ka‘bah.347d
The beloved has so entirely surrounded herself with an
array of coquetry,
That even desire found no way of access to her in that
dense crowd.”

“Bid the caravan move faster, that Egypt
May no longer send back to us the cries of Zulaikhā347e
grieving for our absence.”

“I have bound my letter to thee with a white thread to
signify
That in my separation from thee no blood remains in the
veins of my soul.”

“Deprived of thy face my existence is a sea of pain and
grief,
My ribs are the waves of that sea.”

“She comes to slay me, with the sword of cruelty in her
hand.
Whatever men relate of injustice is committed by that
cruel one.

251 “In the abundance of its hopefulness the heart believes that
a messenger comes from Shīrīn
To the unfortunate Farhād348 even though it be Parvīz
himself that comes.”

“Wherefore, O tear, dost thou traverse my eye
When I bid farewell to my dear?
Where wert thou then, that thou now obscurest my sight?
O Zephyr, my beloved has entirely filled the mould of my
desire,
I am thy devoted servant, but thou wanderest overmuch in
her street.”

The following few couplets are from an ode of question and answer348a by him:—

“I said, ‘O heart, what is the cause of this change in the
condition of the world?’
My heart replied, ‘Silence, the brain of heaven is thrown
into confusion.’

I said, ‘From the well of hope the water of desire is not to
be had.’
It replied ‘The well-rope of hope was not sufficiently long.’349
I said, ‘If there is any rest anywhere, tell me where it may
be found?
It replied, ‘In sleep, they say, the sleep of death.’
I said, ‘Can anyone spend his life in joy?’
It said ‘This is mere speech, which never comes to pass.’
I said ‘Why is the brow of the beloved one furrowed with
a frown?’
It said, ‘It is ill to contend with one ill-disposed.’
I said, ‘The mirror of wisdom is covered with rust.’
It said, ‘Where is the burnisher, generosity, that it may
once more receive a polish?’
I said, ‘The eloquent are the ornament of the assembly.’ 252
It said, ‘Thou canst not say these things to the wealthy.’
I said, ‘Alas for these men, who are far from the truth!’
It said, ‘Let justice be done on this deceitful race, which
follows injustice.’
I said, ‘I have a detailed complaint to make against my
fate.’
It said, ‘To the King thou must relate it succinctly.’
I said, ‘To Akbar, who resembles Jamshīd in glory and
Sulaimān in wisdom?’
It said, ‘Yes, the King of high destiny who in dignity
resembles the sun.’
I said, ‘That personality which is second only to the
prophet in honour?’
It said, ‘Yes to that creature of God who surpasses all in
beneficence.’
I said, ‘By race and descent the crown and the throne are
justly his.’
It said, ‘His favour and liberality are the protection of his
kingdom and his people.’

The following two couplets are from an ode which he wrote on the utility of the elephant:—

“How sweetly pass those nights in which, praying inces-
santly for the safety of the King's elephant,
I read the chapter ‘night’350 by the margin of the river
Biyāh;
On the fair ones of Kūkūwāl with the gait of an elephant350a
and the eyes of gazelles
I think every moment, and heave sighs from my bosom.”

The following is the opening couplet of an ode in which he enumerates six things as being necessary.

“O thou who holdest the world in the grasp of thy wisdom
by the force of thy sword and thy arrow,
Crowned monarch of the throne and of fate,
Who conquerest the world by means of thy elephants and
thy horses,
Thy crown and thy throne, thy sword and thy arrow are
the sun, the moon, the lightning, and the meteor,
A hundred writers350b would be unable to reckon the number
of thy elephants and horses.”

As his dīvān is exceedingly well known I refrain from quoting any more of his verses.

At the time when he was employed on the translation of the Mahābhārata350c he said, “These prolix fables resemble the dreams of a man in a fever.”

Mullā Shīrī's death occurred in the hilly country of the Yūsufzais, in the year H. 994 (A.D. 1586) as has been already mentioned.351

LXVII. SHAKĪBĪ OF IṢFAHĀN. 253351a

He came recently to India, and is in the service of the Khān-khānān, son of Bairam Khān.351b He has good taste. The following verses are by him:—351c

“My nightly lamentations are still of some effect.
My broken bow has still an arrow which will reach its
mark.
My heart is provoked by her absence; show me some
mercy, O fate!
For my hand is hampered in combat by my having a
mountain's weight tied to my waist.
Scatter roses on the skirts of my friends, for he who is
wounded to the heart by her absence
Has, on the point of each eyelash, a hundred drops351d from
his liver.”

“O God! Send me from heaven a market for my wares,
I am selling my heart for a sight of my love; send me a
buyer.”

“My wares are anguish, not joy; why dost thou ask the
price?
Well I know that thou wilt not buy, and I will not sell.”

“When will the deliciousness of love's grief be forgotten?
I have sprinkled that salt on the marrow of my bones.”

LXVIII. SHUJĀ‘Ī.

He is Saif-ul-Mulūk the physician.352 One day when he came to treat a sick man Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad the cloth-weaver, who has the poetical name of Fikrī,352a and is well known under the nickname of Mīr Rubā‘ī, was employed with the patient. The Mīr said of Shujā‘ī,

“A sharp sword352b is his worship, Maulavī Saif-ul-Mulūk,
Who has introduced a new fashion in the practice of medi-
cine.
254 Yesterday Death said, when he had come to take the life of
a sick man,
‘Everywhere I go he has been called in first.’”

The Maulānā (Saif-ul-Mulūk) composed the following ‘increased’ quatrain352c on the incontinence and gluttony of the Mīr (Sayyid Muḥammad),

“O Mīr, how can five gallons352d of thick broth be contained—
in one debilitated stomach?
Si autem contineantur, quomodo continebit se penis tuus—ab
intromissione primâ
?352e

A tablet which will not contain a quatrain—written in the
smallest writing353
Will surely not contain a long ode—written in large text.”353a

The following verses are the production of the Maulānā's almost magical genius:—

“Distracted with love, the hair of thy head is dishevelled,
May I become a sacrifice for thy head, for thou hast traffic
with lovers.”

“A hair has fallen from my love's locks across her cheek,
Or is it perchance the thread of my soul lying across the
fire?”

“Better that I should be buried in the earth than that, for
the sake of base desires,
I should walk the earth to seek favours from worldlings.”

LXIX. SHU‘ŪRĪ OF TURBAT.353b

He is a student and practises book-keeping. The following verses are by him:—

“O thou who, for fear of being separated from thy love, art
in the agony of death,
I give thee good news, for she, whose breath is like that of
Masīḥ,353c is coming, nay, is come.”

“The desire of seeing thee brings me, each moment, from my
house;
“Desire has seized me by the collar, and draws me to thee.

255 My great Preserver354 is harsh to me in a thousand ways,
But how shall He bring the poor Shu‘ūrī into thy pres-
ence?”

“Love has entered, and seized the vein of my soul,
The bewilderment of seeing thee has made my tongue
mute.”

“Her wavy lock has fallen on her moon-like cheek,
A horse-shoe has been put into the fire for thee.”354a

“Thou didst promise to sow the seed of faithfulness.
What is faithfulness? To keep one's promises.”

“The double chin354b of that beauty with eyebrows like the
new moon
Is the reflection of the new moon in clear water.”

“Nay, for when the sun rose in the heavens,
The moon appeared beneath his rays.”

LXX. MULLĀ SĀDIQ ḤALWĀĪ'354c
OF SAMARQAND.

He is too honourable to be placed among the poets and reckoned along with the poets of this age. So to place him is a disgrace to him and a disgrace to me. He is mentioned as a Mullā of good understanding, of pleasant speech, and full of apposite learning. After many vicissitudes he came to India, and having devoted his attention to the successions355 of self-styled saints in this country, set most of them by the ears. By the aid of the divine guidance he was led to make a pilgrimage to the sacred house of God,355a and the other holy places,355b and in the year H. 978 (A.D. 1570-71) he returned and set out for his native country, but Mīrzā Muḥammad Hakīm355c desired him to sojourn in Kābul and began to study under him. At present he is living, honoured and respected, in 256 Transoxiana, where he is engaged in teaching and lecturing. He has good taste in poetry and a sublime imagination. He has written a dīvān. These verses are by him:—

“My heart is lost and nobody can tell me whither it is gone,
Thy ruby lip is laughing, my suspicion rests on thee.”

“There is no resting place but thy door for my wandering
heart;
I said I would stray from thy door, but my heart would not
depart.”

“Thou hast returned like the sun from thy journey, O thou
with a face like the moon!
Thou wentest away beautiful, and hast returned most
beautiful.”

“O thou with a face like the rose, I desire not to see thee
like the snuff of a candle, in every assembly,
I desire not to see thee inclining, like the rose-branch, in
every direction.”

“My love's mind is like a mirror set before me,
In it I see reflected whatever is in my heart”

“The pain of love, which I kept concealed from thee in my
heart and soul,
Has become manifest from my face, howmuchsoever I
tried to conceal it.”

“That stately cypress356 which I cherished in those eyes of
hers which shed tears of blood
I now see in my own eyes, with all its rubbish and splin-
ters.”

“Come, my tears, what do you hope to gain by thus raining
down from my moist eyes.”
You have disgraced me before the world: what more do you
require?”

LXXI. ṢABŪḤĪ.356a

He was of the Caghatāī tribe. He lived a very unrestrained and licentious life. He had great skill in poetry. The following verses are by him:—

257 “That my heart loves thee thou alone knowest.
I have told this secret to none, God knows.”

“Come unveiled into my poor house
For there is none in my house save grief for thee.”

“Thou hast not been a lover, thou hast not suffered the
grief of separation;
How should one unfold to thee the tale of separation's
woe?”

“Thou didst sit nowhere, but the jealous watcher sat with
thee,
Save when thou didst take thy place in my heart and he
remained without.”

“Last night to save my life, I took refuge from the hard-
ships of separation in thoughts of thee.
Thy image remained in my soul, else had I died.”

“Alas, that I am so forgotten by that cruel one
That her eye has never fallen upon me, even in thought!”

“With thy image in my mind's eye I say, ‘This is re-
union.’
I carnestly desire reunion with thee, all I have is imagina-
tion.”

“Weakness has overpowered me, and my heart is weary
with weeping.
Who will now inform her of my condition?
What need is there that I should explain my condition to
her?
For my heart, if it truly burns, will have some effect on
her.”

“Long eyelashes cause calamities
And when the white of the lover's eye becomes red they
shed blood.”

His death occurred at Āgra in the year H. 973 (A.D. 1565-66) or H. 972 (A.D. 1564-65) and the words ‘Ṣabūḥī the wine-bibber’358 give the date of it.

258 LXXII. ṢĀLIḤĪ.358a

He came from Hirāt and has good taste both in poetry and in prose composition. He is somewhat studious and writes a good hand. He was for some time employed as one of the secretaries, and then returned to his native land. He wrote the following couplet:—

“In the night of separation from thee, in my eye-sockets
The blood from my liver was so congealed that sleep could
not enter them.”

This was written in imitation of the following couplet of Amīr Khusrav's:—

“I fenced my eyes in with a thorn-hedge of eyelashes
In order that neither thy image might leave them nor
sleep find entrance.”

The following are other verses by Ṣāliḥī:—

“With my two eyes, red with weeping during the grief of
the night of separation,
What shall I do, for these will be the roses of the day
when we meet?
I have neither desire nor strength to associate with the
rose, that I should roam in the rose-garden,
And the scent of the roses suggests to me only unfaithful-
[ness358b
Like the dogs I have taken my place at thy threshold
In order that my rival may not enter in the guise of a
beggar.”358c

“Since my head was severed by that dagger of cruelty
It remains, weltering in blood, in one place, and my sad
heart in another.
Love, whether in separation or in union, is a source of
pain;
Khusrav bewails his love in one place and Farhād359 his
in another.”

LXXIII. ṢĀDIQĪ. 259359a

He was born in Qandahār but was a Hirātī by origin. He was for some time in Hindūstān and died. The following verses are his:—

“So many wounds has my body received from thy sword
That on whichever side I fall my heart falls to the
ground.”

“The wounded heart pays no heed to the body,
The martyr of love has no need of a shroud.
Since I have been created a man of straitened means
Why have I no share in that mouth?359b
Of my body little is left but a formless idea, and that too,
When closely regarded, is seen to be no more than my
shirt.”

“On the day on which each man's lot was decreed to him
by fate,
The lot of others was joy, while mine was sorrow.
O my heart! Tell me not that that moonlike beauty
comes in answer to my weeping;
So many thousands of lamentations have I uttered, and
when did she come?”

A quatrain.

“The structure of cruelty was founded by thee,
The structure of my life was scattered to the winds by
thee.
Thou art a treasure of elegance, yet never
Has my ruined habitation been made prosperous by thee.”

LXXIV. ṢARFĪ.360

260 He is Shaikh Ya‘qūb of Kashmīr, a small portion of whose perfections has already been described by the author's halting pen. He is an epitome of all accomplishments and therefore if his praises be repeated (a pleasant repetition), what fault can be found? In spite of his having written standard works on the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs and many other branches of knowledge his genius was highly adapted to the composition of eloquent poetry. The following couplets are a small portion of the fruit of his wonderful meditations:—

“In the morning that beauty with a face like the moon
threw a veil over her face,
It was strange to see the sun veiled before evening fell.”

“Ask not of the merits of tutty, but ask for the dust of her
door,
Ask of its virtues from discerning men.”

In his latter days he wished to compose a commentary on the Qur'ān like the Great Commentary360a and he had already written some of it roughly when suddenly death's decree reached him, and the unavoidable summons of God360b was delivered to him in his well-loved native land, as has been said, and he died.

LXXV. ṢARFĪ OF SĀWA.361

He was for some time in Gujarāt with Khẉāja Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad, and then came to Lāhor and lived as a religious mendicant. When Shaikh Faiẓī was appointed to the Dakan he went with him, and thence journeyed to the next world. He has written a dīvān and in long and short odes was a master of style. The following couplets are by him:—

“I am debarred from traversing the road to the Ka‘bah,
else would I have sent there,
The sole of a foot glad to endure the torment of collect-
ing its acacia thorns.”

“My rose-seller who wishes to bring her roses to market
Must first acquire strength to withstand the impetuous
throng of buyers.”

“If thou wishest to burn me light up the fire of thy cheek,
And so shall a light arise from my ashes till the day of 261
resurrection.”

LXXVI. ṢABŪRĪ OF HAMADĀN.361a

He was taken prisoner on the day on which the Khānzamān was slain, and though he escaped execution he did not escape death.361b His poetry is mediocre. These few verses are from his pen:—

“I have surrendered my soul and my heart, being no longer
able to bear the pain of separation from her,

What a pain is this, which has no remedy save the sur-
rendering of one's soul!
When the manifest fever of my love is not visible to her,
How shall I inform her of my secret wounds?
When that moon-like beauty walks abroad in the night in
vesture of the hue of the night
The brightness of dawn may be seen where her dress
opens at the neck.”

“I would that her breast could be cleft by my dagger
That my pure heart might see whether her heart is pure.”

“Her waist has entranced the hearts of men,
Has completely made away with the hearts of men.”

LXXVII. ṢĀLIH THE MADMAN.362

He obtained from the emperor the title of ‘Aqil (‘the sagacious’). He is crazy about statuary. For some time he has laid it upon himself as a duty to eat nothing before he has sent five or six dishes of meat to be thrown into a river, a fountain, or a pond as an offering to Khiẓr (on him be peace). He used to hand these dishes to Qāsim, a native of India (who was a poet and the son of an elephant driver, and also a low-minded fellow), and Qāsim used to go out and invite qalandars362a and other rascals to eat the food, and when (on his return) Ṣāliḥ would say, 262 ‘Ha, did you see the Khẉāja?’ the impudent rogue would reply, “Yes, his holiness the Khẉāja deigned to eat the food with much relish, and sent you his blessing,” and would fabricate lying stories of this sort, which the madman believed. He had, however, some poetic genius, and to him might have been applied the saying:—

“Beautiful poetry emanates from the cross-grained Ḥaidar
Kalaj
Just as roses spring from a midden.”

Ṣāliḥ wrote the following couplet:—

“Since the desire of her locks has fettered my feet,
My only way out of this bargain363 is to surrender my
life.”

Ṣāliḥ was for some time a favoured and honoured courtier, then fell into disgrace and went to Kābul. He returned thence and was appointed to the trusteeship of the light-diffusing shrine of the Sulṭān of Shaikhs363a (may God hallow his soul!), but did not accept the appointment, and, having obtained leave to return to Kābul, departed.

LXXVIII. ṬĀRAMĪ.

He is Mullā ‘Alī the Muḥaddiṯ,363b brother of the well-known Mullā Ṣādiq. He acquired his learning in the Sayings in Arabia, and was extremely pious and temperate. He came twice to India, and in the year H. 981 (A.D. 1573-74) entered the protection of God's mercy, when the famous Mullā ‘Ālim of Kābul363c made this chronogram on his death.

“Alas! for suddenly Mullā ‘Alī
Has been snatched from our midst by misfortune's victory.
To ascertain the year of his death remember that the date
of the year which followed it
Is contained in the words ‘Mullā ‘Alī the Muḥaddiṯ is
dead.’”364

His sprightly genius, following the dictates of his taste, would sometimes employ itself in the composition of verses. (The 263 following are some of his verses.)

“My earthy body is so withered away from the scorching
brand of separation
That it escapes from my garments like dust, if I shake
the skirt of my robe.”

“Thy stately form is a plant in the garden of my soul,
The plant of thy stature is more ethereal than my
thoughts.”

“I have plunged the pupil of my eye into water
That it may not for a moment think of sleep.”

“Since I have no honour among men,
I seek to flee from men as my tears flow from my eyes.”364a

“Since I have cast my heart into the bonds of the tresses
of moonlike beauties
I have woven for myself a net of calamity.”

LXXIX. ṬARĪQĪ OF SĀWA.365

He was a lewd old man and a buffoon365a and was popular among most of the poets about the court by the mere force of his impudence.

He at last had the honour of performing the holy pilgrimage (to Makkah), and died there. The following verses are by him:—

“What business have lovers other than giving up their lives?
Since I fear not death what else should I fear?”

“From the toilsome pain of separation nobody has any life
left.”
If this is separation nobody has any life left.”

“In this land I have given my heart to a most cruel enslaver.
I have fallen into the snare of the locks of one with a face
like a fairy.”

“I am the faithful dog of him whose foot does not stray 264
beyond the skirts of his own power,
Who imposes obligations on none, and is under obligation to
none.”

“We saw the graceful cypress-like figure of that fair one
depart,
Although no one has seen a soul depart.”

“Thou saidst, ‘Do not hover around me, or I will disgrace
and slay thee.’
Still do I hover around thee. Depart not from thy word.”

“When her two cheeks come into my mind in the hours of
sleep,
All night long I see the moon and the sun in my dreams.
Remembering that thou wert to come, although thou
comest not,
Tranquillity leaves my soul, and distraction enters my
heart.”

“The pain of love is increased, and no sympathy remains in
the world,
Majnūn was both afflicted and sympathetic, but he did not
remain in the world.”

“From this world, as a mistress, I have wholly cut myself off.
That I might quarrel with nobody for such a thing as a
world.”

“It is impossible to live without thee for a moment in the
world,
For thou art my soul, and nobody can live without a soul.”

“Nobody spoke, nor asked what a stage this must have been
In which Khiẓr was the last of the water-carriers of the
caravan.”

“The army of grief for thy absence has captured the citadel
of my heart,

The scars which are visible on my heart are the hosts367 of
the foe.”

LXXX. ṬĀLIB OF IṢFAHĀN. 265367a

He has now dwelt in Kashmīr for nearly eight years. At first he was a religious mendicant and then he elected to become an official, and entered the emperor's service. From Kashmīr he was sent as envoy to the ruler of Little Tibat, ‘Alī Rāī,367b and on his return presented to Shaikh Abū-'l-Faẓl a treatise which he had written on the wonders of that land, which Abū-'l-Faẓl embodied in the Akbarnāma. He is a very sympathetic man, and his taste, both in poetry and in prose, is correct. He wrote the following quatrain:—

“Thou givest me to drink of the poison of thy absence, asking
me what has happened,
Thou sheddest my blood and shakest me from thee, asking
me what has happened,
O thou who art ignorant of what the sword of thy absence
inflicts on me,
Wring my dust, that thou mayst know what has happened
to me.”

Another quatrain.

“Thou readest not the story of my grief, and it waxes old,
Thou knowest not my disappointment, and it waxes old,
Let not thy coming be delayed, for as for this wound of
separation,
I fear that thou wilt linger, and it will wax old.”

Another quatrain.

“One day I, weary with travelling along the road of the stages
of the heart,
Turned its dust into mire with water from blisters on the
foot of search.
I spend my life on this road in order that, in answer to
my supplication,
266 Soul may meet soul, and heart heart.”

Other verses.

“Seek after enjoyment, for this virgin of life, sitting in the
bridal chamber,
Like a rose bursting forth from the bud casts her mother
aside.
Like the petals of a rose scattered by the spring breeze
We go, with dust on our heads in the grief of our hearts.”

“I am pleased with the folk of this world, for I have learnt
from their fellowship
Not to give up my corner of solitude for the world.”

LXXXI. ṬĀLI‘Ī OF YAZD.368

He is a penman who writes the nasta‘līq hand well and is of moderately studious habits. His business was that of a bookseller 368a in Agra.

The following couplets are by him:—

“Cupbearer,369 how long can the grief of this world be borne?
Bring wine, that I may banish grief from my heart.”

“Every moment she afflicts my heart, that she may make it
weary of her.
When will my heart weary of her, however much she
afflicts it?”

“I wish for no companion but thee, my darling,
I desire thee, and there is none in the world that I desire
beside thee.”

“If, when I have suffered a thousand griefs, she listens to a
word from me,
She hears but the speech of a self-seeker, and straightway
forgets it.”
“She is enraged if I speak to her but a word of my sad state;
How strange is this, that I cannot speak of my sad state to
her!”

A quatrain. 267

“The devotee boasts of his virtue and piety,
The lover expends the cash of his life for his love;
Each lives in hope of a glance from the eye of his Friend,
Each wonders towards whom the Friend will cast that
glance.”

Another quatrain.

“Summon contentment, if thou art wise,
Thou mayst thus, perchance, slay the dog of base desire.
See that neither water nor broth be too plentiful. Drain
not the cup,
For it will rebuke thee in a hundred draughts of iced water
and acid.”

LXXXII. ṬIFLĪ.370

He is the son of Mullā Darvīsh of Fatḥpūr, and his uncle, Mullā Ṣāliḥ, is now the teacher appointed to the monastery at Fatḥpūr. Ṭiflī in his thirteenth year was reading the Sharḥ-i-Shamsiyyah.370a He has a most generous nature and an admirable taste in poetry. He is in the service of the eldest prince,370b and obtained the poetic name of Ṭiflī from him. The following few couplets are from a laudatory ode which he composed in honour of the prince:—

“O King,370c in whose just reign strife itself has become the
guardian of the world against the robbers of confusion,
The hope of thy favour is such that the very sins of sinners
protect them from the fire of hell.
268 Thou art he, to the war-horse of whose resolution in the day
of battle
Victory is the standard-bearer and success the fellow.
Last night the bird of glory brought the record of thy
success,
That bird the fame of whose pinions comes from the utter-
most parts of space beyond our ken.
The scribe of thy dignity has written passages of which we
hope for a translation and for which we earnestly desire a
translator.”

He also wrote the following verses:—

“If the beauty of the Idol were to display itself in the
monastery

Devotees who drag about their prayer carpets would ex-
change their rosaries for the idolator's thread.
Nobody counts the cash of both worlds offered by the buyer
In that place where the merchandise consists of wounded
hearts.”

“I am he who has grown to love the lancet of grief.
Ointment is shamed by the wound in my breast.”

“From our manner of dealing with Islām in the day of
retribution
It is likely that infidelity will seize us by the skirt.”

“The song of love's feast this night inflamed the plectrum,
Her glances were the singers and her eyebrow the rebeck-
players this night.”

“O heart, let my lips for once be wreathed with smiles!
For to-night will be seen the splendour of love's tears of
blood.”

“I fear no reproof, for the reproaches of the jealous watcher
Are as applause to the followers of love's religion.”

“Ah! See how thy glance imperils our true faith, 269
Trust in thy promises is a sure way to disappointment.”371

“Brahman, despair not of the efficacy of thy prostrations to
thy idol,
For the mark on thy forehead is the mirror of thy fate.”371a

“How should my pain be assuaged by lint and ointment,
The bird of whose wounded heart breathes forth flame?”

The following few couplets are from a tarjī‘-band372 by Ṭiflī:—

“My tears, rejoice, for this night
My heart's blood surges up in my eyes.
O reunion, plead for me, for my desire for her
Has devastated the abode of reason.
Speak not to me of delight,
For the lancet has become the companion of my wound,
It is useless to say to anybody,
‘Scatter diamond-dust in your wound but do not cry out.’”

It is marvellous that a lad of Ṭiflī's years should understand and speak Persian; much more so that he should be able to compose poetry in the language. It may be hoped that he will outstrip many of these old men who have wasted their lives.

LXXXIII. ẒUHŪRĪ.372a

He used to live in the Dakan, and was characterized by his unrestrained manner of life, his indifference to public opinion, and his disinclination from attending at the courts of kings. Shaikh Faiẓī used to dilate much on the praiseworthy qualities of him and of Malik Qumī, known as Malik-ul-Kalām, and these two poets wished to accompany the Shaikh to the imperial court at Lāhor, but Burhān-ul-Mulk372b prevented them from going. It is now reported that the unruly Dakanīs, following their detestable habit of murdering foreigners,373 have, in a recent riot, put these two poor innocent men to death (may God put them to death!).

Maulānā Ẓuhūrī was a master of poetical style, and composed a dīvān. The following couplets are quoted as a memorial of 270 him:—

“The wine-stains cause tulips to bloom on my woollen coat,
The evening of Friday ever brings a Saturday for me.”373a

“Ẓuhūrī, thy complaints of the beloved are out of place.
Thy destiny is at fault. What fault is that of hers?”

LXXXIV. ‘ĀLIM OF KĀBUL.373b

This Mullā of pleasant manners, cheerful nature and graceful actions used the poetical name of ‘Ārif. In argument, and at other times, he would say things fit to make his hearers die with laughter. In his common-place book he has written an essay on the commentary373c on the Maqāṣid and has stated the proposition that the title means ‘the book of endeavour,’ which was one of the compositions of the writer, and also a commentary called the Tajdīd (‘renewal’) on the commentary373d on the Tajdīd, and also some marginal notes on the Muṭawwal,374 in which he writes, “This book is copied from the book Ṭuwaḷ,374a which is equal in length to the Muṭawwal, or even longer.” He has also written a book containing accounts of the Shaikhs of India, in which he has entered everything that he has heard from every mosque-sweeper and beggar, adding also some conjectures of his own, and he has named it Wa fawātiḥ-ul-wilāyah. When they questioned him regarding this title, saying, “The particle wa (‘and’) requires something preceding it, to be coupled with the latter clause, and what should precede, it does not appear,” he replied, “That which precedes it is here understood, and is manifest by transposition, that is to say, the title should be Fawātiḥ-ul-walāyah , with a fatḥah over the wāw of walāyah as the wāw preceding the phrase indicates, not with a kasr under the wāw of wilāyaḥ, as it is commonly read.”374b

The Mullā was always jealous of Qāẓī Khān of Badakhshān,374c on the ground of his having invented the sijdah374d (‘prostration’). One day in Fatḥpūr he led the late Mīrzā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad and the author off to his house at early dawn, with much solicitation, and, having given us an appetizing electuary, began to show us his books, talking about them from dawn till midday, while we remained hungry and were not able to get a word in. At last the Mīrzā, no longer able to endure it, asked the Mullā whether he had anything to eat. The Mullā answered, “I thought that 271 you had eaten before you came. I have a lamb here; if you wish I will kill it now.” We rose and went home. It is impossible to recount all pranks of this nature which he played.

When he saw that Shaikh Abū'l-Faẓl, Qāẓī Khān, and others of his contemporaries from being mullās rose to the rank of amīrs of the highest grade, while he continued to draw a small stipend, he petitioned that he too might be admitted as a soldier. His request was granted, and one day, at the time when the guard turned out for the evening salute, he appeared in military guise before the emperor, girt in a grotesque fashion with a borrowed sword, and, having approached the presence from one side of the darbār, stood, and, catching his scabbard to him, said, without any introduction,375 “By which manṣabdār375a shall I stand, and from what place shall I make my obeisance?”375b The emperor was sagacious enough to penetrate his design and said, “Make your obeisance from that place in which you are now standing.” When the Mullā saw that this effort to obtain recognition had failed he wandered at large. One day, in order to show that he possessed all that became a soldier, he came to court, in the noonday heat, in dirty, greasy clothes quilted with cotton, which had been either given or lent to him by somebody, and Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka cracked some pleasant jests on his appearance, and the Mullā returned pleasant answers to them.

As his birthplace was Gulbahār, a village in the district of Kābul, he wrote for some time under the poetical name of Bahārī, but afterwards, having recognized that the name was unbecoming, as it called to mind the names borne by servant girls, he changed it, and called himself Rabī‘ī.376 The motto which he composed for his seal was, “He had a well-ordered mind.”376a

272 The following few couplets are quoted as a memorial of him:—

“That eye in which I delighted every moment flees away,
It may be that I shall place a straw from her wall upon it.”

“The glass of delight has been shattered, with whomsoever
I sat;
The bond of fellowship has snapped, with whomsoever I
bound it.
She has risen to slay me, with the sword of hatred in her
hand,
Whenever I sat in kindness with anybody for a moment.”

He has composed, some couplets in the metre of ‘The Chain of Gold’376b and he has called his book of nonsense “The Tinkling of the Bell,” and has enumerated in it books said to be of his own composition, some of which have no existence but in his verses, and has given them imaginary names, as in the following verses:—

“Thou mayst have seen, from a copy of the Tajdīd,377
That a new favour has newly arrived
In which are concealed a hundred stages of the pilgrimage,377a
And from the contents of which great enterprises377b are mani-
fest.
The text of the Tajūd377c is halting beside it,
Its rose-garden has lost its colour from want of water.
Its splendour, without dissimulation and without exaggera
tion,
Is perfect wisdom, the wisdom of the sunrise377d
And of that book, the attributes of which are beyond
telling,
Dalālat-ul-‘aql377e is the name and description.
And that pearl which has come from the ocean of generosity,
Is the Lujjat-ul-jūd fi'l-wujūd.377f
I am the compiler of that ‘Awālim-ul-āthār,377g
From the instructions of the knower of chronicles,

In which I have collected a hundred and twenty different
branches of learning,
Say who else can be thus described.”

In spite of all this fooling he was a good friend, tactful, accomplished, able, sympathetic, unceremonious, agreeable, acceptable, and jocular. I hope that God (He is praised and exalted!) may in His grace and benevolence have made him a partaker of eternal life in heaven.

273 LXXXV. MIR ‘ABDUL ḤAYY OF MASHHAD.378

He was for some time Ṣadr378a under the emperor Humāyūn and his brother, Mīr ‘Abdullāh the jurist, was one of Humāyūn's intimate and specially honoured confidants. Both brothers were endued with piety, sanctity, and regularity of life.378b

Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy was expert in writing the Bābarī hand, which was invented by the emperor Bābar, who sent to the honoured city of Makkah a copy of the Qur'ān written in that hand, of which no trace now remains.378c In the memoir of Mir ‘Alā-ud-daulah379 it is mentioned that Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy devoted some attention to the study of accomplishments and that nobody had learnt to write in the difficult Bābarī style more quickly or better than he, but Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka wrote in the margin of the memoir that Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy had no knowledge of any branch of learning, and that his one accomplishment was some knowledge of the Bābarī script, with which he was very imperfectly acquainted, that he was wonderfully simple and would, apropos of nothing and without consideration, relate in social gatherings strange tales which no child would believe. As Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy was better known to Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka than to Mir ‘Alā-ud-daulah, it is beyond doubt that what the Mīrzā wrote is nearer to the truth than that which is written in the memoir, for Mīr ‘Alā-ud-daulah, has recorded much incongruous nonsense379a in the memoir.

Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy has some aptitude for poetry, and wrote an answer to that fantastical quatrain which was written in the form of a square by one of the accomplished men about the court in honour of Muḥammad Hindāl Mīrzā, and is so well known that it is the first thing that children are set to learn. The quatrain is as follows:—

“O thou, before whose court a hundred Rustams379b have cast 274
down their crowns,

Whose praises are sung by all those who have attained
perfection;
India has been conquered merely by thy footstep within her
bounds,
Thy title is, MUḤAMMAD HINDĀL!”

Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy, who also had a childish nature, wrote, in reply, the following quatrain:—

“O thou, at whose door a thousand monarchs like Cæsar hold
their crowns,
Whose praises exercise their tongues evening and morning!
May all the confines of the world, O Lord,
Be under the sway of the king of the world, MUḤAMMAD
AKBAR!”

275 LXXXVI. ‘ITĀBĪ.380

He is Sayyid Muḥammad of Najaf who made a name in the Dakan380a and came to Ilāhābād and paid his respects to the emperor. He was very unconventional in all outward observances and was bold and slovenly. It was reported to the emperor that he had written a satire in the Dakan on Shāh Fatḥullāh,380b and when he was questioned on this point he denied that he had done so, saying, ‘In that country I would have taken no notice of a man of that sort.’ This remark increased the suspicion that he had written the satire and he was imprisoned, and it was ordered that all his papers should be examined in Fatḥpūr in order that it might be discovered, whether he had written satires on anybody while he was in Hindūstān. Some incriminating papers were discovered, and he remained in prison in Gwāliyār for ten381 years until at length he was pardoned at the intercession of the eldest prince and other courtiers, and was summoned to Lāhor, but he still retained his evil disposition.

One day he came to the house of Qāẓī Ḥasan of Qazvīn,381a who has the title of Khān, and the doorkeeper opposed his entering. ‘Itābī grappled with him, entered the assembly, which was a party of friends who had sat down to food, and said to Qāẓī Ḥasan, ‘It was this food, that led you to cause your door to be shut in the face of a learned man, a foreigner, and you have a perfect right (to keep your food to yourself).’ In spite of all that the master of the house and his guests could do in the way of excusing themselves, saying that the doorkeeper had not recognized him, ‘Itābī would not be appeased, and refused to sit down and eat. He had great skill in writing Persian and Arabic poetry, also in penmanship and in prose composition. He has composed a dīvān. The following couplets are by him:—

“We have scorched our wise hearts in the furnace of desire,
“We have burnt the lamp of the Ka‘bah at the door of the
idol-temple.”

“We have given thee permission to shed this innocent blood, 276
We have given it to thee verbally, in writing, and under a
formal attestation.”

“We swear by thy honour that we are the nightingales of
this meadow,

That the rose has bloomed and we know not where the
garden is.”
“In thy country the name of faithfulness causes weeping,
Both the messenger, and the letter which he bears cause,
each separately, weeping.

“The drum of thy munificence sounds loudly, but I can find
no way to the sun (of the assembly).
This special custom and public assembly of thine will kill
me.”382

“I have left thy street, besmirched with accusations;
I brought to it chastity, and I leave it defiled with sin.
May the black night of thy locks be pleased with the
multitude of hearts (offered to it)
While I stray, miserable, from thy street.
The fountain of Khiẓr382a prides itself on receiving the dust
of my feet
While I go, thirstier than ever, from the dimple in thy
chin.
Sugar was poured out at each door at which I knocked,
thou wouldst think
That I had been to beg from that laughing lip.
I knocked at the door of the seventy-two sects of Islām,
and from the door of despair
I turned, hopeless of help from either fire-worshipper or
Musalmān.”

“In my impatience, ‘Itābī, I resolved to part from her, and
now
Each time the thought of her enters my heart I weep un-
restrainedly.”

A quatrain.

“In the love of thy face I have lost both learning and sense. 277
But what of these? I have lost my very soul
In following thee, whatever I had at the end of my life
Have I lost, and yet I have lost all evil.”

“It would not be wonderful if from the atmosphere of thy
face,
And from the heated iron of my heart, a film should form
on the mirror.”

After his release from confinement he was given a sum of a thousand rupees for travelling expenses and was placed under the charge of Qilīj Khān,383 who was ordered to send him off from the port of Sūrat on a pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz, but on the way to Sūrat he escaped and fled into the Dakan, where he took refuge with the rulers of the country, and there he still wanders about in the condition in which he formerly was.

LXXXVII. ‘UBAIDĪ.383a

He is a youth recently come to man's estate. He wrote the following couplet:—

“The reward for pain which is not worthy of my asking
after it
Is a glance to ask for which I am unworthy.”

This couplet for some time raised a great stir (among lovers of poetry) on every side in Lāhor, and on this account Ḥakīm Abū-'l-Fatḥ Gīlānī383b was loud in ‘Ubaidī's praises, and presented him to the emperor. When he was asked to write more poetry he did not continue a poem on the lines of this couplet, but wrote some pessimistic verses which obtained no recognition, and since then he has disappeared, like all traces of his poetry.

LXXXVIII. ‘ISHQĪ KHĀN.384

He is descended from some of the religious leaders of the Turks. He is acquainted with book-keeping, and was for some time accountant-general to the imperial government. He has a dīvān 278 full of long and short odes. One day in Lāhor he represented that he wished t?? present the emperor with a complete copy of his works, and at the same time to recite before him a long ode and a short ode which he had just composed. As his poetry was known to be ridiculous, the emperor told him to keep the two odes by him and to insert them in the complete copy of his works when he should present it, in order that all his poems might be heard at one reading. He composed a long maṯnavī, like the maṯnavī of Khanjar Beg, which has already been mentioned. This couplet occurs in it,

“I am mean, of no consideration, and ugly;
What a plague of a contemptible mannikin am I.”

Raḥmān Qulī Sulṭān, his son, had skill in composing chrono-grams, and wrote this hemistich as a posy for his seal.

“The slave Raḥmān Qulī Sulṭān, the son of ‘Ishqī Khān.”

(The author adds)

“How should that ingenious man have a worthless son.”

Since in this selection I have imposed upon myself the duty of quoting, just as it was written, the poetry of all the poets of the age without any distinction, and most of whatever I found in my sources of information, whether melodious or inelegant, has been reproduced, I have, of necessity, quoted some of the verses of ‘Ishqī Khān, in order to show no unreasonable preference. And, in truth, the responsibility rests with Mīr ‘Alā-ud-daulah,384a not with the author. The following couplets are his:—

“The reflection of thy eye, heavy with the drowsiness of
wine,385 has fallen on the wine,
Like a drunkard who, in his drunkenness, falls into the
water.”

“The bud, in desire of thy lip, smiled not at the breath of
the morning,
But in order to see thy face opened the eye of its heart.” 279

“As I write my letter to thee the paper is wet with my
tears,
I weep in jealousy of the pen which writes thy name on
the paper.”385a

He was, at all events, a mild and dignified man, of old-fashioned manners. He has now wholly accepted the Ṣūfī doctrine of annihilation, and is become an old man nearing actual annihilation.

LXXXIX. ‘ILMĪ.385b

He was entitled Mīr Murtaẓā and was descended of the Sayyids of Dūghalbād.385c He was one of the most trusted officers of the Khānzamān, and for some time held possession of Badāon. He was endowed with learning and accomplishments and was immoderately fond of jesting. When Ḥijāz385d Khān, one of the chief men of Badāon, who wrote poetry under the name of Zāhid, recited, from the maṯnavī which he had written on the phrase ‘In the name of God,’ the following couplet:—

“When the crenellations of the letter sīn386 began to laugh
The letter laughed so as to show its gums,”

The Mīr said, “What are ‘the crenellations of the letter sīn?’ The doors and the walls are laughing at your verse.”

Sometimes from the sprightliness of his nature he would occupy himself by writing poetry.

The following couplet is his:—

“O heart, all night the street dog gets no sleep
From thy cries and lamentation and wailing.”

XC. MIR ‘AZIZU-'LLĀH.386a

He came of the Saifi Sayyids of Qazvīn386b and in book-keeping 280 and penmanship he came first among accountants and scribes, and he also had some proficiency in those branches of learning which are not treated of in Arabic literature. He was for some time a dīvān-i-sa‘ādat,386c and when Karoris386d were appointed throughout the empire of Hindūstān he, having with much trouble collected five karors (of dāms)387 from the Sambhal district, was appointed to the administrative and revenue charge of that district,387a and at last he was for several years under suspension, engaged in rendering accounts to the dīvān and his honour was changed to disgrace, and he was subjected to torture, and suffered much, and he surrendered all that he had, even to the uttermost farthing,387b to the imperial treasury, and, after surrendering all his possessions, surrendered his life with them. He composed a dīvān of short odes, a poem in praise of the people of his town,387c a poem on roses and wine, and many other treatises in verse, but his poetry is all in the style of the poets of the time of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā,387d and most of the works which I have named are in that style. The following verses are his:—

“The fresh down has sprung from her ruby lip with moisture
and splendour,
For she ever drinks water from the fountain of the sun.”

“I am thus fallen in the road of grief and toil like rubbish,
Perchance some breeze of thy favour and grace will raise
me from the dust.”

“O Lord, I am distracted by the multitude of my sins,
Show me some mercy, for I am heavily weighed down by
my sins.
I have grief in plenty, boundless sorrow, but no comforter.
How shall I make friends for myself? I am heavily
afflicted.”
It is evident that he composed these last few verses while
he was in prison.

XCI. MĪRZĀ ‘AZĪZ KŪKA.388

He is entitled A‘ẓam Khān, and is well known for his good 281 breeding, and for his varied accomplishments and gifts, and there is no other amīr who is regarded as his equal in depth of understanding or in capacity. As he used formerly, now and again, but rarely, to make trial of his ability in the composition of verse, the following few verses of his are quoted, in order that these memoirs may not be destitute of all mention of him.

“Since honour and reputation prevented me from obtaining
the desire of my heart,
I will henceforward shatter my reputation with a stone.”

He also wrote an illuminated copy of an ode composed by himself, the opening couplet of which was this:—

“O thou, whose curled lock is the fetter of my heart,
The love of whom is mingled with all the elements of my
body!”

The following couplets are also by him:—

“The affairs of the world have no stability,
It is better that my heart should be withdrawn from the
affairs of the world.”

“My heart is sick with the pain and grief of loneliness,
O physician of the sick heart, what dost thou prescribe?”

“My grief-worn heart has become dust in the road of fidelity;
See, my faithless love, the way of those who humble them-
selves to the dust.”389

He laid out a splendid garden in Agra, and in it built a garden-house adorned with paintings, and composed this quatrain for an inscription on the building:—

“O Lord, by the purity of heart of men of discernment,
Which is dearer to Thee than all other things,
Since this house has, by Thy grace, been completed,
Of thy favour send me honoured guests!”

There are in the world many records of his doings, one of which relates the story of his high-spirited departure on pilgrim- 282 age to Makkah, and of his return in a different frame of mind, —one of the inevitable consequences of these evil days.389a

XCII. ‘AHDI OF SHIRAZ.390

He has written different kinds of poetry, both long and short odes. He was for some time in Gujarāt with Mīrzā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad. When he came to Dihlī, after the deposition of Qāẓī Muḥammad, who was a fanatical Shī‘ah and an evil liver, the late Ḥakim ‘Ain-ul-Mulk390a in Lāhor besought the Ṣadrs390b to appoint Mullā ‘Ahdī to the Qāẓī-ship, and by way of an anticipatory omen found the words Qāẓī ‘Ahdī390c to give the date of his imaginary qāẓī-ship, but it was all of no avail and resembled the story of an imaginary man riding an imaginary horse in an imaginary plain and playing polo with an imaginary stick and an imaginary ball. ‘Ahdī then went with the Ḥakīm to the Dakan, and nothing is known of him after the Ḥakīm's death, neither what happened to him nor whither he went.

The following verses are by him:—

A quatrain.

“Though the lip of my complaint was wet with blood,
The smoke from my heart arose from the chimney of my
eyes,
My tears rained down sparks and fire,
My sighs kindled and became like a burning coal.”

At the time when Ḥakīm ‘Ain-ul-Mulk departed from Lāhor and also (after a short time) from this world of wickedness and strife, the following quatrain, attributed to Ḥakīm Ṯanā'ī, was discussed:—

“Breathe once more, for thy Beloved is near thee,
And the bird of thy desire is near to the cage.
How long wilt thou say, ‘I am far from my Beloved?’
Look within thyself, for the Friend is very near thee.”390d

Maḥvī composed the following quatrain:— 283

“Maḥvī, whose heart is near to all men,
Is near to the bud of the garden and to its thorns and
rubbish.
For this reason he was not repulsed from the litter of the
beloved,
That the sound of his weeping resembles the sound of its
bell.”

Ḥakīm ‘Ain-ul-Mulk composed the following in answer to both quatrains:—

“Since thy Beloved is near thee every moment,
Beware, for thy fire is near the dry grass!
O thou who hast fallen behind thy companions and lost the
way
Hasten, for the sound of the caravan's bell is near.”

Mullā ‘Ahdī composed the following quatrain and also wrote it, as a keepsake, in my common-place book, and our companionship in prayer was changed for separation:

“The freedom of this caged bird is near at hand,
And this flame is near to the thorns and stubble,
Grief would fly from me with a thousand wings and pinions,
Did it but know with whom it consorted.”

I wonder at my own hardness of heart seeing that I am able to sit and beat my breast with a stone in the absence of so many friends.

XCIII. ‘INĀYATU-'LLĀH THE SCRIBE.391

He is a Shīrāzī, and is now employed in the imperial library as 284 a librarian. He has a merry and nimble wit and occasionally writes poetry. The following verses are his:—

“I am fallen, like a helpless bird, into the cage
My broken heart is like a soundless bell.
Though I am more contemptible than an ant or a fly
I am suffocated by the straitness of the two worlds.”

Another quatrain.

“We have learnt the way to a cure for ourselves,
We have heaped up the harvest of our transgressions,
We have kindled the fire of hell for ourselves,
We have consumed ourselves with the fire of our own sins.”

Another quatrain.

“So long as the locks of the beautiful curl,
So long as the gestures and gait of the lovely are alluring,
So long as the arrow of the glance is in the brow of cruelty,
I die and live again each moment.”

A couplet.

“There is no rose in the rose-garden of this world which is
not tinged with the blood of some nightingale.”

In describing a horse he has written:

“From his great pace as he gallops, his limbs
Close on one another like drops of water flowing together.”

285 XCIV. ‘URFĪ OF SHĪRAZ.392

He was a high-minded young man of sound understanding and he composed poetry of all kinds well, but he became so puffed up with pride and conceit that he lost the regard of all, and he never reached old age. When he first came from his country to Fatḥ-pūr he attached himself to Shaikh Faiẓī above all others, and in truth, the Shaikh treated him well, and in this last journey he lived in the Shaikh's tents until the camp reached Atak, and was supplied with all the necessaries of life by the Shaikh, but at length, in accordance with the long-standing habit of the Shaikh, who is friendly with everybody for a week, a coolness sprang up between them, and ‘Urfī attached himself to Ḥakīm Abū-'l-Fatḥ, and afterwards, by means of a recommendation which he received from the Ḥakīm, to the Khānkhānān. with whom both his poetry and the esteem in which he was held made great progress daily. One day he went to Shaikh Faiẓī's house and found him fondling a puppy. ‘Urfī asked, “What is the name of this child of my lord's?” The Shaikh replied, “His name is well-known (‘Urfī)”, and ‘Urfī replied at once, “May it be auspicious.”393 The Shaikh was very angry, but to no purpose.

Both ‘Urfī and Ḥusain Ṯanā'ī393a have wonderful good fortune with their poetry, for there is no street or market in which the booksellers do not stand at the roadside selling copies of the dīvāns of these two poets, and both Persians and Indians buy them as auspicious possessions, while it is quite otherwise with Shaikh Faīẓī, who has spent large sums from his jāgīrs in having his works copied394 and illuminated, and nobody asks for them, the only copy for which he has had any sale being the solitary one which he himself sent abroad.

‘The power of pleasing and grace of diction are gifts of God.’

‘Urfī has a dīvān of his collected poems, and a maṯnavī in the metre of the Makhzan-i-Asrār394a which is known throughout the 286 world. The following few verses are quoted as a memorial of ‘Urfī:—

A quatrain.

“On the morrow, when the workers of every craft shall be
summoned,
When the good acts of Shaikh and Brahman shall be inves-
tigated,
There shall be taken from thee not a grain that thou hast
reaped,
But for everything that thou hast not sown a harvest shall
be required.”

The following couplets are by him:—

“He who thirsts for the blandishments of thy lip knows
That the frown on thy forehead is a wave of the water of
life.”

“Nobody has been born who can bear the pain of love;
Every afflicted one has betrayed himself by changing colour
as he told his story.”

“As I sing of love I weep bitterly,
I am but an ignorant child and this is my first lesson.”

“Step not beyond the bounds of ignorance, or else become a
Plato,
A middle course is a mirage with raging thirst.”395

The opening couplet of the ode from which the last couplet is taken is as follows:—

“My conversation in society consists of muttered speeches,
For here those reputed sensible are ignorant, and my speech
is Arabic.”

The following couplets are also by him:—

“How shall I endure my desire for my beloved, for, by the
laws of love
A mere glance is disrespect and a thought of the beloved is
derogatory to her.”

“Of what pain has it been decreed by Time that I should
die,
That the eyes of my soul have not gone forth to welcome?”

“I speak no word, for silence is better than speech, 287
I have no knowledge, for oblivion is better than knowledge.”

“The Ka‘bah would have circled round thy head and circum-
volated395a it
Had it had but pinions and wings”

XCV. GHAZNAVĪ.396

He is Mīr Muḥammad Khān-i-Kalān, who is well-known by reason of his high rank and position. His assemblies were always attended by learned men and poets. In spite of his constant employment in administrative business he found time occasionally to indulge in the customary recreation of writing verses, and collected a large dīvān of his poems. He used to say to the Emperor, ‘The boast of your reign is this, that a man like me has lived in it.’

The following verses are his:—

“In my youth the flower of my age was passed in ignorance,
And what was left of it has been passed in repentance.
Young man, thou hast sown nothing but the seed of despair
in the world,
Now the season of old age is come, and the time for tillage
is past.”

“Go Ghaznavī, associate with the dogs of the beloved,
Be content with a dry crust and make thyself independent
of the world,
Take the crown of pride from thy head and pass beyond
the stage of ‘we’ and ‘I,’396a

Overthrow (in thy mind) the foundations of the kingdom of
this world, like Ibrāhīm, the son of Adham.397
Withdraw thy notice from thyself and thy friends that
thou may be at rest,
And if even the light of thy eyes should meet thee in the
way, turn aside.

When he was governor of Sambhal he gave great vogue to the following ode of Shaikh Sa‘dī397a (may his tomb be hallowed):— 288

“The heart which loves and is patient must surely be a
stone,
For love and patience are a thousand leagues apart.”

He himself wrote as follows:—

“When the cupbearer's cheek is rosy with wine,
Drink wine to the sound of the flute, for the heart is sad.”

Mīr Amānī and other poets composed answers to these verses, in imitation of them, each according to his capacity and frame of mind, and one of them, the late Jamāl Khān of Badāon, who was a constant and intimate companion of the Khān, and was unrivalled in wit, composed an ode of which the following was the opening couplet,

“Thy cheek is ever rosy with the wine of delight,
My heart, like a closed bud, is constricted with grief in
meditating on thy mouth.”

When I was in Kānt-u-Gola397b in the service of Ḥusain Khān397c this ode reached me one night in a letter from Miyān Jamāl Khān and the next morning news came that he had been seized with colic in the place of public prayer in Sambhal on the ‘Īd-i-Qurbān,398 and had sickened suddenly, and in the flower of his youth had surrendered his soul to God. His bier was brought into Badāon. Some mention has been made of this event in the record of the reign,398a and besides (the chronograms there given)398b the words ‘Ah, Jamāl Khan has died!’ were found to give the date of his death.

In these days398c whom have the heavens seated in safety
Whose existence they did not cut short like the morning's light?

289 XCVI. GHUBARĪ.398d

He is Qāsim ‘Ali, son of Ḥaidar the grocer, and was notorious for his pride and groundless vanity. He used to call himself a Quraishī398e until it became generally accepted that anybody who had no descent whatever to boast of claimed connection with the Quraish. Whenever he was ashamed of the arrival of his father in any social gathering and lost his temper his father used to say, ‘To spite you I will sit in the shop which I have in Agra, selling fruit and electuaries, and to everybody who comes to the shop, whether he questions me or not, I will say, ‘Let it be known that Qāsim ‘Ali is my son, begotten by me. You may kill him if you like.’”

Somebody asked Ḥaidar how many sons he had; he replied, “Eight, the particulars are as follows:—

“Two are mine, and two are my wife's, and two belong to
us both;
Two others there are which belong neither to my wife nor
to me.”399

Qāsim ‘Alī was in his youth very handsome, and used to sing at social gatherings, and was then for some time servant399a to the Khalīfaḥ of the age (Akbar), became a man of some importance, and acquired the title of Khān,399b and this case was an illustration of the remark made by a man when another said to him, “Have you heard that they have made so and so a Khan?” and he replied, “Well, the mannikin deserved it.”

His manner of forming his letters and his handwriting were like those of the master of the world.399c His unformed hand and his ill-formed letters are like those of boys, but in spite of that hand and those letters he has a childish confidence in himself.399d

During my twenty-one years' acquaintance with Ghubārī he has been constantly engaged in taking lessons in (what may be called) 290 the middle standard,400 and he used to compel his teachers to make obeisance to him, and if they did not consent to do so he would not come for his lesson, and in the lessons received under these unfortunate conditions he never progressed beyond the elements of accidence.400a His taste in poetry may be estimated from the following verses:—

“I love water, and the bath is my place,
The bath-house is the house which is appropriated to me.”

In imitation of the opening couplet which runs,

“I wish for one hair from the curled lock of my love.
That is to say, I am an idolator, and I wish for a sacred
thread.”

He wrote the following:—

“I wish to explain my grief to the dog of my love.
That is to say, I am grieved, and I wish to explain my
grief.”

The following verses are also by him:—

“From her eyes nothing but calamity reaches me.
Nobody has ever such calamity.”

A quatrain.

“Everybody who is afflicted by love
Becomes acquainted with toil and grief;
Everybody who has found his way into love's circle
Revolves around calamity like a pair of compasses.”

Ghubārī departed from this world, very unwillingly, in A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591-92), and the chronogram found for his death consisted of the words, “Qāsim ‘Alī Khān the fool.”400b According to another account the year of his death was A.H. 1001 (A.D. 1592-93), and if this be accepted as correct the word jāhiḷ (‘ignorant’) substituted for the word ablah (‘fool’) will give the correct 291 date.401

Since thou art ignorant grieve not if they call thee fool,
For these two expressions are401a synonymous.

XCVII. GHURBATĪ OF ḤIṢĀR.401b

He has composed a dīvān and has studied to some extent. He used to tell the following story:—

I was once in an assembly convened for the ecstatic dancing401c of darvīshes by that king of saints and greatest401d of pious men, Shaikh Ḥusain of Khwārazm (may God hallow his soul), and the chanters were chanting the following quatrain:—

“Throughout my life I have been one of those who wear my
skin as Thy garment,
I am one of that brotherhood who wear the ring of Thy
service in their ears,
If Thou showest me favour I am one of those who shout for
joy of Thee,
And if Thou showest me none I am one of those who are
silent for Thee.”

And his holiness the Shaikh, on hearing the last verse, was seized with holy rapture, and an ecstasy that communicated itself to others,401e so that I too, blessed by being in his company, experienced holy rapture, and, springing up from my place as one beside himself, uttered the following couplet:—

“Whether Thou showest me favour or whether Thou show-
est it not
I am one of that brotherhood who wear the ring of Thy
service in their ears.”

His holiness the Shaikh seized me by the hand and whirled me round with him, and the delight of that moment never leaves my heart.402

He died in Āgra, in the neighbourhood of Shaikh Farīd's College, in A.H. 966 (A.D. 1558-59).

The following opening couplet of one of his odes is well known:

“The mouth of my Friend last night told me a secret mys-
tery,
‘I am the fountain of the water of life, and thou knowest
it not.’”

292 The following verses are also by him:—

“Why does not fate shed my blood where thou art not?
It would seem that this is beyond the power of fate.”
The words which fell from her lips were brief, and I could
not understand them,
The down around her lips is a marginal commentary402a
brief enough.
In travelling the road of love for thee I arrived at no stage
At which I did not find that the pain of love for thee had
preceded me.”

XCVIII. GHAIRATĪ OF SHĪRĀZ.403

He spent some time in India and returned to Shīrāz. The following verses are some of his:—

“I would not consent to the slaying of others, for I know
That death has taken the bitterness of death from the dag-
ger of my executioner.”
“Devotee, the knot in the string of thy rosary cannot be
loosed without sincerity:
Go, and for a time convert thy rosary into the sacred
thread of the fire-worshippers.”
“A pleasant country is the street of love,
For there all the malice of the heavens is changed to kind-
ness.”
“I am slain by the dagger of that slayer who so shed my
blood
That not one drop of it fell on the ground.”

XCIX. FĀRIGHĪ OF SHĪRĀZ.403a

He was the brother of Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh,403b who has already been mentioned. When he came for the first time to Hindūstān Bairam Khān the Khānkhānān asked him, as Fārīghī was the poetical name of the well-known Shaikh ‘Abdul Ẉajd of Khavāf to whom he was closely bound in the bonds of friendship and religious dependence, to change his poetical name to Fā'iqī. He used this name for some time, but when he returned to ‘Irāq 293 he reverted to the use of his former nom-de-plume. He then came to Hindūstān a second time, and died here. His son, Mīr Taqī, was another Shāh Fathu-'llāh in his knowledge of astronomy and astrology, and I presented to him a part of twenty chapters which I had written on the astrolabe. He was a man of noble disposition and high aspirations, and his brother, Mīr Sharīf, had many excellences and perfections. Mīr Taqī used to say that in his family he and his brother, with their uncle, Shāh Fatḥu-'llāh, were the only ones that held the Sunnī faith, all the others being bigoted Shī'ahs. The following verses are by Mīr Fārighī:—

“Well is it for me that in accordance with thy promise
happy in my abode of toil
“I sit, glancing ever and again expectantly at the door.”
“To such a point does love at length bring intimate associa-
tion with the beloved
That the lover finds himself a stranger to separation.”
“On the humble body of Majnūn no scar was visible;
For the footprint of Lailā's camel was impressed on
him.”
“The festival time has arrived and I am constantly anxious,
Hoping, O Lord, that I may have speech with her, in order
to offer my congratulations.”
“So frequently has the country of my heart been ravaged by
the army of thy love
That the caravan of patience never unfastens its burdens
there.”
“Love's madness can easily unfasten those knots in love's
bonds
Which wisdom, with all its pretensions, cannot, with count-
less efforts, unfasten.”
“Fārighī has girded up his loins in the service of that lovely
one on the condition
That he never, until the day of resurrection, unfastens from
his waist the sacred thread of idolatry.”
“In her absence, O death, I have put up with my life,
But now I can no longer sit patiently waiting for thee.”

The following is the opening couplet of an ode which he wrote in praise of his holiness our sponsor the eighth Imām, Riḍā' (blessings and praise be upon him!):—

“When the money-changer of the recurring morn opened
his shop
He exchanged every copper coin that he had for a piece of
gold.”

C. FAHMĪ OF ṬIHRĀN.405

He had travelled much and seen the world. He came to Hindūstān and then returned to his own country. He had some poetical genius. The following verses are his:—

“I wish that the flame of love may so strike my grief-
nurturing body
That, while I weep from its burning, water may fall on my
ashes.”
“I will give rest to my heart by patiently bearing her mes-
sage,
Though this (rest) is an impossibility to which I can never
attain.”
“Go, speak not of love's burning pain till the last trump
shall sound,
For this world is nothing but a house of mourning.”

CI. FAHMĪ OF SAMARQAND.405a

He is the son of Nādirī of Samarqand. He was a jovial man, and expert at composing enigmas. He came to India and then returned again to his own country. The following verses are his:

“Since the tavern-keeper405b described to me the properties
of wine,
My repentance of my repentance passes description.”

“When I saw her dark hair forming a garment round her
body
295 I believed it to be the garment of the holy pilgrimage and
wound it round myself.”

CII. FIKRĪ.406

He is Sayyid Muḥammad, the cloth weaver, well known as Mīr Rubā‘ī. In this description of poetry he is the ‘Umar Khayyām of the age. He left this world in the course of the journey to Jaunpūr,406a in the year H. 973 (A.D. 1565-66), and the words ‘Mīr Rubā‘ī made a journey,406b were found to give the date of his death.

A quatrain.

“Fikrī has a head which is unfurnished with contents,
He has at his heart a secret pain for which there is no
remedy.
For an age he has made his head his feet on the road of
love,
He has set out on a road which has no ending.”

As his verses are very well known I shall conclude by quoting the following few quatrains and a couplet which are attributed to him:—

“O heart, though thy love be a warrior, fear not,
Though her business be oppression and mortal enmity, fear
not,

In the army of her beauty her two eyes are warriors,
For the rest, the down on her cheek and her mole are the
dark colour of the host.

“If one will not, like the sun, suffer the sword to be raised
above his head
The sky shall not be clad from head to foot in gold for him:
If the gardener will not endure the hardships of the thorn,
He shall receive into his bosom no loved one in rosy gar-
ments like a bud.”

“On the morrow, when nothing shall remain of this world 296
but a tale,
When signs shall appear of the Resurrection's spring,
The beloved ones shall raise their heads from the dust-like
verdure,
And we too shall raise our heads in courtship.”

“Thou goest with thy locks dark as night, and like dew on
every side
Salt (wit) rains from thee, alas for wounded hearts!”

CIII. FANĀ'Ī.407

He is a Caghatāī of noble descent. He has travelled much and has acquired honour by visiting the holy places of pilgrimage (Makkah and Madīnah). He has performed notable services in the field and at one time held the title of Khān, but on account of some misconduct he was degraded from that rank. One day he said, ‘Nobody has excelled me in these three shīns,408 Shamshīr (‘the sword’), shi‘r (‘poetry’), and shaṭranj (‘chess’).’ The Emperor at once replied, ‘The same might be said of two other shīns, shaiṭānī (‘devilry’) and shaṭṭāḥī408a (‘effrontery’).’ Fanā'ī spent some time in prison, and when he was released he was seized with madness, which, taking him by the hand, led him away into some wilderness, whither, nobody knows. He has written a dīvān and his poetry is of the character of that of the debauched Caghatāī nobles. The following couplet is by him,

“Every one attains his object by his nightly cries of ‘O Lord,
O Lord!’
O Lord! Why do not I attain my object by my cries of
‘O Lord!’”

The following opening couplet also, which I have borne in my mind for the last fifty years, and which is quoted in the Tārīkh-i- 297 Niẓāmī,408b is by him:—

“I say not that I have a house worthy to be honoured by
thy footsteps,
I am a stranger, and humble, and have but a waste corner.”

(The following is another opening couplet.)

“Whilst thy rosy face blossomed above the rosy wine
The wine blossomed in the cup from the reflection of thy
rosy face.”

CIV. FUSĪNĪ OF YAZD.408c

He is a Sayyid, a story-teller, and has a mind adapted to poetry. He came from Ṭhaṭha409 and obtained a post in the Emperor's service. The following verses are by him:—

“Why didst thou needlessly pass by the unworthy?
And, if it was necessary to pass by him, why didst thou
glance towards him?
Thou wert in talk with a stranger, and, when thou sawest
me from afar,
If thou didst not completely veil thyself from me why didst
thou draw thy veil but a little?”

“When I arrived, and thou wert in talk with a stranger,
Thou didst distract his attention, and then glance covertly
towards me.”

“Fusūnī made his obeisance to thee merely to deceive others,
Had it not been for this such a worthless wretch would
have been unworthy of making his obesiance.”

“When she had, after making a thousand promises, shown
me her face but once,
She then, for fear of strangers, showed it but for a mo-
ment and went.”

“He who is slain by the glance of the beloved closes not his
eyes,
As he draws his last breath he is dazzled by the face of his
slayer.”

CV. FĪRŪZA OF KĀBUL.409a

He was brought up in the household of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm.410 By birth he belongs to the Langāh410a clan. It seems 298 probable that he was captured by a soldier in some of the wars in Hindūstān and was placed in the service of the late Emperor, and was then brought up with Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm. He is somewhat studious, in a desultory manner, and is moderately skilled in penmanship. He has a general knowledge of music, and can beat the drum after a fashion.410b In body he is well proportioned. He came to court and paid his respects, with Qāẓī Khān of Badakhshān, between Jaunpūr and Āgra, when the Emperor was returning from his expedition to Patna. Although he does not study assiduously he is naturally somewhat ready in etymology, and it gradually becomes evident that he has understood the whole drift of any stiff argument.

The following verses are his:—
“Thou hast made a stranger the object of thy regard.
What means this?
Thou hast cast out the slave from thy regard. What
means this?
I have seen nobody in this age to equal thee in beauty and
grace.
But thou hast destroyed the value of beauty. What
means this?”

“What remedy is there but death for this sick body?
Go, physician, waste not thy pains on me.”

Nowadays it is reported that he boasts that he has written answers 410c to most of the odes in the dīvāns of ancient and modern poets. As to what he has discovered from these sources it may perhaps become more generally known than it is at present.

CVI. FAHMĪ OF ASTARĀBĀD.

He was a capable man. He died in Dihlī. The following quatrain is by him:—

“O thou whose face is bathed in rose water,
With ringlets curling around it like wreathed violets, 299
Thy eyes are like two beauties overcome with wine on one
pillow
Who have laid their heads together and are fallen asleep.”

Couplets.

“In these days freedom from care has become no more than
a tale,
Whither shall I go? What shall I do? The times are
very evil.”

“The piteous state of the faithful is caused by thy cruelty.
Remove the sword, for their blood is on thy head.”

CVII. SHAIKH FAIẒĪ, THE POET LAUREATE.411

In many separate branches of knowledge, such as poetry, the composition of enigmas, prosody, rhyme, history, philology, medicine, and prose composition Shaikh Faiẓī had no equal in his time. At first he used to write under his well-known poetical name of Faiẓī, but later, imitating the title of his younger brother, whom the Emperor describes in writing as ‘Allāmī,413 and in order to glorify himself, he chose a poetical name in the same measure, viz. Fayyāẓī,413a but it did not suit him, and one or two months later, having packed up the baggage of this life, he took it from the world with the most bitter regret. He was a master 413b of malevolent activity, idle jests, conceit, pride, and malice, and one epitome of hypocrisy, baseness, dissimulation, love of pomp, arrogance, and ostentation. All Jews, Christians, Hindūs, and fire-worshippers, not to speak of Nizārīs and Sabāḥīs, held him in the very highest honour for his heresy, his enmity to the followers of Islām, his reviling of the very fundamental doctrines of our faith, his contemptuous abuse of the noble companions (of the Prophet) and those who came after them, and of holy Shaikhs, both dead and living, and of his unmannerly and contemptuous behaviour towards all learned, pious, and excellent men, both in 300 secret and openly, and both by day and by night. Not content with this he used, despite the sacred faith of Muḥammad (may God bless and assoil him and his family), to regard all forbidden things as lawful, and all the injunctions of the sacred law as unlawful, and, with a view to washing away the stain of his ill-repute, which the waters of a hundred oceans (poured over it) till the day of judgment will not wash away, he used, in the height of his drunkenness, and while he was ceremonially impure, 414 to write a commentary414a on the Qur'ān, written entirely in words which contained no dotted letter, and his dogs414b used to trample on it in all directions. At last, after all his denial of the truth, his obstinacy, his pride, and his heresy, he hastened to the place to which he belonged, and went in such sort that I pray that nobody may see or hear of the like. When the Emperor went to visit him when he was at his last gasp, Faiẓī barked like a dog in his face, and the Emperor used to relate this story in open darbār, his face was swollen and his lips had become black, so that the Emperor asked Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl what caused this blackness of the lips and suggested that Faiẓī had rubbed misī414c on his teeth, as the people of India use to do, but Abū-l-Faẓl replied that this was not so, and that the blackness was caused by the blood which Faiẓī had been vomiting. But, without a doubt, the sufferings which he had already endured were very little considered with reference to his vice, his abuse of the faith, and his revilings of his holiness the last of the Prophets (may God bless him and his family, all of them). Many abusive chronograms were discovered for the date of his death. One was as follows:—

“When Faiẓī the atheist died an eloquent man uttered (as
the date of his death) the words,
‘A dog has gone from the world in an abominable state.’”414d

Another said:

“The date of the death of that carrion Faiẓī is fixed by the
words ‘The four religions of fire.”415

Another found the following chronogram:—

“Faiẓī the inauspicious, the enemy of the Prophet, 301
Went, bearing on him the brand of curses,
He was a miserable and hellish dog, and hence
The words ‘what dog-worshipper has died’415a give the date
of his death.”

In the same strain was the chronogram:

“The laws of apostasy have been overthrown.”415b

And another wrote: “Faiẓī was an apostate.”415c

And to the same effect is the following:—

“Since he could not choose but go, there is no help but that
The date of his death shall be found in the words, ‘He is
for ever in fire.’”415d

He wrote poetry for a period of exactly forty years, but it was all imperfect. He could set up the skeleton of verse well, but the bones had no marrow in them, and the salt415e of his poetry was entirely without savour. His taste in lewd raving, in boastful verse,415f and in infidel scribblings, is well known, but he was entirely devoid of any experience of the love of truth, of the knowledge of God, and of any idea of a painful longing for God, and “a favourable reception is the lot of enemies.” Although his dīvān and his maṯnavī contain more than twenty thousand couplets there is not among them one couplet that is not as much without fire as his withered genius, and they are despised and rejected to such an extent that no one, even in lewdness, studies his verse, as they do those of other base poets.

“Verse which is wholly devoid of pith
Remains, for all time, a rough draft.”

And this is stranger still, that although he has spent the whole revenue of his jāgīrs in having his misleading lies written and copied, and has sent copies of them to all his friends, both far and near, nobody has ever taken a copy in his hand a second time.

Thy poetry has doubtless taken a lesson from the dignity
of the veil,
For it displays no desire to come out of its private corner
in the house.

The following few couplets are taken from his selected poems which he wrote as memorials of himself, and entrusted to Mirzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad and others:—

“Cover not thy eyelashes416 when thy eyes travel, like feet,
(the road of love)
For stout wayfarers march with naked feet.”
302 “Why dost thou cut my hand, thou sword of love? If
justice is to be done
Cut out the tongue of the slanderer of Zulaikhā.”
“When we cast our bounteous glance on those who sit in
the dust
We distribute even to ants brains like those of Solomon.”
“The flood of my tears will hardly turn thy heart of stone;
To turn this mill-stone the flood of Noah is required.”

“O love, overthrow not the Ka‘bah, for there, for a moment,
Those exhausted in the faith of love sometimes take rest.”
“O love, have I leave to remove from the shoulder of the
sky
To my own shoulder the banner of thy power?”
“How long shall I stake my heart on the blandishments of
the fair?
I will burn this heart and obtain a new heart.
Faiẓī, my hand is empty, and the road of courtship is be-
fore me,
Perhaps I shall be able to pledge my dīvān for this world
and the next.”

The following is the opening couplet of a boastful ode, of which he was very proud:—

“Thanks be to God that the love of beautiful ones is my
guide.
I am of the religion of Brahmans and of the faith of the
fire-worshīppers.”

The following couplet is also by him:—

“In this land there is a sugar-lipped multitude
Who have mixed salt with their wine and are drunk in-
deed.”
(Poet) say thyself in what part of this poetry there is any
savour.

The following couplets are from the Maṯnavī Markaz-i-Adwār 303 which he wrote in imitation of the Makhzan-i-Khiyāl417 and which did not turn out fortunately for him:—417a

“To beg417b for what aid I come to this door,
That I have become richer in heart and hand?

I asked for little, but my stock increased
Then, though I sat down, my footsteps advanced.”

The following couplets are from his projected418 maṯnavī, Bilqīsu-Sulaimān :—

“I set myself again to place
The slit of my pen opposite to the window of my heart:
There comes from that window and enters this window418a
That very light which serves as a guide to the soul,
Although from this court of injustice
The throne of the Sulaimān of my words418b has gone on the
breeze,
Yet it occurred to me to consider a plan
Whereby, by means of spells, I might bind the demons in
chains,418c
Bind them, by what means I have, to the throne of my
rhetoric,
And adorn that (throne) from the treasures of my mind.”

The following is an enigma which he composed on the name of Qādirī,:—418d

“I will leave the mark from love's brand
Since it is a memorial in my heart, and is the only scar
there.”

When he was absent as an envoy in the Dakan I sent him two letters from the lower slopes of the Kashmīr mountains, informing him of the Emperor's disfavour towards me and of his refusal to admit me to his presence in order that I might pay my respects. In the petition which Faiẓī sent to court he recommended me to the Emperor's favour and Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl was ordered to embody that petition in the Akbarnāma in order that it might be read as an example of what such documents should be. The following is a copy of that petition, which was dated on the 10th day of the month Jamādī'u-l-Awwal, A.H. 1000 (February 23, 1592), and despatched from Aḥmadnagar to Lāhor:—

‘Refuge of the world! There lately came to me from Badāon two relatives of Mullā ‘Abdu-l-Qādir, in a very disturbed state of mind, weeping, weeping and tortured by anxiety. They told me that Mullā ‘Abd-l Qādir had for some time been sick, and had been unable to keep his promise to attend at court, that some 304 of the Emperor's officers had carried him off with force and violence, 419 and that they did not know what the end of the matter would be. They also said that the long duration of his sickness had not been reported to your majesty. Cherisher of the broken spirited! Mullā ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir has much aptitude, and he has studied what the Mullās of Hindūstān usually study in the ordinary branches of learning. He acquired accomplishments under my honoured father, and I, your slave, have known him for nearly thirty-eight years. In addition to his acquirements in learning he has some skill in poetry, and good taste in prose composition, both Arabic and Persian. He has also acquired some knowledge of Indian astrology, and of accounts, in all their branches. He is acquainted with Indian and foreign music, and by no means ignorant of chess, both the two-handed and the four-handed game,419a and has some practice in playing the bīn.419b In spite of all these acquirements he is endued with many virtues. He is not avaricious, has a contented mind, is not vacillating, is truthful, straightforward, respectful, unambitious, humble-spirited, meek, moderate in his requests, almost entirely devoid of the dissimulation so common at court, and entirely faithful and devoted to the Imperial Court. When the imperial forces were sent against Kūmbhulmer420 he, having requested permission to accompany them, went thither in the hope of offering his life to your majesty, and was in action and was wounded, and when the fact was reported he received a reward. Jalāl Khān Qūrcī420a first presented him at court, and said, when presenting him: “I have discovered for your majesty an Imām420b with whom you will be well pleased. Mīr Fatḥu-'llāh420c also acquainted your sacred majesty, to some extent, with his affairs, and my respected brother420d is also aware of his circumstances; but it is well known that ‘a grain of luck is better than a load of merit.”

Since your majesty's court is the court of the just, your slave, acting as though he were present in person at the foot of the august throne, when he saw a helpless man suffering persecution, has represented the case to your majesty. Had he not represented it at this time he would, in a manner, have been guilty 305 of insincerity and want of proper regard for the truth. May God (who is praised) deign to keep the slaves of your majesty's court constant in the path of truth, justice, and righteous dealing under the heavenly shadow of your majesty, their Emperor; and may He long maintain your majesty as their shelter, the cherisher of the miserable, the bestower of favours, the coverer of faults, with boundless wealth, glory, greatness and majesty, by the honour of the pure ones who dwell in the courts of God and the enlightened ones who rise betimes to praise him. Amen. Amen.

If any should ask me what rules of humanity and faithfulness I observe in so harshly reviling one who had so much goodwill for me and so much sincere friendship, and especially how it is that I, forgetful of the command, ‘Mention not your dead but in connection with good,’ have thus written of a man after his death, and have become one of those who disregard their obligations, I reply, ‘All this is true, but what could I do?’ The claims of the faith and the safeguarding of one's compact with God are above all other claims, and ‘Love is God's and hatred is God's’ is an established precept. Although I was for full forty years in the company of Faiẓī, yet after the gradual change in views, the corruption of his nature, and the disordering of his disposition and especially in his mortal sickness, our relations were changed, and as our association together became mere hypocrisy we were freed each of the other. All of us have our faces set towards that court where all disputes shall be decided. “On that day the intimate friends shall be enemies to one another, except the pious.”421

Among the property left by Faiẓī were four thousand six hundred valuable bound books, all corrected, of which it might have been said with but little exaggeration that most of them were either in the handwriting of the authors or had been written in the authors' time. These became the property of the Emperor, and when they were presented before him he caused them to be catalogued in three sections, giving the first place to books of verse, medicine, astrology, and music; the middle place to works on philosophy, religious mysticism,421a astronomy, and geometry; and the lowest place to commentaries, the traditions,421b books on theology, and on all other subjects connected with the sacred law.421c

Faiẓī wrote a hundred and one books, the Nal-u-Daman422 and others, which he used to reckon. When he was near death he wrote, at the earnest solicitation of some of his friends, some couplets in praise of the Prophet (may God bless and assoil him, and of his ascent,422a and incorporated them in the Nal-u-Daman. The following couplets are taken from the conclusion of that work:—

“O King of Kings,422b who seekest after wisdom,
Wealthy as the sea and glorious as the sky,
The world is a banquet linked with joy,
Thy reign is the wine, which stupefies the heavens;
I am the minstrel singing melodies drawn from the veins
of my heart,422c
My pen is the sounding organ.
If from this banquet, in which thy conversation is the cup-
bearer,
I arise, my song will still remain.
The drinkers circulate the tale
That there is no422d singer, and yet the assembly is full of
song.

To-day, with my honey-sweet music
I am Bārbud,423 thou the Khusrav of the age.
Though I have polished my pen on the heavens
I am standing before thee on one leg.423a
Look now on the arrangement of my mystical characters
And now on my long years spent in thy service.
This poem, which bears on its tongue the name of love
Takes thy name423b to heaven.
I am the inebriating wine of true wisdom,
If I ferment no blame is mine.
I am the bell of thy caravan
And must surely be excused if I give forth sounds.
The reward of my handiwork is this (appreciative) eye,
Which I reckon among the gifts of God.
A hundred nightingales, drunk with love, have arisen,
singing
That the rose of Persia has blossomed in India.
I have arrayed in splendour virgin thoughts
In the Ganja of my genius and the Dihlī of my mind.423c
Before this, when my poems were all the current coin I
had
Faiẓī was the name written on my signet;
Now that I am chastened by (spiritual) love
I am Fayyāẓī423d of the ocean of superabundance.423e
In thy reign, incomparable King,
Have I plucked from the bush of time the rose of good
fortune.

The breeze of my genius has diffused the odour of roses
over my banquet,
My cup has been filled to overflowing with the wine of
delight;
I have sat laughing, like a cup of sparkling wine,
While the cupbearer, like the bottle, stood behind me
Drinking deeper draughts than either I or my good for-
tune,
My days have been good, but my means of spending them
better.
My gardener has been happy, like thy reign,
For my basil plant has grown freely.
These four thousand jewels of pure water,424
Which I have stirred up with the water which is like fire,
Accept, for the lustre of the gems is all thine,
They were produced that they might be scattered round
thy crown;
If I have scattered more than I have said
I have then reckoned my harvest without any deficiency.
From this ocean which, in its turmoil, rears its head to the
highest heaven
Gems bubble forth on the crest of each wave.
Thus employed, in the art of arranging mystic sayings,
My speech has set itself to no mean employment.
Every pithy phrase with which my pen has charged itself
Has been brought by my heart from distant recesses.
My pen points out to me the road to inscrutable mysteries
Where a mountain of meaning best appears,
Hidden under phrases slight as a blade of grass.
This book is illuminated with my heart's blood.
Its allegories are filled to overflowing with true wisdom.
If its melodies be chanted in the mountains
Their sound will dance among the grains of flowing sand.424a

I have woven from my swiftly travelling breath
Sacred threads for the Brahmans of the nine monasteries.
My thought, which stirs up mystic truths,
Is an ocean which produces gems from its waters.
This writing, which brings to the light the essence of all
things,
Is but half the shadow of my pen.
Every truth contained in it is as water in the stream,
Every knotty saying is as the curl in lovely hair.
This poem is a pearl of which the price may be fixed
For it shows forth the felicity of both worlds;
This lovely idol from the workshop of Āẕar425 received
Its adornment in the month of Āẕar,425a
In the thirty-ninth year of the Imperial reign, 308
In the new Divine Era,425b
When I reckoned up the years of the Hijrī era
I computed them to be a thousand and three alifs.425c
This garden, which is full of thy perfume
Is but one rose of the plant of thy boundless wealth.
I have the prospect of the joy of another cup
In laying out four gardens more.425d
If love thus consumes me entirely,
I shall make moonlight shine from my ashes.
The transparent glass of my heart is melted,
And I will give it, as a mirror, into the hands of the
assembly.

The story-tellers of the market-place base their stories on
their dreams;
But I have awoken from such stories.
This is the arena of those who have traversed the heavens
And in it valiant heroes are to be descried;
Scribes whose very breath breathes magic, with the points
of their pens
Have completed the adornment of this epic.
I also, for the sake of making a name in the world,
Have with my skill in words made a talisman.
I melted down both my heart and my tongue
In displaying this picture to the world.
When my genius scattered its wit into pen,
The pen poured the water of life into the inkstand;
The Messiah saw musk in a moist bladder
And dried it with His breath.
Is this an inkstand filled with ambergris,
Or a censer emitting smoke of ambergris?
When this lofty dome (the sky) became my cradle
The year was 954 (A.D. 1547).426
Now that I have spent forty-nine years in this monastery
I have passed through the seventy-two sects (of Islām)
My meeting-place has been in the idol-temples of India,
The fire-temples of Persia have been in my heart.
With a hundred incantations and magical devices
Have I cleaned from the mirror of the king's heart the scum
of rust.426a
This day, among the great tribe of the ages
The sky beat the naubat for me on the roof;426b

Eloquence, that King who has been my surety,
Has enthroned himself on my tongue.
I have become both the equal of the amīrs
And the prince of poets.
In every direction I go, uttering my wise words,
The ranks of mystic significations bow the knee to me.
Since love entered into my mind 309
I have become the adorner of the diadem which is over the
nine thrones of the heavens.
The valiant swordsmen of the kingdom of rhetoric,
The archers of the battle of pretensions,
When they cast their eyes on my forces,
Cast down their shields in the field before me.
My pen, on account of my great fame
Writes as my autograph, ‘He who is mighty in speech’;
‘The pride of the philosophers’ is the writing on my fore-
head.
‘The greatest427 of the poets’ is the device on my seal.
The heavenly Key has opened
To my thoughts the door of mystic significations.
When my breath gave birth to this poem
Khiẓr427a came, and bestowed on me his length of days.
If the door has been opened before me
My poems have also been endued with long life.
If I reckon up all that both worlds can give
I find it to be but dust from the stour427b which I have raised.
This pen, which has traversed the whole of my poem,
Drives its splinters under the nails of bad penmanship.427c
See now the drift of this book, which shall last for ever,
See boundless wisdom concealed in (boundless) love.

Those who are not dumb before this splendour
Are men who are not admitted to the privy chamber of
imagination.
As for him whose business is with words,
Let the age endow him with justice.
It is the practice of those of meagre wit
Ever to gibe at their contemporaries:
What of those who have fallen asleep, wrapped in the sheet
of the earth?
Knowest thou what they said of the men of their time?
And those who shall obscure my light with smoke
Will I afflict in their eyes (with their smoke).428
Moreover, a time will come when I shall be no more,
And shall no longer be the nightingale of this garden;
Then those who struck a thorn into my rose
Shall sigh for sorrow over my shrine.
O thou who hast poured the lees of the draught into my
pure wine
Pluck but a rose of the spring of justice,
Or else take my goods at my valuation;
Look to their worth and consider yourself fortunate in me.
In the morning, when I sing in this meadow
My melodies shed a hundred gardens of flowers.
I am humble as dust in the path of true appraisers
Who this day, despite the ungrateful,
310 When they opened this treasure from my stock.
Cast on it a glance which justly estimated it
And looked (with pity) on other unfortunates.
They, like the ocean, teemed with gems
And the diver who brought the gems to the surface
delighted in their commendation.
Art is intensely jealous of love
For I have compounded this poem with love's magic.
This pen is the source of great wonder
That from a dry reed such moist sweetness should flow.

This breath of mine is a monument to love,
For it is vapour which arises from my inward fervour.
Fayyāẓī on this incantation of thine
How long wilt thou dilate?
It is best that thou should'st bring thy tale to a close
Before thou becomest, thyself, no more than a tale.
O thou consumed with love restrain thy breath;
Have done with love's tale, have done!”

CVIII. FĀRISĪ429

His name is Sharīf, and he is the son of Khẉāja ‘Abdu-ṣ-Ṣamad the painter. He is a youth lately come to man's estate, and he is unrivalled in beauty of penmanship and in painting. It is well known that his father wrote in full, and in a good and legible hand, on one side of a poppy seed, the Sūratu-l-lkhlāṣ,430 and on the other side of it the argument of the chapter; and they say that his son, Sharīf, bored in one poppy seed eight small holes, and passed wires through them, and that he drew, on a grain of rice, a picture of an armed horseman, preceded by an outrider, and bearing all the things proper to a horseman such as a sword, a shield, a polo-stick, et cetera.

Sharīf has a pleasant nature. He has composed a dīvān and the following verses were selected by him from his works and given to me (for insertion in this work).

“They who wander by night in the grief of longing after thee
cause me to weep,
For they travel over the road by the rays of that light of
Thine.
311 Clemency is Thine, but I am all sin.
When Thou pardonest such a one as me all will sin.”

“I sift the sparks of my lamentations in the sieve of respect
Lest, perchance, their harsh sound should strike thy ear.”

“By the blessing of love I am at perfect peace with both
worlds,
Do thou become my enemy and see with what friendliness
I shall treat thee.”

“The spacious field of my breast is so full of love
That, in spite of my earnest desire, there is no room for
more.”

“Prosperity is no assistance in our path
We have recognized the Friend in another form.”

A Maṯnavī.

“I have a grief for which may all joys be sacrificed;
May God guard my grief from the evil eye.
When my heart admitted the fire which burnt within me
Even resignation became a stranger to it.”

“If she has taken my heart O God, carry to her nostrils
The odour of separation, which was mingled with my
heart's blood.”

“Why should I sing of my genius or boast of my intellect?
The fact that I am generous431 disproves my boast.”

“O intellect, how long empty-handed in the market of love
Wilt thou ask the price of the goods and blush for what
thou hast to offer in exchange?”

A quatrain. 312

“I have a love which is my religion and my faith.
I have a pain which is chief over all my possessions.
Should love be parted from me it will die
Saying, ‘Sharīf-i-Fārisī is my soul.’”

“To have in the breast beauty of the heart is such a wonder
That it is pointed out like the new moon, when it can only
just be seen.”

“The price of gratitude, that unsaleable commodity, has risen
Because no caravan arrives from the land of grief.”

“Cast not away the heart which thou hast stolen,
Carry a treasure, although it may seem heavy.”

“O zephyr, bear this message to love, ‘Take courage, for we
are gone,

No more will the dust of thy street be turned into mire by
tears’.”

“I am silent from jealousy, not from pride of love,
For no speech, save of thee, passes on my tongue.”

CIX. QARĀRĪ OF GILĀN.432

He was the son of Mullā ‘Abdu-r- Razzāq, and full brother to Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ432a and Ḥakīm Humām.432b He had many accomplishments and virtues, among them being poetry, penmanship and studiousness, and he was endowed with the qualities of an inclination to holy poverty and humility.

When he first came to court the emperor ordered him to be put 313 on duty with his brothers, and, when the guard turned out to salute the emperor, as he did not know how to put on a sword he appeared in the midst disordered in his dress. Some of the young wits expressed their surprise at this, but he said, ‘Soldiering does not suit men like me,’ and told that story of the Amīr Tīmūr, Ṣāhib Qirān,432c who, in one of his battles, drew up his army in a certain position, and ordered that the laden camels, and the footmen, and all beasts with their burdens should take up a position of safety behind the troops, and that the ladies should remain in rear of the army. At this moment the learned men433 asked where their place should be, and Tīmūr replied, ‘Behind the ladies.’ When this story was repeated to Akbar as a rare piece of wit on the part of Qarārī he ordered that he should be sent to Bengal. He went thither, and there rendered up his soul to God433a during the rebellion against Muẓaffar Khān's authority.433b The following verses are productions of his genius:—

“What fear is there if the whole world should become lovers
of Lailā,
So long as Lailā's heart inclines only towards Majnūn?”

“For the sake of my grief Heaven confers on me a nature
like that of the Friend433c
If I make of my darkly-clad lot a mouthful of fire.”

“What accusation shall I make against Death? I have
received an arrow from thy eye
Which would have killed me, even though I did not die
for a hundred years.”

“I am illumined, as a candle, by the fire of thy love,
I humbly burn, even in my tomb.”

“An ocean of fire is raging from my burning heart.
Tell Noah to flee, for my flood sheds fire around.”

“My grief is this, that however much I am persecuted by
thee
314 The delight of being persecuted by thee leaves my heart
before I have well experienced it.”

“Of her cruelty all that I ask is more wounds for my
wounded heart,
I am not solicitous for her favour; all I desire is her
cruelty.
I am distracted by the pain of separation; O love, for ages
Have I desired to be distracted but for a moment by the
delight of seeing thee!”

“God forbid that our hearts should be beyond the need of
the sight of her,
For we are entirely guiltless, and she is beyond all need.”

“I am rejoiced at the duration of our separation, for now I
shall be able
To approach her and make advances as though I were a
stranger.”

A quatrain.

“If I be seethed in the caldron of God's wrath,
If I be placed in the flames of hell,
This will be better than that my sins should, of mere favour,
be forgiven
While I am left to burn in the fire of shame.”

A quatrain.

“If the love of my heart should find a buyer
I should do something that would reveal my true self.
I should so shake out my prayer-carpet of abstinence
That from each thread of it a hundred idolators' sacred
threads would fall.”

“If I drive from my heart regret for my union with thee
It will be better than that I should increase the regret of
my heart by meeting with thee”435

CX. QAUSĪ 315435a

He was in the service of the Khān-i-Kalān,435b and was unequalled in these days for the carving of toothpicks, comb, and such articles. He once wrote the following couplet in a fair hand on the pointed end435c of a toothpick.

“The affairs of Qausī have been thrown into confusion by
the ringlets of his love;
His affairs are ever twisted in a hundred places like the
ringlets of his love.”

CXI. QAIDĪ OF SHĪRĀR.436

He came from the glorious city of Makkah and at once entered the emperor's service and received an appointment near his person. One day before the court he said to the emperor, “Men are much harassed by this new regulation of the dāgh-u-maḥallī436a which Your Majesty has invented,’ and from that time forth he was debarred from court and never again girded his loins in service. For some time he wandered about in the Biyāna district as a qalandar436b and then came to Fatḥpūr, where he suffered from haemorrhoids and hectic fever. A quack whom he consulted cut the veins of his fundament, and he died under the treatment. He was of an extremely cheerful disposition.

The following verses are by him:—

“The lover has much of the merchandise of complaints, it
will be better
That he open not his pack until the market day of the
resurrection.”

“O thou who hast never wandered from thy place in my
heart,
I marvel that thou should'st have found a place in the
hearts of all!”

“Though I be dying and no other comes to bid her farewell,
Hasten, camel driver, for her litter departs!”

“What ointment of thy favour is there on my heart,
That melts not my soul more than all the brands of regret?”

CXII. QADRĪ.437

He had some poetical genius. The following couplet is his:—

“Love's madness gives me not so much grace that my soul
May know how it is to come forth and be laid as an offering
at her feet.”

]
CXIII. QANDĪ.437a

He came from Transoxiana to Āgra in the time of Bairam Khān, and there studied. I have seen no poetry of his but the following ode:—

“The hermitage in which I follow my devotions is a corner
of the wine-shop,
The ecstatic shriek437b which I hear is the shout of the
drunkards;
My patched robe of devotion and piety has been pawned for
wine.
The gurgling of the wine flask is for me the murmur of
prayer and praise.
Qandī was journeying, destitute, towards the temple of
Makkah,
When a lovely being waylaid him and he turned aside to
the idol-temple.”

CXIV. KĀMĪ.

This is the poetical name of Mīr ‘Alā-u-d-daulah,437c the author of the Taẕkiratu-sh-Shu‘arā which is the source from which this treatise has been compiled. It is superfluous to describe him and to quote his poems here even if it were not the case that the author is a poor judge of poetry and is ill qualified to make selections. It is better that I should recount my own deficiencies than that I should leave it to be done by others. Most of the couplets which I have written in imitation of others will bear out what I say.

CXV. KULĀHĪ.438

He is acquainted with several branches of learning, and he received the title of Afẓal Khān. He came to Hindūstān from the Dakan and was enrolled for some time among the doctors of the sacred law. On the occasion on which Mīrzā Muqīm and Mīr Ḥabash were put to death438a by the sentence of Mullā ‘Abdu-'llāh of Lāhor on a charge of heresy and of cursing the companions of Muḥammad438b he fled in terror438c from this country to the Dakan and departed thence for the next world. The following verses are his:—

“I tell love's secret to none but my own heart,
For my heart hears the word which I speak, and tells it not
again.”

“I placed my head on her feet, but she was vexed with me.
When I seized her skirt she snatched it away and passed
from me.”

“How long will the jealous watcher oppose my passing
through that door?
He girds up his loins in enmity against me. O Lord, let
him not gird up his loins!”

“Whenever the enemy comes to war against thee with helmet
on head,
When thou in battle smitest his helmet with thy sword,

(The sword) cleaves his helmet as a pen divides the
columns on the paper, and, with the red blood,
Draws a ruled column on the page of the field of battle.”

CXVI. KALĀMĪ.439

He is of Caghatāī descent and was for a long time in Sind. He used to be constantly arguing and wrangling with Mullā Niyāzī.439a He came from Bakar,439b and was for some time in Āgra. He writes poetry after the style of the men of Transoxiana. The following verses are his:—

“I attempted to close the road against my tears by thinking
on thy ringlets,
But water is not to be bound with a chain.”

“Thy face is the fountain of love, and drops of sweat
Like bubbles appear everywhere on it.
Look on the bud of my bleeding heart and see
How it has been cleft once and again by my love's sword,
and is smiling.”

“Sit for a moment, of thy grace, in the eyes of Kalāmī,
For there is to be found a purified corner, and water will be
in thy sight.”

CXVII. KĀMĪ OF QUM.439c

He is a youth lately arrived at man's estate and has recently come to Hindūstān. His disposition is not without sprightliness. The following couplet is his:—

“My whole body would turn to blood and flow out at my eyes
If I knew that weeping would be of any avail.”

CXVIII. LIQĀ'Ī OF ASTARĀBĀD.440

He is an epitome of many accomplishments. He was for some time with the Khānzamān. The following couplet is from his poems:—

“My tongue made mention of my heart-subduing sword,
May it be well with the speech that I uttered.”440a

CXIX. LIWĀ'Ī.440b

He was descended from one of the holy men of Sabzavār. He had a pretty wit, and was for some time in service at court. The following verses are his:—

“When the stranger comes towards thee to see thee
I stand between thee and him, that haply he may not see
thee.”

“I speak not of thee to the stranger
Lest desire for thee should find a place in his heart.”

“When the lewd mention with lubricity the names of their
lights-o'-love
I ever fear lest, by some error, thy name should be men-
tioned.”

In A.H. 995 (A.D. 1587) in Lāhor, a wall, blown down by some ill wind, fell on his head, and the coin of his life was whirled away by the breeze. As he was unrivalled as a singer and chanter this chronogram was composed on the event:—

“Alas, that by the efforts of the unjust sky
A nightingale of sweet song is gone from the garden!
He was so smitten on the loins by a whirling stone
That he was wounded and went from our midst.
I asked of wisdom the date of his death,
And received the answer, ‘The Pīrzāda has gone from
the world.’”441

CXX. LA‘LĪ.441a

He is Mīrzā La‘l Beg, the son of Shāh Qulī Sulṭān of Badakh-shān. He is a young man of exceeding nobility of disposition, and is distinguished by the delicacy of his beauty, and as well known for the purity of his nature as for his beauty of form. He is remarkable for his good manners, his humility, his amiable disposition, his courtesy, and his modesty, and he is one of the intimate associates of the emperor. At the present time a farmān has been issued from court to him in the Dakan ordering him to leave the service of Sulṭān Murād441b and to join the court at Lāhor. He is very well read in history, and in travels. The author is bound to him by bonds of mutual acquaintance and great regard.

He sometimes occupies himself with poetry, and the following couplet from his poems remains in the author's memory:—

“Since I have become as the dust of the road in thy path I
fear
Lest thou should not pass by me, but should take another
way.”

CXXI. LUṬFĪ THE ASTROLOGER.442

He was a good boon companion, and had by heart so many of the verses of the great masters of poetry that he could in one night recite a thousand verses on any subject. He also imitated the great poets well. He was for some time with Mīrzā Niẓamu-d-dīn Aḥmad in Gujarāt, and by his efforts received a fixed sum of money granted for the purpose of enabling him to travel, and embarked on a sea-voyage. The following couplets are by him:—

“That face like the pomegranate flower became like a par-
terre of roses from the glow of wine,
O rose-sellers, good news! Roses are plentiful.”

“In the breeze of the rose-garden I smelt but the odour of
thee.
I passed by no rose but it wafted to me the odour of my
love.”

“If my heart becomes a flame of fire, what then? It will
wither away.
If the rose of my fate blossom from paradise, what then?
It will fade.”

“Each sigh that I heaved over thee in regret
Has become a palm-tree to adorn the meadow of my
repentance.”

CXXII. MĪR MURTAẒā SHARĪFĪ OF SHĪRĀZ.442a

He was the grandson of Mir Sayyid Sharīf-i-Jarjānī,442b (may his tomb be hallowed). In the exact sciences, in various branches of philosophy, in logic, and in metaphysics he excelled all the learned men of the age. He went from Shīrāz to the glorious city of Makkah, and there studied the Traditions443 under Shaikh Ibn Ḥajar and received a teaching diploma. Thence he went to the Dakan, and from the Dakan he came to Āgra, where he attained a higher position than most learned and erudite men of former or recent times. He employed himself in giving instruction in arts and sciences until, in the year H. 974 (A.D. 1566-67), as has already been said,443a he departed to Paradise. His body, which was at first interred near that of Mīr Khusrav443b (God's mercy be on him), was taken to Mashhad, and Mīr Muḥsin Riẓavī443c found the following chronogram for his death:—

“When Mīr Murtaẓā left this world
It was as though knowledge departed from the race of Adam.
To give the date of his departure Muḥsin
Said, ‘A paragon has departed from the world.’”443d

The following couplet is one of the productions of the Mīr's noble genius:—

“Ease of heart is not to be obtained from material possessions.
The seed of ease of the heart is in the dispersal of material
possessions.”

It is probable that the source of this couplet is that passage in the Lawā'iḥ444 in which it is said that some have believed that contentment consisted in the accumulation of material possessions and consequently remain in distraction to all eternity, while others, knowing for certain that the accumulation of material possessions is one of the causes of distraction, have washed their hands of all things.

CXXIII. MAḤWĪ.444a

This is the poetical name of Mīr Maḥmūd the Munshī, who was for twenty-five years chief secretary to the empire of Hindūstān. His daughter married Naqīb Khān.444b He had some poetical talent, and wrote poetry like a secretary. The following quatrain is one which he wrote at the beginning of the dīvān of Bairam Khān:—

“Of being and of a place of existence there was in the begin-
ning no trace,
For all things came into being by virtue of the two letters
of the command ‘Be.’
Since these two letters were the key of existence
They have become the opening couplet of the preface to the
dīvān of things seen.”444c

The following is another quatrain of his, an enigma on the name ‘Qāsim’:—

“There is a capricious one the dust of whose door-step is my
lodging,
From whom I have gained naught but cruelty and oppres-
sion.
When I see her face over the corner of the roof
Her eye shoots the arrow of cruelty at my heart.”

This is a couplet of his:—

“Perfume not the jasmine with musk,
Draw not a line of ambergris around the sun.”

He wrote the following quatrain to describe a horse which had been given to him by the emperor Humāyūn:—

“O King with an army like that of Jamshīd, monarch of
boundless power,
I have a horse which is exceedingly lean and weak;
When I mount him, at every two or three steps which he
takes
He falls, saying, ‘Now you carry me for two or three steps.’”

The source of this quatrain is certainly that well-known couplet, by whom I know not:—

“He goes one or two steps and then says,
‘Now do you carry me for an hour or so?’”

Following the idea expressed in the following couplet by a master of poetry,

“O lovely one with heart of stone and body of silver,445
Whose lip is comfort and whose glance is destruction”

he wrote the following ode in two metres:—445a

“O thou whose lovely face is the envy of the jasmine,
Whose comely stature is the cypress of the meadow

323 Whose laughing lip is a load of sugar,
Whose row of teeth is a string of pearls from ‘Adan,
Whose musky locks are a net of calamity,
Whose narcissus-like bewitching eye is seduction's self;
Thy fawn's eyes are hunters of men,
Thy glance, drawing blood from the heart, shoots sharp
arrows,
Thy ringlets work naught but magic,
The glances of thy eyes seek but to draw blood from the
heart,
The down newly sprung draws on the jasmine of thy cheek
a life-giving line of musk,
Of thy grace cast a glance towards Maḥwī
O lovely one with heart of stone and body of silver!”

Shaikh Faiẓī also, in the days of his ignorance and while he was yet a boy, practised the same metrical trick, and wrote the following ode in four metres:—446

“O thou, whose goodly figure resembles a moving cypress,
Whose arched eyebrow is bent like a bow,
The curl of whose locks is a snare of love's madness,
Whose dark ringlet is the desire of Paradise,
Thy bewitching lip is the water of life,
The lovely down on thy cheek is the Khiẓr of these days,
Thy fawn's eyes are calamity's self,
Even a raging tiger would fall before the eyes of such a
fawn,
The wretched Faiẓī is bound in the bonds of thy locks,
All the world is smitten with thy dark ringlets.”

One day, about the time when this hasty essay was being written, Shaikh Faiẓī saw in my hand the Taẕkirah of Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah. He snatched it from me, and, tearing out the leaf containing an account of himself, tore it to pieces, just as the book of his life was torn to pieces.447 I also, in those days when I had not repented of such vain conceits, composed the opening couplet of an ode in four metres, a mere piece of trash which is not worthy of mention. I hope that the generous recording angels have blotted it from the record of my deeds with the water of forgetfulness.

CXXIV. MIR MUḤSIN RIẒAVĪ OF MASHHAD.447a

He sometimes exercises his mind with poetry, and as a poet stands in the same class as Mīr Maḥmūd the Munshī, but is rather superior to him.447b The following verses are by Muḥsin:— 324

“I do not desire her to be kind to me before strangers,
For I fear lest a stranger should see her and be captivated
by her.”

“One of stature like the cypress and with a mouth like a
rose-bud has stolen my heart,
In the flower of my youth she has disgraced me before the
world.”

“O thou, the plant of whose graceful form is fresh with
the water of life,
The cypress is overcome with shame before thy stature.”

I prefer the word shādāb (‘well-watered’) to Khurram, (‘fresh’) in the first hemistich.

The following is an enigma by him on the word rūḥ (‘the soul’):—

“O thou whose wavy locks waylay souls whom thou chidest,
O thou, the painful longing for whom pours balm on broken
hearts,
Is it the reflection of thy lip that is seen in water,
Or is it a rose-petal fallen into a cup of wine?”

The following is another enigma, on the name of Ḥusain Shāh:—

“How pleasant to me is the habitation in my eyes of that
moonlike beauty!
How pleasant is the acceptable aspect of her moonlike face!
Muḥsin has placed his head on her feet,
For her face like the sun, and yet like the moon, is pleasant.”448

CXXV. MAUJĪ.448a

325 He was Qāsim Khān of Badakhshān, one of the well-known Amīrs of the emperor Humāyūn. He was well acquainted with the art of poetry and wrote poetry well. He wrote a maṯnavī of six thousand couplets in imitation of the Yūsuf-u-Zulaikhā (of Jāmī)448b from which the following few couplets descriptive of the beloved are extracted:—

“The priceless jewelled band which bound her hair
Has fallen on her neck, feeling its own worthlessness beside
her hair,
She has not hung earrings of bright rubies in her ears
For there are hung distracted hearts.
Fortune, of its great favour, has not adorned
The neck of her dress with pearls like her teeth;
For as an ornament of the bosom of her goodly dress
Drops of blood fall from her face.448c

When gold saw itself spurned by her feet
It fell in showers round her feet like fine muslin.
The whiteness of her neck, like a camphor candle,
Rises from the bosom of her dress like a cord of light.
The whiteness of her arm exceeds that of silver,449
Her fore-arm is as a chaplet of roses hung on jasmine
From those two sweet chaplets of hers
Her sleeves are filled with jasmine.
Her palm is as though she had taken a rose-petal in her hand.
Each finger is like the bud of a lily set upon it.
Her breast and shoulders, which deprive the mind of sense,
Seem to have taken a harvest of roses into their embrace.
As I am making entries in the register of her beauty (I
may say)
That the pure whiteness of her bosom exceeds that of milk;
Her two nipples of incomparable beauty,
Are as bubbles on the surface of milk.
Her waist transcends the bounds of description
For here the utmost delicacy is to be seen.”

He has also written a poem Lailā-u-Majnūn of which this couplet of his is quoted:—

“An old man of an honourable tribe
Whose beard is like a white rose a yard in length.”

The following quatrain, he used to say, occurred to his mind in a dream:—

“O breeze, bring me some news from the street of my beloved!
Bring to my dying body good news of my life.
It is hard for me to arrive there.
Do me this favour and betake thyself thither swiftly.” 326

“The cup-sickness of the wine of grief has made me heavy-
headed;
Come, cup-bearer, and free me from the griefs of the world.”

“Cup-bearer, how long shall we dilate on
What we have suffered from fate?
Fill the cup, that we may for an hour free our hearts of
grief.”

Towards the end of his life he gave up the profession of arms, resigned his appointment, and retired into the corner of seclusion. How well would it have been with him had he also given up the writing of poetry!450 His death occurred in Āgra, in A.H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72).

CXXVI. MĪRZĀDA ‘ALĪ KHĀN.450a

He was the son of Muḥtaram Beg, one of the well-known Amīrs of the emperor Humāyūn. He was a man of pleasing qualities, and was fond of poetry, and sometimes wrote it. The following couplet is his:—

“In the evening when thou throwest the veil from thy face
The sun, unable to bear the dazzling sight, sets.”

He was slain in Kashmīr in A.H. 996450b (A.D. 1588) in the battle in which the imperial forces under Qāsim Khān, Mīr-i-Baḥr,450c were defeated in a night attack made by Ya‘qūb, the son of Yūsuf Khān of Kashmīr.

CXXVII. MU‘IZZĪ OF HIRĀT.451

He was a Ṭabāṭabā'ī451a Sayyid, and as a boy was educated with Kāmrān Mīrzā.451b He was for nearly fifty years in India, and it was in Hindūstān that he departed this life in the year A.H. 982 (A.D. 1574-75). The following two couplets are his:—

“How long, O sky, wilt thou keep me whirling around like 327
a mote in a sunbeam?
How long wilt thou keep me in exile and destitute?”

“I said, ‘with a sigh I will drive out grief from my heart.’
My grief is not lessened by sighs. Ah! What shall I
do?”

CXXVIII. MURĀDĪ OF ASTARĀBĀD.451c

He was of the Sayyids of Astarābād. He came to Hindūstān and died in A.H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72). He is remembered by many verses which he has left, a few of which are the following:—

“She showed her face from behind the curtain. Ah, this is
indeed the dawn!
This is the perfection of God's omnipotence in his handi-
work.
Not even on one night has the star of my desire risen in
thy face;
This is indeed my ill fate and my evil fortune.
See that thou hanker not after delight of the heart, and
ease
In the dust-bin of this world, for this is the house of toil.

Yesterday Murādī passed away to the dust and his love
said,
‘This is one who has been killed in the path of love by the
stone of cruelty.
O flood of grief, wash not from my eyes the dust of his
road,
For it is to me a memorial of one who, (while he lived),
was as the dust under my feet.’”

“It was the blackness452 of her locks which was all the foun-
dation of my faith,
I am no true Musalmān if I turn my face away from her.
328 Though the dog of thy street is more highly regarded
than I,
Yet I am not a whit behind him in the path of fidelity.”

“The lovely ones, who have made their ringlets ornaments
around their faces,
Have taken the people in these snares.”

“Absent from that rosy-faced one, my heart is contracted
like a rosebud,
A madman am I, smitten with love's madness, fighting with
shadows.”

“When fate drew that line of dusky down on my love's face,
It drew beside it the line of my dependence on her.”

CXXIX. MUSHFIQĪ OF BUKHĀRĀ.452a

He came originally from Marv. Some men regard him, for his qaṣīdahs, as the Salmān453 of the age, but this is a great mistake, for his conceits suffer, to an extraordinary degree, from the defects common to the poets of Transoxiana, and are all frigid. He came twice to Hindūstān and left the country again. The following are some of his most pointed verses:—

“Since all the cash that Majnūn had to show for his life was
his grief for his beloved,
May God pardon him in consideration of this cash, for he
loved much.”

“For loving I have found myself much blamed,
I thought love an easy matter, but it proved to be difficult.”453a

“Since the meadow each night has lit in the garden the lamp
of the rose.
The tulip's petal has burst into flame and both the petal
and the black scar on it have been consumed.”

He had a subtle tongue in satire, and one of his witty satires was this fragment, which he composed on the occasion of his last visit to India:—

“The land of Ind is a sugar-field, 329
Its parrots all sell sugar,
Its black Hindūs are like flies
In their turbans and long coats.”453b

CXXX. MAĪLĪ OF HIRĀT.454

His name was Mīrzā Qulī. He left a dīvān and was a master of poetical style. His taste in poetry was such that if he had lived till now most of the raw poetasters of to-day would have grown sick of trafficking in verse, and from the time in which he flourished until now none of our later versifiers can be mentioned beside him. He was for many years in the service of Naurang Khān,454a and wrote several brilliant encomiastic odes on him. It is said that on account of some suspicion against him something was at last, by order of Naurang Khān, put into his cup, and that he was thus sent from the world. His death took place in Mālwa. The following verses are by him:—

“Thou surely knowest that love for thee does not depart
with life
That thou walkest thus proudly over the dust of those killed
(by love).”

“Thou art neither my friend nor a stranger, and I know not
What name is given to such intercourse as this.”

“My heart is restless within my body which has been slain
by love;
I know not what more it expects from my beloved,
It describes as ‘proving’ the cruelty which it suffers from
thee,
And by this artifice persuades itself to patience for a while.”

“My life is about to leave me and I am well pleased with
this, for my heart
Has now some hope of a remedy for its many years of
pain.”

“In thy absence I do not die, lest thy heart should say
‘This weakling who has not experienced my cruelty could 330
not endure my absence for a day or two.’”

“Although she came to ask how I fared I died,
In jealous wonder as to who it was from whom she asked
the way to my house.”

“I die and have pity for those who live, for thou
Art accustomed to committing such cruelty as thou hast
done unto me.”

Some people read rashk (‘jealousy’) for raḥm (‘pity’) in this last couplet. The distinction between the two is for such as have a nice discrimination in the matter of words.

The following verses also are by him:—

“I, with my wounded heart, am a half-dead victim of the
chase, whom
The hunter in his pity quickly slays.”

“My beloved desires my death for her ease, and I
With shame bear the burden of my weary life.”

“I have made thee, as my beloved, a byword, and
I rejoice
In thy shame, for thou now wilt cast no glances on men.”

“What ill fortune is Mailī's, to experience nothing but
cruelty at her hands!
She is but a child, who cannot distinguish between cruelty
and fidelity.”456

“I am alone with my broken heart, and I gladly entrust it
to thee:
Of what use will it be to me, that I should keep it?
O my enemy! I am at my last breath, give her to me for a
moment
That I may restore her to thee with a hundred thousand
pangs.”

“In spite of her slights I would not arise at once from her
feast
For if I remain I hope to be glad for a moment at least:
After long years I am sitting, on some pretence, at her
feast
331 And she speaks to me of my rival, hoping that I will
leave.”

Come not to ask how I fare, since there is no hope of my
recovery.
The desire to see me die is no sign of love.
So ardently do I desire speech with thee
That I cannot keep silence, despite my wretched plight
Thou art with my rival and Mailī pretends to ignore it,
With an ignorance which is not less than a hundred regret-
ful glances.”457
“I feign to be free from my longing for her,
That this wile of love may make her less scornful of me.”

“A hundred times have I been grieved by her and again made
peace with her,
But that moon-like beauty recks not whether I be at peace
or at war with her.”

“What has happened that thou passest by Mailī with fierce
shyness?
Perchance thou art in fresh pursuit of other game.”

“O Mailī, that one with the wonder-working breath of ‘Isā457a
comes to thy pillow.
One who had been dead for a hundred years
Would rise up in joy at her coming.”

“I expected thee, faithless as thou art, to abide by thy
compact,
In the great simplicity of my heart I expected this.”

“If anybody has brought about a meeting between my love
and me
Her anger with me has certainly made him ashamed of
what he has done for me.
The good news of a meeting with her, which the stranger
in ridicule gave me,
Has made me, in my simplicity, expectant of its fulfilment.”

“So long as there remains between us, even in secret, any
talk of ‘me and thee’
A stranger is at our feast, sitting between thee and me.458
Thou through modesty enterest not into speech, and I, in
bashfulness, refrain
332 Wondering how the jealous wretchers represent what we
would say.”

“She came upon me by accident, and pretended that she had
remembered her promise;
She hung her head, and pretended that she did so in
modesty.”

In the following verse he has imitated the compiler of the Muntakhab.458a

“The sky desired to vex the people, and consequently
Availed itself of the ill-will of her who torments us.”

CXXXI. MALIK OF QUM.458b

He was supposed to be the king of words. He lived the life of a darvīsh in the Dakan,458c and his eyes were seldom free from tears. It is said that at the time of the massacre459 of the foreigners by the Dakanīs he followed the direction of those foreigners who inhabit the land of non-existence. The following verses are extracted from his works:—

“The edge of the sword of testimony has brushed away the
dust of dissension,
Fire-worshipper, Christian, and Muslim are all killed by
one dagger.”

“The inmost parts of the cold-hearted are cut to pieces,
And salt is then sprinkled on the wounds in their hearts.”

“Thou, with thy sweet smile, art balm to wounded hearts,
But thy eyelashes are a sharp lancet to the liver.459a
The wine of love is not suited to the capacity of intellect,459b
Thou that pretendest to knowledge art no tiger of our
forest.”

“The cloud of the eye waters thy narcissus,459c
The sight of thee arouses no suspicion of cruelty.”

“The sword of her cruelty drips with blood, I fear that 333
Malik
Will go in search of his reward to the house of the slayer.”

“The treasury of my imagination is so full of the treasure
of the thought of reunion with her that my eyes will not
close.”

“When the army of well-being459d comes impudently against
thee, O Malik,

Saddle the horse of strife and hurl thyself against the
centre460 of the army.”

“How long will one expect the fulfilment of promises from
every deceiver?
One has one's eye on the door and one's ear open for the
footfall of every comer.
Enemies gladly give this much ease to one's pain,
But woe be to him who expects fidelity from them.”

“What breeze has been dressing thy head
That thy hyacinthine locks are scattered over the rose of
thy cheek?
Eternity without beginning is sworn to thy moon-like face.
Eternity without end is attached to thy waving locks.
Sugar melts at the sight of thy smiling face,
Salt is attracted by thy sweet smile of love.
The temple bell is melody to the bead-tellers
In that land where the idol is lord.”

I saw the complete copy of Malik's works which Shaikh Faiẓī brought from the Dakan. All his poetry is after the fashion of that of the poets of this age and he has not departed from their set forms. No odour of love, of sympathy, or of any fresh subject 334 has touched his verse, and therefore I have confined myself to quoting these brief extracts. To what extent he understood the set terms used in poetry may he estimated from the following couplet, which is the opening couplet of his dīvān:—460a

“O Thou whose praise is the ladder to all discourses,
The mention of whom is the pulpit of all assemblies!”

His rhymes are a delight to his enemies, not to mention the complete lack of dignity in his diction. In my humble opinion the following couplet is the best poetry he has written:—

“I stepped aside to take a thorn from my foot,
And her litter vanished from my sight.
For one moment I was negligent and it travelled a hundred
years' journey461 from me.”

CXXXII. MUDĀMĪ OF BADAKHSHĀN.461a

He had good taste in poetry. He was for some time in the service of Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka.461b The following couplet is his:—

“My heart, thou sayest that a hundred discords have arisen
on account of that graceful figure and lofty stature
(of hers);
Thou sayest truly: from that one of lofty stature I have
experienced many calamities.”

Many have written verses on this theme, but they have travelled round about one another without progressing, and their verses are insipid. One writes as follows:—

“Thou sayest that calamity and strife have arisen in the
world from her footsteps.461c
Thou sayest truly. Verily calamities are from above.”461d

Another has written:—461e

“Thou sayest that tumults have arisen on all sides in the
city on account of thy graceful figure.

Thou sayest truly. Thou hast a wonderful462 figure, my
moon-like beauty.”

One might say that all these poems are the tumults that are to arise at the last day.

(The following verses are by Mudāmī):—

“My colour is sometimes as the flame of a candle in an orange-
coloured lantern,
Or perchance like an autumn leaf blown on to the tulip
from the north.”

335 “When the account of his grief was finished,
He sealed it by dropping on it a tear.”

CXXXIII. MULLĀ MAQṢŪD OF QAZVĪN.462a

He was one of the jovial poets of the age. He left a dīvān, properly arranged in alphabetical order. The following verses are by him:—

“In the condition of fidelity the dog of thy street has submit-
ted to me.
Success has become subservient to me and the world wags
in accordance with my desire,
All lovers have their glances fixed on thy beauty,
O king of beauty, thy face is my full moon.”

“I planted in my heart the plant of desire for her,
But this rose-cutting has yielded me nothing but grief.”

“I had some hope that I might one day hold her ringlets in
my hand,

Alas, that my precious life has been wasted in this hopeless463
desire!”

He also wrote the following qaṣīdah in imitation of Khẉāja Salmān, and tacked on to it463a the name of Qāẓī Yaḥyā of Qazvīn, the grandfather of Naqīb Khān:—463b

“Once more the sky shivers with December's cold,
The sun has veiled his head in clouds fearing the wrath of
the thunderbolt;
The sky once more rains arrows (of hail and snow) on the
earth;
The earth has made water itself a breastplate against the
arrow of Sagittarius;
The sea-monster, fearing the biting blasts of December,
Has placed on his head a helmet of bubbles hard as iron.
Once more, by reason of the abundance of snow and the 336
intensity of the cold,
The earth has fallen a-trembling like a sea of mercury.

The dark surface of the earth is whitened, covered with an
army of snow.
No black spot is to be found in the heart of the world,
For the surface of the earth is so contracted
That the crow can find no place for his foot thereon.464
On the lawns of the garden, instead of blossoms and ver-
dure,
In the ice and the snow which have fallen only ermines464a
are to be found.
Once more trembling has fallen on the trees in the meadow.
Like me have they become thus restless from lack of liveli-
hood.464b
In this cold air my body quivers like a willow,
In its weakness it is sometimes at fever heat, sometimes in
agony.
This morning a voice from heaven conveyed good news to
my ear.
Saying, ‘How long wilt thou suffer torments from the hard-
ships of these days?
Take refuge from the tyranny of vicissitudes at that
threshold
Which is as high as the threshold of the sky,
The threshold of the trustee of the sacred law, an account
of a particle of whose virtues
Would not be contained in a hundred volumes or in a thou-
sand books,
Like ‘Alī and like Muḥammad in his qualities, Yaḥyā by
name;
Since his perfection is manifest why should I distinguish
him by titles?’”

Mullā Maqṣūd died in Āgra in A.H. 977 (A.D. 1569-70). His father, Mullā Faẓlu-'llāh, also was one of those who deserve the title of man, and was held in reverence. He wrote the following 337 fragment:—

“Faẓlī! Enfold not thyself in the robe of existence as a
bud is enfolded in its sheath,
Wrinkle not thy forehead and trail not thy skirt in blood;
Be like the full-blown rose, and like the|cypress
Be free from the griefs of this world and humble not thy-
self before the base sky.

CXXXIV. MIḤNATĪ OF ḤIṢĀR.465

He was moderately fond of study and was in the college at Dihlī. He was afterwards, by the emperor's order, appointed qāẓī of Sirhind,465a and received his poetical name of Miḥnatī from the emperor. In Sirhind he passed away from this house of toil,465b the world.

The following verses are by him:—

“I found in my path the print of her foot,
Why should I not press my cheek against it?
I have found her place.”

“The folk have lost their hearts in meditating on her waist,
slender as a hair;
I too, among them, have lost my broken heart.”

CXXXV. MŪSAWĪ OF MASHHAD.465c

His descent is indicated by his poetical name. He had a poetical turn of mind. The following verses are his:—

“I know that in secret your glances are cast on me in my
affliction,
I know that thy pretended neglect of me is due only to
fear of strangers.”

“Her eyes draw me in my affliction to perform her behests;
She casts towards me a glance suffused with wrath.”466

338 CXXXVI. KHẈĀJA MU‘AẒẒAM.466a

He was the maternal uncle of the emperor, and was one of the sons of his holiness Shaikh Jām (may his tomb be hallowed). He was afflicted with insanity and mania to an extraordinary degree, so that he murdered his wife without any cause and was put to death on that charge in A.H. 971 (A.D. 1563-64), as has been mentioned in the record of the reign.466b The following chronogram has been found for the date of that event:—

“The great Khẉāja, by name Mu‘aẓẓam,
Slew his wife, and was himself slain
By the wrath of the emperor, Jalāl-i-dīn Akbar.

When I asked of him the year of his death
That man of auspicious qualities said, while he still lived,
‘Without the world-illumining face of that lovely one
I suffered at length by the greater martyrdom’.”467

This chronogram appears to have been composed by Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah, the author of the Taẕkiratu-sh-Shu‘arā.467a The following opening couplet was composed by Khwāja Mu‘aẓẓam:—

“It is impossible for me, my soul, to recount to thee my
heart's anguish,
I suffer from this anguish to an extent which cannot be
told.”

In quoting this opening couplet of the Khwāja's I have simply followed Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah. Otherwise, in spite of the following opening couplet by a master of poetry, I should have said that the Khẉāja's couplet was mere trash. The couplet of the master467b is as follows:—

“Since I heard that I could call thy ruby lip my soul
A fire which I cannot describe has stricken my heart.”

CXXXVII. MAUZŪN.467c

He is the son of Shaikh Pīr of Āgra, who wrote seven scripts well, and whom I met in Peshāwar in the reign of Salīm467d Shāh. His son also was a capable youth and passably proficient in the 339 art of composing enigmas and in penmanship. He also played chess, both two-handed and four-handed, well. These few verses are quoted as an example of his style:—

“What profit is mine from the many colours of the flowers
of spring

Since my heart in thy absence finds no solace in any colour?
Even those who bear witness to the grief which, in my
misery, I suffer, are afflicted with grief;
They are my blood-red tears, my pale cheeks, and my
wakeful eyes.”
“O thou, from whose cheek the moonlight has borrowed its
brightness,
And in envy of whose beauty the sun burns!”

“Each arrow that thou shootest, my moonlike beauty with
bow-like eyebrow,
Is as deeply embedded in my bones as the marrow of them.
The arrow which that beauty with bow-like eyebrows has
shot at any heart
Has been a salve to its hidden wounds.”

CXXXVIII. MUḤAMMAD YUSUF.468

He was a handsome man who was born in Kābul and brought up in Hindūstān. In penmanship he was the pupil of Ashraf Khān. He died in Gujarāt at the time of the siege of Sūrat468a in A.H. 980 (A.D. 1572-73) in the prime of his youth. Ashraf Khan composed a hemistich which formed a chronogram giving the date of his death, and Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah completed the stanza, as follows:—

“Muḥammad Yūsuf, that residence of beauty,
Went from the world shedding tears from his eyes.
340 An honoured man gave this chronogram for the date of his
death.
‘Where is Yūsuf of Egypt, O ye honoured ones?’”468b

This rhyming of ma‘rūf and majhūl is very strange.469 The following ode, ‘The Master of the House,’ is by the above-mentioned Muḥammad Yūsuf:—

“Happy is he who has taken up his abode in the wine-shop,
And is seated by the tun with a cup and a measure,
It is he who has given to the beloved her languishing
glances heavy with wine.
I am drunk with the languishing glances of those two
narcissus-like eyes.
The owl found no well-peopled spot in this transitory world
And hence chose for its dwelling the corner of a ruin.
I said (to my love), ‘Take up thy abode in my eyes,’ but
she answered coquettishly,
‘Does anybody build a house in a channel through which
floods flow?’
The comb has disordered thy locks,
May the hand of him who made that comb for thy locks
be broken.”

The following couplet is by him:—

“In thy absence I attempted in vain to take rest,
Disappointed by thy absence I took such rest as I could.”

CXXXIX. MANẒARĪ OF SAMARQAND.469a

He is a pleasing poet. He was at Agra in the service of Bairam Khān and designed an epic Book of Kings,469b and completed the versification of several of the incidents to be included in it, 341 particularly the battle against Sikandar Sūr,470 which contained an account of the valour of Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān.470a He presented it to the Khān at Patyālī,470b and the Khān made some corrections in it and told him the whole story of the fight in proper order, from beginning to end. Manẓarī in one night, as it was the Khān's wish, corrected those three or four hundred couplets and read them at his levée the next morning, and received a notable reward. The following couplet occurs in that poem:—

“The sound of his trumpet deafened the sky.
The chief was perplexed by his sudden attack.”

The following opening couplet by him is very well known, and is often illuminated:—470c

“In thy absence I am always destitute,
I am one who never enters thy thoughts.”

The following ghazal is by him:—

“See the down growing on the moonlike cheek of that
lovely silver-bodied one.
Both down and cheek are signs of the disturbances of the
age of the moon.470d
See a chain of dark ambergris drawn across the face of the
moon;
See a ringletlike violets on a cheek like a moist rose-petal;
See her heart-ravishing eyes and her lashes that shoot
arrows,
See perils upon perils in the road of love.”

This last couplet is the best. As for the rest it is evident that he toiled hard at them to no purpose but to weary our ears.

CXL. MUDĀMĪ OF HAMADĀN.471

In Hindūstān he was known as Ḥaidarī, and he wrote good qaṣīdahs in praise of Mīr Muḥammad, Khān-i-Kalān.471a His 342 discourtesy led him constantly into quarrels with everybody, and on this account he suffered much molestation.

The following verses are by him:—

“Majnūn did not know that a lover is disgraced in the world,
I am disgraced by love and devoted to being a lover.”

“The new moon of ‘Īd appears like a key
To open the lock of the wine-shop of the cupbearer on the
evening of ‘Īd.”

“The lovely one with the green veil471b has once more appeared
from behind the curtain,
The bud laughs like the dawn, and the sun appears.”

“I have on my breast, from my beloved's sword,
Lines471c like those ruled on paper with a ruler.”

CXLI. MUQĪMĪ OF SABZAVĀR.471d

He was in the service of the Khān-i-A‘ẓam.471e He had a jovial disposition. After the conquest of Gujarāt he returned to his own country. The following verses are by him:—

“Happy is he whom she rates as her dog!
Although I am not so rated she sometimes thinks on me.”

“We are lovers, and the end of the street of calamity is our
refuge,
The world is full of the turmoil and din of our shouts.

We dwell wherever grief and toil are heaviest,
Our place is wherever affliction and anguish are greatest.
Despite all the misery which we endure in our grief for her
She who is anxious concerning our hereafter desires our
death.
343 We wander in the desert of grief for her, and the only shade
that we have
Is that of our black lot which accompanies us in such days
as these.
Thou didst say to Muqīmī coquettishly, ‘I care for nobody.’
Aye, aye; with thy beauty how shouldst thou care for me?”

CXLII. ——472

He was the son of Qāẓī Abū-l-Ma‘ālī of the place of pilgrimage.472a He was a melancholy youth who had adopted the Ṣūfī doctrine of annihilation472b and was after the fashion of his father. He died of haemorrhoids in Lāhor.

He composed an opening couplet in imitation of an opening couplet by Shaikh Sa‘dī (may his tomb be hallowed).

(Shaikh Sa‘dī's couplet).
“Infidels, what do you expect from a lifeless graven image?
Worship awhile that Idol which has life.”

(The poet's couplet).
“The dead are envious when thou stretchest out thy hand
for thy sword
Saying, ‘Death by that sword is the privilege of him who
is alive!’”

CXLIII. MAḤWĪ.473

Shortly after his arrival in Hindūstān he was in the service of the Khānkhānān, son of Bairam Khān, and then went on a pilgrimage to the glorious city of Makkah. In the composition of quatrains he has no equal. The following quatrains are his:—

“So long as the ringlet falls over the moonlike face.
So long as the down on the cheek is as an army to the king
of beauty.
Even if my house is built of bricks from the sun
The days of me in my wretchedness will pass in black
misery.”
“Once I knew not sorrow of the soul and the heart,
Once I knew not what it was to weep tears of fire; 344
Now thou hast left neither name nor trace of me,
O love! I did not know that thou wert thus.”

Maḥwī, who has wandered far from the street of wisdom,
Has become a greater wanderer than a thousand Majnīms.
I saw from afar that lost one, wandering far from thee,
In a wilderness where the wind entered, into his blood.”

CXLIV. MAẒHARĪ OF KASHMĪR.474

He has composed a dīvān. He now holds a post in the imperial service in his own country. The quality of his poetry may be estimated from the following couplets, which are, however, a very small selection:—

“The good fortune of thy beauty has prospered thy affairs,
Else thou wouldst not have known how to manage affairs
successfully.”

There is also this opening couplet by a master of poetry (from which Maẓharī's couplet is evidently copied).

“Thou hast not understood what a firm covenant is,
Thou hast not understood what it is to be constant.”

(The following verses are by Maẓharī):—

“May I be a sacrifice for that mirror which the enslaver of
my heart
Keeps in her room, turned towards the rose-walks of the
garden.”

“Maẓhar, be in the world as those that have no share in it,
And as for the rose, be, like the nightingale, satisfied with
singing to it.
Satisfy thyself with the beauty of the world by looking on it,
345 Be, like the strangers, a guest who is content to gaze.”

CXLV. SHAIKH MUḤAMMAD OF DIHLĪ.474a

He was unique in this age for his high lineage and his acquired and inherited accomplishments. After many years of such acquaintance as can exist between men at a distance from one another, I was so fortunate as to have a chance meeting with him in the neighbourhood of the town of Bārī475 in the year in which the victorious army set out for the conquest of the fortress of Citor; but owing to the shortness of the time at our disposal our interview and conversation, in spite of the great desire which I had to prolong them, did not last an hour, and he went on and I returned, but when I first set eyes on him I became aware of the nobility of his character. Although, considering his dignity, this mention of him among a string of poets is scarcely gracious, yet, as he sometimes amused himself with poetry, this opening couplet is quoted as a memorial of him:—

“If, in the day of my grief for thee, I should choose to exer-
cise patience,
Since I have no choice in the matter say what I should do.”

CXLVI. NUVĪDĪ OF TURBAT.475a

He composed a dīvān, and also a tarjī‘-band475b satirizing Kucik Beg, the accountant of Bairam Khān, the letters of which a hundred storms like that which occurred in the days of Noah would not wash from the pages of this age. The following few couplets are by him:—475c

“O thou, in whose glorious days time glories,
Khān, son of a Khān, chief, and high officer of kings,
Bairām!

The steed of perception cannot traverse the valley of thy
understanding.
The noose of imagination cannot reach the battlements of
the palace of thy glory.
I have a word to say: I will expound it unto the Nawwāb.
I have a difficulty: I will represent it to his servants.
346 Thou hast given the high post of accountant
To Kucik Beg. Say for what reason, O boast of mankind.
Thou art perhaps ignorant of his reprehensible acts,
Although inquiry into the characters of servants is a duty
incumbent on governors.
He was an infamous boy, and conceited, a wine-bibbing
libertine.
A lad ever hankering after gold, soft, and self-willed.
His business was the service476 of Khẉāja Amīr Beg the
Vazīr.
Factor to the family of His Highness Mīrzā Bahrām.476a
Other things are known about him from a certain source.
But I feel ashamed to reveal them before his honour the
Khān.
To cut a long story short and|to make and end quickly I will
come to my tale.
And I will tell a tale regarding that mutilated476b wretch.
Wherever he has been his conduct has been such
That he has brought upon himself the hatred of all, both
gentle and simple.

Oh on thy leprous body,’ thus pray to God,
Both morning and evening, all the inhabitants of the
heavens,
May there fall fever, colic, haemorrhoids, consumption, and
dropsy,
Measles, intestinal worms, epilepsy, and delirium.
Then when thou haltest weak and feeble, seeking a cure,
May all the physicians prescribe for thee the following diet,
Simiae vomitum, decem dierum catuli stercora, 347
Ursi penem, felis caudam, et stercora sicca quibus calefiunt
hypocausta.
Happy will that day be when thou art griped by colic, for
which
The great physicians will prescribe an enema,
And the forefoot of an ass, the foot of a camel, the horn of
a goat.
The scalp of a bear, the head of a mule, and the teeth of a
hog.’”

He could also be abusively satirical in prose as the following story will show. One day when weary477 he was seated on an old felt cushion and said to me before the court, ‘Dog, dost thou eat filth before me?’ I said, ‘Surely it is lawful for any477a dog to eat filth before you.’ However, as Nuvīdī had but one eye I have closed my eyes to his baseness,477b and if I have recounted his faults it was only because the road was opened to me by the author of the original Taẕkirah,477c Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah; and although the recording of obscene language and the reckoning up of faults is not the custom of the author of this Selection, yet in this instance, with the object of indulging the love of a jest and keeping up the merriment of the entertainment, I have blindly and exactly copied the passage from the original; and I hope that the clear-sighted men of this time will regard what they have seen as unseen and what I have done as though it had never been done, and will wink at my fault and my shame, and pass by it and pardon me, for ‘Satire in speech is as salt in food’ is a proposition accepted by all learned and well-informed men, and although some people, falsifying the text, read, instead of ‘Satire,’ ‘Syntax478 in speech,’ the Maqāmāt478a of Ḥarīrī clearly show that the first, and not the second, is the correct reading.

The following few verses are from Nuvīdī's dīvān, but I am not certain whether they are by this Nuvīdī, or by another478b poet with the same poetical name:—

“I still have thy arrow, which I have had in my heart for
an age,
I still have the plant of desire for thee which I received
from thee;
348 I still have the fetter which at the very first
I, poor and distraught,
Received from that Lailā-like beauty with the musky
tresses.478c
Though my eyes have become dim from weeping,
I retain the picture478d of thee
In that same form which has ever been reflected in the
mirror of my heart.
Take my hand, love, for an age.
My foot has been held in the valley of love's madness in
the mire caused by my tears, as it was always held.
I, Nuvīdi, still have that heart like a bird struck by the
arrow of her glance

Which I had long ago, rolling in dust and blood like a bird
half slain.

Another ode.

“Longing for thy ringlet has made me restless,
I am at death's door. O come to my help!
I could endure thy cruelty all my life, but
Thy sitting with a stranger I cannot endure.
I restrain myself from weeping at the end of thy street
For I fear that the flood of my tears would sweep me away
from the end of thy street.
Not for the twinkling of an eye does the restless longing
for thy ringlet
Permit me to sleep during the night of absence from thee.
Nuvīdī, since my heart has become united479 with grief for
thee,
The confusion of all material things has left my remem-
brance.”

Another ode.

“Though I die miserably from the ceaseless grief which is
mine
I will make to the stranger no complaint of my misery.
If in love's delirium I declared to thee
The grief of my heart, pardon me, in thy mercy.
Nuvīdī wished to declare the grief of his heart to thee, 349
But when he saw thy face he forgot his grief.”

Another ode.

“Before thy arrow is drawn from my wounded heart
My grief-worn life will leave me a hundred times.
Thy heart-piercing arrow has entered my wounded breast
With ease, but will with difficulty be drawn thence.
To the end of her street I, helpless in my weakness.
Go a hundred times, hoping to see her come out but once.
O Nuvīdī, from within thy patched woollen robe
If thou art a Musalmān why does the idolator's sacred
thread appear?”

A couplet.

“Thou hast no thought for the next world, nor for this,
Nuvīdī, I know not how thou art employed.”

CXLVII. NISHĀNĪ.480

He is Maulānā ‘Alī Aḥmad, the son of Maulānā Ḥusain Naqshī of Dihlī, the seal-cutter, who was a learned man, saintly in religion, and was the instructor of the eldest prince.480a Both father and son attained the greatest proficiency in this art (of seal-cutting), but especially the Maulānā named above (‘Alī Aḥmad) whose own engraved seal is the exemplar of the age. Coins of which the dies have been cut by him are taken as talismans and relics to ‘Irāq, Khurāsān and Transoxiana. He is endowed with the accomplishments of learning and with such perfections as a man can possess, but this lesser accomplishment and mercenary art (of seal-cutting) has obscured all his great natural gifts, and for this reason he has not received that training and that position 350 in military affairs and in the service of the state to which he is entitled. Had he attained the honourable rank which was his due he would have been in no way inferior to any of the more famous Amīrs.480b He is deeply read in astronomy and natural philosophy, is an ardent seeker after knowledge, and is marvellously proficient in all scripts, and in prose composition and orthography he is unrivalled.

Had he been a man of one pursuit many examples of his flowing verse would have been left on the page of time. He sometimes exercises his brilliant intellect and keen perception in the composition of verse, and has chosen a poetical name in consonance with his occupation. Since from the early days of my youth to the time of writing this selection, which is the period of my middle age,481 or rather of my old age, I have been bound to him, to a greater degree than can be imagined, by the bonds of intimacy, confidence, friendship, and companionship, it is not unfitting that I should quote with appreciation, and at some length,481a some of his profitable pieces of verse and prose. The following couplets are from his poems:—

“Until the down grew above thy life-giving lip
Masīḥ alone was there. Now that it has grown Khiẓr is in
company with Masīḥ.”481b

“The censor yesterday broke the wine-jar, and poured forth
the fiery water which it contained.
He gave my dust to the wind, and poured my blood on the
dust.”

“The wind brought news to my sad heart of my beloved.
Alas, no trust can be placed in the word of the wind.”

“Sleep comes on me each night like a robber, my eyes become
moist.

But, when sleep sees that my heart still wakes in its grief
for me, sleep quickly flees.”

In imitation of this couplet I composed the following:—

“Fired by a hundred hopes I send a messenger to that cruel
one,
I flee to God for refuge from the hour in which he will
return from her without hope.”

351 (The following couplet is Nishānī's):—

“Since my bosom was wounded by the arrow of thy cruelty
I have not treated it with ointment, nor have I dressed the
wound.”

At the time when Gujarāt was conquered he engraved a coin-die for the emperor, and submitted it to him with the following chronogram:—

“O king! The coinage of Gujarāt is now struck in thy
name,
May the shadow of thy justice be over the head482 of that
country.
Happy will be that moment when thou wilt ask of me the
date (of its conquest)
And I shall reply, ‘May the coinage of Gujarāt be auspi-
cious!’”482a

The following couplets are also by him:—

“It is a matter of life and death with me, and the beloved
has not come.
My life, which is valuable to me, has become of no account.”

“I have a wounded heart and the lovely ones bear salt (wit)
on their lips;
This wound of mine will not be healed till eternity.”

“Outward form and inward truth are not united in every king,
Akbar the emperor is the king both of outward form and
inward truth.
He is the emperor at whose court, when he holds it,
King after king falls down in fear before the doorkeeper's
staff.”

“The heart in my bosom is not broken by the stone of calami-
ties
For the glass of my (heart) is made of a diamond.”

When the imperial camp was on its way to Kashmīr for the first time483 and I, having taken leave, went to Basāwar,483a my birth- 352 place, Nishānī wrote the following verses, and sent them to me from that country (Kashmīr). God knows whether he wrote (the same verses) with the same warmth of feeling to several others, and pleased them also, but until another claimant appears I have made the verses my own.

A Maṯnavī.

“Whilst thou art far from me, O moon that illuminest my
heart,
I sleep not at night and have no ease during the day,
My tears, rose-red with blood, trickle adown my cheek
Like tulips blooming in a field of saffron;
My eyelashes are tinged with the blood of my heart
Like branches of red coral showing their heads above the
ocean.

Owing to thy absence the blood lodged in my heart, every
moment.
Rises to my neck like liquid in a bottle;
Every breath burns with the fire of grief
And at each respiration throws forth from my bosom a
flaming banner.
Now my eyes contend with the blood of my heart
And shed, instead of tears, sparks of fire.
These are not eyelashes that encircle my eyes,
They are the soot of my heart's fire around its chimney.
O thou of angelic disposition, from this sad journey
Which has carried the lives of my dear friends away on the
breeze
Such languor has become the lot of my body and my heart
That I pay no heed to my body or my heart.
My body is disturbed by the pains of fever,
353 My heart within it is like fire in a furnace.”

In reply to that boastful poem484 of Shaikh Faiẓī's, which begins:—

“Thanks be to God that the love of beautiful ones is my
guide.
I am of the religion of Brahmans and of the faith of the
fire-worshippers.”

He wrote a qaṣīdah, from which the following couplets are excerpted:—

“Thanks be to God that I am a follower of the faith of the
prophet,
The love of the prophet and of the race of the prophet is
my guide.
I am disgusted with Brahmans, prayer-gongs, and Ahri-
man,484a
I am a denier of the faith of monk, priest, and fire-angel,484b

I believe in the day of resurrection, and in the resurrection
of the dead,
I am hopeful of Paradise, of ḥūrīs, and of Kauṯar.485
O envious one, glance not towards me with contempt
Although in outward semblance I may appear contempt-
ible.
I am a fierce flame, pass not near me.485a
Since thou art not the Friend485b set not thy foot on my fire.
Under my seal is the face of the whole earth.
I in this age am like the seal, with my head hidden within
the collar of my robe.485c
From east to west I am tempered with perfection,
From pole to pole I am the axis of every country.
The convex surface of the sky of excellence, even in the
eyes of my enemy,485d
Will never fit the concave surface which is bounded by my
ego.
Though I dwell on the earth like an imaginary point
I am still the centre round which the spherical sky
revolves.
The hand of fate has drawn, with the compass of time,
The circles of the seven heavens around my book. 354
Although I am less than the fixed point which is the
centre
I am nevertheless more boundless than the circumference.
If my enemy performs a thousand of the magical tricks of
Sāmirī485e

I, like the serpent of the Speaker,486 will overpower him in
a minute.”

He wrote the following couplet in praise of the prophet:—

“The seal of thy finality has broken the seals of old
And has introduced in its device a new and fresh design.”

The following verses are selected from one of his poems concerning one of the great ones among those of our kind, ingenious in oppression:—486a

“How long wilt thou boast saying, ‘In magic
I am a Sāmirī, a Sāmirī, a Sāmirī’?486b
Every breath of mine is one of the miracles of ‘Īsa,
A flame of light from the bush of Moses.486c
In eloquence I am the phoenix of the age,
The teacher of all the eloquent.
Each breath of mine deprives magic itself of patience (in
enduring its inferiority).
Each speech of mine is magic that would deceive angels.
I am the king of the kingdom of omniscience,
I am the wise man of the region of sublime realities;
I am the jeweller who values the chain of rhetoric,
I am the assayer of the coin of eloquence.
All this am I. To-day, in this contest,
Thou dost but take a flame of fire on thy tongue.
Boast not that thou art the discoverer of spiritual truths,
Thou art no candle, let not the machinery of thy tongue be
too well greased.
O thou who art formed of flame, of jewels of fine water,

Make no boast, since thou hast not even dust in thy pouch.
Although thy mind has knocked at the door of sense
No new conceit has fallen on our ears.
That which thou sayest has been said by others,
The pearls which thou stringest have been strung by others.
For the house of verse which thou hast adorned
Thou hast borrowed both the water and the clay from
others.
The painted ceiling which is in this house 355
Has its colours from a stranger's pencil.
Thy wit is like that of a gardener
Who lays out his garden with plants taken from others.
The verdure in that garden is from another lawn,
Each beautiful flower that blooms there is from another
garden;
Each bud of it, though it be life-cherishing,
Is sprung from the heart's blood of another than thee;
The unfruitful willow which rears its head
Has drawn its leaves from that seed already decorated with
designs of trees.487
Its freshness is from no rain which thou hast bestowed on
it,
But is from the sweat of the brow of thy friends.
How long wilt thou burn with desire for the money of
others?
How long wilt thou glue thy eyes to the property of
others?
Collect not the cash of those who foster eloquence,
Fill not thy pouch with the gold of others.
Turn thy thoughts from the drink of others,
Drink water from thine own fountain.
If thou be Khiẓr, where is thy water of life?
If thou be sugarcane, where is thy sweet branch?
Like a date-palm thou raisest thy head to the sky,
But thou givest no fruit but dry date-stones.

The cypress whose head brushes the sky,
Is void of all flavour of fruit.
Why all this vaunting of thine own eloquence?
Why all this ridicule of a heart-broken one like me?
If I from shame open not my mouth
Do not attribute my silence to folly.
My breast does not contain a stone as does a ripe date,
I am like the oyster-shell, full of pearls, but close my
lips.
If I release my tongue from its bonds
The eloquent will refrain from opening their lips.
Do not cast gibes at me as Satan did at Adam.
Consider my state and refrain from speech.
I am a Sāmirī, and can, by the power of my spells
And magical power, bring into existence a puppet form.
I can throw Venus and the moon into turmoil,
I can throw Hārūt's488 magic scroll into his well.
I am all this,—a magician who is magic's self,
From whose words magic has been spread abroad.
I, who am famous for my words of magic,
Am myself the sky, the moon, and Venus.
Sāmirīs are in every curl of my hair,
Babylons are in the well of my magic.

The wealth which springs from this work is mine, to my 356
heart's desire,
The coin of this kingdom is struck in my name.
Learn from my speech the beauties of style.
Have no false shame: lay hold of a master's skirt.
He who comes as a true disciple to his master
Gathers in both worlds the treasure of happiness.
Not one line of thy verse is correct.
Thy verses are the laughing-stock of the eloquent.
Although nobody has told thee this to thy face
And nobody rakes up thy faults before thee,
Yet thy detractors, in thy absence,
Delight the meetings of eloquent men;
When thy verses are quoted among them
They pick out thy errors one by one.
They praise thy poetry to thy face
And curse and abuse thee behind thy back.
Thou art a friend of none and hast none for thy friend.
Thou hast, alas, no bosom friend to sympathize with thee,
To show thee what thy faults are
Or what it is (in thy verse) that thy auditors criticize.”

When I was writing this memoir and asked Nishānī for some of his verses as a memorial of him he wrote me the following letter:—

“Having made the jewels of the mines of holy poverty and humility and the gems of the oceans of despondency and restlessness, which the jewellers of the workshop of yearning and the ocean rangers of the handicraft of taste have washed with the limpid water of sincerity and threaded on the string of supplication, a sacrifice to the joy-giving footsteps of that incomparable one of this age, that miracle of the mercy of Providence, whose heart, with its knowledge of hidden mysteries, is as a world-displaying cup489 to prudent searchers after truth, and the mirror of whose mind is the astrolabe of the astronomers of the Path, I humbly represent to those who are admitted to his heavenly assembly, that gathering where angels sit, swearing by God and 357 by the honour of God (He is blessed and exalted!), that by the blessing of the consideration which has been bestowed by that incomparable and unequalled Being on the leisure time of this humble one, by asking him to collect his scattered scribblings, I desire to give a hundred praises for the favour which he has shown to me. I am writing for his servants two fragments, one of prose composition, and the other of maṯnavīs, et caetera, and have half finished the work. Please God, I shall pack them up and despatch them to-morrow or the day after. For the present I have sent several couplets from that maṯnavī in the opening couplet of which the hemistich, ‘I am a Sāmirī, a Sāmirī, a Sāmirī,’490 occurs. Pray be pleased to correct it and to set aside what may be fit for reproduction. May you remain in health.”

Among his letters was the following regarding the emperor's seal with its die containing the names of his majesty's great ancestors as far as the lord of the (fortunate) conjunction (Tīmūr), which he wrote and sent to me.490a

“O outstripper of the swift runners of the subtleties of sciences in difficulties arising in the assemblies of the noble and the learned, shooter of the arrows of boundless knowledge from the bows of perfections against the globes of the hearts of high and low, striker of the disavowing ordinances with the swords of brilliant proofs, and opener of the doors of the obscurities of truths with the keys of convincing arguments; how art thou in this age, on every day of which people of penetration have known the signification of ‘on that day shall a man fly from his brother and his mother and his father?’490b Verily the object of the gaze of the aspirations of the people of this age is the defects of others. Verily the brethren of this age are searchers after the faults of others, and they do not regard their own faults; and this is owing to the hardness of their hearts, and the dulness of their hearing, and the 358 dimness of their sight. ‘Their hearts and their ears hath God sealed up and over their eyes is a covering.’491 How, therefore, should they know their own affairs, much less those of their brethren? And they are excused for they are led astray into this error. And tell me of thyself, of thy soul which is angelic in its disposition, in its goodness and purity, and, like the sun, diffusing rays and bright light, incomparable in natural and acquired talents, comprehending the truths both of creation and of creation's God; an epitome of precious and world-wide perfections; may God most High preserve it from all ills which can affect the body and all calamities which can befall the soul, with a perpetual and ineffable protection; and may the raised dust of detriment not settle on the skirt of its perfection. My employment from the 1st Ẕī-l-Ḥijjah491a to the end of Rabī‘u-l-awwal491b has been the engraving of the seal of the just king, the perfect Khalīfah491c on which are engraved his sublime titles and the names of his exalted ancestors as far as Amīr Tīmūr, the lord of the (fortunate) conjunction.491d The seal is wide and round and contains eight circles, one in the middle, and the rest clustered around it.”491e

The following is a copy of a letter which he wrote from Lāhor to Shaikh Umam Ya‘qūb of Kashmīr:—

“It is not my heart alone that is the abode of longing for
thee.
In desire for thee all the members of my body have become
hearts.”

Why should I complain of the power492 of the spells of this old enchanter492a sitting on a throne, wearing a patched robe, and dwelling in a lofty temple, who has, by the power of his magical incantations, brought the whole universe, from the fish492b to the moon, into his blue glass bottle, and, having closed the mouth of that bottle with wax from the candle of the moon, has sealed it 359 with so many thousand seals that the foot of flight has no power to step from within it, and there is no hope of the hand of any helper from without reaching those within?

I have uttered many cries but no one comes to my assis-
tance.
It is as though there were nobody in this turquoise vault.492c

Perforce, therefore, I remain in the bonds forged for me from eternity, and place my head on the threshold of discipleship. And, since the country and the king are alike in this condition in relation to fate, it is evident that mankind in general, much less a solitary individual, can have but little power to move hand or foot in those bonds, or release himself from durance in its prison; unless it be a perfect religious leader and perfected guide, aided in various ways and by different means by divine guidance and divine inspiration. Such a man might, striving with the strength of divine assistance, and the aid of boundless struggles and ecstacies, free himself from this most dangerors of places, this most difficult of situations. But, in truth, in these days there is, save that incomparable one of the age, whose nature is endowed with auspicious attributes, angelic qualities, and holy signs of God's handiwork, who is a revelation of the marks of the mercy of Providence (His power is honoured), no perfect knower of God illuminated and adorned by the qualities described above.492d

I hope that your holiness will, by your exalted493 regard, free this hopeless prisoner in the bonds of the body and of outward forms, who is a unit not beyond the pale of human kind, from all bonds contrary to the laws of the prophet and intrusive upon the faith of the chosen one (on him be the most excellent of benedictions and the most perfect of blessings) and that you will sometimes, when you have leisure to think thereon, call him to mind in prayer for his attainment of his outward and inward desires, for his happiness both in things seen and things unseen, and for the accomplishment of his objects both in matters pertaining to the world and in matters pertaining to God; for there can be for him no other means but this of arriving at God and at the firm rope of the manifest religion. He hopes that God (He is praised and exalted), will, of His favour and perfect clemency, protect 360 and guard your holiness, with your dear sons and your honoured friends, from all the snares of the world and misfortunes of the age, and will preserve you over those who love you truly and those who follow you sincerely.”

CXLVIII. NAṢIḤĪ.493a

He was that Jamāl Khān, son of Shaikh Mangan of Badāon, who has already been mentioned. He was a young man of perfect orthodoxy and well known for the beauty of his form and his disposition. It may be said that love for him was the cause of the author's settling in Badāon. Had he not been transitory as the rose he would have left behind him many examples of his poetry, but death gave him not the opportunity of acquiring accomplishments.

The following verses are his:—

“Hear this well-weighed saying from one who was nurtured
on love,
‘He who dies of love is better than he who lives without
love.’”

“My dark-eyed beauty, thou hast smitten me with a wound,
whilst thou wert riding
I take delight in this love, for thou hast mortally wounded
me.”

In imitation of that opening couplet by the Khān-i-Kalān,494 which begins—

“In my youth the harvest of my life was neglected in
ignorance.”

He wrote—

“Each Sulaimān who did not estimate himself less than an
ant
Has at last gone away, as dust on the wind, and his wisdom
of Sulaimān494a has passed away.”

CXLIX. NIHĀNĪ.494b

She was but a woman.494c She lived in Āgra and was the mistress494d of Mahistī of Hirāt. The following opening couplet is by her:—

361 “I have found the day of grief and the night of pain to give
little ease,
I have experienced much grief in these days.”

Although the poets of the age have all attempted to answer this couplet none of them has equalled it:—

What manhood is this, that cannot cope with a woman?
Her son, Ja‘far by name, is now an Aḥadī in Kashmīr and
has been appointed to the service of the Mir-ī-Baḥr. He
is an able youth.

CL. NAJĀTĪ OF GĪLĀN.

He came to Hindūstān and died here. He was proficient in poetry, and in the composition of enigmas. The following couplet is his:—

“O thou in whose absence my heart runs through fire, shed-
ding its blood
Without thee I am sometimes visible in water (tears),
sometimes hidden in fire.”

The following couplet is an enigma on the name Abab:—

“Thy heart has not solved my difficulty.
Fie upon thy heart, for my heart has become water.”

CLI. MULLĀ NUVĪDĪ.495

He has recently arrived at court, and is in the service of the Khānkhānān.495a The following couplet is his:—

“That fate which wrote the record of the sins of the wine-
bibber
Wrote also in the margin the good news of the Lord's
pardon.”

CLII. NAU‘I.495b

He gives himself out to be one of the descendants of his holiness Shaikh Ḥājī Muḥammad of Khabūshān, but his conduct belies his claim. He is now in the service of the youngest prince.496 362 The following verses are by him:—

“I am Nau‘ī the wine-bibber, and after my death
My blisters will fester like the sun.”

“Nau‘ī's sorrow arises not from pain and grief
But from the exiguity of his stomach.”

“Again has my desire taken the road,
That road in which even Khiẓr fears to walk,
The flowers of the plains about it are thorns of eyelashes
The stones in that road are the skulls of men.”

CLIII. NIYĀZĪ.496a

He was a native of the pleasant city of Najār, but he comes of a base stock. He was quarrelsome and impudent, and confirmed by his behaviour the general belief regarding the character of poets. He was well skilled in the arts of poetry and prosody, in the composition of enigmas, in history and all other minor branches of knowledge, and has written treatises on these subjects. On the first occasion on which he paid his respects at court to the late emperor he stepped towards him at the levée with his left foot. As his late majesty was very punctilious in such details of etiquette he said, ‘The Mullā is left-handed,’496b and commanded him to be led out and again brought forward. After the command had been given for him to be seated he began to talk lewdly, obscenely, and foolishly, and fell into an argument with Mullā Bīkasī.497 To Mīr ‘Abdu-l-Ḥayy the Ṣadr,497a who took the part of the Mullā he 363 said, ‘What shall I do? I am friendless. The face of a friendless man is blackened’;497b and when Khwāja Husain of Marv,497c on whom rested some slight suspicion of infamy, supported the other two he said, ‘Khwāja, what occasion was there for your assistance?’ 497d His late majesty, much vexed and annoyed by this churlish behaviour, rose and left the darbār, but, in spite of his annoyance so great was his clemency that he would not consent to Niyāzī's being injured or harassed in return for his evil and beastly conduct. The reason for Niyāzī being turned out of Transoxi-ana was an ode which he wrote, of which the closing verses run as follows:—

“That is not the crepuscule that appears in the sky; it is my
rosy-coloured wine
I am a debauchee swilling the lees, and the goblet of the
sky is my cup.
Since Niyāzī has become the king of the age in the king-
dom of eloquence
The name of Jāmī has been obliterated, and that of Niyāzī
is in its place.”

It is said that he was one day reciting this ode of his in a gathering at Thatha and there happened to be there a copy of the dīvān of his holiness the Maulavī.497e It was opened at random and on the page at which it opened this opening couplet was written:

“Regard the sky as a cup which is upside down, empty of
the wine of delight
To look for wine from a cup which is upside down is the
mark of a fool.”

Niyāzī olim Fusunium poetam in somnio vidit et putavit se in barbâ ejus minxisse. Poeta quidam hos versiculos recitavit,

“Niyāzī Fusunium in somnio vidit.
Et barbam ejus aquâ ex amphorâ aspersit.
Si autem minxit Fusunio opprobrio ne tribuatis,
Canis, si minxit in rubo, minxit.”

364 The following verses are by Niyāzī:—

“O silver-bodied one, thy locks curl over thy flaming cheek
For when a hair falls on the fire it twists and curls.”

“Since I cannot go round the head of that tyrannical beauty,
I bring her image to my sight and ever go round about it.”

“It is not from the breeze that her shift is in motion,
The grace of her body has given life to the shift.”

He died in Thatha.

CLIV. NĀMĪ.498

This is the poetical name of Mīr Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm Ṣafavī, the orthodox and noble son of Mīr Sayyīd Ṣafā‘ī, who was one of the great Sayyids and respected elders of the city of Bhakkar. Mīr Muḥammad Ma‘sūm is at present enrolled among the amīrs of the empire, and holds some appointment in the imperial service in Sind and Qandahār. He is very strict in religion, in piety, praise and prayer, and in reading the Qur'ān, and somebody once said to him, ‘One cannot do without a director in these duties. You should get a director and receive instruction from him, and you can then take your leave of him.’ Nāmī replied, “I have at present two or three directors, what need have I of another? My first director was his majesty, for this reason, that when I came499 from my dear native land to the capital I was so filled with the pride and aspirations of youth, which are the sources of extravagant hopes and desires, that I could not bring myself to consider the acceptance of anything so humble as a commandership of a thousand, or even of two thousand. When I arrived at court I tasted the sticks of the ushers and mace-bearers who 365 keep order, and had to endure insults, and when, after a long period of expectation, his majesty honoured me by bestowing on me a command of twenty men, all my extravagant claims took wings to themselves, and I, recognizing my proper rank and place, resigned myself to God's will, and bowed my head in acquiescence, and was at peace; and there is that proverb, “Although I struggled much to become somebody I became nothing, now I let myself alone in order that I may become whatever I am to become.”

“I am not grieved that my affairs have not turned out well
but have turned out ill,
‘It will be, it will be’ never comes to pass. Say
‘Be not,’ and see what comes to pass.”

No other religious director could possibly have given me better direction than this. My second director was Mīr Abū-l-Ghaiṯ of Bukhārā,500 who in rank and dignity was many degrees greater than I, for until the time when I made his acquaintance, if my horses missed their corn and grass for one day I would be so vexed and angry that I would turn my head away from everybody, and not speak a word to any one; but after I fell into the company of the Mīr I observed that sometimes, for three or four consecutive days, there was neither corn nor grass in his stables, nor the smoke of any fire in his kitchen, and in spite of this state of things, he was so cheerful, merry, and jovial that no suggestion of his indigence and actual want was conveyed to anybody, and nobody was in a position to talk about his affairs. Wealth and want were always alike to him.

Take refuge from the shocks of fate among those Ṣūfīs
Who grieve for existence and rejoice at non-existence.

366 I then began to console myself by the thought that if times were so hard with this great man and yet made no difference to him. I had a much better reason for being cheerful and happy, seeing that I had not a hundredth part of his state and pomp to keep up. My third director is a slave-girl bestowed upon me by the emperor. Quum enim, instantibus vel diaboli insidiis vel desi-deriis naturalibus, me sentio, sive oculorum micantium sive libi-dinis indulgentiae causâ, ad stuprum tractum, statim domum reversus cum eâ rem habeo, unde quiescit cor menm; et, corpore aquâ loto, mundus fio. And a director has no greater duty than that of restraining a person from unseemly and unbecoming acts.

The Mīr is a most diligent student and has correct taste in poetry and in the composition of enigmas. He is high-minded and sublime in disposition. He has composed a dīvān, and a maṯnavī500a in the metre of the Yūsuf-u-Zulaikhā (of Niẓāmī). The following few couplets are productions of his brilliant imagination:—

“How sweet it is to think that when I am beside myself with
love thou wilt come to ask my condition.
And I shall explain it at length to thee in the speech in which
no tongue has part.”

“When she saw my tears she concealed her smile
It is clear that my tears are not without their effect.”

“In love there is an intoxication which revives tired lovers.
In absence there is a subtle delight which even union lacks.”

“My moon-like beauty gave her message to the messenger
with a laugh.
The trace of that laugh still lingers in the message which she
sent.”

He sent the following qaṣīdah in praise of the prophet from Aḥmadābād to me in Āṭak:—

“The scar of love which has been on my heart from eternity.
Has been changed, by the blessings which even thy absence 367
can bestow, to naught but pain.
The flood of fire which my heart in its pain heaved up.
Has thrown confusion into the temperament of the earth and
the age.
The remembrance of my grief for thee gives me a taste of
sweet sorrow
The flavour of thy absence from me gives me an idea of the
sweet savour of death.
Happy is he who has set his foot in the path of love.
For he enjoys delights without sight, and a love without arts.
If thou find thy way to the Laboratory of Creation thou shalt
see
Both creation in action and love transformed to deeds.
My disquiet has drawn me from love to madness,

Until at length I have become, through thee, a byword for
madness.
I have poured from my heart so much hot blood that it has
cast
All my life, entirely, and utterly, into a fiery slough.
My love for thee has thrown a thousand knotty difficulties in
my path
But has not yet solved even one of the difficulties caused by
thy absence.
On the one hand the fear of death offers the intoxication of
absence from thee.
On the other the delight of reunion with thee offers me the
fruition of all my hopes.
Though the dead have not risen the tumult of the resurrec-
tion has arisen.
From the fire which has flamed up from my heart.502
The eyes of a whole world are suffused with blood by that
eyelash of thine.
A whole people is sleeping in dust by reason of that collyrium-
tinged eye of thine.
In both worlds have I lighted the fire of madness.
368 But I have not given in my ode a hint of the secrets of thy
love.
That heart which I had, steeped in the love of thee
Is melted into blood and poured out on my body.
From my grief in thy absence I have at the end of each eye-
lash a cloud which rains sparks.
I have in my breast a hundred heaps of fire which burn in
thy absence.
The eyes of the age have no employment but to gaze upon thee
The eyes of principalities and powers are smitten with love
in thy service.
I desire to be released from the hell of separation from thee
By him who wipes out infidelity, who protects the faith, and
who guides peoples in the right way.

The king of Najaf, ‘Alī, the saint, the king who passes not
away503
He it is whom the cash of all the prophets has gained for the
world.
He is the moon from whom the sun receives his light,
He is a lion beneath whose feet the lion of the heavens lies in
the mire.
His protection has thrown up a fortress around the people of
the world
From which, except by death and by the gate of death, no one
can pass.
If the arm of the sky should feel, even in a dream, the strength
of thy grasps, it would pluck from its joint503a its withered
hand.
When thy majestic shout reaches a mountain range
It reverberates, coiling like a whip lash about the mountain
masses.
If one dot of the qāf503b of thy power could be weighed against
Qāf (Causasus)
The dot would take the place of Qāf, and the scale of Qāf 369
would fly up as high as Saturn.
If thy hand should check the reins of eternity without end
It would fall a thousand stages behind eternity without be-
ginning.
The tree of the sky is but one leaf from the garden of
thy power.
The garden of the world is but half a mound from the cul-
tivated area of thy munificence.
Thy age has so sweetened the disposition of the world
That it is no longer possible to distinguish between poison
and honey.

If thy auspicious glance should fall by chance on an onion.
The world beside it appears less than an onion.
In this thy age thy Ẕū-l-faqār504 explains to thy enemy and
thy ‘Yea, verily’ to thy petitioner the meaning of ‘Nay’
and ‘Yea.’
If through thy mind there pass but the semblance of wrath.
Death trembles like a willow from fear.
The sky of thy might has such width that the sun
Would not wonder could be find shelter behind it as behind
a lofty mountain.
If thy dagger lend its tongue to the sword of discipline
Woe be to the sky with its crooked dealings, its fraud and
its many deceits.
Since eloquence is decked as a bride for thy praise,
I have decked her with striped garments of flowery speech.
Woe to thee Nāmī, and woe to those who shall arise with thee,
When the black book of your acts is opened before you at
the resurrection!
I am hopeful of obtaining a mediator like the sun
370 On that day on which there shall no longer remain any
shadow of hope,
Him who is the rain from the cloud of God's mercy, the cup-
bearer of the Day of Resurrection.
The greatest protection of the faith, and the lord even of
death.”

Quatrains.

“One should sit alone with one's self in the assembly,
One should commune ever with one's self,
One should be both the nightingale and the rose of the
meadow.504a
One should be distraught with one's own affairs”

“Thou hearest the shout of departure from all
Thou hearest the cry ‘Come on’ both before and behind
All have made a night march to a distant halting place
Whilst thou hast slept by the road and hearest but the sound
of the bell.”

“O thou who desirest a glimpse of that Face,
Thou needest eyes other than those in thy head.
Dost thou wish to miss none of those Glances?
Thou must have eyes in the heart, and within them yet other
eyes.”

“The love of thee is not to be bought by every buyer
The price of one hair of thine is this world and the next.
Thy love is not a rose which blooms in streets and markets,
Nor is it such musk as is found in the perfumer's shop.” 371

“Those complainest of the defilements of the world.
Find not fault with others, for thou, too, art one of the throng.
Preserve thine own skirt from defilement
Nāmī, for the two or three days which thou hast to spend on
this midden.”

“In loving lovely ones one must accustom one's self to madness,
One must lead one's soul to the endurance of separation.
One must become as a bottle filled with blood,
And then pour one's heart out at one's eyes.”

“In our religion thou must ever be constant
And keep the faith while in the circle of infidelity.
This is the path of love of our beloved,
To stand ever with the sacred thread of idolatry round the
neck, and yet remain a Musalmān.”

“A rose-garden of beauty is the cheek of my enslaver.
When it displays itself before my wounded heart

I weep seas upon seas and worlds upon worlds of blood,
I blossom with gardens upon gardens and meadows upon
meadows of roses.”

372 “On the day on which I arise, crying out for grief at her
absence
The hand of my heart is twisted in the skirt of separation.
With those tears which are mingled with my heart's blood.
I shed on my skirt the blood of two thousand hearts.”

“In the ocean of my heart a sea of blood is in turmoil,
A hundred hells of pain are burning within me.
I shall strike fire into the structure of the world
From this madness which burns within me.”

“Seek not a sweetheart lest thy whole heart turn to blood,
Lest thou be not hers until thou art completely changed.
Lest thou become distracted, arranged, and mad,
Lest thou depart completely from the fashion of the age.”

“Although the seekers after His beauty are many
Not every eye is worthy to catch a glimpse of the Face of the
Friend;
Not all idolatry is worthy of the sacred thread,
Nor is every head worthy of adorning the gibbet.”

“Every moment my heart arranges its thoughts of thee,
And makes a thousand guesses as to where thou art.
373 I fear, my love, that the bird of my soul
Will one day fly from its cage in the desire to be with thee.’

“O thou who hast laden thy camel,
And hast fallen asleep, forgetful of the march,
Wake, and set in the road the foot of search,
For all have gone and thou too art of this caravan.”

“To-day the breeze has a scent of fidelity,
As though it knew something of love.
It has thrown my poor mad heart into a turmoil
Perchance it has somewhere found cause to be disturbed.”

“At times I weep; at times I cease from weeping,
Lest haply from somewhere I should hear thy voice,
Not for a moment am I free from thoughts of thee,
I sometimes fear that I may forget to draw my next breath.”

“The eyes should know the meaning of grief,
The heart's pain should be set forth in weeping,
In the breast should be sparks of fire instead of a heart,
The heart,507 instead of tears, should be in the eyes.”

“Every year, when the rose comes again into the garden, 374
Joy and gladness come into the world;
On the rose's page it is easy to read her faithlessness.
For the nightingale breaks into lamentations.”

“One quarter of my life was spent in ignorance,
One quarter of it was spent thou knowest how,
One quarter of it was spent in folly and idleness,
And one quarter was spent in grief and repentance.”

“My heart is wounded in a hundred ways by grief for thy
absence.
In thy absence I feel that the tumult of the day of resur-
rection is before me.
I draw in my breath, but exhale it not again,
For between my lip and my heart are more than a thousand
hells.”

“Every tear which I have shed from my eyes
I have first mixed with the poison of my grief for her
absence.
I fear that at the resurrection a hell will arise
From these tears which I have shed in her absence.”

“How long wilt thou fill thy heart with wrath on account of
one thing or another?
375 How long wilt thou make thy breast no more than a coffer of
gold?
Thy business is not to make thy heart turbid;
Thy business is to make it as clear as a mirror.”

CLV. NAẒĪRĪ OF NĪSHĀPŪR.508

In graceful wit and clearness of intellect he is the equal of Shīkībī of Iṣfahān. He is now in the service of the Khānkhānān, and is enrolled in that band of poets who are entitled gentlemen of the suite. In imitation of that qaṣīdah by Shaikh Niẓāmī of Ganja (may God rest his soul,) which begins,

“I am king of the kings of learning, by means of the excel-
lence of my grace of language
The earth and the age have taken on themselves the likeness
of the sky,”

he wrote the following qaṣīdah:—

“I can scarcely contain myself in my excellence when the
wine of my songs in its vat
Rends the clothes on my body, when sublime realities seethe
within me.
Waylay me not with foolish stories, for, with the fire of high
resolve.
I desire to raise509 steam from my brain and my eyes through-
out the night.
I have become the trusted adviser of those who hasten towards
reunion (with the Beloved)
For I never return a boastful answer.
I am the dog of the threshold, but all night I gnaw my collar,
For the desire of hunting seizes me, not the intention of watch-
ing.”

The following verses also are by him:—

“Although for an age I have girt up my loins in thy service
what rank have I gained?
I should have become a Brahman had I so often girt myself 376
with the sacred thread.”

“I travel on a deadly road, not knowing to what end it may
lead.

How shall the foot which has travelled this road ever again
return to one's skirt?”
‘See the effects of my (burning) sigh, which has not yet
reached my lips,
And yet a thousand blisters from my heart are on the tip of
my tongue.”

CLVI. NAVĀ'Ī.

His name was Mīr Muḥammad Sharīf. His brother was Mīr Qudsī of Karbalā, who wrote the following couplet:—

“Wonder not if I know not the taste of gladness,
I, Qudsī, have never known gladness in my life.”

Navā'ī came to India and at once entered the service of the emperor. He has recently died. The following verses are by him:—

“I am sitting in a corner, grieving over thy faithlessness
And resigning myself to the hardship of separation from
thee.
For all thy wrath I will not move from my place.
What shall I do?
For I have no confidence in thy familiarity.
Thou art not, in the way of kindliness and fidelity that
candle
At the light of which the eyes light up with joy.”

“I reached no place, I traversed no road,
But thou didst traverse my heart and reach my heart.”

“Sit down with friendly glances, and rise not up in wrath,
377 Thou camest late to inquire for me, rise not soon to go.”

CLVII. NUVĪDĪ OF NĪSHĀPŪR.510

He was a man of considerable attainments, and was highly regarded as a poet. His death occurred in the city of Ujjain in the province of Mālwa in A.H. 973 (A.D. 1565-66) while he was on his way to perform the pilgrimage. The following verses are by him:—

“If my rose-coloured tears have marked the ground with
purple stains
They cannot be removed, for these are the flowers of true
love.”

“The new moon on the night of ‘Īd wished to become the
knocker on thy door;
It conceived from afar the desire, which was never ful-
filled.”

“What delight there is in seeing thy face each moment
What joy there is in coming, each moment, to thy street.
Such a bond connects me with thee
That it cannot be cut by a hundred swords.
Nuvīdī, what hast thou gained from her ruby lip
Save the biting of the finger of regret.”

CLVIII. NAẒMĪ OF TABRĪZ.511

The lustre of his poetry is vouched for by his trade, which is that of an appraiser of jewels. He has a mind well adapted to poetry and has composed a dīvān, which is well known.

The following verses are his:—

A quatrain.

“She is a capricious beauty whose lips are full of wiles,
All the clear-sighted are smitten with love's madness by
her;
Is that a red turban which she has bound on her head? 378
Or is it the cord of my soul steeped in blood?”

“The scar of my love's cruelty, which is on my breast—
Ah, call it not a scar! It has long been dear to me.”

“How can I write an account of my condition on the page?
For the page is at once moistened by my tears.

The pigeon brought me thy letter and I live. I should have
died
Had not that bird of auspicious pinion brought me that
letter.
I shall write at length to her of Naẓmī's state
But where will that careless cypress-like beauty cast an eye
on the letter?”

“In the bath I saw Parī Khānum with a face like a fairy,
Nay, I saw a spark of fire sitting in the water.”

“From thy theft of my heart and thy subsequent avoidance of
me it is clear
That the sole object of thy friendship with me was the theft
of my heart.”

“The down which sprouts on the rose of my beloved's cheek
Is a violet which sprouts on a bed of tulips.”

CLIX. VUQŪ‘Ī OF NĪSHĀPŪR.512

He was a relation of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān512a and his name was Muḥammad Sharīf. Alas, that such a noble512b name should be borne by such a vile fellow! For he was more heretical than any person who, in this brief age, was known by the same name.513 He was not a Basākhẉānī pure and simple nor a Ṣabāḥī513a 379 pure and simple, but was betwixt and between these two sects damned by God and cursed by the people, and believed in cycles513b and held the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, nay, he contended and strove for these doctrines. One day in Bhimbar,513c which is a city on the border of the highlands of Kashmīr, he came to my lodging in order to ask me to accompany him into Kashmīr. He saw some slabs of rock, weighing over thirty-five tons513d each, lying about, and said sorrowfully. ‘These unfortunates are awaiting the time when they shall put on human form.’ In spite of all these vile beliefs he has written qaṣīdahs in praise of the holy Imāms (may the acceptance of God be on them all), but these must have been written when he was young. In penmanship, letter-writing and accounts he had wonderful skill, and although he was not studious he had devoted some attention to Arabic works on history and had acquired familiarity with their style. The following few couplets are by him:—

“In order that my lamentations in thy absence may not betray
my secret,
I pray that my weakness may utter no sound in the night of
my sorrow.”

“How will shame allow me to raise my head when thou seest
me?
For my love for thee has made thy name the talk of all
tongues.

The torment of the stranger's hard-heartedness has cast fire
into my heart
For though thou afflictest him a hundred times he turns not
to thee.”

“Beneath the wound of thy sword I flinch not intentionally;
It may be that I give thee some knowledge of my
weakness.”

“She reminds me of the restlessness which I suffer in her
absence,
One would think that once in the days of my youth she had
asked me how I did.”514

“For each one of the fair that I see I experience such ecstasies
of love,
380 That the fire of desire for her leaps into flame in my soul.”

“Every hour thou accusest me of some fresh fault,
As thou seekest only to vex me I wonder not at this.”

“I wish not to be questioned at the day of judgment,
For I fear that I should have to tell what I have suffered in
my love for thee.”

“Thou vexest none but me, and I am glad
That thou hast such dealings with none but me.”

“In the night of absence from thee I suffer grief in a hundred
forms,
In the midst of the sighs and lamentations which my mouth514a
utters.”

“One can see from without the burning of my heart in my
body,

As one sees the flame of a candle in a lamp covered with a
shirt.
I fell as one dead when I bade thee farewell,
That thou mightest know that in thy absence I have no desire
to live.”

The following few couplets are from a qaṣīdah which he wrote in praise of the Imām Ḥusain (on him be peace):—

“Whenever, from the fierceness of love's fire, I burst into flame
like a candle,
The flame ever and anon beats against me like a moth.
Since my love has assured himself of my fidelity and love he
employs himself in cruelty.
Would that I had never submitted myself to the violence of a
test!
If I should become a partaker of the bounty of thy heart
It will be possible for me to convey a hundred tales in
one word.
So common has the content of opulence become in the age of
thy magnanimity
That the soulless body turns with loathing from the prospect 381
of life eternal
When the weight of thy commands affects the nature of the
wind
Even the light breeze oppresses the earth with the weight of
a mountain.
There is no king like me to-day in the kingdom of eloquence,
Whoever doubts this let him test the truth of what I say by
this Bismi‘-llāh515 which I utter.
O ye, beloved of the virgin of reality, when my thoughts
soar
They display their beauty through the windows of heaven.”
From another qaṣīdah,
“If cruelty is done by thee my heart cheerfully submits to it.

It may be that God will yet give thee a feeling heart.
I die of jealousy when I consider that love for thee
Gives to each heart which it enters pain eternal.
By night when I light my heart with thoughts of thee
The burning glow of my heart is a lamp to the seven
heavens.”

He wrote this qaṣīdah in praise of her holiness the lady who is the shining one of paradise and the chief of women,516 (may God accept her), but when it came to me in this form I found it to be one of his blasphemous compositions, and I have therefore not considered it right to quote any of the encomiastic couplets. Sharif's death occurred in A.H. 1002 (A.D. 1593-94). He left many valuable books behind him, but they were lost in the deep sea and found their way to the ocean which surrounds the world.

CLX. VID‘ΠOF HIRĀT.

He was possessed of some attainments. He came to Hindūstān and died here. The following verses are his:—

382 “The land of Ind is full of darkness, like the night of separa-
tion.
Whoever has come hither regrets and repents it.
Vidā‘ī, seek no gain from the land of India, but leave it.
It is gain enough if thou carry thy life in safety from
India.”

In imitation of the couplet which runs:—

“Happy is that time when, gazing on thy face, I am beside
myself.
From time to time I come to myself, and again and again
I am beside myself.”

He wrote:—

“It is not from wine at thy feast that I am beside myself.
The cup kisses thy lip, and it is from jealousy that I am
beside myself.”

CLXI. VĀQΑΠOF HIRĀT.517

His name is Ibn ‘Ali, and he was in the emperor's service. The following verses are by him:—

“Thy brow is not furrowed from coquetry.
The ocean of thy beauty is rising in billows, and this is the
reason of those furrows.
Thou art still intoxicated with the wine of coquetry
As is evident, my dark beauty, from thy arrogance.
Why, like the candle, should I bring the fire of my heart to
my tongue?
Since its fire is clearly to be seen in the fiery sighs which I
heave.
What need is there of the new moon on the night of 'Īd
To thee, from the opening in whose sleeve the new moon is
apparent?”

“Her two ruby lips have between them the water of life. 383
True it is that whenever two who are friends to the death
come together there is ever a life between them.”517a

“As no dust settles on the mirror so my heart is vexed by
nobody.
For I have ceased to hope for manhood from the people of
this age.”

“Happy is that state of intoxication which leads me enrap-
tured to thee
And is so deep that I cannot be removed from thy street.”

“In my unrest I am ever seized by the desire of visiting the
street of that moonlike beauty.
But the thought of her infidelities arrests me by the
way.”

“Her ringlet trembles on her cheek with the zephyr of my
sigh
As the smoke of the candle trembles in the passing breeze.”

CLXII. VAṢFĪ.

His name is Mīr ‘Abdu-'llāh518 and he is an excellent penman. He is the pupil of Shāh Ghiyāṯ and Maulānā Rāqimī, and writes seven scripts. He is enrolled among the aḥadīs. Through his mother he is related to Mīrzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad. He sometimes turns his attention to poetry. The following verses are his:—

“Now that I have experienced the sweetness of love's
sorrow
I enjoy a thousand bursts of weeping for every laugh of
mine.”

A quatrain.

“Where is love? For my inner self is dark as the darkest
night:
The secrets of God are hidden from my understanding.
It may be that love will lead me to them, but, if not,
384 Then is the end of my journey far indeed from my lame
efforts.”

Another quatrain.

“If a poet form the intention of eulogizing thy greatness.
His thoughts are imprisoned in his mind by the weightiness
of the subject.
In thy reign strife has so disappeared from our midst
That the flame sympathizes with the cotton in its con-
stancy.”518a

CLXIII. VAṢLĪ.

He was a facetious and jovial man. Leaving ‘Irāq he went on a pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz and thence travelled for India by sea. The sailors ran the ship into a whirlpool and disappeared in the sea of annihilation, but he, reaching the shore of safety, entered the dominions of (Ibrāhīm) Quṭb Shāh519 of the Dakan. There he engaged in a wrestling bout with one of the wrestlers of that country, and threw him. The wrestler's comrades, actuated by envy and rancour, put some poison into Vaṣlī's cup. The catastrophe of his death occurred in A.H. 977 (A.D. 1569-70). The following verses are quoted as a memorial of him:—

“My heart goes warily along its road, and I fear
That some sorrow is following it.”

“My darling, thou art become so harsh-tempered
That no one can surpass thee in harshness of temper.”

CLXIV. VUQŪFĪ OF HIRĀT.

He was originally known as Mīr Wā‘iẓ (‘the preacher’) and was a native of Badakhshān. He held stirring meetings for preaching. The following verses are his:—

“Though my head become the dust of thy path and be carried 385
away on the breeze
It is impossible that the thought of thy face should leave my
memory.”

“My heart is disturbed, as are thy tresses in the breeze;
Thou hast not undone even the smallest519a knot in my string
of difficulties.”

“All at once I have become the whirlwind of the valley of
grief,
On account of my evil passions I am become a vagabond in
the world.”

“The tale of my grief and woe has passed all bounds,
Love has come upon me and has made me his own from head
to foot.”

CLXV. VAF‘ΠOF IṢFAHĀN.520

He was for some time in Kashmir, and then come to Lāhor and was with Zain Khān Kūka.520a The following verses are his:—

“Knock at the door of the heart in the middle of the night,
for when the day appears
All other doors are opened, but this door is shut.”

“The real dearth of fidelity is this, that the lovely ones of this
age.
Set out the well-spread table and then drink the heart's
blood of the guest.”

CLXVI. HAMDAMĪ.

He is Mīrzā Barkhurdār,520b who has the title of Khān-i-‘Ālam. He is the son of Hamdam Beg521 who was one of the famous amīrs of his late majesty. Hamdamī is well known for his bravery and his goodness of disposition. He used to occupy himself with poetry. The following couplet is his:—

“See my heart, which has on every part of it a fresh scar
caused by love's madness;
It is an ocean of grief and everywhere in it there is a 386
whirlpool of blood.”

In imitation of that ghazal of Āṣafī's, which begins:—

“My slayer closes her eyes at my dying gasps
Until my heart longs with regret to catch her gaze.”

He wrote, by the emperor's order, the following:—

“The arrow of that slayer came and passed through my
heart,
And the scar remains on my heart till the day of resurrec-
tion.”

Shaikh Faiẓī, at the time when this ghazal was under discuss-sion at Āgra, wrote the following:—

“Place thy foot on it (my heart),521a “O slayer, as I gasp in
death,
That thus I may have an opportunity of kissing thy foot.”

At this time (Faiẓī) produced many ghazals of this sort from his dīvān and dressed them up to suit the emperor's taste.521b

CLXVII. HAJRĪ.522

He is descended from his holiness Shaikh Jām, (may God hallow his tomb). He was very pious, chaste, and pure, and had an angelic disposition. He has compiled a dīvān consisting of five thousand couplets. The following verses are some of the products of his genius:—

A quatrain.

“O Rose to whose skirt no hand can reach
We love Thy name and are intoxicated by Thy perfume!
This is the marvel, that Thou art present and yet absent522a
from our midst
387 Thou art invisible, yet all that is visible is from Thee!”

An ode.

“It is the singer of the morning, joy-diffusing, that awakens
desire in our hearts
The nightingale of early morn is welcomed as an intimate to
the assembly of the Rose.
Become by the height of love's good fortune the humā522b of the
lote-tree of Paradise
For the garden and the scenery of this village (the world)
oppress, the spirits.
Wash thy mouth with the water of repentance from the dregs
of thy sins,
For thy life has been spent in transgression and the time for
restraint has come.
Put on the breastplate of worship, for, ambushed by thy
life's way,
The robber of thy time stands to meet thee,
With his blood-shedding sword in his hand.

Make not this inn with two doors a palace for thine
abiding
For strife makes rents in its walls and the wind of death is
keen.
Hasan Hajrī in beauty of verse and in the way of perfection
Is the disciple of the wise man of Shīrāz and of the saint of
Tabrīz.”523

“Sweet is the season of winter, especially in the spring-time
of youth
If the rose of joy blossoms from the cup of wine.”

“Happy was that night when the street of the tavern was our
resting place,
And the splendour of the cup-bearer's form was the lamp of
the assembly.
The breeze of re-union with the Beloved gave us fresh life,
Or it would have been difficult to live under the hand of
separation.”

“In the morning, the time for the rose and the splendour of
the tulip,
The voice of the ringdove brought subtle truths to our ears.” 388

“My lodging is in the street of disgrace,
Its door is removed and its wall is mined.”

“Yesterday I had a desire for the holy temple and made my
way to the rose garden,
I went and walked around523a my loved one's lodging.”

“The rose, perchance, came to the rose-garden from beneath
my beloved's arm
For it has the sweet perfume of her shift.”

“Whose spell-casting eyes have once more fluttered my heart?
Whose ringlets, diffusing ambergris, have once more become
the chain for my madness of love?”

“I fear that my hard-hearted love will wreck the affairs of my
soul.
Oh, may nobody have a love so hard-hearted as mine!”

“Who am I, fallen in the dust at her door? A helpless one,
A hopeless one, a friendless one, a destitute one.”

“Ah, vagrant heart, thou hast chosen thy place in the dust at
her door!
Thou hast found a good place for thyself.”

“If thou desirest faithful friends.
I swear by thy fidelity that none is more faithful than I.”

“Desirous of being with thee for an age I have sought to be
with thee,
When I found that I could not be with thee I accustomed
myself to thy absence.”

CLXVIII. HĀSHIM.

He was that Muḥammad Hāshim who was mentioned524 in connection with Bairam Khān, the Khānkhānān. He was 389 brother's son to Maulānā Shāh Muḥammad Unsī.524a He wrote poetry sometimes under the name of Samā'ī and sometimes under that of Vāfī, but at last settled on the poetical name (Hāshim) which is now given to him. He had most excellent taste in poetry. The following verses are his:—

“O turtle-dove, whatever thou bewailest in the garden
Thou must surely be thinking on her cypress-like form.
Like a sparrow I am caught in thy snare,
And thou neither slayest nor releasest me.”

“I wander in the garden, when thy face is not before me,
shedding tears of the colour of tulips,
I sit beneath each rose and tears of blood stream from my
eyes.
In my grief for thee I am filled with blood as a flask is
filled with wine, and I desire
To pour out at thy banquet-like wine the blood with which I
am filled.
I shed not tears from my eyes except on the dust at thy
door;
How shall I pour forth my honour in the dust at every
door?
Remembering her wheat-coloured face I sow in the plot of
desire
The grains of my tears which are the seeds of love's
madness.

I, Hāshim, like the wine-flask, shed every moment red tears, while I sigh like an organ thinking on her wine-coloured lip.”

“It is not thy mole, O silver-bodied one, that casts its reflec-
tion in the wine,
It is the pupil of my eye, drowned in my heart's blood.”

A quatrain.

“O thou whose ringlets are the fetters of my love-sick heart,
I am distracted by those two ringlets like ambergris in colour 390
and perfume.

Thou didst say ‘Die then of the pain of love for me;’
It is an age since I have been dying of this love.”

It has been said before that the Khānkhānān, Bairam Khān bought one of his ghazals for a lākh of tankas. The ode was that which began.

“Who am I? one who has dropped from his hand the reins of
his heart.
And has fallen by the hands of his heart in the road of
grief.”

His death occurred in the city of Lāhor, in A.H. 972 (A.D. 1564-65).

Conclusion.

This is the account of some of those poets, most of whom were contemporary with the author and were writing during the time in which he was writing, and whose dīvans are current in this age and are circulated as examples. As for those who have leapt from the net of this memoir and are here neither described nor indicated by casual mention, I make them over to those who shall hereafter set foot in the plain of existence, for this series (of poets) is as endless as the Burhán-i-Taṭbīq,526 and to comprehend them all within the limits of one age, or one short space of time is beyond the limits (of any capacity) and beyond the extremity (of its powers).

A māṯnavī.

“Two couplets one day seared my heart,
As the singer was chanting them to his guitar
Many Junes, Decembers, and Aprils
Will come after we have become dust and bricks,
391 While those who are now invisible to me
Will come and pass over my dust.”

Praise be to God! My pen, in its atrabiliousness, has, like a madman, dealt drily and coolly with everybody, and has poured out from the cup of its heart every drop of black bile which it had in its spot of original sin527 and given forth from the columns527a of its fingers all that came to its tongue, so that (I am not sure) what those who come after we will say when, in their search for treasure527b they have hastened527c in the tracks of the crows' feet of this impudent (pen),527d or what answer I shall give in respect of all my idle gossip. I fear that in accordance with the saying, ‘Thou shalt be treated as thou hast treated others’ they will deal with me as I have dealt with these poets.

“Thou hast called me a promise-breaker, but I fear
That this accusation will be laid to thy charge on the day of
resurrection.”

But there is here a subtle distinction if the discriminating neglect it not, and it is this, that I have apportioned eulogy and execration according to the canon of the unmistakable sacred law and have bestowed praise and blame in accordance with my zeal for the faith, and my case is similar to that of the boor who entered a company seated at table and began to eat without any regard to the others, and collected all the dishes round himself. One of the company said, ‘Sir, who are you, and why do you thus intrude upon us?’ He replied, ‘I am a Turk, and I am a servant of the dārogha,527e and I am hungry.’ But if others, besides myself, should be jealous for the faith I shall not resent their criticism; may, rather, my life is a sacrifice for those people who shall apprise me of my faults. But if they be not jealous for the faith let them hang their heads and hold their peace; for in truth the bird of my pen, with its sharp bill and its sublime flight, is in the position of that beast528 which shall come forth as the first sign of the Judgment Day, for it stamps on the foreheads 392 of the circumstances of the folk of this last age the words ‘this one is a Muslim,’ or ‘this one is an infidel,’ exalting some to God's mercy and setting apart others as accursed, and the saying of the prophet (may God bless and assoil him,) is clear on this point, ‘O God, I have not blessed in my prayers any but him whom Thou hast blessed, and I have not cursed in my cursings any but him whom Thou hast cursed.” It is related that that chief of the prophets (may God bless and assoil him while the sun and the moon shall rise) invoked curses on the polytheistic ‘Arabs and on the chiefs of the Quraish, and particularly on one mentioned by name, for a whole month after he had been slandered528a by the wicked, and said, ‘O God, curse the infidels, who stray from Thy way, who make Thy prophet a liar, and who slay Thy saints. Thou art Lord of this world and the next. O God, preserve me in safety, and join me to the pious!’ And, since the end is but a return to the beginning, there is, in these days when the faith is exiled (for ‘the faith appears as a stranger, and verily, it has become as it appears’) every occasion for the constant recital of the following prayer, ‘O God, assist him who assists the religion of Muḥammad and forsake him who forsakes the faith of Muḥammad!’

The author of the Mirṣādu-l-‘Ibād528b four hundred years ago uttered his complaint and said:—

“O kings of the earth, hasten, all of you,
That you may catch the perfume which is all that is left of
the faith!

Islām has gone from your hands, and ye heed it not;
Infidelity has captured the world, and ye sleep!”

Forsaking the custom of authors, who have in respect of each of their works, of whatever sort, a hundred hopes of favour from the age and from the people of the age, and, having dedicated a work to somebody, make it a means of being admitted to the intimacy of kings, of begging for rewards, and of attaining their objects I, without desire or expectation (of material gain but) seeking aid from God, trusting in Him, and firmly laying hold of 393 the skirt of his universal favour and his bounty well-known in bygone times, have placed these, my first fruits, on the dish of speech merely for the sake of virtuosos among those to come, who may be desirous of, and anxious for, information regarding our times, that haply its flavour may please the palates of their souls, and also that some relish from the morsels on the table of their favour may become the lot of the palate of the compiler of the work, who is, as it were, their gardener.

If thou drink wine, pour a draught out on the ground,
Fear not that sin which carries some gain to others.529

I shall now explain what it was that originally led me to collect these fragments.529a Since a complete revolution, both in legislation and in manners, greater than any of which there is any record for the past thousand years, has taken place in these days, and every writer who has had the ability to record events and to write two connected sentences has, for the sake of flattering the people of this age, or for fear of them, or by reason of his ignorance of matters of faith, or of his distance from court, or for his own selfish ends, concealed the truth, and, having bartered his faith for worldly profit, and right guidance for error, has adorned falsehood with the semblance of truth, and distorted and embellished infidelity and pernicious trash until they have appeared to be laudable, confirming the truth of the verse, ‘These are they who have purchased error at the price of true direction: but their traffic hath not been gainful,’530 I am convinced that the people of succeeding generations who shall see their false fables and all their unprofitable prolixity will, in accordance with the saying, ‘he who hears dispenses with the solution of his difficulties,’ with another class of men, regretful not in the least, be perplexed, and will expect and await (something else), and therefore, that the veil may be drawn aside, it is incumbent on me, who am acquainted with some, at least, of the affairs narrated, 394 and have even been intimately connected with these transactions, to place on record what I have seen and what I have heard, for my evidence regarding these things is that of an eye-witness who is certain of what he relates, and does not spring from mere supposition and guess-work (‘and when can that which is heard resemble that which is seen?) in order that, on the one hand, my record may be an expiation of the writings,530a past and present, which I have been compelled and directed to undertake, and, on the other, right may be proved to be on the side of the Muslim's and mercy may be shown to me.

‘Perchance some pions man may one day put up a prayer for
mercy for this poor wretch.’

And when I examine the matter well I perceive that this rough draft, and other rough drafts like it, have all the merits of fair copies, for, in conformity with the couplet.

Reduce a word at once to writing.
For words slip suddenly from one's memory,

Something, at least, of what the author knows whether by having seen occurrences or by having heard of them, is (at once) entered in them and reduced to writing. At the same time, to efine such seribblings as literary compositions can, to do no more than justice, be nothing but mere boasting and vaunting, which are repugnant to refined natures, and so far am I from vain-glory and pride in this matter that I am ashamed of them, and if I should attempt any lofty flights regarding them this base coin of mine, this worthless and contemptible merchandise, my faulty and inappreciated style, is sufficient to refute and falsify my claim.

In these matters nobody knows me as well as I know myself.

A Story by way of Moral.

A fox said to a camel, ‘O uncle,
Tell me truly whence you come.’
The camel replied, ‘Lo, I come from the bath 395
Where I have bathed my limbs in water hot and cold.’
The fox said, ‘You have fine proof of what you say,
For both your forelegs and your hindlegs are very dirty.’

It is now high time for me to raise the hand of supplication to the court of that Providence who lacks nothing and who cherishes his servants, and to ask of Him that which shall be most expedient for me, although His glorious majesty is fettered by no expediency. I shall therefore conclude with the following supplications, which are free from all spaciousness and elaboration, and are (therefore) not far from the assurance of a favourable answer.

Supplications.

O King, look upon us with the eye of acceptance and mercy! O Lord of all things, visible and invisible, compose us in the seeking of Thy will, and remove from our way, and from the way of all Muslims, all disunion, disquiet, and perplexity! Bestow Thy pardon and forgiveness on us in our time. Let Thy gracious favour and guidance both impel and lead us. Deliver us not up into the hands of our own disunion and leave us not to ourselves, neither entrust us with ourselves, but preserve us from our own wickedness, and bring our affairs and those of all Muslims to a happy conclusion in Thy pardon and acceptances. Pardon what we have done in the past and preserve us from what we would do in the future.

Whatever Thou bestowest on Thy servant, bestow on him
faith,
Bestow on him adherence to Thy will.

Forsake us not in Thy wrath; let us not be occupied with any but Thee. Displace us not from Thy remembrance. If Thou shouldst question us we have no answer ready, if Thou art angry we have no strength to abide it. From Thy servant proceed faults and lapses, and from Thee all pardon and mercy. O Ancient of Days that changest not, and Glorious one without peer! O Hidden and Omniscient God, Thou that hearest and seest, that hast no need of description or explanation, our faults 396 are many, and Thou knowest and seest us: grant unto us a good end, let us die Muslims, and join us to the pious; and bless and assoil Muḥammad and the race of Muḥammad, and all Thy prophets and apostles.

Look on me as though I were entirely free from disobedience,
Consider not mine offences, consider Thy mercy.
Ward off from me all the evils of the age,
Keep me afar from every evil that there is,
So direct for me all worldly affairs and religious matters,
That I may be free from want in both worlds.
By Thy favour Thou keepest me in safety
From the calamities and tumults of these latter days.
Thou accomplishest the desires of Thy poor servant,
Thou makest me a partaker of worldly and spiritual bless-
ings.
Deliver me not helpless into the hands of mine own lusts,
But grant me protection from my dominant lusts.
Send me not as a beggar before any one,
My begging is at Thy door and no other.
Give me a portion of lawful gain,
Give me a corner apart from the worldly.
Pardon and veil my sin,
For it is Thou that veilest and pardonest sins.
Grant me knowledge of Thine eternal bounty,
Free me from ignorance and error.

Preserve me from companionship with the unworthy
Cause me to meet with a pious and sympathetic friend.
Set my face on the road towards Thee,
Free me from all else but Thee.
Accomplish not my desire in any object
The end of which will bring me shame.
No one but Thee knows what is for my good,
Thou knowest my loss and my profit.
Enrich me with the treasure of contentment,
Give me ease in the joy of serving Thee.
Incline me not to objects of this world,
Make my heart cold to such desires.
So accustom me to thoughts of Thee
That I may think on no other but Thee.
Open before me the door of knowledge of Thee
And in that privy chamber impart Thy secrets to me.
Give me a cup from the flagon of love
And grant me, from that wine, a new intoxication.
So fashion my inclinations to the world to come 397
That I may no more desire the things of this world.
Though death shall rend my upper garment
Let not the dust of this world settle on my lower garment.
When the sword of death cleaves my life,
When ‘Azāzīl533 shall resolve to accept the faith,
Of Thy mercy cast one glance towards me,
Open in my face the door of Thy favour,
Declare to me the glad tidings of Thy gracious forgiveness.
That I may have rest in the sleep of death.
Grant unto me such power that, in that perplexity,
My cross-examination533a may be easy to me.

When the people of this world set their faces towards the
resurrection.
And raise their heads in bewilderment from the dust.
Captured, by their evil fate, in disobedience
Their faces blackened with shame for their sins,
When, in that confusion, in the heat of the Resurrection
Day,
The rocks shall become water from the fierceness of the sun's
rays,
When there shall not be, in all that plain full of grief
Any refuge but the shadow of the Most High,
Of Thy bounty, O Creator, Lord of many claims,
Cast the shadow of Thy favour on my head!
When the balance of justice is brought into the midst
And the deficiency and excess of all shall be made apparent,
When I shall have in my company mountains of sin,
Beside which the mountains shall seem no larger than a blade
of grass,
It is not impossible to Thine illimitable mercy
To weigh down the scale of my obedience:
In that place of fear and confusion
When the records of each one's acts shall fly open
And my record shall be so black
That it will be impossible to enter any fresh sin therein,
Wash my record with the cloud of Thy clemency,
And, by that washing, raise me to honour:
When the fire of hell shall leap forth as a banner
To draw to itself all the people of the world
Pour, of Thy grace, some water on my fire
And bring me forth purified from that fire.
When over hell the narrow bridge534 shall appear

And the people shall raise a shout for joy,535
That bridge, long as the dark nights of separation,
Soul-melting as the sighs from lovers' hearts,
Narrower than a hair,
Darker than the smoke of the night of separation,
Sharper than a sharp cutting sword,
Shooting forth tongues of flame like hell fire,
If Thou take me not by the hand, woe is me,
For the nethermost pit of hell will be my place!
I bring no goods with me but hope,
O God, make me not hopeless of forgiveness!

Praise be to God, and thanks, that after all this smearing of myself with the smoke of the midnight lamp and all this fever of the brain I have gained freedom from this hasty work. Ah, how much distraction have I not suffered at the hands of these troubled times, before this valuable coin of time (to complete my work) and this priceless jewel (the work itself) was obtained.

Please God this work will, for a while, be preserved from the treachery of lack of preservation,535a of faithlessness, or of evil guardianship, and will thus be safeguarded from the picking and stealing of the ignorant cutpurses of this age, and, being constantly hidden under the protection of God's guardianship, will receive the ornament of acceptance, and no damage will reach it from the evil eyes of squinting (rogues) of varying degrees,536 and the hands of impotent (foes) will fail to reach the skirt of the beauty of this creature of my wit, and whoever is not admitted to the knowledge of its secret will remain disappointed.

A thousand thanks to the God of the world.
For that I have entrusted my jewel to one who can appraise
jewels.

It was the intention of my languid and secretive536a heart and my wearied mind to gather together the “Key to the History of Kashmīr,536b and the histories of the Kings of Gujarāt, Bengal and Sind, with an account of the wonders of India, and to have them bound together in one volume with this, but that stuff did not match this, for silk must be joined with silk. Therefore, on Friday, the twenty-third of the month Jamādī'u-ṯ-Sānī A.H. 1004 (March 5, A.D. 1595) I shortened the rope of prolixity and contented myself with writing this much. I composed the following verses with the object of giving, in an enigma, the date of its completion:—

Thanks be to God, by whose clemency this Selection536c has
arrived at completion
When I sought the date of it from my heart (my heart)
replied
(It is) a selection which has no second.

Praise be to God whose assistance has enabled me to complete it, and blessings and peace be on the best of mankind, our lord Muḥammad, and on his family, and on his great companions, till the Day of Resurrection.

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INDEX
TO
MUNTAKHABU-T-TAWĀRĪKH
VOLUME III.
(The numbers refer to the pages; n stands for foot-note.)
A.

Aban, Shaikh, of Amroha, 63, 64,
65.
‘Abbās I, Shāh, 283 n 4, 302 n 1,
322 n 1, 324 n 1, 498 n
1.
‘Abdu-'l-‘Azīz, Shaikh, 83, 163,
164.
‘Abdu-'l-Bāqī-yi-Cishtī, Miyāṅ
Shaikh, of Badāon, 91.
‘Abdu-'l-Ghafūr, Maulānā, 157.
‘Abdu-'l-Ghafūr, Shaikh, of A‘ẓam-
pūr, 69, 70.
‘Abdu-'l-Ghanī, Shaikh, 28, 164,
165, 166, 167.
‘Abdu-'l-Ḥaqq, Shaikh, 167, 168,
169, 170, 171.
‘Abdu-'l-Ḥayy, Mīr, of Khurāsān,
110, 111, 378, 379, 380, 497.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Mir, see Vaṣfī.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Mīr, of Mashhad, the
jurist, 378.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Miyāṅ Shaikh, of
Badāon, 90, 91, 92, 93.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Maulānā, of Qanda-
hār, 78.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Mullā, of Lāhor, 438.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Mullā, of Sulṭānpūr,
see Makhdūmu-' -Mulk.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Shaikh, 82.
‘Abdu-'llāh, Shaikh, of Badāon,
106.
‘Abdu-'llāh Khān, Sayyid, 450 n
3.
‘Abdu-'llāh Khān the Uzbak (of
Humāyūn's and Akbar's court),
11, 450 n 2.
‘Abdu-'llāh Khān the Uzbak (ruler
of Transoxiana), 199, 210, 211,
452 n 2.
‘Abdu-'llāh Niyāzī, Miyāṅ, of Sir-
hind, 73, 74, 75, 77.
‘Abdu-'llāh-i-Shaṭṭārī, Shaikh, 7 n
1.
‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf, Mīr, of Qazvīn,
148, 149, 150, 444 n 3, 463 n 3.
‘Abdu-'n-Nabī, Shaikh, 127, 128,
129, 130, 131, 199, 232, 411 n 1.
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir Badāonī, see Badā-
onī.
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, Shaikh, (I) 51.
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, Shaikh, (II) 51, 91.
‘Abdu 'l-Qādiri-'l-Jīlānī, Sayyid,
Pīr-i-Dastgīr, 52 n 4.
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, Shaikh, of Lāhor.
152, 153.
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir, Shaikh, of Ucch,
141, 142, 143.
‘Abdu 'l-Quddūs, Shaikh, of Gan-
goh, 5, 69, 82, 127.
‘Abdu-'r-Raḥīm, Mīrzā, Khān-i-
Khānān, 152, 166, 173, 174, 193,
262, 273, 302 n 1, 304 n 3, 318 n
2, 351, 393, 429 n 1, 439 n 4, 440,
454 n
2, 473, 495, 508.
‘Abdu-'r-Raḥmān, Ghāzī, 46 n 6.
‘Abdu-'r-Raḥmān, deputy of Ḥus-
ain Khān, 10.
‘Abdu-'r-Raḥmān, Shaikh, Balūṭī,
317.
‘Abdu-'r-Razzāq, Maulānā, of
Gīlān, 233 n 1, 432.
‘Abdu-'r-Razzāq, Shaikh, 31, 33,
144.
‘Abdu-'ṣ-Ṣamad, Khāja, Zarrīn-
qalam
, 85, 196, 429.
‘Abdu-'sh-Shahīd, Khāja, 65, 66.
‘Abdu-'sh-Shakūr, Maulānā, of
Lāhor, 157, 158.
‘Abdu-'l-Wahhāb, Miyāṅ, 58, 81,
168.
‘Abdu-'l-Wāḥid, Shaikh, of Bil-
grām, 106, 107.
‘Abdu-'l-Wajd, Shaikh, of Khavāf,
403.
Abbar, 279.
Abtarī, of Badakhshān, 263.
Ābū, Mount, 326.
Abū ‘Alī Sīnā, 225, 226.
Abū Bakr, 25 n 3, 39, 117, 118,
195, 196, 225 n 3, 438 n
3.
Ābūgaṛh, see Ābū, Mount.
Abū Ḥanīfah, 5, 37, 41, 110, 125 n
4, 129, 135, 193 n 4, 210 n
4.
Abū Isḥāq, Miyāṅ Shaikh, 81.
Abū Isḥāq-i-Khatlānī, 84 n 5.
Abū Isḥāq-i-Mihrang, Shaikh, 60.
Abū-'l-Barakāt ‘Abdu-'llāhi b.
Aḥmad, alias Ḥāfiẓu-'d-dīni-'n-
Nasafī, 4 n 2.
Abū-'l-Fatḥ, Ḥakīm, of Gīlān, 9,
10, 100, 101, 194, 233, 234, 304 n
3, 305, 367 n 2, 383, 392 n
1,
393, 432.
Abū-'l-Fatḥ, Shaikh, of Gujarāt,
77, 78.
Abū-'l-Fatḥ, Shaikh, of Thānesar,
29, 46, 187, 188.
Abū-'l-Faẓl, Shaikh, “‘Allāmī,” 55
n 4, 84 n 1, 98, 100, 110 n 3,
113 n 2, 114, 115, 116, 123 n 2,
124 n 2, 125, 128, 168 n 1, 173 n
5, 174, 193, 233 n 2, 234, 235 n
3, 248 n 2, 251 n 1, 260 n 2,
283, 284, 285, 287 n 7, 291 n 4,
293 n 2, 367, 375, 378 n 4, 405 n
1, 411 n 1, 413, 419, 439 n 4,
535 n
2.
Abū-'l-Ghaiṯ, Mīr, of Bukhārā, 182,
183, 500.
Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, Qāẓī, of Samarqand,
210, 211, 472.
Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, Shāh, 344, 345.
Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī, Shaikh, Ghurbatī,
51, 153, 154, 155, 156.
Abū-'l-Qāsim, Shaikh, 318 n 2.
Abū Mūsā Muḥammad b. ‘Umar
Madīnī, Iṣfahānī, 49 n 1.
Abū Sa‘īd Mīrzā. Sulṭān, 491 n 6.
Abū Turāb, Shāh, 164 n 4.
Abyssinians, 373 n 1.
Ādābu-'l-Murīdīn
, 29.
Ādam, Malik, Kākar, 103, 104.
Adham Khān, 298 n 4, 308 n 3,
310 n
1.
Adhan, Shaikh, of Jaunpūr, 66,
67, 68, 69.
‘Ādil Shāhī Kings, 438 n 4.
‘Adlī, 314 n 1.
Afghānistān, 37 n 4, 342 n 2.
Afẓal Khān, 408 n 4.
Afẓal Khān Kulāhī, see Kulāhī.
Āgra, 6, 8, 10, 11 n 5, 41 n 6, 55,
66 n 5, 77, 78, 110, 120, 124, 130,
135, 136, 141, 151, 152, 159 n 1,
161, 162, 168, 174, 175, 177, 182,
185, 196, 209, 210, 211, 212, 218,
229 n 1, 242 n 3, 263 n 4, 273,
277, 278, 283, 308 n 3, 314 n 1,
340, 358, 389, 399, 402, 410, 411
n 1, 437, 439, 443, 464, 469, 494,
508 n 1, 520 n 3.
Aḥadīs
, 100, 317, 495, 518.
‘Ahdī, of Shīrāz, 390, 391.
Aḥmad, Ḥakīm, of Tatta, 235,
236.
Aḥmad, Malik, see Dakhlī.
Aḥmad, Qāẓī, 31, 32, 35 n 1.
Aḥmad, Shaikh, 127.
Aḥmad, Sulṭān, of Gujarāt, 240
n 5.
Aḥmad-i-Ghaffārī, Qāzī, of Qaẓvīn,
259, 260.
Aḥmad-i-Jand, Mullā, 213, 218.
Aḥmad-i-Sūfīyak, 166.
Aḥmadābād, 70, 158 n 3, 198, 240,
241, 388 n 1, 501, 508 n
1.
Aḥmadī Fayyāẓ, Shaikh, 131, 132,
133, 134.
Aḥmadnagar, 330 n 1, 419, 438 n
4, 458 n
4.
Aḥrār, Khāja, 150.
Aima tenure. 6.
Āīn-i-Akbarī. 1 n 2, 3 n 5, 5 n 2,
6 nn 3, 4, 11 n 2, 12 nn 3, 4, 14
n 2, 19 n 1, 26 n 4, 27 n 3, 28
n 2, 36 n 2, 37 n 1, 41 nn 3, 5,
45 n 2, 48 n 7, 50 n 2, 60 n 6,
62 n 7, 63 n 6, 65 n 6, 66 n 5,
69 n 2, 73 nn 3, 4, 76 n 2, 77 n
7, 83 n 1, 84 n 5, 85 nn 1, 3, 89
n 2, 100 n 7, 110 nn. 4, 6, 119 n
1, 120 n 4, 123 n 2, 124 nn 2, 3,
126 n 1, 127 n 2, 133 n 1, 137 n
4, 141 n 1, 145 n 2, 148 n 3, 150
nn 2, 3, 152 nn 1, 4, 159 n 1,
160 nn 3, 4, 161 n 4, 163 nn 2,
4, 165 n 3, 171 n 1, 173 nn 3, 4,
5, 180 nn 2, 3, 188 n 4, 190 n 2,
193 nn 1, 4, 194 n 1, 198 n 3, 212
n 2, 214 nn, 215 n 1, 216 nn
1, 3, 217 n 5, 218 nn 2, 4, 5, 226
n 5, 228 nn, 229 n 1, 230 nn,
1, 2, 231 n 1, 234 n 2, 237 nn 1,
4, 5, 238 nn, 240 n 5, 248 n 2,
249 n 2, 251 n 1, 253 n 3, 255
n 1, 258 n 3, 259 n 2, 260 n 2,
262 n 1, 263 n 4, 265 nn 1, 4,
271 n 6, 274 n 1, 275 n 1, 280 n
3, 283 nn 2, 4, 285 nn 2, 3, 286
n 1, 287 n 7, 288 n 2, 291 n 4,
292 nn 1, 2, 293 nn 1, 2, 294 n
1, 297 n 2, 298 nn 3, 4, 5, 299 n
3, 302 n 1, 304 nn 1, 3, 307 n 1,
315 n 1, 316 n 2, 317 n 1, 318
n 2, 319 n 4, 322 nn, 324 n 2,
325 n 2, 327 n 2, 329 n 1, 334
nn 1, 3, 335 n 3, 336 nn 4, 5,
337 n 2, 338 n 3, 340 nn 2, 5,
341 n 1, 342 n 1, 344 n 1, 345 n
2, 350 n 4, 351 nn 2, 3, 352 n 1,
353 n 3, 354 n 4, 356 n 2, 358 n
2, 359 n 2, 360 n 1, 361 nn 1, 2, 363
nn 2, 3, 365 n 1, 367 nn 2, 3, 368
n 1, 370 n 1, 372 n 2, 373 n 3,
374 n 4, 378 nn 1, 2, 379 n
1, 380 n 1, 381 n 2, 383 n
2, 384 n 1, 385 n 3, 386 nn
2, 5, 388 n 1, 389 n 2, 390
n 1, 391 n 1, 392 n 1, 396 n
1, 397 n 3, 398 n 4, 399 n 3,
401 n 3, 403 nn 1, 2, 405 nn 1, 2,
406 n 1, 407 n 1, 408 n 4, 409 n
2, 410 n 2, 411 n 1, 419 n 2, 420
n 2, 423 n 6, 429 n 1, 432 n 1,
435 n 2, 436 n 1, 437 nn
1, 2,
438 n 1, 439 n 3, 440 n 3,
442 n 2, 444 n 2, 447 n 2,
450 nn 2, 3, 4, 451 nn 1, 4,
453 n 3, 454 n 2, 458 n 3,
461 n 2, 462 n 2, 463 n 3,
465 nn 1, 4, 467 n 4, 468 n 1,
469 n 2, 471 nn 1, 5, 474 n 1,
475 n 2, 480 n 1, 483 n 2, 495 n
3, 508 n 1, 511 n 1, 512 n 2, 518
n 1, 520 n 3, 521 n 1, 522 n 1,
524 n
2.
‘Ainu-'l-Mulk, Ḥakīm, of Shīrāz,
Davā'ī, 229, 230, 284, 320, 321,
322, 390, 391.
Ajmer, see Ajmīr.
Ajmīr, 83, 136, 138, 140, 149, 150
n 2, 162, 198, 206, 207, 444 n 3.
Ajūdhan, or Pāk Pattan, 19 n 1,
21, 52, 452 n
2.
Akbar, Jalālu-'d-dīn Muḥammad,
the Emperor, 1 n 6, 2, 6 n 4, 8,
10 n. 2, 11 n 5, 12 n 3, 18 n 5,
47, 55 n 4, 62, 66, 68, 83, 84, 85,
89, 99, 100, 101, 118 n 2, 119,
124, 126 n 1, 127, 128, 129, 130,
131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 141 n 3,
142, 147, 150, 163, 164, 174, 181,
198, 199 n 3, 201, 206, 213, 216,
225, 231, 232 n 1, 233, 234 n 2,
235 n 3, 237 nn 2, 5, 239, 240,
248 n 2, 249 n 2, 253, 254 n 2,
256, 262 n 2, 263 n 4, 264, 265,
266, 267, 274, 275, 278, 279, 280,
284, 285 n 3, 287, 293 n 2, 298
n 4, 299 n 3, 302 n 1, 303, 304
nn 1, 3, 308 n 2, 310 nn 1, 3,
311, 315, 316 n 2, 317 n 1, 318
n 2, 326 n 2, 327 n 2, 329 n 1,
331 n 1, 333 n 1, 334 n 4, 336 n
4, 343, 344 n. 1, 345 n 2, 349,
355 n 4, 362 n 1, 367 n 2, 370 n
4, 372 n 3, 374 n 5, 375, 378 n 1,
380, 383 n 1, 388 n 1, 389 n 2,
396, 399, 406 n 2, 407 n 1, 408
n 1, 409, 411 n 1, 413, 414, 418,
419, 420, 421, 422 nn 2, 3, 423,
425 n 3, 426, 429 n 1, 432 n 4,
433, 436, 441 n 3, 444 n 3, 450
n 4, 463 n 3, 466, 476 n 2, 491
nn 4, 6, 494 n 3, 496 n 2, 498
n 1, 499, 500, 512 n 2, 517, 520
n 3, 524 n 2, 530 n 2, 536 n 3.
Akbarnāma
, the, (by Abū'-l-Faẓl),
3 n 5, 75 n 1, 77 n 7, 83 n 6,
84 n 1, 367, 419, 452 n 2, 535
n 2.
Akbarnāma
, the, (by Shaikh Faiẓī),
511 n 1, 425 n 5.
‘Alā'ī, Shaikh, of Biyāna, 74, 75,
77, 119.
‘Alā'u-'d-Daulah, Mīr, Kāmī, 123,
148, 149, 239, 379, 384, 437, 447,
467, 468, 477.
‘Alā'u-'d-dīn, Mīr Sayyid, of Oudh,
101, 102, 103.
‘Alā'u-'d-dīn b. Muḥammad Shāh,
Sayyid, 58 n 2.
‘Alā'u-'d-dīn, Mullā, of Lāhor, 217.
‘Alā'u-'d-dīn Cishtī, Shaikh, 3.
‘Alā'u-'d-dīn Lārī, Mullā, 109, 329.
Alburz, 253.
Algiers, 341 n 1.
‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib, 20 n 1, 39 n 4,
48 n 2, 115, 120 n 2, 239 n 3,
266, 464, 503, 516 n
1.
‘Alī, Amīr Sayyid, of Hamadān,
209
‘Alī, Ḥakīm, 232.
‘Alī, Mīr Sayyid, of Lūdhiāna,
144, 145, 146.
‘Alī, Mīr Sayyid, of Nalhar, 102.
‘Alī, Mīr Sayyid, of Qum, 260.
‘Alī, Mīr Sayyid, of Ṭabrīz, see
Judā'ī.
‘Alī, Mullā, the Muḥaddiṯ, see
Ṭāramī.
‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh I, of Bījāpūr, 216,
229 n 1, 232 n 1, 330 n 1.
‘Alī Aḥmad, Maulānā, see Nish-
ānī.
‘Alī Akbar, see Ṯānī Khān, of
Hirāt.
‘Alī Barīd Shāh, of Bīdar, 330
n 1.
‘Alī Khān, Mīrzāda, 450.
‘Alī Khān, ruler of Kashmīr, 99.
‘Alī Mūsā'u-'r-Riẓā, see Riẓā,
Imām.
‘Alī Mutaqqī, Shaikh, 71, 72.
‘Alī Naqī'u-'l-Hādī, Imām, 472
n 2.
‘Alī Qulī Khān, Shāmlū, 262 n 1.
‘Alī Rāī, of Little Tibat, 367.
‘Alī Shīr, Amīr, 298.
‘Ālim, Mullā, of Kābul, ‘Ārif,
Rabī‘ī, 215, 363, 373, 374, 375,
376, 378
Allāh Bakhsh, Shaikh, of Gaṛhma-
khtesar, 96.
‘Allāhābād, see Ilāhābād.
‘Allāmī, 513, see Abū-'l-Faẓl,
Shaikh.
Alwand, 253.
Alwar, 21, 162, 163.
Āmānī, Mullā Ghanī, 262, 397.
Amar Singh, Rānā, 337 n 2.
Amarkot, 308 n 2.
Ambāla, 6 n 3, 47 n 4.
Ambeṭhī, 27, 28, 35, 36, 38, 131,
132, 189.
Amīnā Khāja, see Khāja-yi-Jahān.
Amīr Qāẓī, see Asīrī.
Amīr Beg, Khāja, 476.
Amroha, 3, 63, 64, 120, 219, 346.
Anīsī, Yol Qulī, 262.
‘Anqā, 2.
Ansār tribe, 113.
Anūp Talā'o, 129.
Anwarī, the poet, 233, 508 n 1.
Anwāru-'t-tanzīl, 360 n 2.
‘Aqā'id-i-Nasafī
, 109.
‘Āqil, see Ṣāliḥ the Madman.
‘Arab Bahādur, 126 n 5, 229 n 1.
‘Arā'isu-'l-Bayān
, 17.
Ardabīl, 190, 191.
Ardastān, 237.
‘Ārif, Shaikh, Ḥusainī, 98, 99,
100, 101.
‘Ārif, see ‘Ālim, Mullā, of Kābul.
‘Ārif-i-Jāmī, Maulavī, 49.
Aristotle, 225.
Arlāt clan, 286 n 1.
Arsalān-i-Jāẕib, 251.
Asadī, Ḥakīm, 251 n 2.
Āṣaf Khān I. see Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn,
Mīrzā.
Āṣaf Khān II, see Ja‘far Beg.
Āṣafī, 260, 271, 333, 521.
Aṣghar, Sayyid, 31, 32, 35 n 1.
Ashkī, Mīr, of Qum, 260, 261, 292
n 1, 325.
Ashraf Khān, 468.
Ashraf Khān, Mīr Munshī, 255,
256.
Asia Minor, 20.
Asīrgaṛh, 174, 381 n 2.
Asīrī, Amīr Qāẓī, 255, 256.
‘Askarī, Mīrzā, 407 n 1.
Asrār i-Maktūm, 203 n
2.
Astarābād, 411, 451.
Ataga Khān, Shamsu-'d-dīn
Muḥammad, 280, 298, 302 n 1,
308, 309, 310, 336 n 2, 388 n 1,
396 n 1, 405 n 1, 454 n 2, 471
n
2.
Ātak, 75, 253, 274, 393, 501.
Ātashī, of Qandahār, 253, 254.
Ātashkada-yi Āẕarī, 239 n 2, 240 n
3, 291 n 2, 292 n 3, 322 n 1, 408
n 4, 432 n 1, 454 n 1, 520 n
1.
Awadh, see Oudh.
‘Awārifu-'l-Ma‘ārif, 17, 19, 38, 225
n
3.
‘Āyishah, 25 n 3.
‘Ayyāẓ, Qāẓī, 130.
A‘ẓam, Shaikh, of Badāon, 25, 26.
A‘ẓam, Shaikh, of Lakhnau, 135.
A‘ẓampūr, 69, 70.
Āẕar, 425.
Āẕarbāījān, 149, 338 n 3.
Āẕarī, 269.
‘Azāzīl, 533.
‘Aẓdī, see Aẓuḍī, al-.
‘Azīz Kūka, Mīrzā, Khān-i-A‘ẓam,
229 n 1, 298 n 5, 302 n 1, 310 n
1, 329 n 1, 336, 376, 379, 388,
389, 405 n
1, 461, 471.
‘Azīzu-'llāh, Mīr, 386, 387.
‘Azīzu-'llāh, Shaikh, 14, 15, 16, 17.
‘Azīzu-'llāh, Shaikh, of Ṭalamba,
3, 4, 109.
‘Azoo, Mr. R. F., 24 n
‘Aẓudī, al
-, 70, 124.
‘Aẓudu-'l-Mulk, 216.

B.

Bābā Shīr, Qalandar, 498 n 1.
Bābar, Ẓahīru-'d-dīn Muḥammad,
the Emperor, 43 n 4, 218 n 5,
253, 265, 378, 491 n 6.
Bābarī
script, 378, 379.
Bābīl, see Babylon.
Bābū, Mīyāṅ, see ‘Abdu-'l-Wah-
hāb.
Bābū, Āghā, 512 n 2.
Babylon, 488 n 1.
Badakhshān, 65, 84 n 5, 214, 263,
270 n 2, 344 n 1, 374, 409 n
2,
410, 441, 448, 461, 519.
Bādanjān, Mir, 233.
Badāon, 25, 31, 32 n 6, 58, 64, 65,
91, 106, 108, 152, 164, 165, 208,
329, 363 n
2, 385, 386, 397, 398,
419, 493.
Bādāonī, ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir b. Mulūk
Shāh, 1, 6 n 4, 7 n 1, 11 n 5,
22, 24 n 2, 25 n 3, 26 n 3, 32 n
1, 33 n 2, 38, 39 nn 1, 3, 40 n
3, 41 n 4, 57 n 1, 63 n 4, 81 n
1, 83, 84 n 1, 86, 88 n 5, 10, 10,
10, 108, 121 n 1, 125 n 1, 132 n
2, 142 n 1, 143 n 2, 145 n 6, 173
n 5, 185 n 1, 195, 202, 204, 205,
206, 207, 208, 231 n 3, 232 n 4,
233 n 2, 235 n 3, 248 n 1, 249
n 2, 269 n 1, 273 n 1, 283 n 4,
284 n 2, 292 n 1, 308 n 3, 317
n 3, 323 n 1, 330 n 1, 345 n 2,
350 n 4, 351 n 1, 372 n 3, 376,
385 n 2, 386 n 5, 389 n 2, 399 n
4, 417 n 2, 419, 420, 421, 441,
450 n 3, 458 n 2, 460 n 2, 465
n 4, 466 nn 2, 3, 474 n 1, 477,
480 n 3, 481 n 2, 483 n 2, 493,
5, 3, 526, 527, 528, 529, 530, 531,
532, 535 n
2, 536.
Badī‘u-'z-Zamān, of Qazvīn, 299
n 3.
Baghdād, 12 n 4, 20, 52 n 4, 225
n 3, 293 n
2.
Bahādur Khān, 228 n 2, 314,
333.
Bahārī, 376, see ‘Ālim, Mullā, of
Kābul.
Bahā'u-'d-dīn, Khāja, see Naqsh-
band.
Bahā'u-'d-dīn Muftī, Shaikh, 78,
113, 174.
Bahā'u-'d-dīn Zakariyā, Shaikh,
143.
Bahrāic, 46 n 6.
Bahrām, see Saqqā.
Bahrām Mīrzā, Ṣafavī, 476.
Bahroc, 134.
Baillie John, Captain, 29 n 6.
Bairam Khān, Khān-i-Khānān, 8,
14, 55, 77, 78 n 1, 83, 110, 122,
141, 152, 162, 185, 209, 217, 218,
227, 254 n 2, 265, 266, 267, 280,
310 nn 1, 3, 335, 344 n 1, 351,
403, 437, 444, 469, 473, 475, 512
n
2, 524, 526.
Bajaur, 233 nn 1, 2.
Bajwāra, 159, 217.
Bakhtyār-i-Kākī, Khāja Quṭbu-'d-
dīn, 19 n 1, 45.
Bakkar, 121, 124, 137, 138, 173, 498.
Bālīn, 324 n 1.
Balūṭ, 317.
Banāras, 7 n 21, 166, 242 n 1.
Bandar Jarūn, 473 n 1.
Bang, see Bangāl.
Bangāl, 8, 83, 177, 178 n 1, 188,
229 n 1, 314 n 1, 315, 341, 432 n
1, 433, 450 n
2, 536.
Banjū, Shaikh, of Sambhal, 97.
Banoda, 172.
Bānswāla, 127, 137.
Baqā'ī, 273.
Baqā'ī, alias Rusvā'ī, 308.
Bāqī, of Kolāb, 270.
Bārbud, 423.
Bardwān, 338 n 3, 450 n 2.
Bārī, 10, 475.
Bārī Dūāb, 10, n 2, 47 n 4, 345
n
3.
Barkhurdār, Mīrzā, Khān-i-‘Ālam,
see Hamdamī.
Basākhwān, 283 n 4, 285.
Basākhwānī sect, 283, 284, 285,
287, 513.
Basāwar, 26, 146, 162, 483.
Bayāt, 338 n 3.
Bayāẓī, 270, 271.
Bāyazīd-i-Anṣārī, 37.
Bāyazīd, Shaikh, of Busṭām, 7,
328.
Bāz Bahādur, 407 n 1.
Bazhar, 188.
Beale, Oriental Biographical Dic-
tionary, 37 nn
4, 7.
Begum Pādshāh, 138.
Bellew, Races of Afghānistān, 73
n
. 4.
Bengal, see Bangāl.
Berar, 83 n 7, 330 n 1, 372 n 3,
422 n
1.
Beth Jālandar Dūāb, 159 n 1, 217
n 3, 280.
Bhāgavad Gīta, 511 n
1.
Bhakkar, see Bakkar.
Bharatpūr, 160 n 4.
Bhawānīgaṛh, 173 n 1.
Bhimbar, 513.
Bhūngāon, 66.
Bīdar, 330 n 1.
Bihār, 178 n 1, 263 n 4, 299 n 3,
520 n
3.
Bījānagar, see Vijayanagar.
Bījāpūr, 216 n 2, 229 n 1, 232 n 1,
330 n. 1, 380 n 2, 438 n
4.
Bīkānīr, 122.
Bīkasī, 268, 269, 497.
Bikramājit, see Vikramāditya.
Bilgrām, 106, 107.
Bīnā, Shaikh, 237, 238.
Bīr Bar, Rāja, 128, 233 n 1, 327 n
2, 351 n
1.
Bīrūn-i Panjnad, 47 n 6, 48 n 7.
Biyāh, the, 350.
Biyāna, 74, 160, 344 n 1, 436.
Bohara tribe, 83.
Bombay Presidency, 83 n 7.
Bughrā Khān, king of Khārazm,
215 n 4.
Buhlūl Lodī, Sulṭān, 58 n 2.
Buhlūl, Shaikh, 7, 43, 167, 171.
Bukhārā, 197, 198, 210, 242 n 3,
336, 452, 472 n 2, 498 n
1, 526.
Burhān, Shaikh, 10, 11, 12.
Burhān-i-Taṭbīq, 526.
Burhānpūr, 174, 231, 304, n 3, 495
n
3.
Burton, Sir Richard, Pilgrimage to
El-Medinah and Meccah, 25 n
3.
Busṭām, 7, 222, 328.
Būstān, the, 90, 245.
Buzāq, 422 n 2.

C.

Caghatāī tribe, 307, 310, 356, 407,
408, 439.
Caghatāī, Sulṭān, 257.
Canār, 7, 11.
Cātgānv, 7 n 1.
Cāyan Ladh, Shaikh, 163, 164.
Ceylon, 339.
Chatī, (Chat), 47, 52.
Chausā, see Jausā.
Chittagong, see Cātgānv.
Chunār, see Canār.
Cināb, the, 172 n 2, 513 n 4.
Cingīz Khān, of Gujarāt, 229 n 1.
Cinhat Dūāb, 513 n 4.
Cishtī order, 52, 69, 82 n 4.
Cishtī, Shaikh Ḥusain, 297, 298.
Citor, 11 n 5, 475.
Cūcak Begum, 344 n 1.

D.

Dāghistānī, 260 n 2, 405 n 1, 408
n 4, 452 n 2, 454 n 1, 474 n 1,
520 n 1.
Dāgh u Maḥallī
regulations.
Dakan, 46 n 6, 74, 125, 170, 216,
229, 230, 239, 263 n 4, 273, 299
n 3, 302 n 1, 304 n 3, 318 n 2,
340 n 5, 341, 372, 373 n 1, 380,
383, 390, 429 n 1, 438, 441, 443,
447 n
2, 458, 460, 519.
Dakhan, see Dakan.
Dakhlī, Mālik Aḥmad, 318, 319.
Dalpat, 520 n 3.
Damascus, 50.
Damāvand, 253 n 2.
Damayanti, 422 n 1.
Dānihī, 319.
Dāniyāl, Sulṭān, 263 n 4, 383 n 1,
495 n 3, 496 n
1.
Darvīsh, Mullā, 370.
Darvīshābād, 324 n 1.
Dā'ūd, Mīr Sayyid, 136.
Dā'ūd, Shaikh, of Chatī, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57,
58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 81 nn
1, 3, 82 n
4, 153, 154.
Dā'ūdiyyah order, 157.
Daurī, Mir, Sulṭān Bāyazīd,
Kātibu-'l-Mulk, 316, 317, 318.
Davā'ī, see ‘Ainu-'l-Mulk, Ḥakīm.
Dawwānī, Jalālu-'d-dīn, Maulānā,
Muḥaqqiq, 202, 205, 229 n 1, 320,
329 n
1.
Dholpūr, 10 n 2.
Dībālpūr, 50, 344 n 1.
Dihlī, 3, 6 n 3, 8, 47 n 4, 58, 63 n
6, 73 n 3, 91, 97, 122, 163, 164,
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 186, 188,
210, 219, 228, 254 n 2, 261, 275,
276, 277, 297, 310 n 3, 363 n 2,
390, 401 n 3, 411, 465, 474, 480,
512 n 2.
Dihnāma
, the, 281.
Dīpālpūr, see Dībālpūr.
Diū, 389 n 2.
‘Divine Era,’ the, 425.
‘Divine Faith,’ the, 1, 118 n 2,
166 n 5, 198 n 3, 299 n 3, 389 n
2, 411 n 1, 414 n 1, 415 n 1,
422 n
2.
Dūghalbād, 385.

F.

Fahmī, of Astarābād, 411.
Fahmī, of Samarqand, 405.
Fahmī, of Ṭihrān, 405, 508 n 1.
Fā'iqī, 403.
Faiẓi, Shaikh, Fayyāẓī, 86, 110 n
3, 118 n 1, 144, 157, 158, 160,
167, 170, 172, 173 n 5, 194, 195,
203, 230, 234, 235 n 3, 236, 250,
287 n 7, 297, 322 n 2, 323, 341,
361, 372, 393, 411, 412, 413, 414,
415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421,
422, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428,
429, 446, 447, 460, 485 n 5, 486
n 2, 487 n 1, 521, 535 n
2.
Fakhru-'d-dīn, Shaikh, 13, 14.
Fanā'ī, 407.
Farāb, 76.
Farā'iẓ, 94.
Farhād, 287, 359.
Farīd, Shaikh, 402.
Farīd, Maulānā, 175.
Farīd-i-Shakarganj, Shaikh, 18, 19,
50.
Farīdu-'d-dīn Shīr Shāh, see Shīr
Shāh.
Farīdūn, 337.
Farīdūn, Mīr, 228.
Farīdūn Barlās, Mīrzā, 337 n 2.
Farīdūn Khān, 337 n 2.
Fārighī, Mīr, of Shīrāz, 403, 404.
Farishta, see Firishta.
Fārisī, Muḥammad Sharīf, 429,
430, 431.
Fārs, 216, 338 n 3.
Farrukh Shāh, 19 n 1.
Farrukhābād, 93 n 5.
Fārūqī Dynasty, the, 229 n 5.
Fast, the continued, 40.
Fatḥpūr Sīkri, 18 n 5, 21, 26, 114,
127, 130, 131 n 4, 137, 142, 144,
149, 152, 162, 163, 167, 171 n 1,
181, 198, 274, 275, 298, 314 n
1,
370, 374, 381, 436.
Fatḥu-'llāh, Ḥakīm, of Gīlān, 237.
Fatḥu-'llāh, Mīr, or Shāh, of
Shīrāz, 193, 216, 232, 380, 403,
420.
Fatḥu-'llāh Tarīn, Shaikh, of Sam-
bhal, 21.
Fāṭiṃah, 48 n 2, 516.
Fawātiḥu-'l-Wilāyah, 373 n
3, 374.
Fayyāẓī, see Faiẓī, Shaikh.
Faẓīl, Shaikh, 296, 297.
Faẓīlat, Qāẓī, 126.
Faẓlu-'llāh, Mullā, Faẓlī, 464, 465.
Fikrī, Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad, the
Weaver, nicknamed Mīr Rubā‘ī,
352, 406.
Firdausī, 251 n 2, 469 n 3.
Firishta, 19 n 1, 45 n 2, 269 n 1,
308 n 3, 363 n
2.
Fīrūza, of Kābul, 409, 410, 411.
Fūlād Beg Barlās, Mirzā, 235, 236.
Fusūnī, of Yazd, 408, 409, 498.
Fuṣūṣu-'l-Ḥikam, 17, 29, 163, 263.
Fuẓail b. ‘Iyāẓ, 19.

G.

Gadā'i, Shaikh, 8, 77, 122, 123, 141.
Gakkhars, the, 396 n 1.
Ganges, the, 7 n 2, 309, 314 n 1.
Gangoh, 5, 82, 83.
Gangū, see Gangoh.
Ganja, 394 n 2.
Gaṛha, 293 n 2.
Gaṛhmakhtesar, 96.
Gaṛhwāl, 10 n 2.
Garmsīr, 342 n 2.
Gaur, 254 n 2.
Ghairatī, of Shīrāz, 403.
Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam, Shaikh, 51, 52, 54,
58, 59, 135.
Ghauṯ-i-Rabbānī, 152.
Ghauṯiyyah order, 175.
Ghauṯu-'ṯ-Ṯaqalain, 50.
Ghazālī, of Mashhad, 239, 240, 247
260 n 2, 271, 330.
Ghāzī Khān, see Niẓām, Qāẓī.
Ghaznavī, Mīr Muḥammad, Khān-
i-Kalān, 396, 397, 398.
Ghaznīn, 268.
Ghazzālī, Imām, 88.
Ghilzāī, 73 n 4.
Ghiyāṯ, Shāh, 518.
Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn ‘Alī-yi'-Ākhund,
Naqīb Khān, 150, 173, 180, 444.
Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn ‘Alī, Mīrzā, Āṣaf
Khān, 148, 180, 299.
Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn Muhammad, of Ma-
shhad, 287 n 7.
Ghorī, 327 n 2.
Ghubārī, Qāsim ‘Alī Khān, 398,
399, 400, 401.
Ghurbatī, of Hiṣār, 401, 402.
Gīlān, 224, 234, 237, 304, 432,
495.
Gopāmau, 28, 30, 31, 35 n 1,
189.
Greeven, R, Heroes Five, 46 n 6.
Gujarāt (Panjāb), 513 n 3.
Gujarāt, 14 n 2, 74, 77, 78, 83, 84,
85, 98, 99, 114, 116, 134, 152,
153, 158 n 3, 168, 176, 192, 197,
214, 230, 247, 262, 263 n 4, 267,
273, 306, 323, 326, 344 n 1, 361,
381 n 2, 389 n 2, 390, 396 n 1,
450 n 2, 454 n 2, 468, 473 n 1,
498 n 1, 508 n 1, 512 n
2, 536.
Gul Afshān, 245.
Gulbahār, 376.
Gulkanda, 330 n 1, 438 n 4.
Gulshan-i-Rāz
, 84.
Gunābād, see Junābād.
Gurgāon, 163 n 2.
Gwāliyār (Gwalior), 6, 9, 10, 44,
53, 62, 95, 126, 127 n 1, 158 n
3, 189, 380 n 1, 381, 466 n 3,
467 n
1.

H.

Ḥabash, Mīr, 438.
Ḥabību-'llāh, Khāja, 322 n 1, 323.
Ḥāfiẓ, the poet, 36, 37 nn 1, 3, 49
n 7, 105, 140 n 1, 149, 453 n 3,
523 n 1, 529 n
1.
Ḥāfiẓ-i-Kūmakī, 213, 214.
Ḥāfiẓu-'d-dīni-'n-Nasafī, see Abū-'l-
Barakāt.
Haft Iqlīm, 239 n 2, 240 n 3, 242
n 3, 260 n 2, 367 n 2, 406 n 1,
439 n 4, 452 n 2.
Haft Kishwar, 411 n 1, 425 n 5.
Haft Paikar, 411 n 1, 498 n
1.
Ḥaidar, Mīr, of Kāshān, see Rafī‘ī.
Ḥaidarī, of Ṭabrīz, 302, 303, 304.
Haig, Major-General M. R., The
Indus Delta Country, 89 n
2.
Haig, Major T.W., Historic Land-
marks of the Deccan, 229 n 5,
330 n 1, 372 n 3, 373 n 1, 519
n
. 1.
Ḥairatī, 148.
Ḥājī Begum, 168.
Ḥājī Khalfa (Ḥājī Khalīfa), 4 nn
1, 2, 17 nn 1, 2, 3, 25 n 1, 26 n
1, 29 nn 2, 3, 4, 41 n 5, 49 n 1,
70 n 9, 75 nn 4, 5, 84 n 3, 88 n
8, 92 n 7, 93 n 1, 287 n
5.
Ḥājī Mīrzā Beg, 367 n 3.
Ḥājī Muḥammad Khabūshānī,
Shaikh, 338, 495.
Ḥājī Sulṭān, of Thānesar, 114, 115,
116, 173, 174.
Hajrī, Ḥasan, 522, 523.
Ḥakīm-i-Miṣrī, 230, 231.
Ḥakīmu-'l-Mulk, of Gīlān, 224, 225,
226, 232, 235.
Ḥālatī, Yādgār, 273 n 1, 307, 308.
Halmund, 342 n 2.
Hamadān, 209, 253 n 2, 361, 471,
473 n
1.
Hamadānī sect, 118 n 2, 119.
Hamdam Beg, ‘Abdu-'r-Raḥmān
Duldā'ī, 521.
Hamdamī, Barkhurdār, Mīrzā,
Khān-i-‘Ālam, 520, 521.
Ḥamīd, Ḥājī, 7.
Ḥamīd-i-Qādirī, Shaikh, 51, 141.
Ḥāmidpūr, 141.
Ḥāmzah, Amīr, 292.
Ḥāmzah, Shaikh, of Lukhnau, 103,
104.
Ḥanafī sect, 130, 210.
Ḥanafī, Mullā, 248.
Ḥanīfah, Abū, see Abū Ḥanīfah.
Hānsī, 19 n 1.
Hardoī, 189 n 1.
Harībans
, the, 345 n 2, 350 n 4.
Hārūt, 488.
Ḥasan, Imām, 48, 148.
Ḥasan, Ḥakīm, 219 n 2, 234.
Ḥasan Khān Sūr, 178 n 1.
Ḥasan, Qāẓī, of Qazvīn, 381.
Ḥasan, Shaikh, 15, 119 n 1, 276.
Ḥasan, Shaikh, son of Shaikh
Bīnā, 237.
Ḥasan Abdāl, 233 n 1, 235.
Ḥasan ‘Alī, Shaikh, of Mauṣil, 192,
193.
Hāshim, 97.
Hāshim, Muḥammad, 524, 525, 526.
Hāshimī, of Kirmān, 242 n 3.
Ḥātim, Miyāṅ, of Sambhal, 3, 4,
5, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 188.
Ḥātim, Shaikh, of Gopāmau, 30.
Ḥātim (poet), 508 n 1.
Ḥayā'ī, 306.
Ḥayātī, of Gīlān, 304, 305, 306.
Hemū, 254 n 2, 310 n 3, 314 n 1.
Ḥijāz, 14 n 2, 139, 157, 168, 176,
355 n 3, 361 n 1, 365, n 1, 383,
473 n
1, 519.
Ḥijāz Khān, 385.
Himālayas, the, 327 n 2.
Hindāl Mīrzā, 286 n 1, 379, 380.
Hindaun, 161, 162.
Hirāt (Herat), 262 n 1, 286, 298,
304, 315 n 1, 316 n 2, 324 n 1,
334 n 4, 358, 406 n 2, 439 n
4, 451, 473 n 1, 494, 516, 517,
519.
Ḥirzu-'l-amāni wa Wajhu-'t-tahān
,
41.
Ḥisāmu-'d-dīn, Miyāṅ, of Ṭalamba,
54.
Hiṣār Fīrūza (Hissar), 401, 465.
Hoshiyārpūr, 159 n 1.
Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 27 n
6, 40 n 6, 52 n 4, 82 n 1, 85 n
4, 133 n
3.
Humāyūn, Nāṣiru-'d-dīn Muḥam-
mad, the Emperor, 6 n 4, 8, 11
n 2, 89 n 2, 154, 161, 168 n 2,
199, 219, 246, 248 n 2, 253, 254,
265, 266 n 1, 267, 269, 275, 286
n 1, 293 n 2, 308 n 2, 309, 310
n 3, 314 n 1, 333 n 1, 334 n 4,
335, 344 n 1, 362 n 1, 378, 396
n 1, 407 n 1, 445, 450, 451 n 3,
491 n
6.
Humām, Ḥakīm, 199, 233 n 1,
234, 432.
Hurmuz, 193, 323.
Ḥusain, Imām, 48.
Ḥusain, the Khādim, 21.
Ḥusain, Khāja, of Marv, 248, 249,
250, 251, 401.
Ḥusain, Khāja, of Mashhad, see
Ṣanā'ī.
Ḥusain, Maulānā, see Naqshī.
Ḥusain-i-Mīdī, Qāẓī Mīr, 115.
Ḥusain, Mīr Sayyid, Khing-sawār,
149.
Ḥusain, Shaikh, of Badakhshān,
151, 152.
Ḥusain, Shaikh, of Bazhar, 188.
Ḥusain, Shaikh, of Ajmīr, 136,
137, 138, 139.
Ḥusain, Shaikh, of Khārazm, 151,
214, 401.
Ḥusain Sulṭān, Langāh, 89.
Ḥusain Khān, Tukruja, Muḥam-
mad, 6, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 38, 42,
43, 46, 56, 60, 63 n 4, 103, 104,
134, 144, 397, 470.
Ḥusn u Nāz, 498 n
1.
Ḥuznī, Mīr, 304.
Ḥuẓūr, Ḥūjī, 6.

I.

‘Ibādat-Khāna, the, 73, 74, 129 n
1, 163, 175, 180, 182, 196.
Ibn Ḥajar, 443.
Ibn Khallikān, 19 n 2, 37 n 7, 41
n
5.
Ibrāhīm, Ḥājī, of Sirhind, 84.
Ibrāhīm, Ḥājī, the Traditionist,
196.
Ibrāhīm, son of Adham, 397.
Ibrāhīm, Khāja, 19.
Ibrāhīm, Sayyid, of Īrij, 41.
Ibrāhīm, Shaikh, ‘Arab, 341.
Ibrāhīm Quṭb Shāh, 519.
Ibrāhīm-i-Cishtī, Shaikh, 137.
Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, Khāja, the
Aḥadī, 317, 318.
Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, Mīrzā, 56, 61.
Ibrāhīm Lodī, Sulṭān, 43, 103.
Iḥyā'u-'l-‘Ulūm, 29, 75, 88.
Ilāh Bakhsh, Shaikh, 152.
Ilāhābād, 66 n 9, 126 n 1, 158,
172, 380.
Ilāhābās, see Ilāhābād.
Ilāhdād, Miyāṅ, of Bārī, 10.
Ilāhdād, Miyāṅ, of Lakhnau, 134,
135.
Ilāhdād, Maulānā, of Amroha,
219, 346.
Ilāhdād, Maulānā, of Sulṭānpūr,
172.
Ilāhdād-i-Langarkhānī, Maulānā,
215.
Iliyās, Maulānā, 190.
‘Ilmī, Mīr Murtaẓā, 385, 386.
‘Imād (poet), 281.
‘Imādiyyah Kurds, 520 n 1.
‘Imāmī, Mīr, Mughbaca, 257.
Imperial Gazetteer, the, 10 n. 2, 120
n 4, 124 n 3, 145 n 2, 159 n 1,
160 n 2, 161 n 4, 163 n 2, 173
n 1, 178 n 1, 189 n 1, 190 n 2,
196 n 3, 219 n
1.
‘Ināyatu-'llāh, the Scribe, 391.
‘Irāq, 84 n 5, 190, 218 n 5, 239,
247, 258, 265, 283 n 4, 302 n 1,
304, 318, 443 n 2, 473 n 1, 474
n
1, 480, 519.
‘Irāq-i-‘Arab, 20 n 1.
Irij, 41.
Irvān, 338 n 3.
‘Isā, Shaikh, of Āgra, 188.
‘Iṣāmu-'d-dīn, Mullā, of Isfarāīn,
210, 213, 214, 248.
Isaulī, 34.
Iṣfahān, 149, 258, 318 n 2, 351,
367, 463 n
. 3, 508, 520.
Isfarāīn, 210, 213.
Isḥāq-i-Kākū, Shaikh, of Lāhor,
85, 86, 87, 217.
‘Ishqī Khān, Maulānā, 384, 385.
Islām, Shaikh, see Salīm, Shaikh.
Islīm, Shaikh, see Salīm, Shaikh.
Ismā‘īl, Maulānā, the ‘Arab, 188.
Ismā‘īl, Maulānā, of Ucch, 48, 157.
Ismā‘īl I, Shāh, Safavī, 98, 148,
476 n 2.
Ismā‘īl II, Shāh, Safavī, 190, 191,
287 n 7.
Ismā‘īl, Shaikh, 44, 181.
‘Iṣmat-i-Anbiyā, 114.
Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah, 11 n 4, 12 n
5, 14 n 1, 17 n 7, 44 n 4, 67 n
4, 75 n
9.
‘Itābī, Sayyid Muḥammad, of
Najaf, 380, 381, 382, 383.
Iṭāwa, 333 n 1.

J.

Jabal-i-‘Amilī, 191.
Ja‘far, 145
Ja‘far, Aḥadī, 495.
Ja‘far, Sayyid, of Hirāt, 298.
Ja‘far Beg, Qazvīnī, Āṣaf Khān II,
299, 300, 301, 429 n 1.
Jahān Shāh, Mīrzā, 265.
Jahāngīr, Nūru-'d-dīn Muḥammad,
the Emperor, 18 n 5, 137 n 4,
149, 150 n 2, 193 n 4, 198 n 3,
211 n 2, 232 nn 1, 3, 237 nn 2,
3, 4, 248 n 2, 263 n 4, 274, 299 n
3, 315 n 3, 327 n 2, 337 n 2,
367 n 3, 370, 408 n 4, 429 n 1,
444 n 3, 463 n 3, 480, 494 n 3,
498 n 1, 520 n 3, 535 n
2.
Jaipūr, 161 n 4, 278 n 3.
Jalā'ir clan, 454 n 1.
Jalāl, the Physician, 227.
Jalāl, Maulānā, of Tala, 157.
Jalāl, Mīr Sayyid, of Badāon, 91,
121.
Jalāl, Sayyid, of Bukhārā, 472 n 2.
Jalāl-i-Wāṣil, Shaikh, of Kālpī,
196.
Jalāl Khān Qurcī, 420.
Jalālia Nālā, 513 n 4.
Jalālu-'d-dīn-i-Qādirī, Mīr Sayyid,
of Āgra, 135, 136.
Jalālu-'d-dīn, Qāẓī, of Multān, 124,
125.
Jalālu-'d-dīn Shaikh, of Qannauj,
93, 94, 95.
Jalālu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Thānesar,
5, 6.
Jalālu-'d-dīn Dawwānī, Maulānā,
Muḥaqqiq, see Dawwānī.
Jalālu-'d-dīn Rūmī, Maulānā, 118,
151, 523 n 1.
Jalālu 'd-dīn Mīrān Shāh, 491 n 6.
Jalandar, 133.
Jālandar Dūāb, see Beth Jalandar
Dūāb.
Jalaun, 196 n 3.
Jalīnūsu-'z-Zamān, see ‘Alī, Ḥakīm.
Jām, 218 n 5.
Jām, Shaikh, 466, 522.
Jāmāl Khān, Afghān, 11 n 5.
Jamāl Khān, Miyāṅ, of Badāon,
397, 398, see Naṣīhī.
Jamāl Khān, Miyāṅ, Muftī of
Dihlī, 123, 124, 276.
Jamālu-'d dīn, Mīr, 114, 115.
Jamālu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Hānsī, 19
n 1.
Jamālu-'d-dīn, Muḥammad, Mau-
lānā, 157.
Jāmī (the poet), 180, 181, 226, 227,
243, 271, 329, 444 n 1, 448, 497.
Jamīlī, of Kālpī, 296, 297.
Jamna, the, 246, 274.
Jamshīd, 269, 349, 489 n 1.
Jān Qurbānī tribe, 263.
Jānī Beg, 337 n 2.
Jāt tribe, 80.
Jaunpūr, 10, 11 n 2, 66, 68 n 3,
76, 77, 83, 126 n 5, 135, 158, 239,
257, 270 n 1, 314 n
1, 406, 410.
Jauratī sect, 247.
Jausa, 161, 308.
Jawāhiru-'l-Qur'ān, 88.
Jazā'ir, al-, 341.
Jazbī, Pādshāh Qulī, 293, 294,
295.
Jec Dūāb, 172 n 2.
Jerusalem, 422 n 2.
Jhālara, 207.
Jhanjhāna, 144.
Jī-jī Anaga, 308 n 2, 336 n 2, 388,
n
1.
Jihlam, 172 n 2.
Jīl, 12 n 4.
Jodh Bāī, 18 n 5.
Jodhpūr, 18 n 5, 278 n 3.
Judā'ī, Mīr, 260 n 2, 291, 292,
365 n
1.
Junābid, see Junābud.
Junābud, 304 n 1, 315.
Jūnagaṛh, 454 n 2.
Junaid-i-Baghdādī, Shaikh, 37.

K.

Ka‘b b. Zuhair, 4 n 1, 119.
Ka‘bah
, the, 19 n 4, 22, 28 n 2,
82, 162, 168, 241, 266, 268, 269,
279, 347, 355, 356 n 2, 361, 381,
395, 417, 523 n
2.
Kabīr, Shaikh, 143, 144.
Kabīr, Shaikh, son of Mīr Munaw-
war, 158, 159.
Kābul, 65, 99, 137, 192, 213, 215,
237, 242, 244, 250, 257, 263 n 4,
343, 344 n 1, 354 n 4, 355, 362 n
1, 363, 367, n 3, 373, 376, 409,
436 n 1, 450 n
4, 468.
Kacch, 498 n 1.
Kāfiyyah, al
-, 29, 287.
Kāhī, Miyāṅ, see Qāsim-i-Kāhī.
Kākorī, 41.
Kākū, Shaikh, 85.
Kalān Beg, Khāja, 340.
Kālpī, 10, 296, 342.
Kālū, Shaikh, 56.
Kamāl, Shaikh, of Alwar, 21.
Kamāl Khān, Gakkhar, 344 n 1.
Kamāl-i-Biyābānī, Shaikh, 137.
Kamālā, the Ṣadr, 234.
Kamālu-'d-dīn Ḥusain, Miyāṅ, of
Shīrāz, 184, 185, 186, 188, 277,
278.
Kamālu-'d-dīn Sulaimān, 19 n 1.
Kambū tribe, 122, 123.
Kāmī, 239 n 1, see ‘Alā'u-'d-Dau-
lah, Mīr.
Kāmī, of Qum, 439.
Kāmrān Mīrzā, 308 n 2, 340 n 3,
396 n
1, 451.
Kanauj, see Qannauj.
Kāngo, 127.
Kānt u Gola, 31 n 3, 56, 60, 103,
134 n
3, 397.
Kapūr-i-Majzūb, Shaikh, of Gwā-
liyār, 95, 96.
Kara, 314 n 1.
Karbalā, 120 n 2, 473 n 1.
Karnāgaṛh, 173 n 1.
Karnāl, 174, 274.
Karorīs, 386.
Kāshān, 237 n 2, 283, 299 n 3, 302
n
1, 322.
Kāshghar, 344 n 1.
Kashmīr, 99, 100, 200, 203, 207,
209, 216, 265, 299 n 3, 344 n 1,
360, 367, 450, 474, 483, 491, 495,
513, 536.
Kāyasths, or Kāyats, 89.
Kerbelā, see Karbalā.
Khabushān, 227 n 2, 495.
Khāf, see Khavāf.
Khāfī Khān, Muḥammad Hāshim,
324 n 3.
Khairābād, 28, 45, 188 n 6.
Khāja, Mullā, 211.
Khāja-yi-Aḥrār, 65.
Khāja-yi-Jahān, Amīnu-'d-dīn Maḥ-
mūd, of Hirāt, 181, 213 n 4, 334.
Khājagān Khāja, 65.
Khān Aḥmad Khān, 432 n 2.
Khān-i-‘Ālam, see Hamdamī.
Khān-i-A‘ẓam, see ‘Azīz Kūka,
Mīrzā.
Khān-i-Jahān, 166.
Khān-i-Kalān, see Muḥammad
Khān.
Khān-i-Khānān, see Bairām Khān
and ‘Abdu-'r-Raḥīm Khān,
Mīrzā.
Khān-i-Zamān, ‘Alī Qulī Khān, 11
n 2, 125, 182, 210, 228 n 2, 239,
240, 264, 265, 314, 328, 329, 330,
334 n 4, 361, 385, 406 n
2.
Khāndesh, 229 n 5, 231, 263 n 4.
Khanjar Beg, 310, 314, 315, 384.
Khārazm, 151, 214, 215 n 4, 401.
Khavāf, or Khāf, 324, 403.
Khizāna-yi-‘Āmira, 495 n 3.
Khiẓr, 133, 338 n 3, 362, 382, 427,
481, 487.
Khiẓr Khān, 293 n 2.
Khiẓr Nahāvandī, Āghā, 302 n 1.
Khokhowāl, see Kokūwāl.
Khotwāl, 19 n 1.
Khurāsān, 110, 125, 302 n 1, 319
n 5, 336 n 4, 353 n 3, 387 n 5,
439 n 4, 440 n
3, 480.
Khurda, 340 n 4.
Khurram, Sulṭān, 337 n 2.
Khusrav, 359, 423.
Khusrav, Amīr, 233, 261, 357 n 2,
423 n 4, 443.
Khusrav u Shīrīn, 411 n
1.
Khusravī, 315.
Khwurd, Mullā, 407 n 1.
Kibrawī order, 151.
Kīj, 323.
Kīmiyā'u-'s-Sa‘ādah, 7.
Kirmān, 242 n 1.
Kisā'ī, 191.
Kodī, river, 104.
Kokūwāl, 345, 350.
Kolāb, 270.
Kūcik Beg, 475, 476, 477.
Kūfa, 20 n 1.
Kulāhī, Afẓal Khān, 438.
Kūmbhulmer, see Kūmbhalgaṛh.
Kūmbhalgaṛh, 420.
Kūrnish, 193, 374 n 5.

L.

Lādan, Miyāṅ Shaikh, of Dihlī, 91,
123.
Lāhor, 47 n 4, 56, 60, 78, 85, 86,
89, 98, 120, 133, 134, 138, 144,
147, 153, 155, 158 n 3, 159 n 1,
166, 168, 171 n 1, 176, 191, 194,
199, 202, 215, 217, 231, 235,
253, 273, 287 n 7, 323, 361, 383,
384, 390, 392 n
1, 419, 438, 441,
472, 520, 526.
Lakhnau, 27, 31 n 3, 32, 34 n 4,
38, 41, 42, 43, 103, 104, 106, 108,
134, 190, 334 n
4.
Lailā, 244, 433.
Lailā u Majnūn, 411 n 1, 449, 498
n
1.
La‘lī, La‘l Beg, 441.
Lane, E., Modern Egyptians, 15
n
2.
Langāh tribe, and dynasty, 89, 410.
Lāristān, 329 n 1.
Lashkar Khān, Khurāsānī, 336.
Lawā'iḥ, by Jāmī, 180, 444.
Lēlavatī, 511 n 1.
Lisānu-'l-Ghaib
, the, 303.
Liwā'ī, Pīrzāda, 440, 441.
Lonkaran, Rāja, 278.
Lubbu-'t-Tawārīkh, 463 n 3.
Lucknow, see Lakhnau.
Lūdhiāna, 144, 145.
Luṭfī, the Astrologer, 442.
Luṭfu-'llāh, Ḥakīm, of Gīlān, 237.

M.

Ma‘āriju-'n-Nubūwah, 147.
Ma'āṯiri Raḥīmī, 262 n 1, 322 n 1,
439 n 1, 473 n 1, 495 n 3, 508 n
1, 512 n 1, 535 n 2.
Ma'āṯiru-'l-Umarā, 198 n 4, 254 n
2.
Māchīwāra, 254 n 2.
Madad-i-Ma‘āsh, 6 n 2, 75.
Ma‘danu-'l-Afkār, 498 n
1.
Madīnah, 19 n 4, 20, 127, 167, 168,
173, 214, 268, 355 n
3.
Mahābhārata, the, 173, 350, 422, n
1, 530 n
2.
Mahdavī sect, 10 n 3, 11, 53 n 1,
74, 77, 84, 110, 111, 118 n
2.
Mahdī, the Imām, 58 n 2, 74, 77,
84, 110, 111, 283 n
4.
Mahdī, Ḥājī, of Lāhor, 78, 157.
Mahdī Qāsim Khān, 293 n 3.
Mahistī, of Hīrāt, 494.
Mahmands, 327 n 2.
Maḥmūd, of Basākhwān, 283 n 1,
285, 287.
Maḥmūd. Mīr. the Munshī, see
Maḥwī.
Maḥmūd, Sulṭān of Ghaznī, 46 n
6, 251.
Maḥmūd-i-Piyāru, Malīk, 197,
198.
Maḥmūd-i-Surkh, Mullā, 213.
Maḥmūd, Shaikh, Ṭabrīzī.
Maḥmūd-i-Gīlānī, Shaikh, 70 n 7,
210 n 6, 211 n
1.
Maḥmūd Beg, 408 n 4.
Maḥmūd Khān, 75, 77.
Maḥmūdiyyah sect, see Basākh-
wānī sect.
Māhrū, Mīr Sayyid, 102.
Maḥwī, Mīr Maḥmūd, the Munshī,
391, 444, 445, 446, 447.
Maḥwī, Mīr Mughīṯ, 473.
Mailī, Mīrzā Qulī, of Hirāt, 454,
455, 456, 457, 458.
Maisāna, 498 n 1.
Mājī tribe, 345.
Majnūn, 244, 287, 433, 453.
Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, ‘Abdu-'llah,
Maulānā, of Sulṭānpūr, 52, 53,
54, 74, 81 n 1, 98, 109, 113, 114,
115, 116, 127, 131, 133, 172.
Makhzan-i-Asrār, 394, 417 n 1,
498 n 1.
Makhzan-i-Khiyāl
, 417.
Makkah, 14 n 2, 19 n 4, 20, 73, 77,
116, 127, 131, 137, 152, 164 n 4,
168, 173, 190, 191, 199, 214, 218,
226, 254 n 2, 260, 266 n 1, 267
n 1, 268, 293 n 2, 302, 334 n 4,
344 n 1, 347 n 5, 355 n 2, 377
n 2, 378, 389, 395 n 2, 436 n 1
443, 473, 508 n 1, 509 n
1.
Makrān, 323.
Malik b. Anās, 130 n 1.
Malik, of Qum, 458, 459, 460, 461.
Mālikī sect, 130.
Maliku-'l-Kalām, see Qumī, Malik.
Maliku-'sh-Shu‘arā, title, 240, 243,
411, 452 n 2.
Mālīn, see Bālīn.
Mālwa, 11 n 2, 158 n 3, 217, 249 n
2, 333 n 1, 407 n 1, 422 n 1, 450
n 2, 454, 510, 512 n 1.
Mamba‘u-'n-Nafā'isi-'l-‘Uyūn
, 119.
Mān, Shaikh, of Pānīpat, 15, 17,
20.
Mangan, Shaikh, of Badāon, 493.
Mānī, 292.
Mānikpūr, 126, 314 n 1.
Manohar, see Tausanī.
Manṣūr, Mīr, 292 n 1.
Manṣūr-i-Ḥallāj, 37, 155.
Manẓarī, of Samarqand, 469, 470.
Maqāmātu-'l-Ḥarīrī, 135, 478.
Maqṣūd, Mullā, of Qazvīn, 462
463, 464, 465.
Maqṣūd ‘Alī, Khāja, 327 n 2.
Maqṣūd ‘Alī, Maliku-'l-Mulūk, 318
n 2.
Markazu 'l-Adwār, 411 n. 1, 417,
425 n
5.
Ma‘rūf-i-Cishtī, Shaikh, 27.
Mārūt, 488 n 1.
Marv, 248, 452.
Marvī, see Ḥusain, Khāja.
Mashāriqu-'l-Anwār, 176, 189.
Mashhad, 227 n 2, 239, 251 n 1
254, 267, 287, 335 n 5, 341, 378,
443, 447, 454 n 1, 465, 473 n 1,
495 n
3.
Masīḥu-'d-dīn, see Abū-'l-Fatḥ,
Ḥakīm.
Masīḥu-'l-Mulk, Ḥakīm, 230.
Mas‘ūd, Sālār, 46.
Ma‘ṣūm-i-Kābulī, 126, 270.
Mathura, 128.
Maujī, Qāsim Khān, of Badakh-
shān, 448, 450.
Mauṣil, 192.
Mauzūn, 467.
Mawāridu-'l-Kilam, 411 n 1.
Maẓharī, of Kashmīr, 474.
Mewāt, 163, 310 n 3.
Miftāḥu-'l-‘Ulūm
, 70, 109, 124.
Miḥnatī, of Ḥiṣār, 465.
Mihr ‘Alī Sildūz, 11, 12.
Mīr Bakhshī, see Āṣaf Khān
II.
Mīr-i-Kalān, Maulānā, 211, 212.
Mīrak Shāh, Sayyid, 115, 212.
Mir'ātu-'l-‘Ālam, 239 n 2, 240 n 3,
254 n 2, 408 n 4, 422 n 1, 508 n
1, 535 n 2.
Mir'ātu-'l-Kā'ināt, 239 n 2.
Mirṣādu-'l-‘Ibād
, 528.
Mīrzā, Maulānā, of Samarqand,
209, 210.
Miṣbāḥ, 151.
Mishkātu-'l-Maṣābīḥ
, 215, 268.
Miyānwālī, 124 n 3.
Mohān, 190.
Montgomery District, 50 n 2.
Moses, 486 n 1.
Mu‘āwiyah, 120 n 2.
Mu‘aẓẓam, Khāja, 224 n 3, 246,
466, 467.
Mubārak, Qāẓī, of Gopāmau, 28,
30, 31, 188, 189.
Mubārak, Shaikh, of Alwar, 162,
163.
Mubārak, Shaikh, of Nāgor, 75,
110, 113 n 2, 118, 119, 120, 130,
131, 393, n 1, 411 n
1.
Mubārak Khān, Afghān, 267 n 1.
Mudāmī, of Badakhshān, 461, 462.
Mudāmī, of Hamadān, 471.
Muflis, Mīrzā, the Uzbak, 218.
Mufradāt-i-Ma‘ṣūmī, 498 n 1.
Mughbaca, see Imāmī, Mīr.
Muḥammad, the Prophet, 1 n 5, 4
nn 1, 3, 20, 25 nn 1, 3, 32 n 3,
39, 40 n 3, 63 n 1, 67, 69 n 5,
78 n 4, 88 n 6, 90, 116, 127, 132,
153, 164 n 4, 170, 195 n 1, 203,
212, 283 n 4, 413, 414, 422 n 2,
438, 464, 516 n
1, 528, 532, 537.
Muḥammad, Amīr Sayyid, 209.
Muḥammad, Maulānā, the Muftī,
215.
Muḥammad, Mīr Sayyid, the
Weaver, see Fikrī.
Muḥammad, Mīr Sayyid, of
Amroha, 120, 121.
Muḥammad, Mīr Sayyid, of Jaun-
pūr, 10, 74, 76, 77, 83, 110, 111.
Muḥammad, Shaikh (brother of
Badāonī), 31, 34, 40.
Muḥammad, Shaikh (father of
Shaikh Sa‘dī), 42.
Muḥammad, Shaikh, of Bahroc,
134.
Muḥammad, Shaikh, of Dihlī, 474,
475.
Muḥammad, Shaikh, of Syria, 191,
192.
Muḥammad, al-Ahjī, 84.
Muḥammad Khān, Mīr, Khān-i-
Kalān, 396, 450 n 2, 471, 494.
Muḥammad Aṣghar, see Ashraf
Khān.
Muḥammad-i-Nūr Bakhshī, Mīr
Sayyid, 84.
Muḥammad Ghauṯ, Shaikh, 6, 7,
8, 9, 10, 43, 141, 160, 177, 196,
296.
Muḥammad Ḥakīm, Mīrzā, 137,
250, 275, 314 n 1, 337 n 2, 344
n 1, 354 n
4, 355, 409.
Muḥammad Ḥasan, Shaikh, 15.
Muḥammad Hāshim Khān, see
Khāfī Khān.
Muḥammad Ḥusain, Shaikh, of
Sikandara, 105, 108.
Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān, see
Ḥusain Khān.
Muḥammad Ja‘far, 144, 145
Muḥammad-i-Kambū, Shaikh, of
Sambhal, 12, 13.
Muḥammad-i-Khabūshānī, 227.
Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm, Mīr, Ṣafavī,
see Nāmī.
Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm Khān, Faran-
khūdī, 126 n 5.
Muḥammad Mīrzā, Sulṭān, 491
n 6.
Muḥammad Qalandar, Shaikh, of
Lukhnau, 43.
Muḥammad Qāsim, Kūhbar, 344
n 1.
Muḥammad Qāsim Khān, of Nīshā-
pūr, 302 n 2.
Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, 228
n 1, 337 n 2.
Muḥammad Qulī Khān, Turkmān,
367 n 3.
Muḥammad Riẓā, Mullā, see Nau‘ī.
Muḥammad Sharīf, 193.
Muḥammad Sharīf, of Nīshāpūr,
see Vuqū‘ī.
Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā, 6 n 4.
Muḥammad Yaḥya, Khāja, 150,
151.
Muḥammad Yazdī, Mullā, 126 n
5, 127, 233 n
2.
Muḥammad Yūsuf, 468, 469.
Muḥaqqiq-i-Dawwānī, see Daw-
wānī.
Muḥiyy, Sayyid, 189.
Muḥiyyu-'d-dīn, ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir-i-
Jīlī, 12 n 4, 135.
Muḥiyyu-'d-dīn Muḥammad,
Shaikh, 203.
Muḥsin Riẓavī, Mīr, of Mashhad,
443, 447, 448.
Muḥtaram Beg, 450.
Muḥtasham, 474 n 1.
Mu‘īn, Shaikh, 147, 194.
Mu‘īnu-'d-dīn-i - Sanjarī-yi - Cishtī,
Khāja, 18 n 5, 136, 139 n 1, 150
n 2, 197, 207 n 1, 252, 444 n
3.
Mu‘īnu-'d-dīn-i-Farankhūdī, Khāja,
218.
Mu‘izzī, Sayyid, of Hirāt, 451.
Mu‘izzu-'l-Mulk, Mīr, 126 n 5, 127,
228.
Mullā Ghanī, see Amanī.
Multān, 3 n 4, 47, 48 nn 6, 7, 50
n 2, 52, 89, 93, 124 n
3, 141,
143, 173.
Munavvar, Shaikh, 86.
Mun‘im Khān, 254 n 2, 314 n 1
337 n
2.
Munkir, 533 n 2.
Muntakhabu-'l-Lubāb, 324 n
3.
Muntakhabu-'t-Tawārīkh (refer-
ences to Volumes I and II), 3 nn,
6 n 2, 9, 30 n 2, 31 n 3, 58 n 2,
63 n 4, 68 n 3, 70 n 8, 74 n 3,
75 n 1, 110 n 4, 113 n 2, 118 n
2, 119 n 1, 126 nn 2, 5, 127 nn
4, 5, 129 n 1, 131 nn 1, 3, 4, 136
n 2, 137 nn 3, 4, 141 n 3, 143 n
2, 158 nn 1, 2, 161 n 3, 164 nn
1, 2, 4, 166 n 3, 168 n 2, 172 nn
,
173 n 5, 191 n 3, 198 n 1, 207 n
1, 209 n 2, 210 nn 1, 2, 211 n 2,
212 n 1, 213 nn 1, 3, 4, 215 nn
2, 3, 216 nn 1, 3, 217 n 5, 218
nn 1, 2, 219 nn 1, 2, 223, 224 n
3, 225 n 1, 226 n 3, 228 n 2, 229
nn 1, 3, 231 n 3, 233 nn 1,
2, 234 n 5, 235 nn 1, 3, 236 n
3, 242 n 3, 248 n 2, 265 n 4,
266 n 2, 267 n 1, 268 n 1,
269 n 1, 270 n 3, 280 nn 1, 3,
283 n 4, 287 n 5, 295 n 1, 308 n
3, 317 n 3, 326 n 2, 344 n 1,
345 n 2, 350 n 4, 351 n 1, 360 n
2, 263 n 2, 367 nn 2, 3, 370 n 2,
372 n 3, 374 n 1, 386 n 5, 389 n
2, 396 n 1, 398 n 2, 406 n 2, 411
n 1, 414 n 1, 436 n 2, 438 n 3,
442 n 3, 443 n 2, 450 n 3, 466
nn 2, 3, 467 n 5, 468 n 2, 470 n
1, 474 n 1, 508 n 1, 512 n 2,
513 n 1, 524 nn 1, 2, 530 n 2,
535 n
2.
Muqīm, Mīr, 438.
Muqīmī, of Sabzavār, 471, 472.
Muqtadir, the Khalīfah, 37 n 7.
Murād, Sulṭān, 230, 248 n 2, 388 n
1, 441.
Murādābād, 3 n 1, 120 n 4.
Murādī, of Astarābād, 451, 452.
Murtaẓā-yi-Sharīf, Mīr, of Shīrāz,
268, 442, 443, 444.
Mūsā, Shaikh, 137 n 4, 171.
Mūsā, Shaikh, Qādirī, 141, 142,
143.
Mūsawī, of Mashhad, 465.
Mūsawī Sayyids, 465 n 4.
Mushfiqī, of Bukhārā, 452, 453.
Muṣṭafā, Miyāṅ, of Gujarāt.
Muṭawwal, 109, 374.
Muẓaffar, Ḥakīm, of Ardastān
237.
Muẓaffar III of Gujarāt, 498 n 1.
Muẓaffar Khān, 433.
Muẓaffar Ḥusain, Mīrzā, Ṣafavī,
476 n 2.

N.

Nādiru-'l-Mulk, 292 n. 1, see Judā'ī
Nafā'isu-'l-Ma'āṣir, see Taẕkirah.
Naghmāt-i Dā'ūdī, 50.
Najaf, 20, 239, 380, 473 n 1, 503.
Najār, 496.
Najātī, of Gīlān, 495.
Najātu-'r-Rashīd, 54, 210.
Najmu-'d-dīn ‘Abdu-'l-Ghaffār,
Imām, 259.
Najmu-'d dīn ‘Abdu-'llāh, 230.
Najmu-'d-din Muḥammad, Sayyid,
242 n 3, see Qāsim-i-Kāhī.
Nakīr, 156, 533 n 2.
Nal u Daman, 411 n 1, 422, 424 n
1, 425 n
2.
Nala, 422 n 1.
Nāma-yi-Khirad-afzā, 224, 249 n
2.
Nāmī, Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm, Mīr,
Ṣafavī, 498, 499, 500, 501.
Naqd-i-Fuṣūṣ, 163.
Naqīb Khān, see Ghiyāṯu-'d-dīn
‘Alī.
Naqshband, Khāja Bahā'u-'d-dīn,
37.
Naqshbandī order, 119.
Naqshī, Ḥusain, Maulānā, 480.
Narbada, 218.
Nārnol, 44, 45.
Naṣīḥī, Jamāl Khān, Miyāṅ, of
Badāon, 493, 494.
Nāṣiru-'d-dīn, Shaikh, 123, 161,
162.
Nāṣiru-'d-dīn ‘Ubaidu-'llāh Aḥrār,
see Aḥrār, Khāja.
Nāṣiru-'l-Mulk, see Pīr Muḥammad
Khān, Mullā.
Naskh-i-Jahānārā, 259.
Naubat, 426 n
3.
Nau‘ī, Muḥammad Riẓā, Mullā,
495, 496.
Naurang Khān, 454.
Navā'ī, Muḥammad Sharīf, Mīr,
271, 510.
Naẓīrī, Muḥammad Ḥusain, Mau-
lānā, of Nīshāpūr, 392 n 1, 508,
509.
Naẓmī, of Ṭabrīz, 511, 512.
Nigāristān, 259.
Nihānī, 494, 495.
Nineveh, 192 n 1.
Nishada, 422 n 1.
Nishānī, ‘Alī Aḥmad, Maulānā,
480, 481, 482, 483, 484, 485, 486,
487, 488, 489, 490, 491, 492, 493.
Nīshāpūr, 7 n 1, 220, 302 n 1, 319,
324 n 1, 338 n 3, 473 n
1, 508,
510, 512.
Nīshāpūrī Commentary, the, 194,
195.
Niyābat Khān, 126 n 5.
Niyāzī tribe, 73.
Niyāzī, Mullā, 496, 497, 498.
Niẓām, Qāzī, of Badakhshān, 214,
374, 375, 409 n 2, 410.
Niẓām Shāhī Kings, 438 n 4.
Niẓāmī, of Ganja, the Poet, 394 n
2, 411 n 1, 423 n 4, 498 n
1,
500, 509.
Niẓāmu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Ambeṭhī,
27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 132, 182,
188, 189.
Niẓāmu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Nārnol,
44, 45.
Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad, Mīrzā (or
Khāja), 1, 138, 144, 145, 146,
152, 167, 168, 170, 187, 192, 193,
199, 262, 273, 306, 307, 317, 361,
374, 375, 390, 416, 436 n 1, 498 n
1, 508 n
1, 518.
Niẓāmu-'d-dīn Auliyā, Shaikh, 16,
363.
Niẓāmu-'l-Mulk, of Ṭūs, 358 n 2.
Nizārī sect, 413.
Nuqtawiyyah sect, see Basākhwā-
nī sect.
Nūr Jahān, wife of Jahāngīr, 494
n 3.
Nūr, Shaikh, Quṭb-i-‘Ālam, 27.
Nūru-'d-dīn, Ḥakīm, 233 n 1.
Nūru-'d-dīn Muḥammad Tarkhān,
Mullā, 217, 218, 219, 273, 274,
275, 276, 277, 278.
Nūru-'llāh, Qāẓī, of Shushtur, 193,
194, 195.
Nūru-'llāh Qāsim Arsalān, see
Qāsim Arsalān.
Nuvīdī, Mullā, 495.
Nuvīdī, of Turbat, 475, 476, 477,
478, 479, 480.

O.

Oḥod, see Uḥud.
Orissa, see Uṛīsa.
Oudh, 34 n 4, 45 n 5, 46 n 6 101,
188 n
6, 214.

P.

Pādshāh-nāma, 45 n 5, 237 n 4.
Pādshāh Qulī, see Jaẕbī, Pādshāh
Qulī.
Pairavī, 271, 272.
Pāk Pattan, see Ajūdhan.
Pānīpat, 43 n 4.
Panjāb, 56, 64, 81, 83 n 7, 98,
114, 124 n 3, 154, 159 n 1, 163
n 2, 172, 173 n 1, 174 n 1, 263
n 4, 275, 293 n 2, 310 n 3, 396
n 1, 397 n 4, 401 n 3, 444 n 3,
463 n 1, 513 n
4.
Parījān Khānum, 191.
Parī-Ṣūrat, 498 n 1.
Parvīz, Sulṭān, 299 n 3, 327 n
2.
Patan (or Pattan), in Gujarāt, 62
267, 396 n 1.
Patiālā, 173 n 1, 465 n 2.
Patiyālī, 66.
Patna, 66, 84, 295, 410.
Peshāwar, 268, 327 n 2, 483 n 2.
Pīca Jan Anaga, 327 n 2.
Pihānī, 198.
Pīr, Shaikh, of Āgra, 467.
Pīr Muḥammad Khān, Mullā, of
Shīrvān, 217, 218.
Pīr Muḥammad Mīrzā, 307 n 2.
Pīrak, Shaikh, of Lakhnau, 104,
105.
Piyāra, Shaikh, of Bangāl, 21.
Piyārū, Malik, 197.

Q.

Qādirī order, 12, 52, 61, 82, 135,
156, 157.
Qadrī, 437.
Qāf, 2.
Qahqaha, 190.
Qaidī, Mullā, of Shīrāz, 436.
Qāimganj, 145 n 2.
Qāīn, 315 n 1.
Qandahār, 78, 218, 253, 261, 327,
340 n 3, 359, 498 n 1, 499.
Qandī, 437.
Qannanj, 66 n 5, 93, 106, 145 n 2,
198, 308 n 3, 314 n 1.
Qānūn
, the, 237.
Qānūn-i-Islām, 3 n 5, 4 n 3, 7 n 3,
51 n
7.
Qarārī, Nūru-'d-dīn, Ḥakīm, of
Gīlān, 432, 433.
Qārūn, 234.
Qaṣīda-yi-Fāriẓiyya, 119.
Qaṣīdatu-'l-Burda
, 4, 33, 119, 150.
Qāsim, 362.
Qāsim, Mīrzā, 315.
Qāsim-i-Arsalān, 149, 240, 251,
252, 253, 336, 365 n 1.
Qāsim-i-Kāhī, 240, 242, 243, 247,
271, 276, 304 n 1.
Qāsim Khān, Mīr-i-Baḥr, 450.
Qāsim Khān Kāsū, 450 n 2.
Qāsim Khān, of Badakhshān, see
Maujī.
Qāsim ‘Alī, see Ghubārī.
Qāsim ‘Alī Khān, corn-chandler,
296.
Qāẓī Khān, see Niẓām, Qāẓī.
Qāẓī Muḥammad, 390.
Qilīj Khān, Ulfatī, 9, 100, 173, 178,
237, 263, 264, 319, 343, 383.
Qīṭūn, 135.
Qivāmu-'d dīn, Mīrzā, 299 n 3.
Qudsī, Mīr, of Karbalā, 510.
Qum, 260, 458.
Qumī, Malik, Maliku-'l-Kalām,
273, 372.
Quraish trībe, 133 n 1, 398,
528.
Quṭb Shāhī Kings, 438 n 4.
Quṭb-i-‘Ālam, Shaikh, 164.
Quṭbu-'d-dīn Bakhtyār-i-Kākī,
Khāja, see Bakhtyār.
Quṭbu-'dīn, Mīrān Sayyid, 204.
Quṭbu-'d-dīn Khān, 454 n 2.
Quṭbu-'d-dīn ‘Alī, 247 n 5.
Qutlū, 450 n 2.

R.

Rabī‘ī, 376, see ‘Ālim, Mullā, of
Kābul.
Rafī‘ī, Mīr Ḥaidar, of Kāshān,
322, 323, 324.
Rafī‘u-'d-dīn, Mīr Sayyid, 121,
162, 187.
Rahā'ī, Maulānā Ṣadru'd-dīn, of
Khavāf, 324.
Raḥmān Qulī Sulṭān, 384.
Raḥmatu-'llāh, Miyāṅ, 48, 51, 168.
Rai, 7 n 1, 255 n 1, 405 n 1.
Rāja ‘Alī Khān, of Khāndesh,
229.
Rājputāna, 278 n 3, 420 n 1.
Rām Candra, Rāja of Khurda,
340 n 4.
Ranthambhor, 162.
Rāqimī, Maulānā, 518.
Rashḥātu-'l Ḥayāt, 239 n 2.
Rashīd, Shaikh, 151.
Rasht, 304 n 3.
Raughanī, 325, 326, 327.
Raushaniyyah sect, 37 n 4.
Rauẓatu-'l-Aḥbāb
, 114.
Raverty, The Mihrān of Sind and
its Tributaries, 48 n 7, 50 n 2.
Rāvī, the, 202.
Razmnāma, 173.
Rewārī, 163 n 2, 483 n 1.
Risāla-yi-Makkiyya, 29.
Riyāẓu-'sh-Shu‘arā, 498 n
1.
Riẓā, ‘Alī Mūsā, Imām, 280, 335,
465 n 4.
Ruhtās (Bangāl), 178 n 1, 263 n 4.
Ruknu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Ajūdhan,
21.
Ruknu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Gangū,
82, 83.
Ruknu-'d-dīn, ‘Alā'u-'d-dīn, Shaikh,
248.
Rūm, 302 n 1.
Rusvā'ī, 308.

S.

Ṣabāḥi sect, 513.
Ṣabūḥī, 246, 356, 358.
Ṣabūrī, of Hamadān, 361.
Sabzavār, 117, 118, 254 n 2, 439 n
4, 471.
Sa‘d, Shaikh. 28.
Sadāshivarāya, Rāja of Vijaya-
nagar, 330 n 1.
Sa‘dī, of Shīrāz, the Poet, 144,
245, 397, 472, 523 n 1.
Sa‘dī, Shaikh, 42.
Ṣādiq Ḥalwā'ī, Mullā, of Samar-
qand, 354, 355.
Ṣādiq, Maulānā, 261, 363.
Ṣādiqī, 359.
Ṣadr-i-Jahān, title, see Ṣadru-'ṣ-
[Ṣuḍūr
.
Ṣadr-i-Jahān, of Pihānī, 198, 199,
200.
Ṣadru-'d-dīn, Qāẓī, 133, 134.
Ṣadru-'s-Ṣudūr (or Ṣadr-i-Jahān),
title, 8 n 5, 110, 122, 127, 138,
139, 198 n 3, 199, 378 nn 1, 2,
386 n
4, 497.
Sa‘du-'llāh, Shaikh, Banī Isrā'īl,
86, 87, 88, 158.
Sa‘du-'llāh, Shaikh, the Gram-
marian, 160, 161.
Ṣafā'ī, Mīr Sayyid, 498.
Ṣafī, Shaikh, 45, 91.
Safīdūn, 218 n 5, 273.
Ṣaḥā'if fī-'l-Kalām
, 92.
Sahāranpūr, 61, 83 n 1.
Ṣaḥīḥ-i Bukhārī
, 215.
Sahmī, 336, 337, 365 n 1.
Sahrawardī, Shaikh Abū-'n-Najīb
‘Abdu-'l-Qādir b. ‘Abdi-'llāh, 26,
29 n 4.
Sahrawardiyyah order, 82 n 4.
Sahsarām, 178.
Sahwu-'l-Lisān, 302.
Ṣā‘ib, the Poet, 392 n 1.
Sa‘īd, Maulānā, 212, 213.
Sa‘īd, Shaikh, see Sa‘īd, Maulānā.
Saifī, 243.
Saifī Sayyids, 148, 386, 444 n 3.
Saifu-'llāh, 75, 367 n 3.
Saifu-'l-Mulūk, Shujā‘ī, of Damā-
vand, 226, 227, 228, 352, 353.
Sairī, 334.
Ṣalāḥu-'d-dīn, see Ṣarfī, of Sāwa.
Ṣāliḥ, the Madman, ‘Āqil, 362, 363.
Ṣāliḥ, Mullā, 370.
Ṣāliḥī, Muḥammad Mīrak, 358.
Salīm, Prince, see Jahāngīr.
Salīm-i-Cishtī, Shaikh, 18, 19, 20,
21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 73, 137 n 4,
162, 171 n 1, 197, 225, 274 n
2,
297, 343.
Salīm Shāh Sūr, 53, 62, 74, 75.
Salmā, 347.
Salmān, of Sāwa, 453, 463.
Salsabīl, 182.
Samā, 9 n 1.
Samā‘ī, 525.
Sāmāna, 91, 173, 174, 218 n 5.
Samnān, 248.
Samarqand, 65, 209, 210, 354, 405,
496 n 2.
Sambhal, 3, 4, 12, 21, 63 n 6, 69,
96, 97, 103, 120, 121, 188, 263 n 4,
329 n 1, 387, 396 n
1, 397, 398.
Sāmbhar, 278.
Sāmirī, 486, 488, 490.
Ṯanā'ī, of Mashhad, 287, 288, 291,
295, 390, 393.
Ṯānī Khān, ‘Alī Akbar, of Hirāt,
286, 287.
Sanjar, Sulṭān, 307.
Saplak, 327.
Sāqī, of the Jazā'ir, 341, 342.
Sāqī-nāma, 495 n 3.
Saqqā, Bahrām, 338, 339.
Sarā'ī Sidhū, 3 n 4.
Sarandīb, 339.
Sārangpūr, 407 n 1.
Sarhind, see Sirhind.
Sarmadī, Sharīf, of Iṣfahān, 319,
340, 341, 513 n 1.
Ṣarfī, Shaikh Ya‘qūb, of Kashmīr,
360.
Ṣarfī, Ṣalāḥu-'d-dīn, of Sāwa, 361.
Sarkhej, 240, 241.
Satgarah, 48, 52.
Satkara, see Satgarah.
Sāwa, 271 n 6, 361, 365, 453 n 1.
Sawād, 233 n 1, 299 n 3.
Sawāṭi ‘u-'l-Ilhām, 157, 194, 297 n
2, 322 n 2, 323, 411 n 1, 414 n
2.
Sayyāfī, 335.
Sayyidī, Sayyid Shāh, 342, 343.
Shaddād, 234.
Shafī‘u-'d-dīn Muḥammad, 228.
Shafī‘ī, Imām, 115, 259 n 3.
Shāhābād, 178 n 1.
Shāham Beg, 314 n 1, 331 n 1,
333 n
3.
Shāhbāz Khān Kambū.
Shāh-i-‘Ālam, of Bukhārā, 197.
Shāh Jahān, 45 n 5, 408 n 4, 520
n
3.
Shāhjahānpūr, 56 n 4.
Shāh Mīr, Amīr, 512 n 1.
Shāh Mīr, Sayyid, 162, 174, 175,
176.
Shāh Muḥammad Unsī, Maulānā,
524, 536 n 3.
Shāhnāma, 469 n
3.
Shāh Qulī, Kurd, 293, 294.
Shāh Qulī, Sulṭān, of Badakhshān,
441.
Shāhrukh, Mīrzā, 65, 450 n 4.
Shaikhu-'l-Hidyah, 28, 29, 45, 46,
47.
Shakhṣ-i-Wāḥid, 283 n 4.
Shakībī, of Iṣfahān, 351, 508 n 1.
Shamā'ilu-'l-Muḥammadiyyah
, see
Shamā'ilu-'n-Nabī.
Shamā'ilu-'n-Nabī
, 268.
Shāmlū Turkmāns, 262.
Shamsābād, 145.
Shamsu-'d-dīn, see Ḥakīmu-'l-
Mulk.
Shamsu-'d-dīn, Khāja, of Khavāf,
231.
Shamsu-'d dīn, Qāẓī, Qazoīnī, 295.
Shamsud-'d-dīn, Shaikh Ṭabrīzī,
84 n 3.
Shamsu-'d dīn Muḥammad, see
Ataga Khān.
Sharafu-'d-dīn, Abū ‘Abdi-'llāh b.
Sa‘īd, 4 n 1.
Sharafu-'d-dīn Ḥasan, 230.
Sharḥ-i-‘Aqā'id, 217.
Sharḥ-i-Shamsiyyah, 209, 370.
Sharḥ-i-Vikāya, 132, 211.
Sharḥu-'l-Mukammal. 49 n 1.
Sharḥu shamā'ili-'n-Nabī
, 114.
Sharīf Āmalī, 340, 513 n 1.
Sharīf-i-Amānī, Mīr, of Iṣfahān,
258, 259.
Sharīf of Ṭabrīz, 303.
Sharīfī, see Murtaẓā, Mīr.
Shāṭībī, the, 119.
Shāṭibī, Abū Muḥammadi-'l
Qāsimī, 41 n 5, 42.
Shaṭṭārī order, 7.
Sher Khān, 314 n 1.
Sher Shāh, see Shīr Shāh.
Shiblī, Abū Bakr, Shaikh, 37.
Shihāb Khān, 498 n 1.
Shihābu-'d-dīn, Qāẓī, 135.
Shihābu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, Sahra-
vardī, 225.
Shihābu-'d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, 512.
Shīmāl Khān, 420 n 2.
Shīr Shāh Sūr, Farīdu-'d-dīn, 89 n
2, 161 nn 2, 5, 178 n 1, 467 n
5.
Shīrāz, 184, 196, 216, 229, 230, 277,
390, 392, 403, 436, 442, 443, 523.
Shīrgaṛh, 50, 52, 56, 60, 61, 62
Shīrī, 345, 346, 347, 350, 351.
Shīrīn, 348, 359 n 1.
Shīrvān, 217, 218.
Shujā‘ī, see Saifu-'l-Mulūk.
Shu‘ūrī, 353, 354.
Shūshtar, 285.
Sidhaulī, 10 n 2.
Sijdah
, 193, 374.
Sijistān, 76 n 2.
Sikandar Lodī, Sulṭān, 103.
Sikandar Sūr, 470.
Sikandara, 105, 108.
Sikandar-nāma, 411 n 1, 498 n 1.
Sīkrī, see Fatḥpūr.
Silsilatu-'dh-Dhahab, by Jāmī, 376.
Sind, 89 n 2, 172, 409 n 1, 499.
Singhāsan Batīsī
, 249.
Sipāhī, 340.
Sipihrī, Mīrzā Beg, 334, 335.
Ṣirāṭ, aṣ, 534.
Sirhind, 6 n 3, 47 n 4, 73, 74, 75,
83 n 1, 91 n 3, 173 n 1, 174 n

1, 176, 177, 237, 465.
Sīstān, 342 n 2.
Sītāpūr, 10 n 2, 28 n 2.
Siwālik, 254 n 2.
Siyālkot, 219.
Sohna (Ladh), 163.
Steingass, Persian English Diction-
ary, 73 n
2.
Ṣūfī, Shaikh, 28.
Ṣūfīs, 3 n 3, 14, 20 n 3, 36, 37, 42,
69, 78, 85, 133, 166, 177, 243, 297,
298.
Ṣūfī Mysticism, 11 n 3, 13 n 1, 27,
69, 75 n 9, 81 n 1, 91 n
7, 93,
95, 103, 167, 168, 180, 243, 258,
287, 338, 340, 385, 390, 421, 437,
472.
Sulaimān (Solomon), 349, 416.
Sulaimān Mīrzā, of Badakhshān,
214 n 1, 344 n 1.
Sulaimān u Bilqīs, 411 n 1, 425 n
5.
Sulṭān, Khān-i-Zamān, 331, 332,
333. See also Khān-i-Zamān.
Sulṭān, of Saplak, 327, 328, 329,
330, 331, 333 n 3.
Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā, of Khurāsān,
295, 298 n 1, 387.
Sulṭān Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, 454 n 1.
Sulṭān Salīma Begum, 494 n 3.
Sulṭānpūr, 52, 172.
Sūrat, 383, 468.
Sūz u Gudāz, 495 n 3.
Swāt, see Sawād.
Syria, 20.

T.

Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, 1, 73 n 6, 133 n
1, 138 n 1, 143 n 2, 165 n 3,
218 n 5, 231 n 3, 234 n 1, 238 n
2, 240 nn 1, 3, 242 n 3, 248 n 2,
251 n 1, 253 n 3, 255 n 1, 259 n
2, 262 n 2, 263 n 4, 273 nn 1, 2,
285 n 3, 286 n 1, 293 n 2, 297 n
3, 298 n 3, 299 n 3, 302 n 1, 304
n 1, 306, 307, 310 n 2, 315 n 1,
316 n 2, 317 n 3, 319 n 4, 322 n
1, 324 n 1, 325 n 2, 327 n 2, 334
nn 1, 3, 340 n 2, 342 n 1, 351 n
2, 354 n 4, 356 n 2, 359 n 2, 361
nn 1, 2, 362 n 1, 365 n 1, 368 n
1, 370 n 1, 372 n 2, 373 n 3, 378
n 1, 380 n 1, 381 n 1, 383 n 2,
390 n 1, 392 n 1, 398 n 1, 401 n
3, 403 nn 1, 2, 405 nn 1, 2, 406
n 1, 408, 411 n 1, 435 n 2, 436
n 1, 437 nn 1, 2, 438 n 1, 439
nn 1, 4, 442 n 1, 444 n 2, 447 n
2, 451 nn 1, 5, 475 n 2, 480 n 1,
495 n 1, 496 n 2, 498 n 1, 508 n
1, 511 n 1, 517 n 1, 522 n 1, 535
n 2.
Tabarrā, 438 n
3.
Ṭabāṭabā, Ismā‘īl b. Ibrāhīm, 451
n 2.
Ṭabāṭabā'ī Sayyids, 260 n 2, 322
n
1, 451.
Tabrīz, 291 n 4, 302, 303, 408 n 4,
511, 523.
Tafsīr i-Kabīr
, 119, 360.
Ṭahmāsp Shāh 148, 149, 190, 237,
239 n 2, 299 n 3, 318 n 2, 335,
454 n 1, 463 n 3, 512 n 1.
Taḥqīq fī uṣūli-'l-fiqh, 92.
Ṭaifūriyyah
order, 7 n 1.
Tāju-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Lakhnau,
43.
Takaroī, battle of, 336 n 4.
Tālakān, 19 n 2.
Ṭalamba, 3, 54, 60, 61 n 4
Ṭalḥah, 115.
Ṭālib, Mullā, of Iṣfahān, 367.
Ṭāli‘ī, of Yazd, 368, 369.
Talikota, battle of, 330 n 1.
Tanka
, 9, 28.
Ṭanṭarānī, 297 n 1.
Taqī Muḥammad, see Taqī'u-'d-
dīnī, of Shūshtar.
Taqī'u-'d-dīnī, of Shūshtar, 285,
286.
Taqīya, Mullā, see Taqī'u-'d-dīnī,
of Shūshtar.
Taqiyyah, 336 n 5.
Ṭāramī, Mullā ‘Alī, the Muḥadd ṯ,
363, 364.
Tardī Beg, 310.
Tardī, Rūda, 278.
Tārīkh-i-Alfī, 530 n 2.
Tārīkh-i-Ma‘ṣūmī, 121 n 3.
Tārīkh-i-Niẓāmī
, see Ṭabaqāt-i-Ak-
barī.
Tārīkh-i-Sind, 498 n
1.
Ṭarīqī, of Sāwa, 337, 365.
Tarkhān, title of, 218 n 5, 273, 274.
275.
Tarshīz, 372 n 2.
Taṣawwuf, 11 n
3, see Ṣūfī mysti-
cism.
Tashbīhī, of Kāshān, 283, 284, 285.
Tāshkand, 213.
Taslīm, 374 n 5.
Tātār Khān, 165, 276.
Tatta, see Thatha.
Tausanī, Manohar, 278, 279.
Ṭawāf, 19 n 4, 523 n 2.
Ṭawā'is, see Ṭawāwīs.
Ṭawā'isī, Qāẓī, 125.
Ṭawāwīs, 125 and n 2.
Taẕarvī, of Abhar, 279, 280, 283.
Taẕkirah, the, of Taqī, 498 n 1.
Taẕkiratu-'sh Shu‘arā
, the, of Mīr
‘Alā'u-d-Daulah, 239, 437, 446,
467, 477.
Thānesar, 5, 83, 114, 173, 187.
Thatha, 193, 235, 409, 497, 498.
Tibat, 99.
Ṭiflī, 370, 372.
Tigris, the, 192 n 1.
Ṭihrān, 226 n 5, 255 n 1, 338 n 3,
405.
Timma, 330 n 1.
Tīmūr, Amīr, Ṣāḥib-Qirān, 6 n 4,
242 n 3, 278 n 1, 295 n 4, 307 n 2,
387 n
5, 432, 433, 490, 491.
Tīmurides, 278.
Tirmiẕ, 498 n 1.
Tirmiẕī Sayyids, 498 n 1.
Tītāl, 295.
Toda, 483 n 2.
Transoxiana, 45 n 2, 122, 210, 213,
214, 218, 251, 355, 437, 453, 480,
497.
Tuḥfatu-'l-Aḥrār, 226.
Tukrīyā
, see Ḥusain Khan.
Tūrān, 199.
Turbat, 475.
Turbat-i Ḥaidarī, 353.
Turbat-i-Shaikh Jām, 353.
Turkey, 191, 214, 280.
Ṭūs, 29 n 2, 251, 358 n 2.
Ṭūṭīnāma, 249 n 2.
Ṭuwal, 374.
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, 3 n. 5, 18 n. 5,
237 nn 2, 4, 5, 263 n 4, 299 n 3,
337 n 2, 508 n
1.

U.

‘Ubaidī, 383, 384.
Ucch, 48, 157.
Udaipūr, 420 n 1.
‘Uḥud, 116.
Ujjain, 510, 512 n 2.
Ulfatī, see Qilīj Khān.
Ulfatī, of ‘Irāq, 265.
Ulfatī, of Yazd, 264, 265.
Ulugh Mīrzā, alias Sikandar, 6 n
4, 60 n
5, 75, 278.
Ulugh Baig Mīrzā, 60.
Umanā sect, see Basākhwānī sect.
‘Umar, the Khalīfah, 25 n 3, 39 n
4, 88, 117 n 2, 195 n 1, 438 n
3.
‘Umar, Shaikh, 157.
‘Umar Shaikh, Mīrzā, 6 n 4, 60 n
5, 387 n 5, 491 n
6.
Umar Khayyām, 406, 529 n 1.
Ummidī, 336, 337.
Unāo, 190 n 2.
Undotted Commentary, the, see
Sawāṭi‘u-'l-Ilhām.
Ur of the Chaldees, 433 n 4.
‘Urfī, Sayyidī Muḥammad Jamālu-
'd-dīn, of Shīrāz, 392, 393, 394,
395.
Uṛīsa, 336 n 4, 340 n 5.
Ūsh, 45.
‘Uṯmān, the Khalīfah, 39 n 4, 117
n 2, 195 n 1, 438 n
3.
‘Uṯmān, Maulānā, of Bangāl, 188.
‘Uṯmān, Maulānā, of Sāmāna,
173.
‘Uthmān, see ‘Uṯmān.
Uzbaks, 439 n 4.
‘Uzzā, 347.

V.

Vafā'ī, of Iṣfahān, 520.
Vāfī, 525.
Vais, Maulānā, of Gwāliyār, 189,
190, 191.
Vajd, 9 n 2.
Vajīhu-'d-dīn, Miyān, or Shaikh,
of Aḥmadābād, 8, 72, 73, 176.
Vāmiq, 287.
Vāqi‘ī, Ibn ‘Alī, of Hirāt, 517.
Vaṣfī, Mīr ‘Abdu-'llāh, 246, 518.
Vaṣlī, 519.
Venkatādrī, 330 n 1.
Verkopāī, 318 n 2.
Vidā'ī, of Hirāt, 516.
Vidarbha, 422 n 1.
Vijayanagar, 330.
Vikramāditya, 249 n 2.
Vuqūfī, Wā‘iẓ Mīr, of Hirāt, 519.
Vuqū‘ī, Muḥammad Sharīf, of
Nīshāpūr, 512, 513, 516.

W.

Wāḥidiyyah sect, see Basākhwānī
sect.
Waḥshī, 474 n 1.
Wā‘iẓ, Mīr, see Vuqūfī.
Wajīhu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, see Vajīhu-
'd-dīn.
Whinfield, Gulshan-i-Rāz, 84 n 3.

Y.

Yādgār, see Ḥālatī.
Yaḥyā, Khāja, 439 n 4.
Yaḥyā, Maulānā, 345.
Yaḥyā, Mīr, 148, 149.
Yaḥyā, Qāẓī, of Qazvīn, 463, 464.
Ya‘qūb, Qāẓī, 124, 125, 126.
Ya‘qūb, Shaikh, of Kashmīr, 20,
200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207,
208: see also Ṣarfī.
Ya‘qūb Khān, of Kashmīr, 450.
Yāsīn, Sayyid, 176, 177.
Yazd. 126 n 5, 237, 264, 315 n 1,
368, 408.
Yazīd, 120.
Yol Qulī, see Anīsī.
Yūsuf (Joseph), 206, 208, 244, 347
n 6, 468.
Yūsuf, Shaikh, 89.
Yūsuf Khān, or Shāh, of Kashmīr,
450.
Yūsuf Khān, Mīrzā, 265, 495 n 3.
Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān, son of
Ataga Khān, 280, 310.
Yūsuf-u Zulaikhā, 448, 498 n 1,
500.
Yūsufzāīs, 233 n 1, 327 n 2, 351.

Z.

Zābulistān, 233 n 1, 327 n 2.
Zāhid, Ḥijāz Khān, 386.
Zaidī sect, 232.
Zain Khān, Kūka, 233 n 1, 327,
367 n
2, 520.
Zainu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Jabal-i-
‘Āmilī, 191.
Zainu-'d-dīn, Shaikh, of Khavāf,
324.
Zainu-'d-dīn Maḥmūd, Maulānā,
[212.
Zamzam, 168.
Zanbīl, Ḥakīm, 228.
Zanjabīl, 182.
Ẕauq, 11 n 5, 12 n 5.
Zību-'n-Nisā, daughter of Aurang-
zīb, 494 n 3.
Zibrīqī, Ḥakīm, 135.
Ẕikr, 15 n 1, 27.
Ẕikr-i-arra
, 211.
Ẓiyā'u-'llāh, Shaikh, 175, 176, 177,
178, 179, 180, 181, 182.
Ẓuhūr, Shaikh, 6.
Ẓuhūrī, Mullā Nūru'-d-dīn, of
Tarshīz, 372, 373.
Zulaikhā, 244, 347, 416.
Ẕū-'l fiqār, 504.

ERRATA.

P. 19, note 1, l. 20. For ‘Farishtu’ read ‘Firishta.’
P. 43, note 4, l. 3. For ‘Panipat’ read ‘Pānīpat.’
P. 45, note 2, l. 3. For ‘Iyaltamish’ read ‘Iltutmish.’
Do. do. l. 5. For ‘Farishta’ read ‘Firishta.’
P. 82, l. 9. For ‘Rīẓwān’ read ‘Riẓwān.’
P. 86, l. 3. After ‘year’ insert ‘H.’
P. 94. l. 4. Dele ‘and.’
P. 109, note 3. l. 1. For ‘‘utūm’ read ‘‘ulūm.’
P. 115, l. 16. Between ‘work’ and ‘Mīr’ insert ‘of.’
Do. l. 26. For ‘My’ read ‘Thy.’
P. 125, note 2, l. 1. For ‘Ṭāwawīs’ read ‘Ṭawāwīs.’
P. 130, ll. 1, 26.
P. 131, ll. 12, 21, and n. 4, l. 6.
For ‘‘Abdu-u-nabī’ read ‘‘Abdu-n-
nabī.’
P. 139, note 3. For ‘test’ read ‘text.’
P. 147. note 1, l. 3. For ‘Steps to prophethood’ read ‘Degrees in
‘prophet-hood.’
P. 169, note 3. For ◌ read ◌.
P. 173, note 1, l. 1. For ‘Dilhī’ read ‘Dihlī.
P. 178, note 1, l. 4. For ‘Shāh’ read ‘Khān.’
P. 198, l. 19. For ‘qaṣīdāh’ read ‘qaṣīdah.’
P. 210, note 6, l. 4 (on p. 211). For ‘approbrious’ read ‘opprobrious.’
P. 216, note 2, l. 2. For ‘Bījāpōr’ read ‘Bījāpūr.’
P. 217, l. 2. For ‘Rākū’ read ‘Kākū.’
P. 239, l. 4. For ‘Taẕkirāh’ read ‘Taẕkirah.’
P. 240, note 3, l. 2. For ‘Badoānī’ read ‘Badāonī.’
P. 241, l. 16. For ‘Ka‘bāh’ read ‘Ka‘bah.’
P. 246, last line. For ‘Ṣubūḥī’ read ‘Ṣabūḥī.’
P. 249, note 1, l. 1. For ‘sleeps’ read ‘sleep.’
P. 262, note 1, l. 4. For ‘Shāmlā’ read ‘Shāmlū.
P. 283, note 4, l. 6. For ‘Taimūr’ read ‘Tīmūr.’
P. 300, l. 14. For ‘lives’ read ‘lines.’
P. 318, note 2, l. 14. For ‘takhaluṣ’ read ‘takhalluṣ.’
P. 329, note 1, l. 8. For ‘bīghas’ read ‘bīghas.’
P. 348, note 2, ll. 1 and 2. For ‘conservation’ read ‘conversation.’
P. 362, l. 14. For ‘‘Aqil’ read ‘Āqil.’
P. 376. For note 3 substitute ‘The poem by Jāmī.’
P. 405, note 3. For ‘magians’ read ‘Magians.’
P. 408, l. 24. For ‘Fusīnī’ read ‘Fusūnī.’
P. 425, note 5, l. 1. For ‘Salaimān’ read ‘Sulaimān.’
P. 436, l. 1. For ‘Shīrār’ read ‘Shīrāz.’
P. 473, l. 17. For ‘Majnīms’ read ‘Majnūns.’
Do. note 1, l. 9. For ‘Ṣafāviyya’ read ‘Ṣafaviyya.’
P. 493, l. 19. For ‘Naṣiḥī’ read ‘Naṣīḥī.’
Do. note 2. Insert “397” after ‘p.’ and dele “note.”
P. 495, note 3, l. 2 (on p. 496). For ‘Sāqīrāma’ read ‘Sāqīnāma’
P. 530, l. 19. For ‘Muslinis’ read ‘Muslims.’

◌ literally, “let it not be concealed,” a common form of commencing a history.

↩
Niẓāmu-'d-Dīn Aḥmad, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī passim. His history is generally known as the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī.

↩
Such expressions as this explain Badāonī's reason for keeping this history secret. The literal translation is “and have not been pardoned.”

↩
I.e., “were I to mention these men at all I could only mention them in such a manner as would lead to my being persecuted, for I will not give praise where it is not due. I will therefore keep silence regarding them.”

↩
Two pious ejaculations in Arabic, the former, which is one of the ◌, or traditional sayings of Muḥammad, denouncing flatterers, while the latter prays for protection from tyrants.

↩
These are evidently the persons intended by the word ◌. Badāonī as a good Muslim was much scandalized by the strange freaks of the followers of this new religion of Akbar's.

↩
The reference to the idiomatic use of the word ◌ (ḥarf) “a letter of the alphabet” as in the phrase ◌, “to talk,” is hard to reproduce in a translation. The meaning of the line is:—“The letters (or sounds) of which their talk is composed do not spell (or make) sense.”

↩
◌ lit., ‘dustbin,’ otherwise ‘the furnace used for heating a bath.’ The unsavouriness of the latter would be due to the nature of the fuel used.

↩
A fabulous bird, described as being “known as to name, but unknown as to body.” Its abode is in Qāf, a mountain encircling the world, which may be described in much the same terms as is the bird. In practical, as opposed to mythical geography, the name is given to the Caucasus.

↩
This Arabic couplet is clearly a parody on the opening couplet of the fourth qaṣīdah of the ◌. In the second hemistich the word ◌ appears in the text, and also in MSS. (A) and (B). This does not make sense. I prefer to read ◌.

↩
◌ in the text, despite the clear meaning of the passage and the authority of both MSS.

↩
Sambhal was then the principal town of the Sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Dihlī. It is now a Taḥṣīl town and Municipality in the Murādābād District. N.-W. P.

↩
Vide Vol. I (trans. Ranking), p. 428.

↩
I.e., the ecstasy of the Ṣūfīs, or mystics of Islām, which will be described hereafter.

↩
Now a municipal town in the Sarāī Sidhū Taḥṣīl of the Multān District, Panjāb. (Hunter's “Imperial Gazetteer of India,” xiii., 163.) Vide Badāonī I. (trans. Ranking), p. 389 n 2.

↩
A family and order of ascetics. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. III. trans. Jarrett, pp. 354, 357, 361, 369, 370, 422. Also Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, ‘Alīgaṛh edition (1864), p. 1, and preface, pp. 3, 4. Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I. (trans. Bloch-mann), p. 309, Qānūn-i-Islām (Ja‘far Sharīf and Dr. Herklots) ed., 1832, p. 289, and Akbarnāma text, p. 154.

↩
A town in the Sarkār of Sambhal, Ṣūba of Dihlī. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I. (trans. Jarrett), p. 289.

↩
There are two Qaṣīdahs which go by this name. The former, the original Qaṣīdatu-'l-burdah, was written by Ka‘bu-'bnu-Zuhair, in praise of Muḥammad, during the latter's lifetime. Muḥammad bestowed upon the poet as a reward his own burdah or cloak of striped cloth of Yaman. Hence the name given to the poem. The latter was written by Shaikh Sharafu-'d-Dīn Abū ‘Abdu-‘llāh Muḥammad bin Sa‘īd Būṣīrī, who died in 694 A.H. (1294 A.D.), and was at first named Al Kawākibu-'d-darrīyah or “glittering stars.” various reasons are given for the bestowal on it of the name Qaṣīdatu-'l-burdah . This latter poem was also written in praise of Muḥammad. (Vide Ḥājī Khalfā Fluegel, 1845, Vol. IV., 523-533.) The latter poem is the better known of the two, and it was probably this that Badāonī learnt.

↩
This book was probably the Kanzu-'d-daqā, iq fi furū‘i-'l-Ḥanafiyyah by Shaikh Al Imām Abū-'l-Barakāt ‘Abdu-'llāhi bni-Aḥmad, known as Ḥāfiẓu-'ddīni-'n-Nasafi vide Ḥājī Khalfā, Vol. V. (ed. 1850), pp. 249-253. The author died in 710 A.H. (1310 A.D.).

↩
◌ (Shajara) or ◌ (Shajar-nāma) a list of saints, or holy predecessors, which is drawn up in the form of a genealogical tree, and should go back to the time of Muḥammad. It is delivered into the hands of a student when he is made either a murīd (disciple) or Khalīfah (deputy) as evidence of his spiritual descent. Vide Qānūn-i-Islām by Ja‘far Sharīf and Dr. Herklots (1832), pp. 283, 300.

↩
◌ (darvīsh-i-dānishmand) giving the figures
4 + 200 + 6 + 10 + 300 + 4 + 1 + 50 + 300 + 40 + 50 + 4 = 969.

↩
Vide supra, note 1.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I. (trans. Blochmann), pp. 538, 546, and Vol. III. (trans. Jarrett), p. 374. ‘Abdu-'l-Quddūs asserted that he was descended from Abū Ḥanīfah. He died in A.H. 959 (A.D. 1543) and was buried at Gangoh, where he had lived. Gangoh is a town now in the Sahāranpūr Dist. N.-W. P.

↩
The translation may not perhaps render the meaning of this couplet clear, owing to a confusion of terms. The word ◌ (misṭar) means “a ruler,” the instrument for ruling lines. In the original Persian a comparison is drawn between the prominent veins of an emaciated old man, grown old in the way of holiness, and the ruler which directs the pen, or rather the hand of him who holds the pen, in a straight line.

↩
The text omits the words ◌ (bar khāstan) “to rise up,” as does also MS. (B). In inserting them I follow MS. (A).

↩
The miraculous part of this fact is that the ceremonial prayers of Muslims contain various genuflexions and prostrations, in addition to the standing position. The ceremonial prayers are recited five times every day. This was no mean performance for an old man of 93 who had no strength to rise or stand on ordinary occasions. If what Badāonī says is true the probability is that Shaikh Jalālu-'d-Dīn, finding that the regular ceremonial prayers so exhausted him that he could not undergo any exertion in addition to them, kept his bed except at prayer times, reserving all his strength for his religious exercises.

↩
Lands held on aima tenure were rent-free grants given as madad-i-ma‘ā sh, or subsistence allowance, to deserving individuals. For an account of the troubles that used to befall persons who came to Court on business connected with aima holdings vide Badāonī, Vol. II. text pp. 204-5, trans. pp. 207-8.

↩
A maḥall in the sarkār of Sarhind, Ṣūbah of Dihlī and a place of pilgrimage among the Hindus (Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans.), Vol. II. 281). It is now a small town in the Ambāla district, Panjāb.

↩
This happened before Badāonī left the service of Ḥusain Khān for that of the Emperor. Ḥusain Khān, nicknamed Tukriya, or “the patcher,” from his having ordered Hindus, as unbelievers, to wear a patch on their garments near the shoulders, was “the Bayard and the Don Quixote of Akbar's reign” (Blochmann). For accounts of him vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I. (trans. Blochmann), p. 372. He was Badāonī's first patron. Ulugh Mīrzā (whose name had been changed from Sikandar to Ulugh by the Emperor Hūmāyūn) was the elder son of Ulugh Mīrzā, the eldest son of Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā of the House of Tīmūr. Muḥammad Sulṭān Mīrzā was the great-great-grandson of ‘Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, the second son of Tīmūr. He was thus a distant cousin of Akbar.

↩
Gwalior, the famous fortress.

↩
Shaikh Bāyazīd of Busṭām (a small town in the hills of Ṭabaristān, between the ancient city of Rai and Nīshāpūr) was originally named Ṭaifūr, and founded the Ṭaifūriyah order of ascetics. He is said to have been born in A.H. 136 (A.D. 753-4) and to have died at Busṭām, the date of his death being variously given as A.H. 231, 234, 261, 262 and 269. One of his “spiritual descendants” was Shaikh ‘Abdu-'llāh-i-Shaṭṭārī, was founded the Shaṭṭārī order. He came from Persia to India and died in Mālwā, where he is buried, in A.H. 809 (A D. 1406). Jahāngīr erected a mausoleum over his tomb in Māndū. The word ◌ (Shaṭṭārī) is derived from the Arabic root ◌ (Shaṭara) meaning “he travelled in the direction of.” Its meaning as applied to ‘Abdu-'llāh and his followers is “one who outstrips and is quick in attaining nearness to God.” In the language of the order ◌ (‘ilm-i-Shaṭārah) means “the working and aspirations of the soul.” From the facts of Badāonī applying the title Sulṭān to Shaikh Bāyazīd, and of Shaikh Muḥammad's penance of twelve years it is pretty clear that their conceptions of Bāyazīd were coloured by the ridiculous Indian legends concerning him,—unsavoury stories shewing a strong bias towards Hindu superstitions, and coined by wandering faqīrs in order to invest with a spurious sanctity a cenotaph which they had erected in Bāyazīd's name at Cātgānv (Chittagong).

↩
The famous fort on the Ganges, nineteen miles above Banāras.

↩
◌ Vide Qānūn-i-Islām (Ja‘far Sharīf and Dr. Herklots, 1832) c. XXIX. Shaikh Muḥammad wrote a book under the title of ◌ (Aljawāhiru-'l-Khams) “the five jewels.” It is divided into five parts:—(1) on the worship of God, (2) on the ascetic life, (3) on exorcism, (4) on the recital of God's praises, (5) on the acts of those followers of the true path who have attained to knowledge.

↩
◌ Vide art. ◌ in Sprenger's edition of the Iṣṭilāḥāta-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah .

↩
MSS. (A) and (B) have a word which looks like ◌ (phūl) but ◌ (Buhlūl) is undoubtedly the correct reading.

↩
The text omits the words ◌ after ◌, although they appear in both MSS.

↩
The text omits the word ◌ after ◌, although it appears in both MSS. Shaikh Wajihu-'d-Dīn is mentioned in the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, vide also Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann) passim and Akbarnāma (text), III. 63-744.

↩
i.e., have “sat at his feet.”

↩
The famous Bairām Khān, Khān-i-Khānan, also entitled Khān Bābā. He was Akbar's atālīq or tutor. He was assassinated by an Afghān named Mubārak on the 14th Jamādī I. A H. 968 (A.D. 1561).

↩
Shaikh Gadāī was a Shī‘ah who had been appointed Ṣadru-'ṣ-Ṣudūr on the recommendation of Bairām Khān, whom he had joined in Gujarāt. He was Ṣadr till A.H. 968. Vide Badāonī, Vol. II, text, pp. 29, 30, trans., pp. 22, 23, 24. For the disappointment of Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ at Court vide Badāonī, Vol. II, text, pp. 34, 35, trans., pp. 28, 29.

↩
◌ (samā‘).

↩
◌ (vajd).

↩
The tanka was worth about 4d. Badāonī's statement means that Shaikh Muḥammad Ghauṯ had a yearly allowance of £166,666. 13s. 4d., or its equivalent in land. It is hardly possible that he can have possessed such a grant, either in land or money. Badāonī probably uses the word ◌ indefinitely, to signify “a large sum,” or it may be that the tanka referred to was the tanka-yi-siyāh, a copper coin, worth only 6/64 of the silver tanka, (vide Badāonī, Vol. I, trans. Ranking, p. 87, n. 1.) This would bring Shaikh Muḥammad's annual allowance to £15,625 sterling, still an incredibly large sum.

↩
The objection of other “holy men” to the manners of Muḥammad Ghauṯ will be understood by those who have any experience of the manners, or rather lack of them, displayed by most “holy men” in India. Affecting complete indifference to all worldly matters, they too frequently attempt to establish a claim to superior sanctity by means of a demeanour of insulting indifference towards all with whom they are brought in contact. Numerous instances of this occur in history, the eccentricities of “holy men” being generally tolerated, just as the quips of professional jesters were formerly tolerated in Europe.

↩
Literally “Beware of bringing forward the faults of others, for to do so is a fault in thee.”

↩
i.e. ◌ and ◌, the letters of which the word ◌ is composed. This practice may appear to be an absurd affectation of humility, but it must be remembered that too free a use of the first person, whether in writing or in conversation is, even at the present day, and among men who lay no special claim to sanctity, considered a breach of etiquette among Orientals.

↩
There are three places of this name given by Sir W. W. Hunter in his Imperial Gazetteer of India. One is a town in Taḥsīl Sidhauli, Dist. Sītāpūr, Oudh; another is a village in the Garḥwāl State, N.-W. P.; and the third is a town in the Dholpur State, Rājputāna. I cannot identify the Miyān's abode. Bārī was also the name given by Akbar to the Dūāb between the Biyāh and the Rāvī. Four worthies of the name of Ilāhdād are commemorated in this Vol., viz: Nos. XIII, XXXV, LXIII and LXX, ch. ii.

↩
At one time the capital of a Muḥammadan kingdom. Now the chief town of the District of the same name in the N.-W. P. Mīr Sayyid Muḥam-mad, the Mahdavī will be subsequently referred to.

↩
◌ (pās-i-anfās) lit. “guarding, or holding, the inspirations and respirations.” Hindūstānī ◌ (dam baṛhānā) and ◌ (dam sādhnā). A practice borrowed from Hindu ascetics.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I, (trans. Blochmann), pp. 320-1. He was a noble of Humāyūn's Court. Having been by Akbar appointed to the government of Mālwa, he re-conquered that province and reigned in Māndū like a king, whence the expression in the text. Akbar moved against him and he fled. After many wanderings and vicissitudes he made his way to Jaunpūr, where he died a natural death during the rebellion of Khān-i-Zamān (A.H. 974 = A.D. 1567).

↩
◌ (taṣawwuf) the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs.

↩
◌ (ẕauq). Vide Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah (Dr. Sprenger, 1845), p. 162.

↩
In the previous year (A.H. 966=A.D. 1558-9) Mihr ‘Alī Khān Sildūz had been sent to Canār to treat with Jamāl Khān, the Afghān commandant, who wished to hand over the fort to the Mughals for a consideration. Jamāl Khān, however, did not deem Akbar's offer of five parganas near Jaunpūr sufficient and the negotiations fell through, whereupon Mihr ‘Alī returned to Āgra with Badāonī who had accompanied him to Canār. Mihr ‘Alī who was at this time a Beg was afterwards created Khān and Governor of Citōr (Chitor). For an account of Mihr ‘Alī's mission vide Badāonī, Vol. II., text, pp. 32-34; trans., pp. 26-28. Mihr ‘Alī had evidently a great regard for Badāonī. Sildūz is the name of a Caghatai clan.

↩
The opening chapter of the Qur'ān. Its recital, in combination with a gift made to a holy man, forms an offering to God.

↩
◌ giving 300 + 10 + 600 + 1 + 6 + 30 + 10 + 1 + 2 + 6 + 4 = 970.

↩
The name of a tribe to which the famous Shahbāz Khan, Commander of two thousand in Akbar's reign, belonged. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I (trans. Blochmann), pp. 399-402.

↩
A religious order founded by Shaikh Muhiyyu-'d-dīn ‘Abdu-'l-Qādir-i-Jīlī, a Sayyid of the race of Ḥusain. Jīl is a village near Baghdād. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , text II., 212.

↩
◌ (ẕauq) vide Iṣtilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah (Sprenger) sub voce.

↩
◌ (‘ishq-i-majāzī). This Ṣūfi-istic expression requires some explanation. ◌ is an adjective formed from the Arabic word ◌ which means literally “a thing transferred from one place to another,” and hence “a metaphor,” or “trope.” It was a belief among the Ṣūfīs that the love of a creature for the Creator, a love which they named ◌ (‘ishq), might be manifested in that creature's love for other creatures. The word ◌ means “sexual love,” and was no doubt originally used by pious Sūfīs to denote the love of a creature for the Creator in consequence of the ecstatic nature of that love. Setting aside the profanity of placing love for God, and a passion (not necessarily love) for a creature on the same, or nearly the same footing, it may easily be conceived that the idea that the latter differed but slightly in merit from the former furnished an excuse for the vilest sensuality, the nature of which need not be touched upon here.

↩
The expression used here (◌—dāru-'l-wiṣāl) is a further reference to the Ṣūfī-istic notion described in note 1. The mention of ‘blame’ and ‘disapprobation’ is sufficient to indicate the nature of Muḥammad Kambū's “love” for the creature.

↩
◌ (shishum az Shavvāl), giving 300 + 300 + 40 + 1 + 7 + 300 + 6 + 1 + 30 = 985. This is a neat chronogram, the words themselves giving the day of the month and the letters of which they are composed the year in which the Shaikh died. A similar chronogram has been composed for the date of Bābar Shāh's birth, viz:—◌ (the sixth of Muḥarram) giving A.H. 888.

↩
The mystics of Islām. Some reference to their extraordinary doctrines has already been made. Their mysticism is “a hypertrophy of the religious feelings,” “a monomania in which man blasphemously attempts to fathom the depths of the essence of God.” (Sprenger. Preface to “Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṯūfiyyah,” 1845).

↩
Bairām Khan was a Shī‘ah by religion. He was a pious Muslim, and long desired to make the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz. He had no opportunity of doing so until after Akbar's estrangement from him (Badāonī II (text), p. 38, (translation), p. 32). He was assassinated in Gujarāt on his way to Makkah, in A. H. 968 (A.D. 1560), vide Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann) II, p. 315.

↩
Vide Hughes, “Dictionary of Islām” s. v. ẕikr.

↩
◌ (i‘tikāf-i-arba‘īna). “Sometimes a Khalwatī enters a solitary cell, and remains in it for forty days and nights, fasting from daybreak till sunset the whole of this period.” They “employ their time in repeating the testimony of the faith, imploring forgiveness, praising God, etc.” (Lane's “Modern Egyptians,” ed. 1860, p. 244). This was the nature of the retreats observed by Shaikh ‘Azīzu-'d-Dīn, and that he allowed them to be thus interrupted says much for his practical piety. He continued his period of retreat as though it had not been interrupted.

↩
The translation of this passage is unavoidably ponderous. The original is exceedingly neat, and, translated literally, runs, “He gave place and preference to this transitive worship over intransitive worship.” The terms are borrowed from grammar. The trope is somewhat obscure in English.

↩
Lit. “The next day:” but from the use of the word ◌ (mukarrar) “frequently,” it is clear that the Shaikh did not confine himself to a second day's attendance only.

↩
The text inserts here the words ◌ (bi-darbār-i-ū) “to his levée,” which occur in neither MS., and are clearly an interpolation. They convey a wrong impression, for the context shews us that the Shaikh sat at the door of the oppressor. If he had gone to his levée he would at least have had an opportunity of speaking to him, which we are told he had not, until the oppressor, hearing of the Shaikh's continued attendance, felt compunction.

↩
This passage, and the fact mentioned in it, that the maniac's rude practical joke was attributed to religions ecstasy, give us some insight into the nature of the religious exercises of the Ṣūfīs.

↩
The word here used is ◌ (basharah) the primary meaning of which is “the external skin,” “the cuticle, or epidermis.” It also means (vide Lane “Arabic Lexicon,” sub voce) “the complexion.” The meaning of the passage is clear. The Shaikh did not even change colour.

↩
◌. This passage may also be translated “In exoteric knowledge he was a perfect man made perfect,” if we mark the last syllable of ◌ with ◌. I prefer to mark it with ◌, and translate it as above, for the mention of the Shaikh's teaching, immediately following this sentence, seems to me to indicate that ◌ is to be taken as an active and not as a passive participle. No diacritical point is given, either in the text or in the MSS.

↩
There are five well-known works having the word ◌ (‘arā'is) as part of their title. The work here mentioned is without any doubt the ‘Arā'isu-'l-Bayān (“Brides of explanation”) by Shaikh Abū Muḥammad Rūzbihān Ibn Abī-'l-naṣri-'l-Baqilī of Shīrāz, the Ṣūfī (died A.H. 606 = A.D. 1209-10). This book is a commentary on the Qur'ān, from the point of view of the Ṣūfīs. (Hājī Khalfā IV. 195).

↩
The work here referred to is the ‘Awārifu-'l-Ma‘ārif—“bounty (in diffusing) the knowledge of God”——, a book on the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs, written by Shaikh Shihābu-'d-dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ‘Umar Ibn Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abdi-'llāhi Sahravardī, who died in A.H. 632 (A.D. 1234-35). (Ḥājī Khalifā IV. 275).

↩
The Fuṣūṣu-'l-Ḥikam, (articulations of the sciences), is a work by Muḥiyyu-'d-dīn Abū ‘Abdi-'llāh Muḥammad Ibn ‘Alī, known as Ibn ‘Arabīyi-'ṭ-Ṭā'ī-l-Ḥātimī-'l-Andalūsi (died A.H. 638 = A.D. 1240-41). The book is divided into twenty-seven “articulations” or “joints,” each containing the wise sayings of some prophet or sage, commencing with Adam, and going on to Shīth (Seth), Nūḥ (Noah), Idrīs (Enoch), Ibrāhīm (Abraham), Isḥāq (Isaac) and others. The (reputed) sayings of our Saviour appear in the sixteenth “articulation.” (Ḥājī Khalfā IV. 425 et seqq.).

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I cannot find any mention of these treatises elsewhere, but it is clear that they were polemical works on the theology, or rather mysticism, of the Ṣūfīs.

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I.e., the essential unity of all things. The doctrine of the Ṣūfīs on this point is practically pantheism. “All things being of God, it follows that there is nothing that is not a portion of God,”—is their argument. Some have followed this argument to its logical conclusion by declaring that they themselves are God.

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In this place the text inserts the particle ◌ (ū) “and.” The word is found in neither of the MSS. and destroys the sense.

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The expression here used is ◌ (arbāb-i-shuhūd) or “lords of (i.e., they who have experienced) ocular perception of God.” This is a Ṣūfī-istic term the meaning of which is sufficiently well represented by the translation. Vide Iṣṭilāhātū-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah sub voce ◌.

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A.H. 967 (A.D. 1559-60) vide Badāoni II (text), pp. 35 et seqq.

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◌ (taṣawwuf) the mysticism of the Ṣūfīs.

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◌ 100 + 9 + 2 + 9 + 200 + 10 + 100 + 400 + 50 + 40 + 1 + 50 + 4 = 975.

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Not quite exactly. ◌ give 700 + 200 + 5 + 50 + 1 + 3 + 10 + 7 = 976 vide Badāonī II. text, pp. 105-106.

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Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī was highly honoured by Akbar. When the emperor desired a son he had recourse, by the advice of his courtiers, to Shaikh Salīm, who assured him that his prayers would be answered. Akbar promised to place the son, when he should be born, under the tutorship of Shaikh Salīm, and the Shaikh stipulated that he should be named after him. This was agreed to. When Jodh Bāī, the Jodhpūr princess who was married to Akbar, became pregnant, she was sent, when the time of her confinement drew near, to Shaikh Salīm's house, where she was delivered of a son, who in accordance with the Shaikh's stipulation was named Sulṭān Salīm, and who afterwards succeeded to the throne as the Emperor Jahāngīr. In gratitude for the gift of a son Akbar performed a pilgrimage on foot to the tomb of Khāja Mu‘īnu-'d-Dīn Cishtī in Ajmīr, distant rather more than 200 miles from Āgra. He travelled twelve kurūh or kos a day, reaching Ajmīr on the 17th day after leaving Āgra, (he must have rested several days on the way). Jahāngīr says that he never heard his father, drunk or sober, call him either Muḥammad Salīm or Sulṭān Salīm, but that he always called him Shaikhū Bābā (in honour of the Shaikh). Shaikh Salīm lived at Sīkrī, a village twelve kurūh distant from Āgra. The birth of Jahāngīr at Sīkrī under these circumstances caused Akbar to believe that the place was a particularly fortunate one for him, and led to the founding of the town of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī, afterwards the favourite residence of Akbar (Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. I. passim, Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, ‘Alīgaṛh edition, p. 1 and preface, pp. 2-5; also Badaoni, text II. 108, 109). Jahāngīr gives the distance from Āgra to Ajmīr as 140 kurūh.

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One of the most famous and popular of Indian saints, possessing cenotaph shrines in various places in Hindustan and the Dakhan. His father, Kamālu-'d-Dīn Sulaimān, was a descendant of Farrukh Shāh, ruler of Kābul. He was born in A.H. 584 (A.D. 1188) “in the Qaṣbah (pargana town) of Khotwāl,” near Multān whither his father had come from Kābul, and where he had married. By the advice of his spiritual guide (Khāja Quṭbu-'d-Dīn Bakhtyār-i-Kākī), he went through the ordinary course of studies, “for a devotee without learning is the Devil's jester.” He studied for five years in Qandahār, and then went to Dihlī to see Quṭbu-'d-Dīn. There he remained as his disciple until his fame was so much noised abroad that he was pestered by the numbers of people who came to see him, when he retired to Hānsī. On Quṭbu-'d-Dīn's death Farīdu-'d-Dīn came to Dihlī to succeed him, again retiring to Hānsī at the earnest request of the people of that place and in search of peace. Being still annoyed by visitors at Hānsī he made Shaikh Jamālu-'d-Dīn of that place his deputy there, and set out in search of some secluded spot, at last selecting as his residence Ajūdhan, since called Pattan of Shaikh Farīd, or Pāk Pattan. There he lived and married and had a family. His principal troubles there were due to the jealousy of the local Qāẓī. For the various stories accounting for his name of Shakarganj or Ganj-i-Shakar (treasure house of sweets), vide Farishta, Bombay text. Vol. II, in the account of his life, also Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Jarrett) III. 363, 364 note. Farishta gives the date of his death as A.H. 760 (A.D. 1358), a manifest error, as his age is given as 95, which would make the year of his death A.H. 679 (A.D. 1280).

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Al Fuẓail Ibnu ‘Iyāẓi-'t-Tālakānī. A famous ascetic, born at either Abīward or Samarqand. He was called At-Tālakānī from the town of Tālakān in Khurāsān. He began life as a highway robber but was miraculously converted to God. He died at Makkah in the month of Muḥarram A.H. 187 (Jan. A.D. 803). Vide Ibn Khallikān (trans. de Slane) II. 478-480. Fuẓail's name is given in the text as Faẓl, though both MSS. have Fuẓail.

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◌ (ḥaramaini-'sh-sharīfain), i.e., Makkah and Madīnah.

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◌ (ṭawāf) circumambulation. Although the word is used here in connection with both Makkah and Madīnah, the only circumambulation enjoined (Qur'ān xxii. 27) is that of the Ka‘bah at Makkah, which is performed seven times. The ceremony is, however, commonly performed by Indian Muslims, at any rate, at any holy place, such as the grave of a Shaikh.

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Najaf, or Mashhad ‘Alī, (the shrine of ‘Alī) a town in ‘Iraq-i-‘Arab, on the Baḥr-i-Najaf (Lake of Najaf) and near the ruins of Kūfa. Here ‘Alī, the nephew and son-in-law of Muḥammad, is buried.

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◌ giving 4 + 600 + 30 + 50 + 1 + 1 + 30 + 8 + 200 + 40 = 964.

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The method of the Ṣūfīs. They are “the elect,” those to whom God more especially reveals Himself, drawing them to Himself with mysterious bonds, and inflaming their hearts with an ardent love for Him. Vide my note on their doctrines, supra.

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The name of this Shaikh is not given either in MS. (A) or in MS. (B). The general sense of the passage indicates that the name has been omitted, probably by a copyist's error. As the passage stands it is impossible to identify the Shaikh.

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◌. “The original name of Bengal was Bang.” Āīn-i-Akbarī text. I. 388.

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Or Pattan, where is the tomb of Shaikh Farīdu-'d-din Shakarganj, vide supra, p. 19 n. 1.

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For the two chronograms here referred to, vide Badāonī II, (text) p. 73. I feel bound to remark here, in order to save readers who cannot avail themselves of the original text some perplexity, that the passage just referred to has been completely mistranslated by Mr. Lowe. His translation makes Shaikh Salīm write an Arabic letter to Badāonī, whereas it was Badāonī that wrote this Arabic letter to Shaikh Salīm. These remarks are, I regret to say, absolutely necessary, as the passage in vol. II, referred to contains a refer-rence to the Arabic letter here translated, a reference which must necessarily be unintelligible to readers who are bound to rely on the translation, and who cannot be expected to study closely the long list of errata at the end of the volume.

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In both MSS. and in the text the second hemistichs of these two couplets are transposed, i.e., the second hemistich of the first couplet appears as the second hemistich of the second couplet and vice versâ. Both the sense and the grammar shew that this transposition has been made. I have restored the hemistichs to their proper places. The translation of this letter will appear very stilted, but, the substance being worthless, I have judged it best to make the translation as literal as possible, for the letter itself has no place in this history except as an example of the author's Arabic style, with which he, at any rate, seems to have been well pleased.

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The text has ◌. MS. (A) has ◌ which makes better sense and which is the reading adopted by me.

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◌, i.e., in the vessels (or receptacles) of letters of the alphabet. The simile is clear.

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This text from the Qur'ān (xxxi. 26) is not quite fully quoted. The text runs:—

◌ “Even though all the trees on the earth should become pens, and the sea (ink) with seven more seas to swell its tide, the words of God would not be spent; verily God is mighty, wise!”

The misapplication of it is apparent. Badāonī substitutes for “the words of God” the affection which he bears to the Shaikh. This savours somewhat of irreverence, and reminds us of the way in which Scripture was quoted in the days of Praise-God Barebone.

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This Hemistich appears, both in the text, and in the two MSS. in the following form:—

◌ The hemistich, thus written, will neither scan nor make sense. The text has a footnote:—“Sic in all three copies; a word has evidently been omitted here.”

Mr. R. F. Azoo, Arabic Instructor to the Board of Examiners, informs me that these lines are a quotation, though he cannot remember from where, and that the correct reading of this hemistich is:—

◌ I have therefore adopted this reading, and have translated accordingly.

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The text has ◌, a misprint for ◌.

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The text and MSS. have ◌ which does not make sense. We, should read ◌ (akrām) is a word not known in Arabic, but in Indian Arabic it is used as the plural of ◌ (karam), and, as Badāonī's letter is distinctly Indian Arabic, it is permissible to adopt this reading.

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The text rightly reads ◌ instead of the ◌ of the MSS. “He after whom there comes no one” is Muḥammad, “the last of the prophets” or the “seal of the prophets.” Muḥammad said of himself ◌ “There is no prophet after me.”

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◌ lit., “the resort of apostleship.” The word used here is a compound adjective formed from this expression, and is impossible of translation. I have translated the word ◌ (Ṣūrat) “form,” by the word “position,” for that word best conveys the true meaning of the passage. Vide next note.

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The two Shaikhs are Abū Bakr and ‘Umar, who are buried, in graves adjoining Muḥammad's, within the precincts of the Masjidu-'n-Nabawī, or “the prophet's mosque” at Madīnah. The three tombs are, or are supposed to be within the ḥujrah (chamber), so called because it was the room of ‘Āyishah, Muḥammad's favourite wife. The ḥujrah is “separated on all sides from the walls of the mosque by a passage about 26 ft. broad on the south side, and 20 on the eastern. The reason of this isolation has been before explained, and there is a saying of Muḥammad's, “O Allah! cause not my tomb to become an object of idolatrous adoration! May Allah's wrath fall heavy upon the people who make the tombs of their prophets places of prayer!” Inside there are, or are supposed to be, three tombs facing the south, surrounded by stone walls without any aperture, or, as others say, by strong planking. Whatever this material may be, it is hung outside with a curtain, somewhat like a large “four-post bed.” (Vide Burton's “Pilgrimage to El-Medīnah and Meccah, ed. 1855, II. c. xvi).” The question put by Shaikh Salīm to Badāonī was put, no doubt with a view to testing the visitor's knowledge of controversial works. There are few more fruitful subjects of controversy among Muslims than the relative positions of the tombs of Muḥammad, Abū Bakr and ‘Umar. This is necessarily so, as the question is utterly indeterminable, unless the ḥujrah should be violated, an act of which no Muslim would be capable. The utility of the controversy is not apparent. From what Muḥammad himself is reported to have said (vide suprā) it was clearly his wish that his tomb should be ignored. Such a wish is little likely to be respected by Indian Muslims, who are only too ready to perform the ceremony of ṭawāf, which should be restricted to the Ka‘bah, at the shrine of any petty saint. Vide Burton's strictures on the conduct of Indian pilgrims at Makkah and Madīnah, passim.

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This work is not mentioned by Ḥājī Khalīfah. It was possibly a controversial work on the unedifying subject mentioned in the last note.

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The text has ◌ with a footnote variant, ◌. MS. (A) has ◌ and MS. (B). ◌, which last is the reading that I have adopted.

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◌ “miracles.” There are, pace Badāonī, no “highlands” (◌) in Fatḥpur Sīkrī, and it is not surprising that a man who had travelled for years in colder countries than India, undergoing the hardships which were, in those days, inseparable from travel, (◌), should have felt the cold, even in the cold weather, at Fatḥpur Sīkrī, very much less than stay-at-home Indians did.

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◌ (Khāṣṣah), fine cotton cloth of a close texture. Its price in the reign of Akbar was from three rupees to fifteen muhrs per piece (◌ ‘adad). Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī text. I. 108.

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◌. Price Rs. 4 (otherwise, from Rs. 4 to five muhrs) per piece (ibid.).

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Special fasts observed by devotees, vide note on ◌, suprā. The only fast incumbent on all Muslims is the fast of Ramaẓān, lasting for one lunar month.

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◌, giving 300 + 10 + 600 + 5 + 50 + 4 + 10 = 979.

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Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī (text) I. 438, where the name is spelt ◌ (Abethī).

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◌ means an intense longing after God, the result of special attraction exercised by God over the subject of the sensation. Here the rule of life of a Ṣūfī (or rather the absence of any such rule) is instructively contrasted with the rule binding on an orthodox Muslim. The Ṣūfī considers himself above all ceremonial rules, and may observe them or not, as he likes. If he does observe them, it is more for the benefit of the weaker brethren, the followers of the “holy law,” than for any advantage that might accrue to himself from such observance. He is “one with God,” “converted,” “saved,” and nothing he does or leaves undone can possibly affect him.

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◌, the branches of knowledge by means of which one gains a livelihood.

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◌, “remembrance” and “recital.” A form of religious exercise adopted by darvishes. It may be a physical as well as a mental exercise, being the recital of God's praises, attributes, etc., either with the tongue of the flesh, (◌) or with the “tongue of the heart” (◌); a detailed account of the various forms of the exercise will be found in Hughes' “Dictionary of Islām” (ed. 1885) pp. 703 et seqq.

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The word “moon” is generally used in Persian poetry as a synonym for “the beloved one,” the object of the lover's devotion. Here, in Ṣūfī-istic style, it is used for God, as the Beloved of the mystic.

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The chief town of a sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Awadh (Oudh). It is near the present military cantonment at Sītāpūr. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī text, I. 437. Also Hunter's Gazetteer, VIII. 128. It will be observed that Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn used to circumambulate Shaikh Sa‘d's tomb, a ceremony which should be confined to the Ka'bah at Makkah. This circumambulation of the tombs of saints has probably been borrowed, like some other customs, by Indian Muslims from the Hindus.

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Vide infrā, No. XIV.

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Vide infrā, Chapter II, No. XLVII.

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Vide Chapter II, No. XXXII.

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The text has ◌ for ◌, in spite of the clear reading of both MSS. But the reading of the text seems, nevertheless, to be correct.

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◌, “Articulations of the Sciences.” Vide note on this work, supra.

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The “Iḥyā'u-‘ulūmi-'d-dīn” by the Shāfi‘ī Imām, Ḥujjatu-'l-Islām Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad Ibn Muḥammad Ghazālī, who died at Ṭūs, A.H. 505 (A.D. 1111-12). Of this book it has been said “If all books on Islām were lost, and the Iḥyā only remained, the loss of the others would not be felt.” It is divided into four parts: (1) on ritual, and matters of faith, (2) on manners and morals, (3) on the lusts of the world, the flesh, and the Devil, and (4) on the virtues of a religious life. (Ḥājī Khalīfah I. 180-182).

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Ar-risālatu-'l-Makkiyyah, by Shaikh Imām Quṭbu-'d-dīn ‘Abdu-'llāh Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Aimani-'l-Aṣfahīdī. Ḥājī Khalīfah III. 445.

↩
Ādābu-'l-Murīdīn, by Shaikh Abū-'n-Najīb ‘Abdu-'l-Qāhir Ibn ‘Abdi-'l-lāhi-'s-Sahrawardī, (d. A.H. 563 = A.D. 1167-68). Ḥājī Khalīfah I. 214.

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The oration or sermon delivered in the masjid every Friday.

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◌. (Kāfīyat-fī-'n-Naḥwi) a work on Arabic Grammar, by Shaikh Jamālu-'d-dīn, commonly known as Ibnu-'l-Ḥājib, (d. A.H. 646 = A.D. 1248). An edition of it was published by Capt. John Baillie, (Calcutta, 1805). Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn objected to the use of it by his pupil on the score of its having no ◌ (‘unwān), here called ◌ (khuṭbah), setting forth the praises of God. The pupil's argument was that he must learn Arabic grammar before he could read Arabic works on divinity, and that Grammar was therefore, in a sense, the foundation of a sound knowledge of divinity. The Kāfiyah commences, without the usual ‘unwān or preface, thus:—

◌ Ibnu-'l-Ḥājib has been defended against the charge of impiety on the plea of his humility, which led him to believe that his book was not worthy of an ‘unwān. Niẓāmu-'d-dīn was evidently too much of a precisian to admit this plea.

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Vide infra, p. 39, where the Shaikh gives his reason for neglecting this duty.

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The word used here is ◌ (ghibṭa). Its usual meaning is “ungrudging emulation.” Badāonī, however, habitually uses it in the sense of “envy.” Vide Vol. I (Dr. Ranking's translation), p. 395 and p. 543, n. 4.

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◌. The word ◌ is inserted in the text, though it appears in neither MS. It appears, however, necessary to the sense, and the textual reading is therefore probably the correct one.

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◌. Both wife's brother and wife's father. Shaikh Niẓāmu-'d-dīn must therefore have married an aunt and a niece. This is allowable by Muḥammadan law, provided that the two are not at the same time wives of one husband. The Shaikh probably married the aunt first, and, after her death, the niece.

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The text has here ◌ giving ◌ which is the reading of MSS. (A) and (B) as a footnote variant. The reading in the text has probably been adopted because ◌ is a much commoner phrase than ◌. The sense is not affected. ◌ is a substantive but must be translated as though it were an adjective.

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The name ‘Muḥammad’ is prefixed to Ḥusain in both MSS. The Amīr referred to is generally known as Ḥusain Khān simply, and is thus called in the subsequent passages of this narrative. He was Badāonī's first patron, vide note 4, on p. 6. He held Lakhnau in jāgīr for about a year only, during which time Badāonī was in his service. Kānt u Gola was subsequently given to him in jāgīr. For the account of Ḥusain Khān, here mentioned, vide Badāonī, vol. II passim.

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I can find no notice either of Sayyid Aṣghar or of Qāẓī Aḥmad, though an account of the latter's brother, Qāẓī Mubārak, is given subsequently in this volume (c. II, No. XLVII). In the text the words ◌ are very carelessly omitted, so as to make it appear that Qāẓī Mubārak himself, and not his brother, introduced Ḥusain Khān to the Shaikh. These words are nevertheless clearly written in each MS.

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The author's mention of himself in the third person, as is usual, is often apt to be confusing. It might appear from the structure of this long passage that it was Ḥusain Khān that ‘observed,’ but the subsequent context shews that Badāonī is referring to himself in the words ◌. The whole of this passage is very involved, and I have been obliged to break it up into periods and transpose portions of it, in order to render its meaning into passable English.

↩
The text has, wrongly, ◌ for ◌.

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◌, the recorded sayings of Muḥammad, which form the ground-work of Muḥammadan tradition and are venerated equally with the Qur'ān.

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◌ (haẓrat-i-jāmi‘ah) lit. “the presence which had collected us together.” Presumably Ḥusain Khān is meant.

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◌ (az jānibī) lit. ‘from a certain direction.’

↩
Scil. Sayyid Aṣghar of Badāon.

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◌ (dar-yāft), perhaps “singled out,” or “button-holed.”

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◌ (Ash-shaitāni-'r-rajīm) lit. “the Devil, the stoned one.”

↩
The text has a misprint here, ◌ for ◌.

↩
Qur'ān XXVIII, 88. The Kashshāf explains that “face” means the whole Person of God. This is the figure of speech called in Persian ◌.

↩
◌. “Completely effaced.”

↩
Something was evidently weighing heavily on Badāonī's conscience. He has not told us what it was. His disgraceful “love” affair did not take place until four years after this time. (Vol. II text, pp. 136-37).

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The text of the Qur'ān runs, in the original ◌. The translation has just been given. The student's question meant “Can we not refer the possessive pronoun (“his” or “its”) attached to the word ◌ to some person or thing other than God?” It is but fair to remark that the question appears absurd, but still the Shaikh need not have substituted abuse for argument. Perhaps the sting of the student's question lay in his reference to the “masters of the secret knowledge of God,” (◌) which seems to convey a hint that the Shaikh and his companions could not be classed in that category. The reference below to the student's “design” seems to bear out this view.

↩
◌ “the epidermis, or cuticle.” Vide suprā, p. 16, n. 3.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 4, n. 1.

↩
In the text the article has been carelessly omitted before the word ◌ in the first hemistich of this couplet, though it appears in both MSS. and is the correct reading.

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◌ commonly called in Persian ◌, and in Arabic ◌. The first of the five obligatory periods of prayer. These prayers should be recited between dawn and sunrise.

↩
This seems to have been Badāonī's younger brother.

↩
Qur'ān VIII, 62.

◌

The Arabic is very badly pointed in the text.

↩
A pargana town in the sarkār of Lakhnan, Ṣūba Awadh (Oudh). Most likely one of Ḥusain Khān's jāgīr villages, whither he had returned after the interview mentioned above.

↩
The text has here ◌, which means “parrot.” Both MSS. read ◌, which means “the young of man or of any animal,” and is a far more appropriate term than ◌. I have, of course, followed the MSS.

↩
That is, Qāẓī Aḥmad of Gopāmau, Sayyid Aṣghar, and Badāonī himself, or perhaps Ḥusain Khān is included, in which case one of the other two must be left out.

↩
◌. This seems to mean rather, “had pulled off his clothes,” the thief leaving his clothes in the hands of the police and so escaping, but as Badāonī says immediately afterwards that the thief escaped ◌ (in some way or other) I have translated the phrase by “seized him by his clothes,” in order to preserve the ambiguity regarding the thief's means of escape.

↩
◌. The words ◌ are carelessly omitted from the text, though they occur in both MSS.

↩
The text has the word ◌ (“this”) here, though it occurs in neither MS. I have omitted it in the translation.

↩
The year was H. 976 (A.D. 1568). It must be borne in mind that the Muslims, like the Jews, reckon their day from sunset. Thus “the last day of Ramaẓān, at night,” would be, according to our reckoning “the night of the last day but one of Ramaẓān” or, in this case, as they travelled through the night “the early morning of the last day of Ramaẓān.” The necessity for this explanation will be apparent hereafter, where it is stated that Ḥusain Khān returned to Lakhnau to keep the ‘īd there.

↩
◌ vide suprā p. 34, n. 1.

↩
The kos of Hindustān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II. (trans. Jarrett), p. 414 and n. 2.

↩
◌. These prayers were hardly, in this instance, public. They were rather “common to two or more.” Their merit lay in the “gathering of two or three together,” as S. Chrysostom, quoting the Holy Scriptures, says.

↩
◌. This is the repetition, at the commencement of the ritual prayers, of the mu'aẕẕin's call to prayer, which commences with the ◌ (◌ “God is great”) repeated three times.

↩
◌. Reference has already been made to the doctrines of the Ṣūfīs.

↩
The word ◌ (“some,”) which appears in the text, is in neither MS. I have, nevertheless, retained it, for the context clearly shews that the Shaikh read more than one couplet.

↩
The prince of Persian poets, the “interpreter of secrets,” and “the tongue of that which is hidden.” He is too well-known to stand in need of any description here. He is known even in England, where, as a rule, no one is known who has not been, as “sweet bully Bottom” was, translated. Hāfiẓ has not been translated into English, but the English equivalents of the Persian words used by him have been given by Colonel Wilberforce Clarke, R. E.

↩
Khāja Bahā'u-'d-Dīn Naqshband. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, text, II, 212. Riẓā Qulī, according to Col. Wilberforce Clarke, states, that the pīr who instructed Hāfiẓ was Maulānā Shamsu-'d-Dīn-i-Shīrazī.

↩
Abū Ḥanīfah, the founder of one of the four orthodox sects or theological schools of Islām.

↩
I cannot find this couplet in any edition of Hāfiẓ to which I have access. I know of no one English word which will translate the word ◌, so I have used “pemmican” as the word which most conveniently translates it.

↩
The person meant is Bāyazīd-i-Anṣārī, the apostle of the Afghāns, who is styled Pīr-i-Raushan, and founded the Ṣūfī sect called Raushaniyyah, or “the enlightened.” He established amid the mountains of Afghānistān a temporal power upon the authority of his spiritual character, and his successors disturbed the tranquillity of the Dihlī empire during the reign of Akbar. Vide Beale's “Oriental Biographical Dictionary.”

↩
Shaikh Junaid-i-Baghdādī, a famous ascetic, born at Baghdād, where he died in A.H. 298 (A.D. 911). (Beale O.B.D.)

↩
Shaikh Abū Bakri-'sh-Shiblī a celebrated doctor of divinity, born and brought up at Baghdād, where he died A.H. 334 (A.D. 946). Shaikh Junaid, mentioned in the last note, was one of his spiritual masters. (Beale O.B.D.).

↩
Manṣūr-i-Ḥallāj, the surname of Shaikh Ḥusain-i-Ḥallāj, a celebrated Ṣūfī and ascetic. Musalmāns differed in their opinion of his character. By some he was believed to be a saint and a worker of miracles, by others a juggler and impostor, deceiving the people with his tricks. He was in the habit of proclaiming “Ana-'l-Ḥaqq,” “I am the Truth,” or “I am God”— the logical conclusion of his Ṣūfī doctrines. For this blasphemy he was put to death with great torture by the Khalīfah Muqtadir in A.H. 306 (A.D. 919) or, according to Ibn-u-Khallikān in A.H. 309 (A.D. 922.) He is considered by the Ṣūfīs to be one of their most spiritual leaders, and to have attained the fourth, or last stage of Ṣūfī-ism. An inspired Ṣūfī is said to have demanded of the Almighty why he permitted Manṣūr to suffer. The reply was, “This is the punishment for the revealer of secrets,” i.e., his offence was not blasphemy, but indiscretion in uttering a great truth to ears unfit to hear it. (Beale O.B.D.). It seems that the Shaikh was vexed with Badāonī for inquiring into matters which were beyond him (Badāonī) but it may be that the Shaikh was not ready with an answer and took advantage of Badāonī's known servility to “saints” to escape, by this means, the necessity of owning himself to be at a loss.

↩
I.e., the new moon had been sighted and the ‘īdu-'l fiṭr had begun.

↩
◌. The use of this word is due to modesty, as the author by its use avoids introducing his own name.

↩
◌.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 17, n. 2.

↩
The Shaikh was evidently ashamed of himself, but, rather than confess himself in the wrong, adroitly managed to persuade Badāonī, by a line of reasoning that would be deemed irreverent by any Muslim who was not a slavish admirer, that he had received a blessing rather than an insult.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 30, n. 1 The text inserts between the words ◌ and ◌ the conjunction ◌, which is in neither MS. and destroys the sense.

↩
◌. This sentence is somewhat obscure, as ◌ may be taken to mean either “condition,” simply, or “ecstasy.” Nor is it clear whether Badāonī means that the mournful and harsh “music” combined with the Shaikh's discourse made him a changed man, or that the “music” broke the spell under which the Shaikh's discourse had laid him.

↩
Abū Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uṯmān, and ‘Alī.

↩
I have not been able to find another quotation of this saying. The text and both MSS. have the word ◌, which means (in this context) “ability to receive colour.” The sense is not apparent, as a stone can receive colour as well as can any other object. But if we read ◌, with a difference of one letter only, the meaning will be that which I have given in my translation, which is in every way more appropriate.

↩
◌ and ◌. The first is the true leprosy, in which the fingers and other extremities gradually rot away, and the face assumes the “leonine” appearance. The second is leucoderma, or white leprosy, which itself affects only the colouring matter of the skin, but is commonly said (Muḥīṭu-'l-Muḥīṭ suḅ voce ◌) to end in true leprosy. It is this disease with which Gehazi was smitten—“Et egressus est ab eo leprosus quasi nix.”
◌ 2 Kings v. 27.

↩
There are many “sayings” of Muḥammad on the virtues of salt. Some specify salt as a cure for some of the diseases for protection from which Badāonī had just been directed to pray.

↩
◌ in both MSS. The text has ◌, with ◌ as a footnote variant. I have, of course, adopted the reading of the MSS.

↩
◌ the reading of both MSS. The text has ◌, which destroys the sense.

↩
◌. This consists in fasting during the six days following the ‘īdu-'l-fiṭr, i.e., from the 2nd to the 7th of Shawwāl, inclusive. Abū Ayūb relates that Muḥammad said “The person who fasts the month of Ramaẓān and follows it up with six days of the month of Shawwāl, will obtain the rewards of a continued fast” (Hughes, Dict. of Islām, sub voce “Fasting.”)

↩
Riẓwān is the keeper of the garden of Paradise.

↩
The text omits the Shaikh's territorial designation in the head-line, following MS. (B). I follow MS. (A) and insert it.

↩
Kākōrī, given in the text, for some reason or for no reason as ◌ (Kākarī). Both MSS. have Kākōrī. Vide also Āīn-i-Akbarī (text) I.

↩
This is the reading of the text, and is undoubtedly the correct reading. The word imām is somewhat indistinct in both MSS. Perhaps the copyists considered Badāonī's comparison irreverent, and compounded with their consciences by writing the word ◌ as indistinctly as possible.

↩
This reference is to a poem named Ḥirzu-'l-amānī wa wajhu-'t-tahānī, the subject of which is the seven methods of reading the Qur'ān. The author was Abū-'l-Muḥammadi-'l-Qāsimi-'sh-Shāṭibī, from whom the poem is known as Ash-shāṭibiyyah. The author died in H. 590 (A.D. 1194). Shāṭib is said by Ibn Khallikan to be a town in Eastern Spain. I cannot identify it. Vide Ḥājī Khalfā III. 43, and Ibn Khallikān; s. v. Ash-shāṭibī.

↩
Īrij was the chief town of a sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Āgra. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, text, Vol. I., p. 448.

↩
◌. This means really the confession of the unity of everything with God and of God with everything, the expression of belief in the pantheism of the Ṣūfīs. The meaning of this somewhat enigmatical “saying” is that such a statement made in public cannot possibly edify the uninitiated, and is confined in its results to the speaker and the initiated present. The text wrongly following MS. (B) has ◌ “men of the world,” for ◌ (MS. A) “men of knowledge.”

↩
Badāonī's first patron, vide suprā, p. 6, n. 4.

↩
Vide suprā in the life of Shaikh Bhīkan, the last mentioned holy man.

↩
In MS. (A) the life which here follows is headed with the name of Shaikh Muḥammad Qalandar of Lakhnau, biography No. XIII being given as the life of this saint. I follow the text and MS. (B) in the arrangement of the names, but follow the two MSS. in the designation of Sayyid Tāju-'d-dīn—“of Lakh-nau”—which is omitted in the text.

↩
No. III.

↩
Vide note on the heading of biography No. XII.

↩
The third and last sovereign of the Lodī dynasty, grandson of Buhlūl Lodī, the first of the line. Sulṭān Ibrahīm was conquered and slain by Bābar on the field of Panipat in A.D. 1525.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ here—correctly as it seems to me. The text and MS. (B) omit it.

↩
A cumbrous translation of ◌, but one which explains its meaning fully.

↩
The text and MS. (B) have “Shaikh Niẓām” only, but MS. (A), which I follow, gives the Shaikh's full name.

↩
The chief town of a sarkār in the Ṣūba of Āgra (vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II. trans. Jarrett, pp. 97, 182, 193.

↩
Vide suprā, passim.

↩
◌ vide Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah (Sprenger) s. v.

↩
◌ (raughan-i-māl-kaṅgnī). Māl-kaṅgnī is the Hindī name of celastrus or staff-tree. The oil is extracted from “the aromatic bitter seed” of this tree, and is “held in much repute for diseases of the stomach and bowels.” Vide Fallon, s. v.

↩
◌. This is not one of the properties attributed to the drug by Fallon. It is pretty evident, from what Badāonī says, that the drug, whatever it may have been, was an intoxicant, used by Niẓāmu-'ddīn's orders for the purpose of inducing a trance, or mock state of religious ecstasy. The ordering of the use of the drug on the particular occasions mentioned points to a debased superstition which has but little connection with pure Muḥammadanism.

↩
The text inserts ◌ here, although the word appears in neither MS. and is pleonastic. I follow the readings of the MSS.

↩
MS. (A) has here ◌, which is wrongly substituted for ◌. I have followed the reading of the text and MS. (B) which is correct.

↩
MS. (B) has (wrongly) ◌ for ◌. Ūsh is in Transoxiana and was the birthplace of the Khāja, who died on the 14th Rabī‘u-'l-Awwal A.H. 634 (A.D. 1236). He was offered by Sulṭān Shamsu-'d-dīn Iyaltamish the post of Shaikhu-'l-Islām, which he declined. The Khāja's full name and titles were Khāja Qutbu-'d-dīn Muḥammad Bakhtyār-i-Ūshī-yi-Kākī. Vide Farishta, Bo. text, II. 717-725 and Āīn-i-Akbarī II. trans. Jarrett, 303 and note 2.

↩
◌. The term usually applied to the festival of a Musalmān saint in India. The word means “nuptials,” and is used to signify the saint's union with God, the festival usually commemorating his death.

↩
◌. 1 + 5 + 50 + 900 + 1 + 40 = 997.

↩
The chief town of a sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Awadh (Oudh). The unusual name of this saint recurs in the Pādishāhnāma, as the name of one of Shāh Jahān's officers.

↩
MS. (A) has wrongly, ◌ for ◌ here. I follow the text, which is supported by MS. (B).

↩
Lit. “are his heirs.”

↩
The text has ◌ while both MSS. have ◌, which is correct.

↩
The text has here ◌ which is a very unsatisfactory reading. The MSS. give ◌, which is undoubtedly correct.

↩
◌.

↩
◌ pl. of ◌. Literally “males.” The force of the expression will be understood when the Oriental view of masculine superiority is remembered.

↩
Sister's son to Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Ghaznī. He was slain by Hindūs at Bahrāic, in Awadh (Oudh) on his wedding-day, which thus became, in a double sense, his ◌ (vide suprā). The point of the question, put to a presumably orthodox Musalmān, will be appreciated only by those who are acquainted with the latitudinarian cult of this “saint.” Want of space compels me to forego an account of this cult, but those who are interested in the popular religion of Indian peoples and in the peculiar developments of Muḥammadanism in India will do well to study “Heroes Five” by Mr. R. Greeven of the Indian Civil Service. Curiously enough this Northern Indian cult finds its counterpart in the Dakhan in the cult of ‘Abdu-'r-Raḥmān, a close relation of Sālār Mas‘ūd, which however is not nearly so popular as is the cult of the latter.

↩
The very curtness of this reply shews the Shaikh's unwillingness to countenance in any way the debased cult of Sālār Mas‘ūd.

↩
Scil. Akbar.

↩
◌. Either a subsistence allowance in money, or, more probably, lands held on aima tenure.

↩
MS. (A) and the text have ◌. MS. (B) has ◌. The description of this town given in the text enables us to identify it with Chat. Chat and Ambāla (not to be confounded with the well-known military cantonment, which was in the Sirhind Sarkār of the Ṣūba of Dihlī), together formed a maḥall in the Sarkār of the Bārī Dūāb in the Ṣūba of Lāhōr. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī Vol. II. (trans. Jarrett), p. 318.

↩
◌. A vague term including both Turkish Arabia and Arabia Proper.

↩
A pargana town in the district “Bīrūn-i-Panjnad,” (beyond the five rivers,) opposite the Sind Sāgar Dūāb Sarkār of the Ṣūba of Multān. A.A. II. (Jarrett), 331.

↩
◌.

↩
◌.

↩
◌ lit. “an orphan pearl,” i.e., a pearl which has no peer. The double meaning of the word ◌ cannot be reproduced in English.

↩
The slaughtered sons of ‘Alī and Fāṭimah, and grandsons of Muḥammad.

↩
The text has ◌, but both MSS. have ◌, which is evidently the correct reading. I follow the MSS.

↩
The text here has ◌ with the ◌ though the word is thus written in neither MS. The mistake does not alter the sense, but it destroys the structural uniformity of the sentence.

↩
This phrase is here used in its literal sense. The Persian has ◌.

↩
This must be Ṣadkhara or Ṣadkara, as it is written in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, (both text and translation) in the Bārī Dūāb Sarkār of the Ṣūba of Multān.

↩
The well-known town in the Sarkār Bīrūn-i-Panjnad (beyond the five rivers) in the Ṣüba of Multān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, Vol. II. (trans. Jarrett), p. 331, Raverty “The Mihrān of Sind,” J. A. S. B., Pt. I., 1892 passim.

↩
◌ “El-Sharḥ El-Mokammel, commentarius absolutus de genealogiâ Hasani neglecta, auctore Imam Hāfitz Abu Musa Mohammed Ben Omar Medini Isfahāni, [anno 581 (inc. 4 Apr. 1185) mortuo]. In hoc com-pendio, quod ita incipit: Laus Deo, qui ex cultoribus suis eos quos vult praeter ceteros distinxit, etc., auctoritatem Hasani Ben Moslim in traditione ‘Moslim de potionibus’ describit.” Haji Khalfa. iv. 41.

↩
◌.

↩
MS. (B) has ◌. The text rightly follows MS. (A) with ◌.

↩
MS. (B) has ◌. The text rightly follows (A) with ◌.

↩
The text, following MS. (A) has ◌. There is no such word. MS (B) has ◌ which is correct.

↩
One of the traditionary sayings of Muḥammad, in which he refers to himself.

↩
A couplet from Hāfiẓ, Ode 241 (Colonel Jarrett's edition). The text and MS. (A) have for ◌, MS. (B) has ◌ is correct.

↩
◌. Qur'an XXXVIII. 25.

↩
◌. The pleonasm is unavoidable.

↩
Or Dīpālpūr. The chief town of a Sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Multān, now the headquarters of the Dīpālpūr Taḥṣīl in the Montgomery District, Panjāb. Vide Hunter's “Imperial Gazetteer” iv. 303. Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Jarrett), Vol. II. 331 et passim, and Raverty's “Mīhrān of Sind,” J. A. S. B., Pt. I., 1892 passim.

↩
MS. (A) has, wrongly, ◌ for ◌.

↩
Another instance of the use by Indian Muslims of the practice of circumambulation, which should be restricted to the Ka‘bah, at the tombs of saints.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 19, n. 1.

↩
The title of this book, written in honour of Shaikh Dā'ūd, evidently bears reference to the psalms of David.

↩
◌. 20 + 4 + 1 + 10 + 300 + 10 + 600 + 4 + 1 + 6 + 4 = 960.

↩
◌. 1 + 2 + 6 + 1 + 30 + 40 + 70 + 1 + 30 + 10 + 8 + 100 + 2 + 200 + 60 + 400 = 961. The totals of the two chronograms differ by one. This latter chronogram is given in Abū-'l-Ma'ālī's life, on p. 103 of the text of this volume as the date of his birth, and therefore presumably gives the correct date.

↩
◌.

↩
An instance of the belief among Muslims leading the religious life that something which seems, according to their ideas, to correspond to the Sacrament of Orders in the Christian Church, is necessary to enable a man to start as a religious instructor of the people.

↩
His life is given on p. 91 (text) of this volume. (Chapter II, No. XVI.)

↩
The word ◌ is omitted in MS. (B) probably by an oversight of the copyist.

↩
Prayers offered up for the|welfare of any person. Vide “Qānūn-i-Islām,” Ja'far Sharīf and Herklots, s. v. “Fateeha neeut khyr kee.”

↩
Vide suprā, p. 48, n. 6.

↩
The word ◌ is omitted in MS. (B). As vowel points are not used the reading of MS. (B) is to the same purport as that of the text and MS. (A), but would be literally translated, “May his tomb be sanctified.”

↩
MS. (B). The text and MS. (A) have ◌. Vide suprā, p. 47, n. 6.

↩
This order must not be confounded with an older order bearing the same title, instituted in A.H. 561 (A.D. 1165-6) by Sayyid ‘Abdu-'l-Qādīri-'l-Jīlānī, surnamed Pīr-i-Dastgīr, whose shrine is at Bāghdād. The older order is the most popular religious order among the Sunnīs of Asia. Hughes' Dict. of Islām, s. v.

↩
These orders have been already referred to. Following the names of these two orders the text wrongly has ◌. The conjunction must be omitted to make sense.

↩
Both MSS. insert ◌ here, which makes nonsense, and is rightly omitted in the text.

↩
Both MSS. have ◌, but the textual emendation is correct.

↩
Vide Badāonī, Vol. I. (trans. Ranking), pp. 513-525. The “men of God” referred to seem to have been the Mahdawīs.

↩
◌ MS. (A). The text has the corrupted form ◌.

↩
◌ omitted in MS. (B). The text rightly follows MS. (A).

↩
The text has ◌, erroneously. Both MSS. read ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌. The text rightly follows MS. (B).

↩
Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk accused Shaikh Dā'ūd of permitting his disciples to address their ẕikr (vide Hughes' “Dict. of Islam,” s. v.), directly to him (Dā'ūd) instead of to God. Dā'ūd rebuts the accusation by asserting that the words actually used, which might conceivably have been mistaken for “O, Dā'ūd!” were “O, Wadūd!” i.e., “O, God!” ◌ means “loving.” ◌ “the loving King” is one of the titles of God.

↩
◌. The editor of the text appears to be doubtful as to the meaning of the words ◌, for he finds it necessary to explain in an apologetic footnote that this is the reading of each of the three MSS. to which he had access. It seems to me that the author means to say that Dā'ūd spent about twelve hours with Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, and that he (the author) cannot say whether the conference began in the morning or in the evening.

↩
◌.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 3, n. 4.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌. The text, rightly following MS. (B), reads ◌.

↩
MS. (B) omits ◌.

↩
The text reads ◌. Both MSS. read ◌. MS. (B) adds ◌ after ◌. This may or may not be an interpolation. It signifies only that the occasions were fixed by the Shaikh himself.

↩
◌ “he relinquished to rapine.” Both MSS. read, for ◌. I prefer the reading of the text.

↩
◌, “he ordered a raid (to be made).”

↩
◌. MS. (B) omits ◌.

↩
◌, omitted in MS. (A).

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌ which does not make sense.

↩
Both MSS. read ◌, and there is a footnote in the text giving this as the reading of the MSS. It is, however, wrong. The reading of the text (◌) is probably correct, though it is not very good Arabic.

↩
Badāonī's abhorrence of the infidelity of Abū-'l-Faẓl and Akbar's later advisers causes him to forget his abhorrence of the Shī‘ah tenets of Bairām Khān.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, which is nonsense.

↩
◌ text. MS. (A) has ◌, which reading I prefer, as it seems to me that ◌ would accompany ◌ more fitly than ◌, I have nevertheless translated the phrase by “outstrip” rather than by “excel.” The meaning does not suffer. The reading of MS. (B) is not distinct.

↩
The verb ◌ is omitted in both MSS. and rightly inserted in the text.

↩
The text has ◌. Both MSS. read ◌, which is correct.

↩
◌ wrongly omitted in MS. (A).

↩
Vide Badāonī, Vol. II. (text), p. 153. These events happened in the year H. 981 (A.D. 1573-4). Kānt u Gūla (Shāhjahānpūr) was Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān's jāgīr.

↩
◌ MS. (B) has ◌.

↩
◌ (text). Both MSS. have ◌. The sense is not affected.

↩
◌. The literal translation of this (“a light sparkled from his auspicious incisors”) reads so very grotesquely in English that I have softened the expression of Badāonī's almost idolatrous veneration for the Shaikh. In plain English the phrase means no more than that the holy man shewed his teeth when he smiled.

↩
Badāonī's enthusiasm probably leads him into some exaggeration here. Taking the number “fifty or a hundred” to be about seventy-five, and supposing that these conversions were made on two hundred days in each year—a very mild rendering of the author's statement—we should have a result of 15,000 converts per annum.

↩
The text rightly follows MS. (B) with ◌. MS. (A) has ◌, which is incorrect.

↩
MS. (B) incorrectly omits the word ◌.

↩
Lit. “the folk of the house of purity,” a circumlocution in strict accordance with Muslim etiquette.

↩
The text reads ◌. Both MSS. have ◌, which I prefer.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, a mis-spelling due to the employment, in speaking, of the ◌.

↩
◌. Qur'ān XIII. 28.

↩
This was evidently a descendant of Sulṭān ‘Alā'u-d-Dīn ibn-i-Muḥammad Shāh ibn-i-Mubārak Shāh ibn-i-Khiẓr Khān, the last Emperor of the Sayyid dynasty. Vide Badāonī, Vol. I. (trans. Ranking), pp. 400-402. This dynasty was not exterminated as was the usual custom when an usurpation of the throne took place, but the last Emperor was, in accordance with his own request, permitted by Buhlūl Lōdī, the usurper, to retire to Badāon. It seems that Badāonī himself, disgusted with the fashionable infidelity, favoured the claims of this pretended Mahdī.

↩
◌ omitted in MS. (B).

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, which is nonsense.

↩
Vide suprā for the biography of Ghauṯ-i-A‘ẓam. MS. (B) has the Arabic form Ghauthu-'l-A‘ḍham.

↩
The text here has the particle ◌, which is in neither MS. Its interpolation is unidiomatic.

↩
◌. Possibly “a married man with a family,” but I prefer the translation which I have given, on account of what follows. The assertion that the religious Sayyid was a married man would make the statement that he was acquainted with the art of war a non sequitur. The assertion that he is of imperial descent gives a reason for his knowledge of that art.

↩
The text here inserts ◌. These words are in neither MS. and I have omitted them.

↩
◌ lit. “commit highway robbery on that helpless one.” De mortuis nil nisi bonum.

↩
◌. The paradox contained in the expression cannot well be expressed in English.

↩
◌. (B) has ◌, evidently a copyist's error. The context clearly shews that this expression is used here for one who is religious solely for the purpose of attaining to the sensual joys promised to good Muslims in the next world.

↩
The text has ◌. Both MSS. have the conjunction ◌, which the sense requires.

↩
I.e., he who loves God for His own sake, irrespective of any hope of reward. Cf. S. Francis Xavier's hymn, “O Deus, ego amo te!”

↩
◌. Both MSS. have ◌. The reading of the text appears to me to be preferable.

↩
The text omits ◌, though both MSS. have it.

↩
◌. (B) has ◌, which makes nonsense.

↩
I understand this phrase to mean the Mīrzās who were, with their relative Ulugh Mīrzā (not Ulugh Baig Mīrzā, who was a younger brother of ‘Umar Shaikh Mīrzā and uncle of Bābar) in rebellion.

↩
His biography is given on p. 48 (text) of this volume, but no reference is made to the title ◌. In the reading I follow MS. (A). The text and MS. (B) have ◌. The Āīn-i-Akbarī (Calcutta text I. 233) reads ◌.

↩
The chief town of the Sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Dilhī. Now the headquarters of the District of the same name in the N.-W. P.

↩
This expression seems to have puzzled the editor of the text, for he appends a footnote stating that it occurs in all the three MSS. to which he had access. The Qādirī shirt was probably a shirt of a distinctive pattern or cut, worn by the Qādirīyyah order of ascetics, founded by Shaikh Dā'ūd.

↩
◌. Both MSS. have, wrongly, ◌.

↩
Scil. when his army was defeated at Ṭalamba. Vide Badāonī, text, vol. II., pp. 157, 158.

↩
A prayer for the attainment of an object, the recitation of the ◌ or first chapter of the Qur'ān being part of the exercise.

↩
It is quite possible that the soldier may have been instructed by Shaikh Dā'ūd to deliver the shirt to Badāonī, without mentioning that he was merely a messenger.

↩
Lit. “Joseph's shirt.” The reference is obvious.

↩
◌, literally “the pole-star,” “the pivot on which everything turns, or the point of attraction.” “Cynosure,” as used by Milton, fairly represents the sense in English.

↩
The text has ◌. MS. (B) has ◌, and MS. (A) has ◌, which has been altered to ◌ is without doubt the true reading.

↩
The text follows MS. (A) with ◌. (B) has ◌.

↩
◌—Text and MS. (A). MS. (B) has ◌, which is wrong.

↩
Vide suprā, p. 53, n. 2. The text has the corrupted form ◌, also the MSS.

↩
Scil. the Emperor Akbar, who went to Gujarāt in A.H. 981 (A.D. 1573-4).

↩
Shahbāz Khān-i-Kambū. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann's) 399. Shahbāz Khān was probably selected for the mission as being, himself, of a holy family.

↩
A saying of Muḥammad. It is related that a beggar came to Muḥammad complaining that he was poor. Muḥammad replied “Poverty is my glory.” Shortly afterwards a second beggar approached with the same complaint. Muḥammad replied, “Poverty is disgrace both in this world and the next.” On being asked by his companions how these two apparently contradictory sayings could be reconciled, he said, “Did ye not see that the first man had forsaken the world, while the second had been forsaken by the world?”

↩
◌, the point towards which all face in prayer. “Cynosure” does not literally translate either ◌ or ◌ (vide suprā) but it is the nearest word we have in English to these words in the sense in which they occur in the text.

↩
◌. 10 + 1 + 300 + 10 + 600 + 4 + 1 + 6 + 4 + 6 + 30 + 10 = 982.

↩
For another account of Badāonī's visit to this saint vide Badāonī, vol. II. (text), pp. 156, 157. Ḥusain Khān, Badāonī's patron, also visited him about the same time, vide Badāonī II., 156.

↩
A footnote in the text gives “Sayyid” as a variant, but both MSS. have “Shaikh.”

↩
A pargana town in the sarkār of Sambhal, Ṣūba Dilhi. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , vol. II. (trans. Jarrett), 289.

↩
That is to say that the Shaikh, though a Ṣūfī, observed the ceremonial and ritual law. This is mentioned as something uncommon, for Ṣūfīs believe that their supposed close union with God absolves them from the obligation of such observances.

↩
Vide suprā, in the account of Shaikh Dā'ūd's life (No. XVI).

↩
Scil. Shaikh Aban. His being here styled “the Sayyid” may account for the variant referred to in note 5 on the preceding page.

↩
◌, may be translated either as above, or by “not by appointment,” which would mean that the discourse was not one of a regular series or delivered at a time when the Shaikh was in the habit of delivering an address. The text and MS. (B) have ◌, MS. (A) has ◌, which is better.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, evidently a copyist's error.

↩
These words, ◌ occur twice in the Qur'ān, once in Sūrah XVIII. 44.
◌

“But good works, which are lasting, are better in the sight of thy Lord as to recompense, and better as to hope.”

And in Sūrah XIX. 79.

◌

“And good works, which are lasting, are better in the sight of thy Lord as to recompense, and better in the issue (than all worldly possessions).”

It was probably the second of these two texts that the Shaikh quoted, for the former is but a portion of a verse, while the latter is a complete verse. There is, however, no real difference between the meanings of the two passages. There is a difference of one word only in the Arabic and this difference in no way alters the sense in either case.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
The particle ◌ is wrongly omitted from the text, which follows MS. (B). The reading of MS. (A) is correct.

↩
The text and (B) have ◌ which makes no sense as a name, unless we take it to be a corruption consequent on the use of the ◌ is the correct reading, as in MS. (A).

↩
Or, perhaps, “in exoteric and esoteric knowledge.”

↩
The text follows MS. (A) with ◌. (B) has ◌.

↩
The text and MS. (B) have ◌. MS. (A) has ◌. The difference does not affect the sense.

↩
Vide “Āīn-i-Akbarī,” vol. 1. (trans. Blochmann), p. 312.

↩
MS. (B) has for ◌ which is correct, ◌ which is altogether incorrect.

↩
MS. (B) has, for ◌, which does not make sense.

↩
This is spelt ◌ in both MSS. a spelling which is quite correct in Persian, in which language the letter ◌ does not exist. The editor of the text has Indianized it into ◌.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌. The text and MS. (B) omit the auxiliary. The reading of MS. (A) is preferable.

↩
Two pargana towns in the sarkār of Kanauj, Ṣūba Āgra. Vide A. A. II. (trans. Jarrett), pp. 184, 185.

↩
◌ wrongly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
◌. MS. (B) has, instead, ◌, which would mean “holding converse with.” I have adopted the reading of MS. (A), followed in the text, (A) being, in my opinion, a better authority to follow than (B). Apart from the question of authority I see no reason to prefer ◌ to ◌.

↩
These words (◌) are omitted from MS. (B). Their omission destroys the sense.

↩
The principal town of the sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Ilāhābās or Ilāhābād. It was for a time the capital of a Muḥammadan kingdom. It is now the head-quarters station of the Jaunpūr District, N.-W. P.

↩
This order has been already described.

↩
◌. Lit. “He who is followed.” MS. (B) wrongly omits the verb ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has, wrongly, ◌.

↩
A free translation of ◌, the meaning of which is clear.

↩
◌. These Ṣūfī-istic terms have already been explained. Vide Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah (Sprenger). It is possible that the word ◌ may be used here in its ordinary sense, in which case the words “perception of God” would be omitted from the translation.

↩
◌. “The place where he took his ease.

↩
MS. (B) wrongly inserts the conjunction ◌ here, destroying the sense of the passage.

↩
◌, for which (B) has, incorrectly, ◌.

↩
◌, a most clumsy phrase, which I cannot believe to be the correct reading, though both MSS., followed by the text, have it. The expression, clumsy and unidiomatic as it is, may have been used ironically, in which case the meaning of the passage would be “He displayed such weakness in his caperings that…etc.”

↩
MS. (A) omits ◌.

↩
◌. Exercises not enjoined on all, but practised by such as lay claim to sanctity.

↩
◌.

↩
◌. Badāonī is evidently referring to those learned in theological bibliography.

↩
The expedition against Jaunpūr in 968 A.H. (A.D. 1561) must be the one referred to here. The date does not coincide with the date of the Shaikh's death, and I am unable to account for the discrepancy. I can find no mention of an expedition against Jaunpūr in A.H. 970. Vide Badāonī II. (text), 48, 49.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌, which is more elegant.

↩
Qur'ān iii. 163. The whole verse:— ◌

“And repute not those slain on God's path to be dead: Nay, rather, alive with their Lord they are provided for.”

↩
◌. Lit. “horizons.”

↩
300 + 10 + 600 + 1 + 4 + 5 + 50 = 970.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī II. (trans. Jarrett), 289.

↩
A short account of this order has already been given.

↩
MS. (B) wrongly omits the word ◌ here.

↩
I.e., Muḥammad, styled “the seal of the prophets” as being the last to whom a divine revelation is to be entrusted. The expression ◌ cannot be literally translated into English. It signifies “one in whom the sealing, or completion of prophecy finds its refuge”—a clumsy phrase in English but very concise and expressive in Persian.

↩
◌.

↩
That is, freed from sin. This is one of the “sayings” of Muḥammad.

↩
The capital of Gujarāt.

↩
◌. Both MSS. have ◌, but the emendation in the text appears to be correct. If the reading of the MSS. be correct then we have an additional reason for the Miyāṅ's refusal to claim descent from ‘Alī. Vide the following note.

↩
So I understand ◌. The meaning seems to be that the Shaikh's ancestors had so long ago left Arabia that he wisely refrained from claiming a descent which was perhaps not borne out by documentary evidence and was not likely to be generally accepted. It may be that the Miyāṅ's descent was in the female line, in which case he would not rank as a Sayyid.

↩
MS. (B) has ◌ for ◌. This is clearly a copyist's error.

↩
◌, in neither MS. I am not aware of the authority for its insertion in the text, but it seems to me to be correct.

↩
◌. The Persian phrase cannot be neatly and concisely translated into English.

↩
◌. This expression has puzzled me and the translation is conjectural. I have consulted learned Persians and natives of India on the subject. Shamsu-'l-‘Ulamā Shaikh Mahmūd-i-Gīlānī suggests ◌, but I can learn of no book with this title. I am of opinion that the reading of the text and MSS. is certainly wrong.

↩
Mīftāḥu-'l-‘Ulūm (clavis doctrinarum). Vide Vol. I. (trans. Ranking), 428, note 2.

↩
El-Adhodi, liber Adhodi grammaticus, quem Imām Abu Ali (Hasan Ben Ahmed) Fārisi Grammaticus, anno [377 (inc. 3. Mai. 987)] mortuus, principi Adhod-ed-dewlet composuit. H.K. 8158.

↩
The text has ◌, making ◌ feminine. The reading of the MSS. ◌ is correct.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ after ◌. The text (B) omit it.

↩
◌ is the reading of both MSS. and of the text. It does not make sense, and seems to me to be a copyist's error for ◌. As such I have treated it. MS. (B) has ◌ for ◌. The latter is correct. The fact here stated is mentioned to shew the Miyāṅ's great dislike of publicity. According to the Muḥammadan ritual law the Friday prayers should be recited in the congregation, i.e., in the public masjid.

↩
No. III. suprā.

↩
I.e., during the reign of Shīr Shāh in Dihlī. It was in consequence of Shīr Shāh's ill-treatment of him that Muḥammad Ghauṯ fled to Gujarāt. Vide suprā, in the account of Muḥammad Ghauṯ, No. III.

↩
MS. (B) wrongly reads ◌ for ◌.

↩
A legal decision delivered by a recognized doctor of the law on any point of the Muḥammadan ritual or religious law. The fatwā in this case would probably declare that Muḥammad Ghauṯ was worthy of death as a heretic, the execution of the sentence being left to the secular power.

↩
I.e., refused to carry it out.

↩
Lit. “on the signature of.” Vajīhu-'d-dīn probably delivered his authoritative opinion or fatwā, under his signature, declaring that Muḥammad Ghauṯ was not worthy of death.

↩
This seems to be the meaning of ◌, as here used, but the word means literally “applying for a fatwā,” or “asking for legal opinion.” The textual reading is evidently correct, though the readings of the MS. are not very clear.

↩
MS. (B) inserts ◌ after ◌, erroneously, as it seems to me.

↩
Lit. “We are masters of speech (scil. religious discussion, or more probably recitation of the ritual prayers) and he is master of religious ecstasy.” The translation well expresses the meaning of the phrase.

↩
◌.

↩
◌. (B) has, erroneously ◌.

↩
MS. (B) omits ◌, and substitutes ◌ for ◌. My opinion of this MS. coincides with that expressed by Colonel Ranking in some of the notes to his translation of vol. I. It is evidently the work of an ignorant and careless scribe and is of very little value for purposes of comparison.

↩
◌.

↩
This would be an exceedingly neat chronogram were it correct, but the sum of the letters is 999, one too many. MS. (A) inserts after the chronogram ◌.

↩
◌, the meaning of which is given by Steingass as “aiming at one thing and getting another,” “incident.”

↩
The chief town of the sarkār of the same name, in the Ṣūba of Dīlhī. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī II. (trans. Jarrett), p. 281 and n. 4, and p. 295. Vide also Hunter's Imp. Gazetteer.

↩
The Niyāzīs are a clan of the Ghilzais or Ghiljīs. They are principally engaged in the carrying trade between India and Afghānistān and the Northern States of Central Asia, and have been so for centuries. Vide Bellew's “Races of Afghānistān,” p. 103, Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann), 483, 484, II. (trans. Jarrett), 393 (n.) and 402 (n.).

↩
Vide suprā No. VIII. The text and both MSS. have ◌ for ◌. The reading is wrong, for the references in the text clearly shew that it is Shaikh Salīm that is referred to. ◌ is ◌, corrupted by the figure called ◌.

↩
◌. Vide Shaikh Salīm's life, and the notes thereon, for Akbar's reverence for him, and the reason of it. Vide also vol. II. (text), 109, 255. Vide also Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, Lucknow edition, pp. 327, 328.

↩
The text has ◌ a misprint for ◌, which is itself wrong. Vide note 1.

↩
The words ◌ are wrongly omitted from MS. (B). This MS. also has ◌ for ◌.

↩
The words ◌ are wrongly omitted from MS. (B). This MS. also has ◌ for ◌.

↩
I.e., the opinions of those who believed Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad to be the Mahdī. The words are ◌, for which MS. (B) has ◌, which is pure nonsense.

↩
Vide vol. I. (trans. Ranking), pp. 518-520 for an account of the persecution of Miyāṅ (or Shaikh, as he is there called) ‘Abdu-'llāh by Salīm Shāh, at the instigation of Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk.

↩
Vide the reference in the last note for an account of the persecution of the Mahdawīs by Salīm Shāh.

↩
Lit. “choosing.”

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌. The dots in MS. (A) are placed at random, but the word there seems to be ◌.

↩
Vide vol. II. (text), pp. 347 et seqq. Also Akbarnama (text), III. 465 et seqq.

↩
I.e., land to be held in aima tenure, for his subsistence.

↩
I.e., “to what he had,” and no more.

↩
This book was the Iḥyā'u ‘Ulūmi-'d-dīn. “Ihyā olum ed-dīn, doctrinarum religionis vivificatio, auctore Imam Shafiita Hojjat el-islām Abu Hāmid Mohammed Ben Mohammed Ghazāli, mortuo in urbe Tus anno 505 (inc. 10 Jul. 1111).” H.K. No. 171, where a full account of the book is given.

↩
The Kīmiya'u-'s-sa‘ādat. “Kímiyá el-seádet, alchymia beatitudinis. Opus Persicum paraeneticum et ethicum, quod Imām Hojjet el-islām Abu Hāmid Mohammed Ben Mohammed Ghazáli, anno 505 (inc. 10 Jul. 1111) mortuus, composuit, et in quatuor titulos et quatuor fulcimenta, ut in praefatione dicit, in usum multitudinis hominum qui talia desiderant, distribuit.” H.K. No. 10,998, where a full account of the book is given.

↩
MS. (B) wrongly omits ◌.

↩
The text here has ◌, which is in neither MS. Its insertion does not affect the sense.

↩
◌ “attraction” or “disturbance.” “Persecution” is the best translation in this passage.

↩
Maḥmūd Khān was asking for enlightenment on one of the subtleties of the Ṣūfīs. In order that his question may be understood it is necessary to know how the Ṣūfīs defined the Persian word ◌, of which the Arabic synonym is ◌. The Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah (Sprenger) gives the following definition, s.v. ◌. “The heart is an enlightened incorporeal essence, the mean between the rūḥ and the nafs.” The words ◌ (rūḥ) and ◌ (nafs) both mean soul, and are sometimes considered synonymous one with the other. But according to other authorities ◌ signifies “that whereby is life” and ◌ “that whereby is intellect, or reason,” e.g., when one sleeps God takes away his ◌, but not his ◌, which is not taken save at death; and the ◌ is thus called because of its connection with the ◌, or “breath.” (Vide Lane, Arabic Lexicon, sub vocibus). But it is not clear that the connection between ◌ and ◌ is very close, for, if it were, one could hardly be deprived of his ◌ during sleep. But see also the Iṣṭilāḥātu-'ṣ-Ṣūfiyyah sub vocibus ◌ and ◌. The former is thus defined:—

“An-nafs is the fine ethereal essence which supports life, sensation, and voluntary motion. And the philosopher (scil. Aristotle) has called it the animal soul, and it is the mean between the heart, which is the reasoning faculty, and the body, which is referred to in the Qur'ān as “the olive tree,” which is described as being “blessed, neither of the east nor of the west,” on account of the increase of dignity and blessedness which it confers on man, and because it is neither from the east, the world of disembodied spirits, nor from the west, the world of gross bodies.”

◌ is thus described:—

“Ar-rūḥ in the technical language of the Ṣūfīs is the fine and incorporeal part of man; and in the technical language of physicians it is the fine vapour bred in the heart, which receives the effect of life, sensation, and motion, and these collectively are called, in their technical language an-nafs, and the mean between them is the heart, which conceives general conceptions and their details. Philosophers make no distinction between qalb and rūḥu-'l-awwal (“first soul”) which they describe as the reasoning faculty.” It is easy to understand Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-llāh's anxiety to avoid the discussion of a question of this sort, and to take refuge in some ethical, or indeed, any other question, in order to escape from it.

↩
◌. Lit. “asked him for his testimony.”

↩
A town in Sījistān, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann), 41n. II. (trans. Jarrett), 393, and note.

↩
Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-'llah evidently brought forward this old Mughal, with his “testimony,” to justify his secession from the Mahdawī sect, by proving that Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad himself before his death relinquished his pretensions to being the Mahdī. Badāonī, who inclined towards the Mahdawī doctrines, seems by his use of the expression ◌ to have disbelieved the Mughal's testimony, or, at any rate, to have regarded it as doubtful. The necessity for some justification of Miyāṅ ‘Abdu-llāh's change of views is shewn by Maḥmūd Khān's comment on his conduct, which immediately follows.

↩
Lit. “withdrew his steps from the circle.”

↩
I.e., this lodging which is given us only for a time, or, as it were, on loan.

↩
Here both MSS. have “Maḥmūd.” The textual emendation is correct.

↩
The text follows MS. (B) with ◌. The reading of MS. (A) which I have followed, is correct. “Mīr” was one of M. Muḥammad's titles as a Sayyid. The title Mīrzā is in India almost exclusively bestowed upon Mughals.

↩
Shaikh Gadā'ī-yi-Kambū of Dilhī, the Ṣadru-'ṣ-Ṣudūr, vide vol. II. text, pp. 29, 30, et infra chapter ii., No. IV.

↩
Vide vol. II. text, Āīn-i-Akbarī, and Akbarnāma passim.

↩
I.e., Bairām Khān's dismissal, his estrangement from the Emperor, rebellion, and violent death.

↩
I.e., the east side of the river, the far side from the city of Āgra.

↩
MS. (A) omits ◌.

↩
The word used here is ◌ from the root ◌ (“it was, or became still, motionless or stationary”). The meaning of ◌ is given by Lane (Ar. Lex. s. v.) as “calmness or tranquillity, gravity, staidness, steadiness, or sedateness,” and, “a quality inspiring reverence or veneration.” Its meaning in Arabic is thus quite clear. But its etymology calls to mind the Hebrew ◌ (praesens Dei Majestas, as Gesenius gives it). This Hebrew word is Rabbinical, not Biblical. The Arabic word ◌ is used to translate the Hebrew ◌, but has not, in Arabic, the same meaning. It is possible that Muḥammad, in using the word, if he did so, may have had some Rabbinical tradition in his mind.

↩
◌. Vide Hughes' Dict. of Islām, s. v. ẕikr.

↩
MS. (B) has ◌ between ◌ and ◌. The text and MS. (A) omit it. The sense is not affected either way.

↩
◌ (MS. (A) and text). ◌ MS. (B).

↩
◌.

↩
Vide No. XVII. suprā.

↩
Lit. “he was a miracle (or sign) of the miracles (or signs) of God.”

↩
◌ text and MS. (B). ◌ MS. (A).

↩
The two words in the text are ◌ and ◌. Lane (Arabic-English Lexicon, s. v.) thus defines ◌:—“◌ is of two kinds ◌, which is A thing's being preceded by non-existence: and ◌, which is A thing's being dependeut on another for its existence.” The word in this passage has the latter meaning. ◌ means “contingent, or potential existence,” i.e., as opposed either to ◌, “necessary existence” or ◌, “actual existence.” The meaning of the passage is that the Shaikh employed himself with none but God, the self-existent and necessarily existent Being.

↩
◌. MS. (B) wrongly omits ◌.

↩
◌ (text). The MSS. omit ◌.

↩
I.e., about 80 miles.

↩
In the original this passage runs as follows:— ◌

The portion between the brackets has been carelessly omitted from MS. (B) the copyist having evidently mistaken the words ◌ just before the brackets for the same words repeated at the end of the bracketed portion. An absurd non sequitur is the result of this careless error.

↩
Vide suprā in the life of Shaikh Dā'ūd (XVI.) p. 56, n. 4.

↩
Lit. “Alone with one attendant on foot.” The ◌ ran beside the horse of the person whom he attended.

↩
◌ text. ◌ (?) MS. (A). ◌ MS. (B). The tribe referred to must, I think, be the Jāts whose name would be properly spelt ◌ (pl. ◌) in the Persian character. Vide Sherring, “Hindu Tribes and Castes” II. 73.

↩
◌. Ẕikr has been already described. The highwaymen apparently urged Badāonī to recite the name of Shaikh Dā'ūd in his ẕikr, an exercise in which only the names and attributes of God should be recited. The passage exemplifies the superstitious veneration with which ignorant Indian Muslims regard their pīrs, and gives some colour to the charge brought against Shaikh Dā'ūd by Makhdūmu-'l-Mulk, that he permitted his disciples to introduce his name into their ẕikr, they crying out “Yā Dā'ūd, yā Dā'ūd!” Shaikh Dā'ūd very dexterously repelled the charge (vide suprā p. 53), but from the request here made by the robbers it is almost certain that the practice was common among the Shaikh's followers, even ‘if it was not approved by him. ◌ Wird is a portion of the Qur'ān set or imposed for recital on a particular occasion, or at a particular time. It seems that the name of the Shaikh was to be introduced into these passages from the Qur'ān, or it may be that they were to be recited in the Shaikh's name.

↩
◌ wrongly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
Vide suprā, in the life of Shaikh Dā‘ūd (No. XVI), pp. 56-60.

↩
◌ (text). The MSS. insert ◌ between ◌ and ◌. The careless omission of the conjunction in the text would give the passage a very unpleasant sound to an Eastern car.

↩
MS. (B) wrongly inserts ◌ here.

↩
“The cube-like building in the centre of the mosque at Makkah, which contains the Ḥajaru-'l-Aswad, or black stone.” Hughes' Dict. of Islām. The word is frequently used metaphorically, as in this passage, for any object of desire, or reward at a journey's end, the simile being the toilsome desert journey of the Makkah pilgrims, with the Ka‘bah for its object.

↩
Qur'ān xxxiii. 23.

◌

“Some there were among the faithful who made good what they have promised to God. Some have fulfilled their vow and others await its fulfilment , and have in no way changed.”

↩
Of the wine of paradise.

↩
The order founded by Shaikh Dā'ūd and described (p. 52), as being midway between the Sahravardī and Cishtī orders.

↩
i.e., “paradise.” Riẓwān is the keeper of the garden of paradise.

↩
Lit. “the gatherer together of all the perfections.”

↩
Shaikh Dā'ūd.

↩
Badāonī means “near Thānesar.” Thānesar was a pargana town in the Sirhind sarkār, while Gangūh was a pargana town in the adjoining sarkār of Sahāranpūr. Āīn-i-Akbarī II. (trans. Jarrett), 290.

↩
◌ text and MS. (B). MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
◌ is omitted from the MSS. but seems to be rightly supplied in the text.

↩
◌. The Ṣūfī-istic technical terms ◌ and ◌ have already been explained.

↩
◌ carelessly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
◌. Vide vol. II. text, pp. 35 et seqq., and Akbar-nāma (text) II., 91-121.

↩
The Boharas are a tribe of Musalmāns in the Bombay Presidency, Berar, and parts of the Panjab. They are Shī'ahs by religion. Sir George Campbell is of opinion that they are a cross between immigrants from the Persian Gulf and “Hindu Borahs.” Vide Sherring, “Hindu Castes and Tribes” II, 183, 184. The Boharas throughout India numbered 129, 473 in 1881.

↩
i.e., Bengal.

↩
Vol. II. (text), 185. Akbarnāma (text) II., 79. Badāonī places this event in A.H. 982 (A.D. 1574-5). Abū-'l-Faẓl places it in A.H. 981 (A.D. 1573-4). The MSS. spell Patna, ◌, after the Persian style. In the text it is Indianized into ◌.

↩
Vide vol. II. (text), pp. 172, 173. The passage is reproduced in the short life of Badāonī prefixed to this volume.

↩
Gulsheni rāz, rosarium arcanorum. Carmen persicum, quod ita incipit:
Nomine ejus, qui animam cogitare docuit—

et quaestiones et responsa continet secundum terminologium theosophicum. Ad ejus similitudinem carmen Azhār-el-gulshen compositum est. Auctor Rosarii est Sheikh Mahmud Tebrīzi qui in vico Shebister natus et sepultus est, qui locus octo parasangas a Tebriz distat. Commentarios in carmen scrip-serunt Motzaffer-ed-Dīn Ali Shirazi—Sheikh Shems-ed-din Mohammed Ben Yahya Ben Ali Ahji Jíláni Núrbakhshi, anno … mortuns, cujus commen-tarius persice scriptus textum admixtum habet, et Mefátih el-i‘jáz inscriptus est. Nitide eum exscripsit mense Dzu-'lhijjet anni 877 (inc. 8. Jun. 1472). Hājī Khalīfah, 10839.

The commentary of Shaikh Shamsu-'d-dīn is the book referred to. He is described in the text and MSS. as ◌ (Lāhjī), an error for ◌ (Al-Ahjī).

The Gulshan-i-Rāz has been translated into English by Mr. Whinfield.

↩
The text has ◌ which, as explained in a footnote to the text, is the reading of both MSS. I think that we should substitute ◌, and have translated accordingly. If, however, the reading of the MSS. be correct we might translate “he was the disciple, with one intermediary, of, &c.,” but the expression is awkward and unidiomatic.

↩
Of Badakhshān. A disciple of Abū Isḥāq-i-Khatlānī who gained numerous adherents and created such disturbances that troops were sent against him. He was defeated and fled to ‘Irāq, in the mountainous districts of which country he is said to have gained thirty thousand followers. He had often to fight with the governors but defied them all. Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann) introduction, p. iv. note.

↩
◌. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī vol. I. (trans. Blochmann), p. 107.

↩
Lit. “From which arises the odour of exile and effacement,” the “exile” referring to the Shaikh's belief that he was but a sojourner in this world.

↩
Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmanu), p. 545.

↩
Lit. “Have a belief in his saintship” (◌). A walī (◌) is “one who is very near,” i.e., to God. Hughes' Dict. of Islam s. v. Both MSS. have ◌ for ◌. The emendation in the text is correct.

↩
◌ a Ṣūfī-istic term for God.

↩
Or perhaps, “he was distinguished from those learned in secular knowledge,” i.e., by his humility.

↩
The brother of Abū-'l-Faẓl.

↩
“King of Poets,” the title commonly given to the poet laureate in Muḥammadan Courts.

↩
◌. The text wrongly has ◌ with the hamzah.

↩
The MSS. have ◌. The text omits ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, which is nonsense.

↩
◌, supplied in the text, though it appears in neither MS.

↩
Badāonī evidently regarded the vision as a punishment for not having defended the Shaikh when he was attacked by Faiẓī. In this passage MS. (B) wrongly omits ◌. I have already expressed my opinion of this MS.

↩
◌ lit. “an analogy,” something which bears a resemblance to something else.

↩
◌. carelessly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
◌ lit. “the neighbourhood of the propinquity.”

↩
◌ (text). Both MSS. have ◌.

↩
◌ a crude zinc oxide, applied to the eyes as a collyrium.

↩
◌. “Believed him to be a walī,” i.e., one near to God.

↩
The text and MSS. have ◌ means “a seller of beasts.” The expression is elliptical and obscure, but I take it to be equivalent to ◌ and have so translated it, ◌ might be suggested as a variant for ◌ in which case the sense of the phrase would be, “all polluted as he was,” scil. by his intercourse with the singing girl.

↩
◌ carelessly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
Police officers appointed to prevent drinking, gambling and other offences against the moral law.

↩
◌. “for the purpose of remedying his condition.”

↩
◌ “the instruments of wanton amusements and of pastimes prohibited by the sacred law,” i. e., such things as dice, drinking-cups, wine vessels, and instruments of music.

↩
◌ “Censuring,” or “inflicting stripes below the full number allowed by law.” It does not appear whether the Shaikh was to have been flogged or merely rebuked,

↩
◌ Here Badāonī stoutly asserts himself as a Sunnī.

↩
The three unlawful acts were (1) spying upon a Muslim, (2) entering the house without asking the owner's permission, and (3) entering the house as thieves, by climbing over the wall. The privacy of dwelling is established by the teaching of Muḥammad, and it is unlawful to enter a house without ◌, or asking permission. Vide Qu‘rān xxiv. 27-29.

↩
◌ vide supra, p. 29, n. 2.

↩
Jewāhir El-Coran, gemmae Corani, auctore Imām Hojjet-el-Islām, Atū Hāmid Mohammed Ben Mohammed Ghazāli Tūsi, anno 505 (inc. 10 Jul. 1111) mortuo. Librum divisum esse commemorat in doctrinas et actiones, has esse exteriores et interiores, interiores antem distributas esse in purifica-tionem et sui ipsius alienationem, ut quatuor sint genera doctrinarum, ex-teriores dico et interiores, et vituperatione et laude dignas. Singula genera ad decem principia redeunt, totum autem selectissimam Corani partem continet.” Hājī Khalīfah No. 4293. No mention is made of the commentary composed by the Shaikh.

↩
The Kāyats or Kāyasths, the great caste among the Hindus whose occupation is writing. They numbered in 1881 two and a quarter millions. From the Shaikh's cognomen it might be supposed that he was of Jewish or Afghān descent, as was perhaps the case. His forbears may have been employed as scribes, and it is possible that the Shaikh, without being a Hindu by descent, was sufficiently politic to humour Akbar's predilection for Hindus, by naively confessing to a Hindu ancestry, and to refrain from proudly claiming a foreign descent, as a bigoted Muslim would probably have done. It is for this reason that Badāonī describes his answer as “unassuming.” Or the Shaikh may, perhaps, have been descended from Kāyasths on the mother's side, and made the most of the fact in order to humour the Emperor.

↩
The Langāh dynasty reigned in Multān from A.D. 1443 to A.D. 1524. Shaikh Yūsuf, the first of the line, established an independent monarchy in Multān in the former year. In the latter year Sulṭān Ḥusain Laugāh II., the last of the line was overcome by Shāh Ḥusain Arghūn, the ruler of Sindh, who acknowledged the suzerainty of Bābar, and afterwards of Humāyūn, from whom, however, he withdrew his allegiance when Shēr Shāh overcame him. When Humāyūn fled to Sindh Shāh Ḥusain received his ambassadors not discourteously, but refused to assist him in any way. He subsequently drove Humāyūn from Sindh. Āīn-i-Akbarī II. (trans. Jarrett), 334-336, and “The Indus Delta Country,” by Major-General M. R. Haig, 89-92.

↩
Lit. “Nobody knew whence all these resources, expenditure, and disbursements were.”

↩
◌. MS. (B) carelessly omits ◌.

↩
◌, text and MSS. The word should be ◌, the reading in the text is nonsense, and is due apparently to the unaccountable antipathy of Indian scholars to the repetition of the letter ◌ in words of this measure, such as ◌ and ◌, which they write ◌ and ◌.

↩
◌.

↩
The concluding couplet of the introduction to the Būstān. The couplet commences here ◌. The better reading is ◌. The chosen one (◌) is, of course, Muḥammad.

↩
◌, in neither MS.

↩
◌ in the text. Both MSS. have, correctly, ◌, and so I have translated.

↩
◌ “the delectable speech.” ◌, “there is no god but God, and Muḥammad is the apostle of God.”

↩
◌. MS. (B) omits ◌. The meaning of this passage is that as the boy had devoted himself to the religious life his parents relinquished their control over him and handed him over to his religious instructors.

↩
A pargana town in the sarkār of Sirhind, Ṣūba of Dihlī.

↩
Chief town of a Sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Awadh.

↩
◌ lit. “those who are followed.”

↩
MS. (B) has ◌.

↩
◌. The ecstatic “worship” of the Ṣūfis has already been briefly described. Some of the performances are here described.

↩
◌. Both MSS. add ◌. The words have been carelessly omitted from the text.

↩
Both MSS. have ◌, the respectful plural. The text has the singular.

↩
The formula ◌, “there is no power or strength but in God.”

↩
I.e., the day's marketing.

↩
◌ lit. “he is not devoted to shaikh-ship and discipleship,” i.e., the system by which a recognized Shaikh authorized his disciples to teach, and constituted them his spiritual successors.

↩
◌ “a kind of tunic, generally reaching to the middle of the shank, divided down the front and made to lap over the chest.” Lane, Arabic Lexicon s. v. vide also Dozy, Dictionnaire des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes, pp. 352-362.

↩
“El-Sahāif fi el-Kalam, folia de metaphysica, quæ ita incipiunt; Laus Deo existentia et unitate digno, etc., et in praefationem sex folia, et conclu-sionem distributa sunt. In ejus commentariis numeratur liber El-Mearif fī Sharh El-Sahāif inscriptus, qui ita incipit; Laus Deo cujus existentiae nullus est terminus, etc. Auctor, quem Samarcandi esse puto, formula usus est, “dicit auctor,” et, “dico ego.” Pariter Behishti commentarium edidit.” Hājī Khalīfa, 7718. It was probably one of the two commentaries referred to that Badāonī read.

↩
The book referred to was probably that described by Ḥājī Khalīfa, No. 2715:—“El-Tahckic, expositio accurata. Commentarius operis Muntekhab de principiis, de quo litera Mim videatur.” It may, however, have been the following (H. K. No. 2720) “El-Tahckic, accurata expositio, auctore Imam Mohyi-ed-din Yahya Ben Sheref Newavi.” Badāonī gives the names of these books in Persian. For convenience' sake I have given them their original Arabic titles.

↩
◌ lit. “those who seek for religious guidance or instruction.” MS. (B) has ◌. Probably the word ◌ was too much for the copyist.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
MS. (B) omits ◌.

↩
The ancient city of Qannauj, (Sans. Kānya-kubja), in early Hindu times one of the principal centres of Aryan civilization in India. It was in Badāonī's time the chief town of the sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Āgra. It is now a Taḥsīl town in the Farrukhābād District, N.-W.P. Vide Cunningham, “Ancient Geography of India,” 376-382.

↩
◌. It has already been observed that the fact of a Ṣūfī, one who has experienced ◌, i.e., has been mysteriously drawn to God, condescending to observe any of the ordinary restrictions of religion and morality, is always regarded by Badāonī, and by all Muslims of Ṣūfī-istic tendencies, as worthy of special remark. The Ṣūfī holds himself to be absolved from all such observances. He is above such trivial matters, which have been ordained for the common herd. He is, in short, an antinomian. Vide supra p. 27 n. 4.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌, wrongly. Here we have another instance of fact of a Ṣūfī observing the religious and moral law being considered extraordinary.

↩
◌ omitted from the text in spite of the authority of both MSS.

↩
The opening chapter of the Qur'ān, recited either in behalf of one's self or of others. Here evidently used as a prayer for the dead.

↩
The text here destroys the whole sense of this passage with ◌ omitting the preposition. The MSS. have the preposition ◌ before ◌, shewing that it was the Shaikh who spoke to the attendant, not the attendant to the Shaikh.

↩
The Muslim law of inheritance and the division of property left by a deceased person.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌ for ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌ for ◌, but with ◌ superscribed.

↩
Apparently by the vicarious merit of the reciter.

↩
Affected by ◌, the mysterious attraction towards God.

↩
This benediction occurs in MS. (A) only.

↩
I.e., a Sayyid descended from Ḥusain.

↩
◌ text, and MS. (B). MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
◌. The use of the word ◌ in the sense of “woman,” clearly shews the author to have been a native of India. The word does not mean “woman” in Arabic or Persian.

↩
A very common simile in Persian poetry for a person who is suddenly struck motionless by surprise, terror, admiration, or any other emotion.

↩
Or perhaps, “below the market place at Gwāliyār.

↩
This passage shews us the frame of mind expected in men who claim to have been “mysteriously attracted” towards God. It is on this account that madness is regarded in the East with respect, for the Oriental commonly believes that the maniac is as likely to be possessed by God as by an evil spirit. The account of travels of the eccentric Tom Coryate supplies us with an interesting example of this view of madness.

↩
◌. This word has been too much for the scribe of MS. (B), whose version is ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌.

↩
◌. The MSS. omit ◌.

↩
I.e., “that he may be put to shame,” the usual idiom in Persian and Urdu. It is peculiarly appropriate here, from the nature of the ordeal.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ here.

↩
◌. These words are probably Hindūstānī, which the Shaikh most likely spoke, at any rate in moments of excitement, and I have translated them accordingly. If we suppose them to be Persian they will mean “A snake, a snake!”

↩
20 + 2 + 6 + 200 + 40 + 3 + 600 + 6 + 2 = 879, the sum being just a hundred short.

↩
The text has ◌ (Ilāh) though both MSS. have ◌ (Allāh).

↩
Garmaktesar, or more properly Gaṛhmakhtesar, is now an interesting old town in the Mīrath District, N.-W. P., picturesquely situated on the right bank of the Ganges. It takes its name from the ancient fort and from the temple of Mukhteshwara Mahādeva.

↩
◌ (text). The reading of the MSS. (◌) is correct.

↩
The reference here is to the tradition that Muhammad said, “Among men there have been many perfect, but among women only four, ‘Asiyah, the wife of Fir‘aun (Pharaoh), Mariyam, the daughter of Amrān, Khadījah, the daughter of Khawailid, and Faṭimah, daughter of Muḥammad.” In the Qur'ān, and probably, therefore, in this tradition, Miriam, the daughter of Amrān, and sister of Moses and Aaron, is confounded with the Blessed Virgin. Badāonī means to say that this old lady was entitled to rank with the four perfect women of the tradition, but it would have been more logical to call her the fifth, not the fourth perfect woman.

↩
Muḥammad.

↩
Celibacy is frequently condemned by Muḥammad, for “when a Muslim marries he perfects half his religion.” Vide Hughes, “Dict. of Islam” sub vocibus “Celibacy” and “Marriage.”

↩
◌, in neither MS. but rightly supplied in the text.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌, which is nonsense.

↩
The great-grandfather of Muḥammad, from whom the latter's family, represented now by the Sayyids, are called Hāshimīs.

↩
I.e., a Sayyid descended from Husain.

↩
The word Safavī occurs in neither MS. Shāh Isma'īl was the founder of the Safarī dynasty in Persia. He was descended of a long line of pious Sayyids. His reign commenced in A.D. 1500 according to Musalmān historians, but according to Malcolm (Hist. Persia I. 500) he was not recognized as sovereign of the whole Persian Empire until A.D. 1502 in which year he overcame Sulṭān Murād, in a battle fought near Hamadān in Irāq. (Vide Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, and Beale, Oriental Biographical Dictionary, 183, 184).

↩
The call to prayer.

↩
The text and MSS. have ◌ which has no meaning. I read ◌, with the meaning here given. Another reading suggested is ◌, “wardrobe,” “store-room for clothes,” or for basins, ewers, &c. The two variants were suggested to me by Shamsu-l-‘Ulama Shaikh Maḥmūd Jīlānī. He prefers the latter.

↩
The gold coin commonly known as a “gold mohur.”

↩
Makhdūmu-‘l-Mulk has already been mentioned more than once. He was chief of the ‘Ulama or orthodox doctors during the reigns of the Afghān Emperors, Shīr Shāh, Salīm Shāh, Fīrūz Shāh, and ‘Adlī, during which period he held the title of Makhdūmu-‘l-Mulk which had been given him by Humāyūn. His name was Manlānā ‘Abdullah Ansārī, of Sulṭānpur. He did not die until H. 990 (A.D. 1582) being then, like the rest of the ‘Ulamā, in disgrace. Vide Vol. II., text, 202-204, and Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann) introduction vii., 544 et passim.

↩
◌ carelessly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
This was ‘Alī Khān Cak, King of Kashmīr, who reigned from A.H. 971 to A.H. 986 (A.D. 1563-1578) in which latter year he died from injuries received during a game of caugān (polo), and was succeeded by his son, Yūsuf Khān (or Shāh) Cak, in whose time Kashmīr was conquered by Shāhrukh Mirzā and annexed to the empire. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann), 478, 479 and II. (trans. Jarrett), 380.

↩
This vague statement may mean that the Shaikh was following the fashion of the time and setting up as Mahdī.

↩
I.e., the Shaikh. This is the usual title of courtesy applied in India and especially in the Panjāb to Sayyids.

↩
Small silver and gold coins. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann) 35, 36.

↩
The word is ◌ (Hind), but from its juxtaposition with Gujarāt and Kashmīr it is evident that it means only Hindūstān proper.

↩
The Shaikh though honoured on account of his reputation for sanctity was evidently regarded as a dangerous character. His royal descent would have served to increase the suspicion with which he was regarded.

↩
◌. Both MSS. have ◌.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
A corps d'élite. Abū-'l-Faẓl says, in his stilted and obscure style, “They are called Aḥadīs because they are fit for a harmonious unity.” They were employed in the Civil Departments of the Administration as well as in the Army. From the Āīn-i-Akbarī we learn that their pay was Rs. 25 per mensem in the case of Tūrānīs and Persians, and Rs. 20 in the case of Hindūstānīs. If employed to collect the revenue they received Rs. 15 per mensem, and were called barāwardī, which we may translate by “seconded.” The lower pay of those employed in collecting the revenue is simply a recognition of the invariable Asiatic rule that all those concerned in collecting what is due to Government will also collect what is not due to themselves. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, passim.

↩
Vide supra.

↩
Or, perhaps more probably, “in whose custody the Shāh was.”

↩
The Shaikh evidently had cause of complaint against Qalīj Khān. The expression seems to mean that Qalīj Khān had at first professed devotion to him as a holy man, and had afterwards treated him with coolness and indifference, taking his cue from his superior at Court.

↩
Vide infra Chapter III, No. VIII, also Vol. II passim, and Āīn-i-Akbarī II (trans. Blochmann), 424, 425 et passim.

↩
Evidently Abū-'l-Fatḥ, from what follows.

↩
◌ (text). Both MSS. have ◌, which is clearly the correct reading.

↩
Badāonī had no liking for Abū-'l-Fatḥ, who had great influence over the Emperor, and was one of those who led him astray in religious matters.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
◌ carelessly omitted from MS. (B).

↩
◌.

↩
◌.

↩
Ajudhya, near the modern Faiẓābād.

↩
The text here has ◌, though both MSS. have ◌, which is the reading which I have followed.

↩
◌ is the plural of ◌ “that which convinces.”

↩
Strictly orthodox Muslims are inclined to regard poetry with suspicion.

↩
Lit. “laughing.” A “laughing rose” is a rose with its mouth open, i.e., a full-blown rose. MS. (B) reads ◌, which means “self-growing.” The text follows this reading but gives ◌, the reading of MS. (A) as a footnote variant. I follow MS. (A).

↩
The tarjī‘band opens with a maṭla‘ like the Ghazal and consists of strophes or stanzas, each containing from five to eleven couplets. Between each stanza is inserted the band or refrain, a couplet which is of the same metre with the stanza, but which has a different rhyme.

↩
The word ◌ is not in MS. (A). If it be omitted the verb becomes passive and the benediction is, “may his soul be sanctified!”

↩
MS. (B) omits ◌ before ◌ and reads ◌ for ◌, two very careless errors.

↩
The purport of all these refrains is the same. They voice the pantheism of the Ṣūfīs.

↩
Lit. have risen from his skirt.

↩
The reading is clear in both MSS. and in the text. I cannot identify the place. It may very likely be Bilehrī (◌) which much resembles “Nalharī” (◌) in the Persian character. Bilehrī is a pargana town in the sarkār of Awadh. Āīn-i-Akbarī II. (trans. Jarrett), 174.

↩
The word used is ◌, which means “exile,” “sojourning in a strange land,” just as ◌ means “a stranger” or “foreigner.” I take the meaning of the passage to be that Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī regarded this world merely as a place in which he sojourned for a time. looking for a better country. It may be though, that as ◌ has come to mean in Hindustānī, and in Indian Persian, “poor,” Badāonī, whose style is characteristically Indian, uses ◌ in the sense of “poverty.”

↩
Badāonī's first patron. Vide suprà passim.

↩
Evidently Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī.

↩
Ḥusain Khān's jāgīr. The modern Shāhjahānpūr, in Rohilkhand.

↩
3 + 5 + 300 + 4 + 1 + 50 + 40 + 200 + 300 + 4 + 20 + 1 + 40 + 30 = 998.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌. The text and (B) have ◌.

↩
An Afghān tribe. “The Kākar country on the Indus frontier is about a hundred miles square, and extends from the Waziri border on the north to the Baloch border on the south.” Bellew's “Races of Afghānistān,” 91-94. Āīn-i-Akbarī I. (trans. Blochmann), 377.

↩
The second and third (and last) Sulṭāns of the Lodī dynasty. Ibrāhīm was conquered by Bābar at Pānipat, and slain.

↩
◌ lit. “his movements and restings.”

↩
I think the Gumtī river, on which Lakhnan is situated, must here be meant. I can find no river or stream in Awadh bearing the name of Kūdī or Gūdī.

↩
I.e., the time when the Shaikh broke his fast.

↩
This may mean that the visitor would never speak, but the statement refers more probably to the Shaikh. The visitor's idea apparently was that he had made a pilgrimage, the merit of which would benefit him, without any advice or consolation from the Shaikh.

↩
Shaikh Pīrak and his old attendant.

↩
Sikandra Rāo, headquarters of the taḥṣīl of the same name in the Aligarh District of the U.P.

↩
◌ Qur'ān xv. 99. ‘The certainty’ is death.

↩
The well-known taḥṣīl town in the Hardoī District, famous for its Sayyids and learned men.

↩
“The joy (or purity) of souls,” evidently a Ṣūfī-istic treatise.

↩
“Ears of corn.”

↩
Badāonī had been severely wounded by the relatives of a boy whom he had assaulted.

↩
A mysterious night in the month of Ramaẓān, the precise date of which is said to have been known only to Muḥammad and a few of the companions. See Qur'ān xcvii. The excellences of this night are said to be innumerable, and it is believed that during its solemn hours the whole animal and vegetable creation bow down in humble adoration to the Almighty. Hughes, Dict. of Islām, s. v. Lailutu-'l-Qadr.

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 428.

↩
Vide page 3, note 4.

↩
The Miftāḥu-l-‘utūm, a work on grammar and rhetoric. The commentary on it was written by Maulā Ḥisāmu-d-dīn al Muwaẕẕinī. Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 428, note 2.

↩
A commentary on the book called Talkhīṣu-l-Miftāḥ, vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 428, note 4.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 56.

↩
Scil. the Imām Abū Ḥanīfah, founder of the Ḥanafī school of jurisprudence.

↩
Vide page 8, note 4.

↩
The father of Shaikh Abū-l-Faiẓ Faiẓī and Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl. Vide infra, No. III.

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, page 420, note 8, and Aīn-i-Akbarī, i (biog.), p. v.

↩
Vide infra, No. IV.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 468, 471, 480. In the Ṭabaqāt he is called Khāja ‘Abdu-l-Ḥayy, and is said to have been an Amīr. He was for some time Mīr-i-‘Adl, or chief justice of the empire. He was a jovial judge, and on one occasion with Mīrān Ṣadr-i-Jahān, the chief ecclesiastical authority of the empire, exceeded the bounds of temperance at a drinking party. Akbar was much amused by the sight of his high dignitaries in their cups, and quoted the verse of Ḥāfiẓ, ◌

‘In the reign of the King who pardons faults and cloaks sins, the reciter of the Qur'ān has become a tosspot, and the judge a tippler.’

↩
‘The Mosque of the Living God.’

↩
◌ (istiftā), an application for an authoritative decision on a point of doctrine or ecclesiastical law, made to a muftī, or ecclesiastical judge having power to issue such decisions. The decision itself is a fatwā.

↩
A word ◌ occurs here in the text, which has puzzled the editor. He says in a note that in some MSS. it is written ◌, and it is thus written in MS. (B). I think that there is very little doubt that the expression is ◌ ‘as it were in pledge.’ The omission of the second stroke of the gāf, though common enough in MSS. and almost universal in Persia at the present day, sometimes does puzzle Indian Maulavīs.

↩
These words clearly refer to some collection of fatwās compiled in the reign of a king of the name of Ibrāhīm Shāh, but I have been unable to trace the collection or to ascertain who the Ibrāhīm Shāh was in whose reign it was compiled.

↩
◌ (marjū‘ah). This is another word which has puzzled the editor of the text. ◌ (marjū'), of which this word is the feminine form, signifies ‘referred,’ ‘brought back,’ or ‘sent back,’ and may be used of a judgment or decision which is sent back for revision.

↩
This word is an Arabic dual, and signifies, literally, ‘the two fathers.’

↩
◌. These words, which may also be translated, ‘He is with the mighty King,’ give the date 968. The chronogram has already been given on p. 47 of vol. ii (text).

↩
Maulānā ‘Abdu-'llāh, Makhdūmū-l-Mulk, was the famous leader of the orthodox party in the reign of Akbar, and the persecutor of Shaikh Mubā-rak, father of Abū-l-Faẓl. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 19, 44, 84, 151, 154, 198, 202, 203, 204, 209, 255, 263, 267, 270, 273, 277, 311. In his later years he advanced some heterodox opinions, but they were not of the kind that gained favour at court. Vide also vol. i, trans. Ranking, pp. 506, 513-519, 521, 523, 525, 534.

↩
Apparently an Afghān tribe.

↩
‘The protection (or continence) of the prophets.’

↩
‘An exposition of the qualities of the prophet,’ i.e., Muḥammad, hence the benedictory phrase which follows.

↩
A work by ‘Aṭā'u-'llāh, known as Jamāl-i-Ḥusainī, on the history of Islām.

↩
The text has Amīr. I have followed the reading of both MSS.

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 449.

↩
A.D. 1572. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 142.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌ which will not scan, and may be taken as the gloss of a pious Sunnī, scandalised by the attribution of the Godhead to ‘Alī.

↩
This translation is conjectural. The reading of the text and the MSS. is ◌. I cannot ascertain the meaning of the word ◌.

↩
The Imām Abū “Abdu-'llāh Muḥammad bin Idrīs Shāfi‘ī, founder of one of the four principal Sunnī schools of jurisprudence.

↩
Sic in both MSS. the text has Mībaẕī.

↩
Vide No. XXXVII.

↩
The words ‘‘Alī’ and the benedictory phrase are omitted from the text, but are to be found in both MSS.

↩
Uḥud is a mountain about four miles to the north of Madīnah, where Muḥammad, at the head of 1,000 men, was defeated by the Quraish, who had marched against him to avenge their defeat at Badr. Of the Muslims seventy men were slain, among them Ḥamzah, the uncle of Muḥammad, and of the infidels twenty-two. Muḥammad was struck down by a shower of stones and wounded in the face with two arrows, on pulling out which his two front teeth dropped out. Vide Qur'ān, c. iii.

↩
There is something wrong with this chronogram. The values of the letters of the words composing the second hemistich give either 1488 or 1093, according to the value, 5 or 400, given to the letter ?? in the word ◌. The words ◌ (‘the second hemistich’) give the date 961. There may, perhaps, be an enigma concealed in the verses, though none is indicated.

↩
The name of the first Khalīfah. The Shi‘ahs do not give to their sons the names of Abū-Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmān, which were those of the first three Khalīfahs, whom they execrate as usurpers.

↩
Maulānā Jalālu-d-dīn Rūmī, author of the Maṯnavī-yi-ma‘navī.

↩
Shaikh Mubārak of Nāgōr was the father of Shaikh Faiẓī and Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl. At one time he held the Mahdavī doctrines and was persecuted by Makhdūmu-l-Mulk, but when Abū-l-Faẓl attained a high position at court the orthodox were, in their turn, harassed and persecuted. Shaikh Mubārak was the composer and chief signatory of the instrument which declared the emperor to be the highest authority on religious and ecclesiastical as well as in secular matters, an instrument which utterly broke the power of the ‘Ulamā. Shaikh Mubārak afterwards joined Akbar's new religion, ‘the divine faith.’ Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 32, 198, 204, 270, 312, 348; also Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 490. Shaikh Mubārak often changed his religious opinions, having first become a Mahdawī, then a Naqshbandī, then a Hamadānī, and then a Shi‘ah, before he joined the ‘divīne faith.’

↩
Shaikh ‘Ālā'ī of Biyāna, son of Shaikh Ḥasan of Bengal, for an account of whom vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i (biog.), p. v; also Badāonī, vol. i, trans. Ranking, 507-524.

↩
i.e., as one of the Shī‘ah sect.

↩
‘The great commentary’ on the Qur'ān.

↩
‘The source of excellent fountains.’

↩
That is to say, a qaṣīdah of which the rhyming words end in the letter ◌ (tā).

↩
Vide page 4, note 1. The text runs ◌ as though two separate qaṣīdah were indicated. MS. (A) reads ◌ and MS. (B) reads ◌. The editor has inserted both readings, which are alternative. For mention of this qaṣīdah, vide p. 4 and note 1.

↩
◌ Qu'rān xxxiv, 24.

The answer is to the question, “Who provideth food for you from heaven and earth?”

↩
Yazīd, the son of Mu‘āwiyah, the second Khalīfah of the house of Ummaiyah. He is celebrated in Muḥammadan history as the opponent of Ḥusain, the son of ‘Alī, who was killed at Karbalā in A.H. 61 (A.D. 680-81).

↩
i.e., Chief justice. For mention of Mīr Sayyid Muḥammad, who was one of the ‘Ulamā, vide vol. ii, text, pp. 220, 222, 245.

↩
Now the headquarters of the taḥṣīl of the same name in the Murādābād District of the United Provinces. Vide Imperial Gazetteer (new series), v, 330, and Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 289.

↩
Badāonī apparently uses this title as equivalent to that of Ṣadr-i-Jahān who was chief of the qāẓīs. If this be so, the person referred to is probably Shaikh ‘Abdu-'n-Nabī. Vide infra, No. X, or perhaps Qāẓī Ya‘qūb, No. IX.

↩
He was sent to Bakkar on the dispersal of the ‘Ulamā from court.

↩
According to the Tārīkh-i-Ma‘ṣūmī Mīr Sayyid Muhammad arrived at Bakkar on Ramaẓān 11, A.H. 983 (Dec. 14th, 1575) and died there Sha‘bān 8, A.H. 984 (Oct. 31st, 1576).

↩
Kambū (spelt Kambūh in vol. ii, passim) is the name of a tribe. According to a proverb the Afghāns are the first, the Kambūs the second, and the Kashmīrīs the third sets of scoundrels. Shaikh Gadā'ī was one of those who attempted to persuade Akbar to butcher Hemū in cold blood. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 16.

↩
Shaikh Gadā'ī was Akbar's first Ṣadru-s-Ṣudūr or Ṣadr-i-Jahān, a very important post. The dignity of the Ṣadr, especially before the advent of the Mughul dynasty, had been very great. ‘It was he who legalized the accession of a new king. During the reign of Akbar also he ranked as the fourth officer of the empire. His power was immense. He was the highest law officer and had the powers which Administrators-General have among us; he was in charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes and possessed an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands independently of the king. He was also the highest ecclesiastical law officer, and might exercise the powers of a High Inquisitor.’ Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 270. Shaikh Gadā'ī was, like his patron, a Shī‘ah. Vide vol. ii, text, passim.

↩
◌ MS. (B) has, wrongly, ◌ for ◌.

↩
In A.D. 1560. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 38.

↩
In the former year, according to vol. ii (text, p. 119) where the chronogram ◌ (‘You are dead, you great hog’), giving the date 976, confirms the statement in the text.

↩
Vide Āīn-iAkbarī, i, 544. He is classed by Abū-'l-Faẓl as one of those who understand sciences resting on testimony only, i.e., as a mere theologian.

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 428, note 2.

↩
Qāẓī Jalālu-d-dīn is classed by Abū-l-Faẓl in the same category as Jamāl Khān, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 546. He was appointed Qāẓī'u-l-Quẓẓāt on the degradation of Shaikh Ya‘qūb for refusing to pronounce mut‘ah marriages to be legal. He was one of the signatories of the deed which recognised Akbar as the chief ecclesiastical authority in the empire. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 209, 270.

↩
Bhakkar, formerly headquarters of the Bhakkar Sarkār of the Ṣūba of Multān, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 333. Now headquarters of the taḥṣīl of the same name in the Miyānwālī District, Panjāb; vide Imperial Gazetteer of India (new series), viii, 44.

↩
Badāonī here makes it appear that Jalālu-d-dīn's banishment was the result of underhand machinations, but as a matter of fact he was banished for forging a draft on the treasury for 500,000 tankas. He was banished to the Dakan in the hope that the Muhammadan kings in Southern India, being bigoted Shī‘ahs, would have him put to death as a bigoted Sunnī. Vide vol. ii, text, 313.

↩
Probably the same as Ṭāwawīs, ‘a dependency of Bukhārā, seven parasangs from Bukhārā,’ vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, iii, 97.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌ and MS. (B) ◌. Both of those readings are wrong.

↩
Abū Ḥanīfah, one of the four great Sunni doctors of the law, and founder of the Ḥanafī school of jurisprudence.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 100. Qāẓī Ṭawā'isī, whom I find nowhere described by name, was at the time Akbar's camp Qāẓī. The Lakhnan edition of the Ṭabaqāt calls him ‘Qāẓī Ṭawā'ish.’

↩
Mānikpūr was the headquarters of a sarkār in the ṣūba of Ilāhābād, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 164.

↩
Qāẓī Ya‘qūb was son-in-law to Qāẓī Faẓīlat, Qāẓī of the army under Shīr Shāh, ‘who was popularly known by the more appropriate title of Qāẓī Faẓīhat.’ Viāe vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 474 and note 4, and vol. ii, text, p. 101.

↩
◌ or ◌, a Hindī word. Mercury was apparently used as an aphrodisiac.

↩
According to vol. ii, text, p. 101, Ya‘qūb superseded Ṭawā'isī as chief qāẓī in A.H. 974 (A.D. 1567) and was degraded ten years later, so that he must have gone to Bengal in A H. 984 (A.D. 1576-77).

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 276. The rebellion was first preached at Jaunpūr by Mullā Muḥammad of Yazd, who gave a fatwā or formal decision to the effect that rebellion against Akbar, as an enemy to Islām, was lawful. It broke out in A.D. 1579, the ringleaders being Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm of Kābul, Muḥammad Ma‘sūm Khān Farankhūdī, Mīr Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk, Niyābat Khān, ‘Arab Bahādur, and others. Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk and Mullā Muḥammad Yazdī were called to the capital, and on their way thither were put to death by being drowned in the Jamna.

↩
It would appear from this passage that Ya‘qūb died a natural death on his way to Gwāliyār, but from vol. ii, text, p. 277, it is evident that he was executed by drowning, as were Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk and Mullā Muḥammad of Yazd. This event happened in A.D. 1579.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, passim, and Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 490, 546.

↩
For a definition of the powers and duties of the Ṣadru.-ṣ-ṣudūr or Ṣadr.-i-jahān, vide supra p. 122, note 2.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 71.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 255.

↩
In A.D. 1577, vide vol. ii, text, 242, Akbar returned to Fatḥpur on May 12th of that year, ibid. 248. Although the slaying of the Brāhman is here mentioned as the chief cause of ‘Abdu-n-Nabī's fall, Akbar had for some time been displeased with him. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 208, where the incident of the discussion on the marriage-law of Islām is related. Akbar then accused the Shaikh of having at one time interpreted that law very liberally, and of having subsequently retracted this interpretation to his (Akbar's) detriment. It would appear that Akbar never forgot this.

↩
i.e., the ‘lbādat-Khāna or ‘hall of worship.’ Vide vol. ii, text, p. 201.

↩
Abū Ḥanīfah.

↩
i.e., a follower of the school of jurisprudence founded by Mālik bin Anas, one of the four great Sunnī doctors of the law. The Ḥanafīs are the followers of the school founded by Abū Ḥanīfah.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, 270.

↩
‘The row of shoes,’ i.e., at the place where the courtier's left their shoes when entering the emperor's presence.

↩
The nature of the compulsion used is not mentioned. Badāonī, in vol. ii, text, p. 270, says that some signed willingly and others unwillingly.

↩
In vol. ii, text, p. 312, the date of the Shaikh's death is given as 992 (A.D. 1584), and the chronogram there given (◌) gives the same date. He returned to Fatḥpūr from Makkah apparently in A.H. 990 (A.D. 1582). ‘On his using some harsh language the emperor struck him a heavy blow in the face with his fist. The Shaikh said, “Why dost thou not strike me with a knife?”’ ‘Abdu-u-Nabī was then called to account for the sum of Rs. 70,000 which had been advanced for his journey to Makkah, and was thrown into prison, where he was strangled one night by a gang of men.

↩
Vide p. 27, note 3.

↩
Vide p. 27.

↩
◌ means ‘an ungrateful woman’ or ‘an intensely unbelieving woman.’ ◌ appears to be an Arabicized feminine form of the Persian word ◌, ‘a hyaena,’ and, as applied to a woman, might be translated ‘ghoul’ or ‘vampire.’ The discussion between Badāonī and Shaikh Aḥmadī is of no practical interest.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 545, where he is styled ‘Quraishī’ and “Abbāsī.’ The Ṭabaqāt says that he was for some years qāẓī of Lāhor.

↩
Literally, ‘folk of the path,’ i.e., those who follow the ceremonial ordinances, as opposed to the Ṣūfīs, who discard them.

↩
Vide Hughes' Dict. of Islām, p. 272.

↩
On the dispersal of the ‘Ulamā.

↩
A passage occurs here which I am unable to translate. It runs as follows:—

◌ Both MSS. substitute ◌ for ◌, and MS. (A) substitutes ◌ for ◌, but even with these variants the passage is obscure and the text appears to me to be corrupt.

↩
Vide p. 6, note 4. Ḥusain Khān was appointed to Lakhnau in A.H. 974 (A.D. 1566-67) and was transferred thence to Kānt-u-Gūla in A.H. 975 (A.D. 1567-68).

↩
‘The assemblies of Ḥarīrī’; one of the Arabian classics.

↩
A Turkish word, signifying ‘a border,’ ‘an edging of silk’; and hence, in analogy of the Arabic word ◌, ‘a supplement or commentary.’ The aptness of the title will be understood if it be remembered that ◌ (harīr) in Arabic means ‘silk.’

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ (Zīraqī). I have not been able to find any mention of Zibriqī elsewhere.

↩
MS. (B) has ◌, ‘above-mentioned.’

↩
i.e., ‘Second (only) to the greatest of the Imāms (Abū Ḥanīfah).’

↩
The Qādirīs are an order of darvīshes. Vide p. 12, note 4.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ (‘strangers’) with ◌ (‘the wealthy’) as a correction in the margin.

↩
◌ (ghauṯ) means ‘defender’ or ‘helper’ and is a common title of Muḥammadan saints.

↩
i.e., Moses. The allusion is to the slaughter of the children of the Israelites by Pharaoh's order.

↩
The great saint of Ajmer. Vide vol. i, trans., Ranking, p. 70, and note 2.

↩
In A.D. 1577.

↩
Bhakkar. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 300.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 300, 366.

↩
Shaikh Ibrāhīm was the son of Shaikh Mūṣā and elder brother of Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī, to whose intercessions the birth of Sulṭān Salīm (Jahāngīr) was attributed. In A.H. 986 (A.D. 1578-79) he was made governor of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī, and it was apparently while he held that post that he had the qāẓīs of the town imprisoned. He died in A.H. 999 (A.D. 1590-91). Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 402, and Radāonī, vol. ii, text, p. 374 et passim.

↩
Author of the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī.

↩
A grant in aid of livelihood.

↩
◌ (maḥfūẓ), protected, that is to say, from evil by the presence therein of Mu‘īnu-d-dīn Cishtī's shrine.

↩
Literally, ‘the house of intercession is ruined.’

↩
The ninety-fourth chapter of the Qur'ān, from which the test is quoted.

↩
This couplet is from an ode of Hāfiẓ, No. 236 in Colonel Jarrett's edition of Hāfiẓ. For ◌ in the second hemistich Colonel Jarrett's edition reads ◌, without any variant. A fine MS. of Hāfiẓ in my possession reads ◌. The same MS. reads ◌, or rather, as it is written, ◌, for ◌ in the first hemistich. This reading does not commend itself to me. The Cawnpore edition of Hāfiẓ (1902) reads ◌ for ◌ or ◌.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 544.

↩
Vide supra No. V.

↩
Scil. his removal from his position by Akbar. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 36. As a matter of fact many things contributed to Bairam's fall. He was unfortunate in having the whole interest of the family of Akbar's foster-mother arrayed against him.

↩
Badāonī apparently means to be sarcastic, insinuating that there were plenty of ci-devant holy men who had relinquished the service of God for the service of Akbar. With reference to what follows, however, he may mean that the imperial service was benefited by the accession of at least one true Muslim.

↩
Literally, ‘has been stamped as current coin.’

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, 133 and note 2; and Āīn-i-Akbarī iii, 362 and note 3. Badāonī does not, of course, mean that Kabīr was the immediate successor of this saint, who died in A.D. 1267-68. In the Ṭabaqāt Kabīr is said to have been an actual descendant of Bahā'u-d-dīn Zakarīyā.

↩
◌. The text does not give the source of the quotation. I have inserted it from MS. (A). The verses are well known.

↩
The faujdār was the chief military and police officer of a pargana, or ‘hundred.’

↩
Headquarters of a pargana in the sarkār of Qannauj in the ṣūba of Āgra, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 185. Now a town in the Qāimganj taḥṣīl of the Farrukhābād District in the U. P., vide Imp. Gazetteer (new series), xxii, 229.

↩
◌, omitted from the text, though both MSS. have it.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌ which is not so good a reading.

↩
◌ the opening chapter of the Qur'ān which is recited as a prayer with intention.

↩
◌. Badāonī always used the word in this wrong sense, vide supra p. 30, note 2, also vol. i, trans. Ranking, 395 and 543, note 4.

↩
In A.H. 999 (A.D. 1590-91), vide vol. ii, text, p. 376. Muḥammad Ja‘far was the son of Niẓāmu-d-dīn's maternal aunt.

↩
◌. Qur'ān iii, part of verses 163, 164.

↩
◌. This chronogram gives the date A.D. 1002 (A.D. 1593-94).

↩
The text has Mi‘rāj, but both MSS. have Ma‘ārij, which reading I have adopted. The title of the book, which I have not found mentioned elsewhere means “Steps to prophet-hood.”

↩
That is to say, the dead Shaikh lives in his works while from his living sons proceeds nothing but dead works.

↩
i.e., ‘I was wrong in calling it a religion at all.’ Shāh Isma‘īl's ‘perversion’ was to the Shī‘ah faith.

↩
The text omits ‘Alī, though both MSS. have it, and it is correct. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 433.

↩
Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah had apparently become a Shī‘ah.

↩
Or ‘the divinely protected from error.’

↩
‘The rider of the grey horse.’ Mīr Sayyid Ḥusain is a saint who has a shrine at Ajmer.

↩
The chronogram gives the date 981.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 441. Akhund means ‘theologian,’ ‘preacher,’ or ‘tutor.’ Naqīb Khān was made a commander of fifteen hundred at the beginning of Jahāngīr's reign, and died in A.D. 1614. He was buried at Ajmer, beside his wife, in the enclosure of Mu‘īnu-d-dīn Cishtī's tomb.

↩
The renowed saint Khāja Nāṣiru-d-dīn ‘Ubaidu-'llāh Aḥrār. Vide Āīni-Akbarī , i, 322.

↩
Maulānā Jalālu-d-dīn-i-Rūmī.

↩
Shāhbāz Khān Kambū; vide Āīn-i-Akbarī i, 399. Shaikh Ilāh Bakhsh was apparently sent to Gujarāt in 1578-79, at which time Shāhbāz Khān was in Western Rājputāna.

↩
◌ as in both MSS. The text has ◌.

↩
◌ as in both MSS. The text has ◌.

↩
Mīrzā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥīm: vide Āīn-i-Akbarī i, 334. It was probably in 1583 that Shaikh ‘Abdul-'l-Qādīr was sent to Makkah.

↩
In A.H. 1004 (A.D. 1595-96).

↩
Vide p. 47.

↩
Or ‘of my true object of desire.’

↩
In both MSS. the second and fourth hemistichs of this quatrain are transposed.

↩
Literally, ‘the pole-star of pole-stars.’

↩
Sic.

↩
Because it was more common among them.

↩
The takhallus or poetical name of Abu-'l-Ma‘ālī.

↩
The reference is to Manṣūr, vide p. 37, note 7.

↩
These verses should be completed by a fourth hemistich, which is wanting in the text and the MSS.

↩
Both MSS. insert (‘and’) here.

↩
The ◌ (‘rays of inspiration’).

↩
One of two bright stars near the North Pole.

↩
In A.D. 1579. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 277, where ‘Abdu-sh-Shakūr is called Gauldār, i.e., wearer of a darvīsh's robe.

↩
In A.D. 1583. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 334.

↩
Shaikh Munawwar was born at Lāhor and was noted for his memory and learning. When the ‘Ulamā of Lāhor were banished in 1579 he was made Ṣadr of Mālwa. He was afterwards imprisoned in Gwāliyār, where he died in A.D. 1602-03. Shaikh Kabīr himself died at Aḥmadābād in Guja-rāt in A.D. 1617.

↩
There were two parganas of this name. One was in the Āgra sarkār of the Ṣūba of Āgra (Āīn, ii, 182) and the other was in the Beth Jālandhar Dūāb sarkār of the ṣūba of Lāhor (Aīn, ii, 316). The latter is the town mentioned here. It is now a town in the District and taḥṣīl of Hoshiyār-pür in the Panjāb. Vide ‘Imperial Gazetteer of India’ (new series), vi, 220.

↩
◌ The writer perhaps means the wilderness of the vulgar crowd.

↩
◌ in both MSS. The text has ◌ ‘remedy for my days.’ I have followed the MSS.

↩
The poet Shaikh Abū-l-Faiẓ Faiẓī, Fayyāẓī, elder brother of Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl. Vide infra chap. iv, No. cvii.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbari, i, 545, where he is called ‘Maulānā Sa‘du-'llāh.’

↩
Then a pargana town in the sarkār and sūba of Āgra (Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 182), now the headquarters of a taḥṣīl in the Bharatpūr State in Eastern Rajputana (Imperial Gazetteer of India (new series), vii, 637, s.v. Bayāna). In the Āīn (ii, 180) Biyāna, which is a very ancient city, is mentioned as having been formerly the capital of a province of which Āgra was a dependent village.

↩
Vide p. 6.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌ by transposition of dots. The reading of the text and MS. (B) is correct.

↩
◌ literally ‘grass.’

↩
Son and successor of Farīdu-d-dīn Shīr Shāh, reigned A.D. 1545— 1552.

↩
A famous work on Arabic grammar, vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, 428 and note 6.

↩
Then a pargana town in the sarkār and ṣūba of Āgra (Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 183). Now the headquarters of a taḥsil and niẓāmat of the same name in the State of Jaipūr in Eastern Rājputāna. Vide Imperial Gazetteer of India, new series, xiii, 135.

↩
Where Humāyūn was defeated by Shīr Shāh in A.H. 946 (A.D. 1539). Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 460.

↩
◌. Both MSS. have ◌ ‘he said to the Shaikh.’ In spite of the authority of the MSS. the context shows the reading of the text to be correct.

↩
◌ The expression might also be rendered, ‘full of knavery.’

↩
Vide infra No. xxxviii.

↩
Then the headquarters of sarkār of the same name in the ṣūba of Āgra. Now the capital of the Alwar State in Eastern Rājputāna.

↩
Scil. Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī, of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī. He is sometimes called ‘Shaikh Islām,’ and, by imālah, ‘Shaikh Islīm (Islem).’

↩
Scil. Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī, of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī. He is sometimes called ‘Shaikh Islām,’ and, by imālah, ‘Shaikh Islīm (Islem).’

↩
A.H. 1004 (A.D. 1595-96).

↩
Then in the Rewārī sarkār of the ṣūba of Dihlī (Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 293, where it is called Suhnah). Now a town in the District and taḥṣīl of Gur-gaon, Panjāb. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, new series, xiii, 72). The text has ‘Ladh Suhnī,’ and the MSS. ‘Ladh Sehnī.’ Neither MS. prefixes ‘Ladh’ to ‘Sohna’ in the account of the Shaikh's life.

↩
In reality about twenty-five miles.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 538.

↩
Vide p. 17 and note 8.

↩
‘The coin of the Fuṣūṣ.’ Probably the commentary on the Fuṣūṣu-l-Ḥikam mentioned on p. 17. Both MSS. read ◌ (nuṣūṣ) for ◌, the meaning of the book's title being, according to them, ‘The coin of demonstrations.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 286. Shaikh Cāyan Ladh (there called Shaikh Cānīlda, or ‘Shaikh Jānīlda’) ventured to prophesy that one of the ladies of the imperial ḥaram would bear a son. She bore a daughter, and the Shaikh was somewhat discredited.

↩
The text, while giving the correct date in words, gives it in figures, wrongly, as 989. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 373. The Shaikh is there called Shaikh Jānīladh’ with ‘Shaikh Cāyanladīna’ as a variant.

↩
◌ This chronogram, which gives the date 998, is quoted in vol. ii, text, p. 374, also.

↩
A large stone bearing a footprint said to be that of Muḥammad, brought from Makkah by Shāh Abū Turāb in A.D. 1582. Vide vol. ii, p. 310.

↩
MS. (A) gives the Shaikh's name here.

↩
The text has ◌ here. Some word has apparently been omitted, but the MSS. give no help. The meaning of the passage is, however, clear.

↩
A famous Muḥammadan saint. Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 59 and note 1.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌ which is equally good and MS. (B) ◌ which is wrong.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 424. Tātār Khān died at Dihlī in A.H. 986 (A.D. 1578-79) or, according to the Tabaqāt, in A.H. 985 (A.D. 1577-78).

↩
Mīrzā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥīm.

↩
◌ with ◌ as a variant.

↩
Aḥmad, the wretched little Ṣūfī. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 405.

↩
‘The wretched little Ḥisām.’ Possibly Maulānā Ḥisāmu-d-din of Lāhor, who differed from the other ‘ulamā of Lāhor. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 538. The designation “of Banāras' may be given in contempt.

↩
i.e., regarding the ‘divine faith,’ the manner of salutation at court, etc.

↩
The chronogram gives the date A.H. 999 (A.D. 1590-91). I have not been able to find any mention elsewhere of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-Ḥaqq's works.

↩
These expressions are evidently a subterfuge to avoid mentioning the names of the emperor and his favourites, such as Abū-l-Faẓl and Faiẓī.

↩
Daughter of the brother of Humāyūn's mother. She returned from the pilgrimage in A.D. 1574 and died in A.D. 1581. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 299.

↩
Hagar's well, at Makkah.

↩
◌. Both MSS. and the text have, wrongly, ◌

↩
◌ Qur'ān, xviii, 18.

↩
◌ Qur'ān, xv, 46.

↩
Mīrzā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad.

↩
Probably Shaikh Mūsā of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī, elder brother of Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī, but perhaps Shaikh Mūṣā of Lāhor (Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 539) or Shaikh Mūsā, younger brother of Maulānā ‘Abdu-l-Qādir.

↩
◌ either durr-dāna ‘seed-pearls’ or dardāna, ‘sympathetic,’ or, ‘grief laden.’

↩
In vol. ii, text, p. 295, he is called Mullā Ilāhdād Nabawī of Sulṭānpur, and is said to be notorious for his evil disposition.

↩
According to vol. ii (loc. cit.), he was ṣadr of one of the Dūābs in the Panjāb, probably of the Jec Dūāb, between the Jihlam and the Cināb.

↩
Probably in 1583, vide vol. ii, text, p. 335.

↩
Then a pargana town in the Sirhind sarkār of the ṣūba of Dilhī. Now a town in the Bhawānīgaṛh taḥṣīl and Karnagaṛh niẓāmat of the Patiālā State, in the Panjāb. Vide Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xxii, 1.

↩
Vide infra, c. iii, no. i.

↩
Vide A. A., vol. i (trans. Blochmann), p. 354, also infra, c. iv, no. xiv.

↩
His name does not appear in the Āīn-i-Akbarī among the manṣabdārs.

↩
Vide A. A., vol. i (trans. Blochmann, pp. 104, 105(or), also Badāonī II, 302 (text). Ḥājī Sulṭān seems to have translated two parts of the Mahābhārata, besides some portions of other parts omitted by the other translators, who were, besides the Ḥājī and Naqīb Khān, Badāonī himself, who was much disgusted with his task, and Faiẓī, the elder brother of Abū-'l-Faẓl.

↩
Thānesar.

↩
Thānesar was a pargana in the Sirhind sarkār of the ṣūba of Dihlī, and Karnāl was a pargana in the sarkār and ṣūba of Dihlī. Karnāl is now the headquarters of a District in the Panjāb, and Thānesar is the headquarters of a taḥṣīl in the Karnāl District.

↩
The text has, wrongly, ◌ for ◌.

↩
The text has ◌ but both MSS. have ◌. Whichever reading be adopted the meaning will be the same.

↩
◌ MS. (B) has, wrongly, ◌

↩
◌. This is the reading of the text. Both MSS. have ◌ “of or relating to one who is authorized to deliver a fatwà. The textual emendation appears to me to be correct, and I have accordingly adopted it.

↩
Vide infra, No. XL. Both MSS. wrongly insert the name as a headline here.

↩
A work on the Aḥādīth, or traditional sayings of Muḥammad.

↩
The text has, carelessly, ◌ for ◌. Both MSS. have the correct roading.

↩
Vide supra, p. 70.

↩
Vide p. 6.

↩
◌ MS. (B) has ◌ which is nonsense.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (A) has ◌.

↩
◌. MS. (B) has ◌ which is wrong.

↩
Then a pargana town in the Ruhtās sarkār of the ṣūba of Bihār, now the headquarters of a subdivision in the Shāhābād District of Bengal. Vide Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xxii, 111. Shīr Shāh of Dihlī and his father, Hasan Shāh Sūr, are buried at Sahsarām.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, 34, 354.

↩
The text has here, wrongly, ◌. The reading of the MSS. (◌) is correct.

↩
◌ is the reading of both MSS. and is correct. The editor of the text, apparently not understanding the idiom, has altered it to ◌.

↩
The second chapter of the Qur'ān.

↩
◌ means ‘from me.’ It is here expressively used as a substantive ‘from me-ism,’ ‘invention.’

↩
◌ The word signifies ‘turning language from its obvious meaning.’

↩
◌ ‘a sign,’ i.e. what the text indicates by implication.

↩
Vide p. 4, note 1.

↩
Probably Naqīb Khān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 447.

↩
Āṣaf Khān's name was Mirzā Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn ‘Alī also, and both MSS. insert his full name. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 433.

↩
The Liwā'iḥ is a mystical poem by the great poet Mullā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥ-man-i-Jāmī.

↩
The text has, wrongly, ◌ Both MSS. have ◌.

↩
Vide infra, No. XLI.

↩
A.D. 1567. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 100.

↩
◌ Qu'rān lxxvi, 17,

↩
◌ MS. (A) has, wrongly, ◌

↩
The text here has ◌, evidently a misprint for ◌, the reading of both MSS.

↩
◌ the law as interpreted by the Sunnīs.

↩
Vide supra, p. 36, n. 4.

↩
These words “He died * * 995” are omitted from the text, though they appear in both MSS.

↩
◌ 40 + 10 + 200 + 60 + 400 + 6 + 4 + 5 + 60 + 10 + 200 = 995.

↩
Reigned from Dec. 1488 to Jan. 1517.

↩
Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 476, and note 5.

↩
Probably Shaikh Zainu-d-dīn Vafā'ī. Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 609, and note 5.

↩
This is a letter from Kamālu-'d-dīn Ḥusain to Badāonī. The style is stilted and bombastic in the original and must necessarily appear more so in the translation, but as the substance of the letter is of no importance I have preferred to render it literally. As is usual in epistles of this nature, the writer refers both to himself and to the person whom he addresses in the third person, using in the latter case the plural of respect. As this plural cannot be used in English the continued use of the third person is apt to be confusing. I have, therefore, retained it in the exordium only, except where honorific titles appear in the body of the letter.

↩
The word used here is ◌, ‘(my lord's) servants.’ The writer affects, as is usual in the language of oriental compliment, to be unworthy to mention the name of the person whom he addresses, and therefore speaks of his ‘servants.’ The best-known example of this idiom is the phrase ◌ (‘the exalted slaves’) for ‘his majesty,’ or ‘your majesty.’

↩
The word used here is ◌, ‘(my lord's) servants.’ The writer affects, as is usual in the language of oriental compliment, to be unworthy to mention the name of the person whom he addresses, and therefore speaks of his ‘servants.’ The best-known example of this idiom is the phrase ◌ (‘the exalted slaves’) for ‘his majesty,’ or ‘your majesty.’

↩
◌, literally ‘I become the means of giving you a headache.

↩
Vide footnote 1 of p. 78.

↩
◌. Literally ‘males,’ ‘virile men.’

↩
i.e. muftī.

↩
Vide p. 3.

↩
Or Bazahr. I have not been able to identify this place.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 538.

↩
Literally, ‘caused him to attain martyrdom.’

↩
Then a pargana town in the Khairābād sarkār of the ṣūba of Awadh.

↩
Vide p. 27. Now a town in the District and taḥṣīl of Hardoi, in the U. P., vide Imp. Gazettcer of India, new series, xii, 830. For mention of Qāzī Mubārak, vide supra, p. 31.

↩
◌, diminutive of ◌.

↩
[sic] ◌. Badāonī should have said, ‘his power of invention.’

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 179. Mohān is now a town in the taḥṣīl of the same name in the Unao District of the U. P., vide Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xvii, 383.

↩
Shaikh Muḥammad is not mentioned in the Āīn as a manṣabdār.

↩
◌. The expression may also mean ‘a rough, or brutal, Arab.’ MS. (A) has ◌, wrongly.

↩
A celebrated grammarian and reader of the Qur'ān. Vide vol. i, trans., Ranking, p. 30, note 1.

↩
Mosul in the maps, on the Tigris, opposite to the site of Nineveh.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 159.

↩
A proverb descriptive of home-sickness.

↩
More properly Shūshtar. On the Kārūn river, in Persia.

↩
According to Mr. Blochmann (Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 545), Qāẓī Nūru-'llāh practised taqīya, or concealment of his religious views, among Sunnīs, and was well acquainted with the system of jurisprudence of Abū Ḥanīfah. After Jahāngīr's accession he was recalled from Lāhor. Once he offended the emperor by a hasty word, and was executed.

↩
The Sawāṭi‘u-l-Ilhām, vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 549.

↩
Vide infra, c. iii, no. viii.

↩
◌ Qur'ān, ix, 39.

↩
The original is rather stilted, and is not easy to translate. The Qāẓī, arguing as a Shī‘ah, contended that the word Ṣāhib (“companion”) might be interpreted in two ways. It might be translated literally, without any ulterior signification, in which case its application to Abū Bakr could confer no honour upon him, for it would mean nothing more than that he chanced to be in the company of Muḥammad. The other signification, the technical or conventional meaning referred to by the Qāẓī, is the signification given by Sunnī traditionists to the word Ṣāhib when used in connection with the first three Khalīfahs, Abū Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmān. These three were, the traditionists argue, the chosen and constant companions of Muḥammad, whose object in admitting them to this intimate companionship was to draw attention to the fact that they had been selected as his spiritual successors, and to qualify them for the posts they were to fill after his death. The Qāẓī objects to the assumption that the word Ṣāhib bears this conventional meaning, as a petitio principii. Badāonī, as a Sunnī, argues that whatever may be the precise signification of the word Ṣāhib, the verse confers honour on Abū Bakr, and contends that anybody acquainted with Arabic and ignorant of theology would at once see that it did so.

↩
I do not understand the applicability of this nickname.

↩
◌. The word means ‘united (with God).’

↩
Then the chief town of the Sarkār of the same name in the Ṣūba of Agra. Now the chief town of a taḥṣīl of the same name in the Jalaun District of the U.P. Vide Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xiv, 318.

↩
See p. 6.

↩
See p. 18.

↩
◌ Qur'ān, ii, 111.

↩
◌ See p. 11, note 4.

↩
See vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 376.

↩
That which points to the qibla, or the direction in which to pray.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 468. Ṣadr-i-Jahān was both the Mīrān's personal name and the name of the office to which he was appointed in the 34th year. He was one of the signatories to the deed which acknowledged Akbar's spiritual supremacy as well as his temporal supremacy. His position with regard to the ‘divine faith’ is not clear, but he evidently temporized. During the reign of Jahāngīr, who was very fond of him, he was promoted to a command of four thousand, and received Qannauj as tuyūl. He died in A.D. 1611 at the age, it is believed, of 120 years. See also vol. ii, text, passim.

↩
According to the Ma'āṯiru-l-Umarā Pihānī is near Lakhnau, but from the fact that Ṣadr-i-Jahān received Qannauj as tuyūl in Jahāngīr's reign it would appear that Badāonī is right.

↩
Vide supra, no. x.

↩
Vide infra, Chap. iii, no. x.

↩
The object of this embassy was to answer a letter which ‘Abdu-'llāh Khān Uzbak had written to Akbar, questioning him regarding his apostasy from Islām. The answer which they took to ‘Abdu-'llāh contained the following Arabic verses:— ◌ “Of God it has been said that He had a Son; of the prophet it has been said that he was a sorcerer. Neither God nor the prophet has escaped the slander of men,—then how should I?”

↩
A series of five maṯnavīs, in imitation of the Khamsah of Niẓāmī.

↩
A series of five maṯnavīs, in imitation of the Khamsah of Niẓāmī.

↩
The following verses are all mystical.

↩
Muhaqqiq-i-Dawwānī, the famous logician. His name in Persian script is ◌, while Badāonī is ◌, which Shaikh Ya‘qūb would, for the purposes of this conceit, metamorphose into ◌ by the transposition of two letters, thus converting it into Dawwānī with the addition of one letter (◌). The play upon the two names is somewhat clumsy.

↩
The text has ‘Fayyāẓī’ only. MS. (A), which I follow, has ‘Faiẓī Fayyāẓī.’

↩
◌, ‘a house of Khas.’ Khas is a fragrant grass (andropogon muricatum). See vol. i, trans. Ranking, 411, note 1.

↩
◌, the Syrian month corresponding with July. The word is omitted from MS. (B).

↩
i.e. the prophet Muḥammad, from whom Badāonī's son had one of his names.

↩
These verses begin a letter from Badāonī to Shaikh Ya‘qūb.

↩
I have not been able to find any mention of this work elsewhere.

↩
◌, i.e. ‘creation.’

↩
Vide supra, p. 202, note 1.

↩
i.e. ‘I have not done as you suppose, though appearances may be against me.’ The reference is to the story of Joseph. According to the Qur'ān (chap. xii) the sons of Jacob told their father that a wolf had devoured Joseph. In the Old Testament version of the story (Gen. xxxvii, 20, 33) the brethren merely led their father to suppose that an evil beast (‘fera pessima’) had devoured him.

↩
Badāonī was disappointed of this office, which would have suited him very well. See vol. ii, text, pp. 400, 401. The shrine was that of Kh'āja Mu‘īnu-d-dīn Cishtī.

↩
Ajmīr is now usually spelt Ajmer.

↩
◌ according to both MSS. The text has, wrongly, ◌

↩
I have not been able to find mention of this fountain elsewhere.

↩
◌, giving the date 1003.

↩
There is pun on the word ◌ here, which cannot be reproduced in English.

↩
See vol. i, trans., Ranking, p. 427 and note 1. Badāonī's attribution of this work does not, however, agree with that there mentioned.

↩
By Badāonī. See vol. i, trans., Ranking, p. 511, note 2, and p. 609, note 3.

↩
See vol. ii, text, p. 49.

↩
◌, honorific plural of ◌, most commonly used in this sense with regard to Joseph (◌), Governor of Egypt.

↩
The school of Abū Ḥanīfah, one of the four great Sunnī doctors of the law.

↩
‘Abdu'llāh Khān Uzbak, King of Transoxiaua.

↩
This appears to be the author's meaning, though the literal translation is ‘he denies the proposition ◌ (‘no animal’).’ My late friend Shamsu-l-‘Ulamā Shaikh Maḥmūd-i-Gīlānī informed me that the passage related to a childish trick, which the budding logicians of Transoxiana probably believed to be clever. ◌ means ‘an animal,’ and is usually and vulgarly used in the sense of ‘beast’ or ‘brute.’ The trick was to apply the term, in its approbrions sense, to some simpleton, as one might call another in English ‘a wretched animal,’ thereby inducing him to deny that he was an animal, and then, referring to the more general and scientific meaning of the word, to turn on him and say, ‘since you are no animal you are no man, for man is an animal.’ It|seems strange that this stupid hoax should have seriously annoyed learned men, but it must be remembered that Badāonī's ‘learned men’ were theologians pure and simple, who regarded logic as ‘carnal learning,’ trivial, if not absolutely harmful, and would be ready to use any pretext for the purpose of harassing both its professors and its students.

↩
◌, a religions exercise of the Ṣūfīs. The late Shamsu-l-‘Ulamā Shaikh Maḥmūd-i-Gīlānī informed me that he was not aware in what it consisted, but believed that it consisted in reciting the word ◌ (Allāh) on a prolonged note and in a guttural tone.

↩
He was the first teacher of Sulṭān Salīm (Jahāngīr). See vol. ii, text, [170.

↩
See vol. ii, text, loc, cit.

↩
Mr. Blochmann suggests (Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 539) that this saint may be identical with Shaikh Ruknu-d-dīn Maḥmūd, the bow-maker.

↩
He came from Transoxiana to India in A.D. 1560-61, ‘and was unable to remain in Hindūstān owing to the blindness of its people.’ See vol. ii, text, p. 49.

↩
Or ‘Junaid.’ See vol. i, trans., Ranking, 486, and note 1.

↩
The text has Muḥammad-i-Surkh, but I follow both MSS.

↩
This was ‘Iṣāmu-d-dīn of Isfārāin, the logician, who was expelled from Transoxiana by command of ‘Abdu-'llāh Khān the Uzbak. See vol. ii, text, 187.

↩
See vol. ii, text, 187. He received from Akbar and his Amīrs contributions to the extent of Rs. 30,000 or Rs. 40,000, the greater part of which sum seems to have found its way to the pockets of the Kh'āja-yi-Jahān. He is said (loc. cit.) to have been well versed in Arabic, and to have written a commentary on the Sūratu-l-Muḥammad (Qur'ūn, c. xlvii) which was a good example of his powers. Kūmakī means auxiliary.

↩
Tashkent in English maps.

↩
For a full account of Qāẓī Nīẓām, or Ghāzī Khān, who was a commander of nine hundred, see Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 440. He first received the title of Qāẓī Khān from Sulaīmān. King of Badakhshāu. This title seems to have been confirmed or recognized on, or shortly after, his arrival in India, and he afterwards received the title of Ghāzī Khān.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 159. This invention flattered the vanity of Akbar more, probably, than any innovation introduced in his reign, and the inventor was proportionately rewarded. Hence the regretful ejaculation of Mullā ‘Ālim.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 541.

↩
A collection of authentic traditions, in which an account of Imām Bukhārī is given. See vol. i, trans., Ranking, 6 and note 3.

↩
Mishkātu-l-Maṣābīh, a celebrated collection of Traditions. See vol. i, trans., Ranking, 58, note 3, et passim.

↩
A dish invented by Bughrā Khān, King of Khwārazm. It consists of quadrangular sections of paste, dressed with gravy or milk.

↩
See vol. ii, text, and Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, passim. Fatḥu-'llāh was Ṣadr-i-Jahān Ṣadru-s-Ṣudūr for four years, from A.H. 993 (A.D. 1585) to A.H. 997 (A.D. 1588-89), but had very little power with regard to endowments, the chief source of the income brought by the appointment.

↩
‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh I (1557—1580), fifth King of the ‘Ādil Shāhī dynasty of Bījāpōr.

↩
‘Aẓdu-d-daulah, vol. ii, text, p. 343, and Aīn-Akbarī, i, passim.

↩
The hills above Srīnagar.

↩
◌, giving the date 997.

↩
See p. 85.

↩
The grammarian; he also was one of the pupils of Shaikh Isḥāq.

↩
From the mention of the submontane districts it is clear that this pargana was the Bajwārā in the Bet Jālandhar Dūāb Sarkār of the Ṣūba of Lāhor.

↩
I have not been able to identify this work.

↩
For an account of Mullā Pīr Muḥammad Khān of Shīwān, see Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 324. He was a man of overbearing and brutal disposition, who delighted in cruelty for its own sake. For his treatment of Burj ‘Alī, a messenger from the Khān-i-Zamān, see vol. ii, text, p. 23; for his treatment of Bairam Khān, his patron, ibid. p. 27, for his punishment, ibid. pp. 27-29; and for his revenge, ibid. p. 39. His brutality in Mālwa is described, ibid. pp. 47, 48.

↩
As he was trying to swim the river after his defeat by Bāz Bahādur in 1562. See vol. ii, text, pp. 50, 51.

↩
See vol. ii, text, p. 187, and Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 541.

↩
Vide supra, p. 213, n. 1.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 434.

↩
According to the Ṭabaqāt he was a good mathematician and astronomer. According to the Ma'āṯir-ul-Umarā he was born at Jām in Khurāsān, and was educated in Mashhad. He was introduced to Bābar and was a private friend of Humāyun's, who, like him, was fond of the astrolabe. He went with Humāyun to ‘Irāq, and remained twenty years in his service. As a poet he wrote under the takhalluṣ of Nūrī. He is also called Nūrī of Safīdūn, because he held Safīdūn for some time in jāgīr. Akbar gave him the title of Khān and later that of Tarkhān, and appointed him to Sāmāna. His title of Tarkhān was, however, merely an empty honour, and carried none of the privileges connected with it, for an account of which see Āīn-i-Akbari , i, 364.

↩
Amroha was a pargana town in the Sarkār of Sambhal of the Ṣūba of Dihlī. See p. 63, note 6. It is now the headquarters of a taḥṣīl of the same name in the Murādābād District of the U.P. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, v, 330.

Maulānā Ilāhdād was appointed, in 1581, Ṣadr of one of the Dūābs in the Panjāb. See vol. ii, text, pp. 295, 296, where he is described as a man well known for his goodness of disposition.

↩
‘At a distance of three kurūh Mullā Ilāhdād of Amroha, who had an unhealed wound in his breast, the inflammation of which reached his heart, took a purgative from Ḥakīm Hasan and in the course of the day was united to God.’ Vol. ii, text, 347.

↩
A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591-92). The whole work was completed in A.H. 1004 (A.D. 1595).

↩
Lit. “Had the white hand of Mūsā.” The expression refers to the miracle related in the Qur'ān, Chap. xxvii, 12. “Moreover put thy hand into thy bosom, it shall come forth white, without hurt: this shall be one among the nine signs unto Pharaoh and his people, for they are a wicked people.” The account in the Qur'ān is taken from the Book of Exodus iv. 6. The expression “the white hand of Moses” is frequently used of a miracle, or of any extraordinary power in a man.

↩
‘Isā is the name which Musalmāns give to our Lord, instead of Yasū‘, which is the correct version of His Name in Arabic. It is their belief that it was the miraculous property of His breath that restored the dead to life and healed the sick.

↩
According to the Akbarnāma he was one of those who assisted in the capture of the mad Kh'āja Mu‘aẓẓam, Akbar's maternal uncle. See vol. ii, text 71.

↩
See note 2, above.

↩
See vol. i, trans. Ranking, 95, and note 6.

↩
Called in Europe, Avicenna.

↩
A renowned saint descended from Abū Bakr, the first Khalīfah. He was the author of the ‘Awārifu-l-Ma‘ārif and died at Baghdād in A.H. 632 (A.D. 1234—35).

↩
Manlānā ‘Abdu-r-Rahmān-i-Jāmī, the famous poet.

↩
Avicenna.

↩
See vol. ii, text, 263, 275. The word ◌ (‘in’) has been carelessly omitted from the text, though it is in both MSS.

↩
According to vol. ii, text, p. 275, Ḥakīmu-l-Mulk was first ordered to go to Makkah in A.D. 1579 owing to his quarrels with Abū-l-Faẓl, whom he called ◌ (faẓlah), ‘redundancy,’ ‘orts’ or ‘excrement,’ and actually departed (p. 285) in that year, being considered one of the unworthy in faith and religion! He received, however, a sum of five lakhs of rupees, to be distributed in alms at Makkah.

↩
A town under the mountain of the same name, to the east of Ṭihrān. In the Āin-i-Akbarī (i, 543) he is called Saifu-l-Mulk Lang (‘the lame’).

↩
Vide infra, Ch. IV, No. LXVIII.

↩
Saifu-l-Mulūk means ‘sword of kings,’ Saifu-l-Ḥukamā, ‘sword of physicians.’

↩
Khabūshān is near Mashhad.

↩
‘Son of the master.’

↩
◌ giving the date A.H. 1970 (A.D. 1562—63).

↩
The Urdū poet Saudā has some verses much resembling these in a satire on a physician named Ghauṯ.

↩
Possibly Mīrzā Farīdūn, son of Muhammad Qulī Khān Barlās. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 478. The text and both MSS. have, however, ‘Mīr.’

↩
For an account of Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk, a Mūsawī Sayyid of Mashhad, and a zealous Shī‘ah, on which account Badāonī hated him, see Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 381. His ‘retirement’ probably took place in 1565, when he fell into disgrace and was debarred, for a time, from appearing at court owing to his conduct in the expedition against the Khān-i-Zamān and Bahādur Khān. See vol. ii, text, p. 83. Mu‘izzu-l-Mulk was ultimately drowned by Akbar's order, as a punishment for rebelling. This happened in 1579. See vol. ii, text, pp. 276, 277.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 442, 542. In the latter passage he is called ‘Ḥakīm Zanbīl Beg! He was a commander of nine hundred. Zanbīl means ‘a basket.’ In the text he is called ‘Ḥakīm Zīnal Shīrāzī.’ I have corrected the meaningless name and have omitted ‘Shīrāzī’ which occurs in neither MS., and is an error, for Zanbīl was the brother of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ṭabīb, of Sabzavār.

↩
He was a learned man and a clever writer. He traced his origin, on his mother's side, to the renowned logician, Muḥaqqiq-i-Davvāni. In 1564 he was sent as an envoy to Cingīz Khān of Gujarāt. In 1575 he was sent as an ambassador to ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh I of Bījāpūr and returned to court in 1577, when he was made faujdār of Sambhal. In 1581 he defeated ‘Arab Bahādur and other rebels of Bengal and was then made Ṣadr of Bengal. In 1585 he was made dīvān of Agra. He was then sent to the Dakan and received Hāndiya in jāgīr. ‘Azīz Kūka cancelled his jāgīr and he returned to court without leave. He was at first refused an audience but was subsequently reinstated and returned to the Dakan. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 480, and Badāonī, vol. ii, text, passim.

↩
Vide infra, Ch. IV, No. XLIX.

↩
On Sep. 2, 1595. See vol. ii, text, 403.

↩
In 1593 or 1594.

↩
Eleventh king of Khāndesh, of the Fārūqī dynasty, reigned 1576—1596. See Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, by Major T. W. Haig, p. 235 et passim.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 543.

↩
The second of Akbar's sons who survived childhood. He was appointed governor of Gujarāt in 1593.

↩
He was a commander of four hundred. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 491.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 445.

↩
I follow here the reading of the MSS. viz:—◌, which I take to be contraction of ◌ (‘God forbid’). The text has ◌ of which I cannot make sense in this connection. The true reading may be ◌ (‘his foot’), in which case the translation of the hemistich would be, ‘His intruding foot encroaches upon the domain of medicine.’

↩
This history was completed in A.H. 1004 (A.D. 1596) so that according to Badāonī Ḥakīm Miṣri died before that date, but Abū-l-Faẓl in the Akbar-nāma mentions his death in A.H. 1009 (A.D. 1600.01) and says that he saw his friend on his death-bed. There is no means of reconciling this discrepancy or of deciding the question. The Ṭabaqāt praises him for his practical knowledge of medicine and his good disposition, but his death is not mentioned there.

↩
He came poor and destitute from Gīlān to India, but became in course of time a personal attendant on Akbar. In A.H. 988 (A.D. 1580) he was sent as ambassador to ‘Ali ‘Ādil Shāh I of Bījāpūr and was well received, but before he could be sent back with presents for his master ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh was slain by a eunuch. In 1593 Ḥakīm ‘Alī constructed a wonderful reservoir (ḥawẓ) at Āgra, and in the following year was a commander of 700 and had the title of Jālīnūsu-z-Zamān (‘the Galen of the Age’). He treated Akbar immediately before his death. Akbar had dysentery, or acute diarrhœa, which ‘Alī checked by a powerful astringent. Costive fever and strangury ensued, and ‘Alī then administered an aperient, which brought back the diarrhœa, of which Akbar died. In 1609 Jahāngīr visited ‘Alī's reservoir and made him a commander of two thousand. ‘Alī died on April 10 of that year.

↩
The followers of Zaid bin ‘Alī, who caused a dissension among the Shī‘ahs by refusing to curse the first two Khalīfahs.

↩
Jahāngīr (Tūzuk, p. 74) says of Ḥakīm ‘Alī that he was without equal as a physician, was an excellent Arabic scholar, and had written a commentary on the Qānūn, but that he had more application than brains, that his looks were better than his morals, and his behaviour better than his heart, for that he was, on the whole, a bad and unprincipled man.

↩
Badāonī has, perhaps, let his prejudice against the Shī‘ah ḥakīm run away with him here. According to another account Fatḥu-'llah, who thought that he understood medicine better than Ḥakīm ‘Alī did, ate the pottage against his doctor's advice, and presently died.

↩
Masīḥu-d-dīn Abū-l-Fatḥ, son of Maulānā ‘Abdu-r-Razzāq, Ṣadr of Gīlān, and brother of Ḥakīm Ḥumām and Ḥakīm Nuru-d-dīn. He and his brothers arrived in India in 1576 (vol. ii, text, 211) and were well received. Four years later Abū-l-Fatḥ was made Ṣadr and Amīn of Bengal. He was captured by the rebels, but escaped and returned to court. In 1586 Abū-l-Fatḥ was sent to help Rājā Bīr Bar against the Yūsufzais in Sawād and Bajaur, but was reprimanded on his return, as the disastrous result of the campaign was rightly attributed to his and the Rājā's insubordination against Zain Khān Kūka. In 1588-89 he went with Akbar to Kashmīr and thence to Zābulistān, but on the march he fell sick and died, and was buried at Ḥasan Abdāl.

↩
See vol. ii, text, p. 211. Badāonī says, ‘The eldest brother (Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ) by means of his winning address soon obtained great influence with the emperor, and flattered him openly, complying with him in all questions of religion and the faith, and even going in advance of him, so that he was soon admitted as an intimate companion of his majesty. Soon after there came to court from Persia Mullā Muḥammad-i-Yazdī, who was nicknamed Yazīdī, and joined them, and poured unlimited abuse on the companions of the prophet, relating strange stories of them, and tried hard to make the emperor a Shī‘ah. He was soon left behind by the bastard Bīr Bar, Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl, and Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fath, who turned the emperor entirely aside from the faith, and led him to reject inspiration, prophecy, the miracles of the prophets and the saints, and the whole law.”

↩
In the Lakhnau edition of the Ṭabaqāt he is wrongly called ‘Ḥakīm Ḥusain of Gīlān,’ and is described as a man of praiseworthy morals.

↩
He was the younger brother of Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ and came to India with him. His real name was Humāyūn, but when he came to court he discreetly called himself Humāyūn Qulī (‘slave of Humāyūn’). Akbar gave him the name of Humām, which means ‘hero’ or ‘magnanimous prince.’ (Mr. Blochmann in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 474, note 2, has apparently mistaken it for Ḥammām ‘a bath’ or Nammām ‘a slanderer’). He held the office of Bakāwal Beg and, though only a commander of 600, was a personal friend of Akbar and had great influence at conrt. In the 31st year he was sent with Ṣadr-i-Jahān (q. v.) as an envoy to Tūrān, and returned to India about a month after his brother's death. He died November 9, 1595.

↩
See vol. ii, text, pp. 205, 206.

↩
The Korah of the Scriptures.

↩
Shaddād the son of ‘Ād, King of Yaman. See Qur'ān lxxxix, 5, and vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 261 and note 6.

↩
Ḥakīm Aḥmad was a bigoted Shī‘ah who used to curse and revile the companions of Muḥammad and all Sunnīs, including his own ancestors, who had been Sunnīs. See vol. ii, text, 317.

↩
◌. The word ◌ is carelessly omitted from the text, though both manuscripts have it.

↩
See vol. ii, text, 319, 364. Mīrzā Fūlād Beg Barlās cnticed Aḥmad from his house at midnight on the pretext that the emperor had sent for him, and murdered him in the street, in Lāhōr, ‘on account of his bigotry in the (Shī‘ah) faith, and other annoyances which Fūlād had experienced at his hands.’ This occurred in January, 1588. Aḥmad's abuse of the orthodox Khalīfahs is given as the cause of Fūlād's act, but from the earlier passage it is clear that the murderer had some other motive. Moreover, when Fūlād was asked by Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ, at the instance of Akbar, whether it was religious zeal which had prompted the deed he replied, ‘Had it been only religious zeal I should have attacked a greater than Aḥmad.’ Although the ladies of the ḥaram, who admired Fūlād's courage, interceded for him, he was executed by being bound to the foot of an elephant. Aḥmad lingered for three or four days and then ‘went to his own place.’ Badāonī says that he saw ‘the dog’ in his death agony, and noticed the change in his face. This, which is called maskh, is said by Sunnīs to happen frequently to Shī‘ahs, because they revile the companions of the prophet. Compare the account of Faiẓī's death-bed, infra, Ch. IV, No. CVII. After Aḥmad's burial Faiẓī and Abū-l-Faẓl had a guard set over his tomb, but when the court left Lāhor for Kashmīr ‘the people of Lāhor one night exhumed his impure corpse and burnt it.’

↩
◌ giving the date 996 (A.D. 1588).

↩
◌. There is something wrong with this chronogram. It gives the date 1153.

↩
Probably the Ḥadīqatu-l-Haqīqat wa Sharī‘atu-ṭ-Ṭarīqah, otherwise known as the Fakhrīnāma by Sana'ī. See vol. i, trans. Ranking, 35 note 1, 57 note 1. I cannot, however, find a chronogram in the couplet. One hemistich gives 1049, and the other 1132.

↩
Or ‘Hail, dagger of steel!’ (◌) Fūlād means ‘steel.’ The chronogram gives the correct date, 996 (A.D. 1588).

↩
Brother of Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ and Ḥakīm Humām. He was a commander-of two hundred. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 518.

↩
Ardastān is a town lying between Kāshān and Yazd. In the Ṭabaqāt this physician is called Ḥakīm Jalālu-d-dīn Muẓaffar. Under Akbar he was a commander of two hundred, but Jahāngīr in 1606 gave him the rank of a commander of 3,000, with 1,000 horse (Tūzuk, 37). Jahāngīr heard of his death on Sep. 14, 1607. In the Tūzuk (p. 59), where he calls him Jalālud-dīn Muẓaffar Ardastānī, he says that his practice was greater than his learning. He praises him very highly.

↩
Who, according to Jahāngīr, wrote a verse on Muẓaffar: ‘He is a pleasing physician, come, let us all fall sick.’

↩
In the first year of Jahāngīr's reign Fatḥu-'llāh had the rank of commander of 1,000, with 300 horse (Tūzuk, p. 34). According to the Pādshāhnāma, i, b, 350, he returned to his native country, where he died. There is no authority for Blochmann's statement (Āīn, i, 542) that he committed suicide. His grandson, of the same name, was a physician at the court of Shāhjahān.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 543. Shaikh Bīnā had a son, Shaikh Ḥasan or Ḥassū, who, under Jahāngīr, attained great honours. Ḥasan apparently received the title of Muqarrab Khān from Akbar, or from Jahāngīr in Akbar's reign (Tūzuk, p. 12). He rose to be a commander of 5,000, and was successively governor of Gujarāt, Bihār, and Āgra. He was pensioned off at the beginning of Shāhjahān's reign, and died at the age of ninety. In the 41st year of Akbar's reign Shaikh Bīnā and his son succeeded in curing a bad wound which Akbar had received from a buck at a deer-fight.

↩
In the Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 542—544, eleven Muḥammadan physicians besides those mentioned by Badāonī are mentioned. Shaikh Aḥmad, of Thatha, is not there mentioned. The Ṭabaqāt mentions all those described here and five others.

↩
In the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 544) four Hindū physicians are mentioned, and in the Ṭabaqāl six.

↩
Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulab was the brother of Mīr ‘Abdu-l-Laṭīf of Qazvīn, see above, c. II, No. XX. His taẕkirah, here referred to, I have never seen, and do not know where a copy of it is to be found. Mīr ‘Alā'u-d-daulah wrote under the poetical name of Kāmī, see No. CXIV.

↩
The Ātashkada-yi-Āẕarī says that he wrote sixteen books, and that he fled from Persia during the reign of Shāh Ṭahmāsp. The Mir'ātu-l-‘Ālam mentions two books written by him, the Asrār-i-Maktūm, and the Rashḥātu-l-Ḥayāt , to which the Haft Iqlīm adds a third, the Mir‘ātū-l-Kā'ināt.

↩
‘Alī, Muḥammad's cousin and son-in-law, the fourth Khalīfah. Ghazālī was a Shī‘ah, hence the force of the appeal.

↩
I believe that this refers to Akbar, but it may refer to God. It is not unlikely that the ambiguity is intentional.

↩
The Dakan.

↩
I have translated this phrase literally, as it contains the enigma. It means ‘take your own way,’ just as we say, of a horse, ‘give him his head. The ‘head’ or first letter of Ghazālī is ◌, which stands for 1000. Thus the expression also means here, ‘Take a thousand (rupees).’

↩
According to the Ṭabaqāt Ghazālī remained in the service of the Khān-i-Zamān until the latter was killed (June, 1567), and then entered the emperor's service.

↩
‘King of poets,’ or, as we say, ‘poet laureate.’ Faiẓī was his successor in the title.

↩
According to the Ṭabaqāt nearly 100,000. The Mir'ātu-l-‘Ālam agrees with Badoānī. The Ātashkada-yi-Āẕar estimates his couplets at 40,000, and the Haft Iqlīm estimates them at 70,000.

↩
Faiẓī has a very neat chronogram, ◌ (‘the year 980’), the numerical values of the letters of which give the sum 980.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 241. Sulṭān Aḥmad (1411—1442), after whom Aḥmadābād is named, and many other princes are buried here. A variant is ‘Sarkhec.’

↩
Vide infra, No. IV.

↩
See the next notice.

↩
◌, giving the date 980.

↩
This chronogram is entirely wrong. Both the text and the MSS. have ‘Sarganj’ for ‘Sarkhej,’ and the rhyme necessitates this reading, which, if adopted, gives the date 1021. If the correct name of the place, Sarkhej, be substituted we get the date 986—still six years wrong.

↩
A description of life.

↩
A lantern which revolves by the smoke of the candle within, and has on the sides of it figures of men and animals.

↩
The Messiah.

↩
Kāhī (‘straw-like’) is thus described in the Āīn (i, 566). ‘He is known as Miyān Kāhī. He knew something of the ordinary sciences, and lived quiet and content. He rarely mixed with people in high position. On account of his generous disposition a few low men gathered around him, for which reason well-meaning people who did not know his circumstances often upbraided him. Partly from his own love of independence, partly from the indulgence of his majesty, he counted himself among the disciples, and often foretold future events.’ In the Ṭabaqāt it is said that he had many accomplishments and was specially distinguished in the art of music, that he lived a free and unconventional life, and attained the age of 120. Miyān Kāl is the name of the hills between Samarqand and Bukhārā. According to the Ātashkada-yi-Āẕarī he was born in Turkistān and brought up in Kābul. One of his ancestors paid his respects to Tīmūr, accompanied the army of that conqueror, and settled at last in Turkistān. Kāhī was well received by Humāyūn. According to the Haft Iqlīm Kāhi's|name was Sayyid Najmu-ddīn Muḥammad, his kunyah being Abū-l-Qāsim. When fifteen years old he visited Jāmī (died 1493-94) and afterwards Hāshimī of Kirmān. He was a pugilist and a runner, and lived a free life, following no creed or doctrine. He lived long at Banāras, and afterwards at Āgra, where he died May 17, 1580. See also vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 584, notes 1 and 3, and p. 601.

↩
I have translated literally, although the passage makes it appear that Kāhī held the title of Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā, which he never bore. Badāonī is running atilt at Faiẓī, who was very fond of dogs, and means to say that Kāhī was a regular Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā in his conduct.

↩
I have not attempted to solve either this emigma or the next. The verses run, in the original— ◌

↩
◌. A poem written in imitation of another, and intended to compete with the original.

↩
This couplet runs as follows:—
◌

Sa‘dī's Būstān begins—

◌

↩
Scil, the ashes of cow-dung, ◌ (bhabhūt) with which Hindū asceties besmear themselves.

↩
See below, No. CLXII.

↩
The brother of Akbar's mother.

↩
Vide infra, No. LXXI.

↩
◌. I think this is the meaning of the phrase, but cannot b sure.

↩
i e., ‘to accept Islām.’

↩
◌ giving the date 984 (A.D. 1576-77).

↩
See above, p. 240, note 8.

↩
The Ḥaidarīs are the followers of Quṭbu-d-dīn ‘Alī, founder of a mystic sect. I have no information regarding the Jauratīs.

↩
Badāonī is possibly referring to those poets who wrote against Muḥam-mad. See Qur'ān, c. xxvi.

↩
Kh'āja Ḥusain is thus described in the Āīn (i, 574). ‘He possessed many excellent qualities, and sold his encomiums at a high price. He lived at the court of Humāyūn, and was also during this reign highly favoured.’ In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, ‘He is by origin the son of a vazīr. He has acquired learning, and was distinguished above his fellows by a high degree of intelligence and the sharpness of his understanding. He was for years in the service of the emperor Humāyūn and was one of his intimates, and a member of his heavenly assembly.’ See vol. ii, text, pp. 120, 132. Kh'āja Ḥusain composed a qaṣīdah on the birth of Sulṭān Salīm (Jahāngīr) containing chronograms for the accession of Akbar and the birth of Salīm. Badāonī says that the first hemistich of each couplet is a chronogram for the former event, and the second hemistich of each couplet a chronogram for the latter, but this is not so. He also composed a qit'ah of seven couplets on the birth of Salīm and Murād, the first hemistich of each couplet of which purports to be a chronogram for Salīm's birth, and the second hemistich of each couplet a chronogram for Murād's. There are, however, some errors in the chronograms. For the qaṣīdah he received two lakhs of tankas and it was, perhaps, this reward to which Abū-l-Faẓl referred when he said that Ḥusain sold his encomiums at a high price.

↩
The text and the MSS. have ◌ (‘ideas and sleeps’): ◌ makes better sense.

↩
This book is not mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī as one of those translated by Akbar's orders; but see vol. ii, text, p. 183. Badāoni was apparently ordered to complete the translation. He says that the book is a collection of thirty-two stories concerning Rājā Bikramājit (Vikramāditya) of Mālwa (see Aīn-i-Akbarī, ii, 211), and that the book resembles the Tūṭīnāmā (‘Tales of a Parrot’). Badāonī called his translation Nāma-yi-Khirad-afzā.

↩
◌, literally ‘sending’ or ‘apostleship.’

↩
◌, giving 980, one year in excess.

↩
Complimentary present.

↩
Arsalān is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 103) under the name of Nūru-'llah Qāsim Arsalān as one of the renowned calligraphists of the age. Abū-l-Faẓl describes him as a poot (op. cit., i, 609) as follows: ‘Qāsim Arsalān of Mashhad. He possesses some talent. He works hard in order to collect wealth and spends it in a genial way.’ In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, ‘He was a Mashhadi and was brought up in Transoxiana. He passed many years in the service of the emperor. He wrote the Nastā‘līq script well. He held broad views on religion. He composed a dīvān.’

↩
A city of Khurāsān, the native town of Firdansi and of his master, Ḥakīm Asadī.

↩
i.e., so great a distance are they below it.

↩
The text has ◌ (‘colour’). I follow the MSS., both of which have ◌ (‘sand’).

↩
◌ (‘the flying eagle’). The constellation Aquila.

↩
The ‘fish’ here signifies the constellation Pisces.

↩
Alwand is a high mountain in Hamadān. Alburz is either mount Alburz in the Caucasus (18,572 feet) or the Alburz mountains between Māẕandarān and Ṭihrān, the highest point in which is mount Damāvand (19,400 feet).

↩
Ātushi is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
A news-writer.

↩
The appearance of the new moon on the evening of Shawwāl 1, or, as we should say, on the evening of the last day of Ramaẓān, is the signal for the breaking of the thirty days' fast. The Musalmāns reckon their days as do the Jews, from sunset to sunset. The ‘Īdu-l-Fiṭr is the festival at the end of the fast.

↩
Muḥammad Aṣghar, a Ḥusainī Sayyid of Sabzavār, according to the Āīn (i, 389), but of Mashhad, according to the Ma'āṯiru-l-Umarā and the Mir'ātu-l-‘Ālam. Ashraf was a clever writer, exact in his style, and a renowned calligrapher, who improved the Ta'līq very much. He also understood jafar, or witcheraft. He was in Humāyūn's service, and had received from him the post and title of Mīr Munshi. At Akbar's succession he was in Dihli, and took part in the battle against Hemū. He was imprisoned by Bairam, but escaped and went to Makkah. He returned in A.H. 968 (A.D. 1560-61) when Akbar was in Māchīwāra on his way to the Siwāliks, where Bairam was. He was well received and got a manṣab. In the following year Akbar bestowed on him the title of Ashraf Khan. In 1574 he went with Mun‘im to Bengal, and died at Gaur in 1575.

↩
Called in the Ṭabaqāt Mīr Ghāzī, Asīrī. Abū-l-Faẓl in the Āīn (i, 599) says that his name was Amīr Qāzī and that he came from Rai, near Ṭihrān. He adds, ‘he is a man of education.’

↩
Both the text and the MSS. have ◌ (manaḥca), which is meaningless and etymologically improbable. I venture to substitute ◌, ‘the Magian boy.’

↩
The keeper of the garden of Paradise.

↩
This chronogram is an emigma. The numerical value of ◌ (‘garden’) is 1003 and of ◌ (‘the rose’) 50. If ‘the rose’ be taken from ‘the garden’ 953 (A.D. 1546-47) remains. This, then, is the date of Sulṭān Caghtāī's death.

↩
A grammatical conceit. Alif is quiescent (i.e. carries no vowel) until it is strengthened by hamzah.

↩
This quatrain sets forth the pantheism of the Ṣūfīs.

↩
The sun's daily course is likened to the ritual prayers.

↩
Amānī is not mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī as a poet. In the Ṭabaqāt he is called Mīr Amānī, and one of his couplets is quoted, but no other account of him is given.

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The guardian of the water of life.

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Qāẓī Aḥmad is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, or in the Ṭabaqāt.

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The school of jurisprudence founded by Imām Shāfi‘ī, one of the four great Sunnī doctors of the law.

↩
‘The Picture-Gallery.’ There is a MS. of a Nīgāristān by Ibn-i-Muḥam-mad Aḥmad (No. m/142) in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

↩
I have not been able to find any other mention of this work. The title gives the date 971 (A.D. 1563-64).

↩
Both the text and the MSS. have ◌. The port was Dābul or Dābhol, a famous port on the west coast of India in Muḥummadan times. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xi, 100.

↩
In the Āin-i-Ākbarī (i, 598) Abū-l-Faẓl says, ‘Ashkī of Qum is a Ṭabā-ṭabā'ī Sayyid, and is a poet of some talent.’ The Ṭabāṭabā'ī Sayyids are the descendants of the great-great-grandson of ‘Alī, Ismā‘īl bin Ibrāhīm, called Ṭabāṭabā from a defect in his speech which caused him to pronounce the letter ◌ like ◌.

From the Haft Iqlīm we learn that Mīr Ashkī was the son of Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī, Muḥtasib (public censor) of Qum in Persia. Ashkī's elder brother, Huẓūrī, was also known as a poet. Ashkī was attracted to India by the fame and success of Ghazālī, but he did not meet Ghazālī. The number of his verses exceeded 10,000; and when on his death-bed he gave his several dīvāns to Mīr Judā'ī to arrange. Mīr Judā'ī, however, published whatever he thought good in his own name, and threw the remainder into water. Vide infra No. XXXII. Dāghistānī says that Ashkī died in Mīr Judā'ī's house, and he ascribes the epigram to Ghazālī; but as he only quotes a hemistich the statement of the contemporary Haft Iqlīm is preferable.

↩
Anīsī is thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 578), ‘Anīsī Shāmlū. His real name is Yol Qulī. He is a man of a happy heart and of pure manners. He is brave and sincere.’ The Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīmī says that he was a good soldier and served as librarian to ‘Ali Qulī Khān Shāmlā, the Persian Governor of Hirāt, when he made the acquaintance of Shikībī and Maḥwī. He wrote at first under the takhalluṣ of Jātū. but the Persian prince, Sulṭān Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, gave him the name of Anīsī, under which he is known in literature. When Hirāt was conquered by ‘Abdu-'llāh Khān, Anīsī was captured by an Uzbak soldier and carried off to Transoxiana. He then went to India and entered the service of Mīrzā ‘Abdur-i-Raḥīm, Khān-i-Khānān. He died at Burhānpūr in A.H. 1014 (A.D. 1605-06). He left a maṯnarī, a dīrān, and several qaṣīdahs in praise of the Khān-i-Khānān.

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According to the Ṭabaqāl Amanī came from Bukhārā, and was for a long time in the emperor's service, and was for some time a news-writer. He wrote good prose and compiled a dīrān. He also wrote a maṯnavī, a shahr-aṣhūb .

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Abtar means ‘worthless.’

↩
See p. 17, note 3, for an account of the Fuṣūṣu-l-Ḥikam. There are several works having the word Futūḥ or Futūḥāt as part of their titles, and I cannot say to which of them Badāonī here refers.

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Probably referring to the passage in Chapter X of the Qur‘ān, in which Pharaoh is said to have said, when drowning in the Red Sea, ‘I believe that there is no God but He on whom the children of Israel believe; and I am one of the resigned.’

↩
Qilīj Khān was a pious man, and a staunch Sunnī. He is first mentioned in connection with the siege of Ruhtās in Bihār, in 1565. In 1573 he was appointed commandant of Sūrat, which Akbar had just conquered, with his son as his deputy. In 1576-77 he was sent to Sūrat to negotiate with the Portuguese. In 1588 he received Sambhal in jāgīr. In 1593-94 he was made Governor of Kābul, where he was not successful. He was removed, and in 1596-97 accompanied his son-in-law, Sulṭān Dāniyāl, to the Dakan, as atālīq, but soon returned to court. During Akbar's absence in Khāndesh in 1598-99 he was Governor of Agra, in 1600-01 he was promoted to the governorship of the Punjāb and Kābul. At the accession of Jahāngīr he was sent to Gujarāt, but returned the next year to the Punjāb. He died in 1613. Before he was tutor to Sulṭān Daniyāl he was a commander of 4000 but he was then promoted to the command of 4500. See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 34, 354, Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, 123, and Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī.

↩
The MSS. have Jānī Qurbānī. The readings are not satisfactory. I have not been able to discover a tribe with any such name. Perhaps, Badāonī means to say that he was of those who would not hesitate to sacrifice their lives for the emperor.

↩
Qilīj Khān was twice dīvān.

↩
Literally ‘Turks,’ a favourite simile.

↩
In 1567, see vol. ii, text, 100.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 345, Mīrzā Yūsuf Khân was appointed to Kashmīr in 1587, but resigned four years later. He was subsequently reinstated at the request of Sulṭān Salīm.

↩
◌ literally ‘city disturbing.’ A poem in praise or disparagement of the people of a city.

↩
Vide infra No. lxii.

↩
See Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 315, and Badāonī, vol. ii, text, passim. Badāonī had a great admiration for Bairam Khān, although he was a Shi‘ah.

↩
‘My father.’

↩
i.e., on Humāyūn's return from Persia. Bābar's was the ‘first’ conquest.

↩
Vol. ii.

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The temple of Makkah; here used by a trope for any object of desire.

↩
He was murdered by Mubārak Khān, an Afghān: see vol. ii, text, 45. He is accounted a martyr, because he was on his way to Makkah when he was killed.

↩
The Mishkātu-l-Maṣābīḥ. See vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 58, note 3, et passim.

↩
Apparently the same as the Shamā'ilu-l-Muḥammadīyyah. See vol. i, 625, note 6.

↩
See below, No. cxxii.

↩
On Rabī‘u-l-awwal 15, A.H. 963 (Jan. 28, 1556). See vol. i, trans. Ranking, pp. 600-602. Firishta places his death four days earlier, but Badāonī is the better authority.

↩
◌. The chronogram is not quite clear. As it stands it gives the total 1002. If we remove ◌ which is the first letter of ◌, and therefore ‘the foundation of the dwelling’ which is, perhaps, what the poet intended, we get 962—one year short.

↩
Kolāb (now more correctly Kūlāb) is the name of a town and district in Badakhshān.

↩
At Jaunpūr in 1579. See vol. ii, text, p. 276.

↩
See above, Nos. II and I.

↩
The great Persian poet, Mullā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥmān-i-Jāmī.

↩
See below, No. CLVI.

↩
Kāhī signifies ‘strawy.’

↩
Ghazāl signifies a ‘gazelle’ or ‘antelope,’ and ghazālī, the adjective derived from it, might be applied to a hound used for hunting that animal.

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He is thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 600) ‘Pairavī of Sāwa.’ His name is Amīr Beg. He was a good painter.’

↩
This is a pun on his takhallus. ◌ (pairav) means ‘a follower,’ ‘an imitator.’

↩
Baqā'ī was evidently alive when Badāonī completed this history in A.H. 1004 (A.D. 1596). He must not, therefore, be confounded with the Baqā'ī mentioned in the Ṭabaqāt and below, under Ḥālatī (Yādgār), No. XLII, who was executed for murdering his father.

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Author of the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī.

↩
Mīrzā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥīm.

↩
See No. LXIX, chapter II.

↩
No pargana of this name is mentioned in the account of the sarkār of Sirhind on pp. 295, 296 of vol. ii of the Āīn-i-Akbarī. Safīdon is now a town in the Jīnd State and taḥṣīl in the Panjāb. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, new series, xxi, 349.

↩
The text and the MSS. have Shikhūnai, which is wrong, for the numerical values of its letters give the total 967, ten years before the birth of Salīm (Jahāngīr), who was born in A.H. 977 (A.D. 1569); we must, therefore, read Shaikhūnai, which not only gives the correct date, but also contains the name of Salīm, whose father called him by the pet name of Shaikhū, deeming him to have been granted to the prayers of Shaikh Salīm-i-Cishtī.

↩
Tarkhān was a Mughal title which was hereditary for nine generations and carried with it extraordinary privileges (vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 364). From these verses it would appear that Nūru-d-dīn claimed to be a Tarkhān by hereditary right, whereas Akbar bestowed on him first the title of Khān and then that of Tarkhān, the latter, however, merely as an honorary title, without any of the substantial privileges formerly attached to it. The same was evidently the case with his earlier title of Khān.

↩
This is a clever poem. ◌ (tar) means ‘moist.’ The poet says that he had nothing but waste lands with his title of Khān, but that when he was made tar-Khān what little moisture there was in these lands seemed to evaporate.

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Kh'āja Ṭāhir Muḥammad, a Khurāsānī. He was a commander of a thousand. He was made Governor of Dihlī in 1563-64, and died there in 1578.

↩
See Chapter II, No. VI.

↩
This is another pun. The word for gratis is ◌ (muft).

↩
The second hemistichs of all these couplets, and the first hemistich of one of them, end in words to which absurd terminations, imitating the Arabic possessive pronouns, have been appended. The same remark applies to the opening couplet which follows.

↩
A fellow clansman of the muftī who had been satirized.

↩
The text and the MSS. have ‘One couplet,’ though two are given.

↩
Badāonī seems to mean that their form was copied from Jāmī's qit‘ah.

↩
See Chapter II, No. XLII.

↩
Akbar's distant cousin. He is distinguished by the honorific plural Mirzāyān, probably because he was the head of the House of Tīmūr.

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The chronogram (◌) gives the date A.H. 980 = A.D. 72-73.

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Sāmbhar, a famous salt lake in Rājputāna, in the borders of the Jodh-pūr and Jaipūr States, lying between 26° 53' and 27° 1' N. and 74° 54' E.

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The temple of Makkah.

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Tausan signifies a fiery steed. The appositeness of the metaphor in this verse is apparent.

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The author's bigotry would not allow him to regard a Hindū who displayed poetic or religious fervour otherwise than as a freak of nature.

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◌. Both MSS. have ◌ which is meaningless. The reading in the text is undoubtedly correct.

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This was the battle fought in A.D. 1560 in the Jālandhar Dūāb between the imperial troops under the command of Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad, Ataga Khān, and Bairām Khān, in which the latter was defeated. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 40.

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Bairām Khān, a Shī‘ah, displayed the banners of the Imāms of the Shī‘ahs before his troops.

↩
Yūsuf Muḥammad Khān, the eldest son of Ataga Khān (Shams-nd-din Muḥammad), was the foster-brother of Akbar. He was only twelve years of age when he distinguished himself in this battle against Bairām Khān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, vol. i, p. 323. He died of excessive drinking in A.D. 1566, at the age of eighteen. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 84.

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In this simile the poet compares the white parting with a meteor and the hair with the blackness of night, and in the simile in the following couplet he compares the former with a sparkling stream and the latter with a garden of dark hyacinths.

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The words are ◌ “hope is severed,” and there is a reference, which cannot be well reproduced in translation, to the cutting of the umbilical cord.

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Or “resplendent,” “of fine water.” The epithet is applicable alike to a jewel or to a moist lip.

↩
That is to say, the cool whiteness of the morning has been dispersed by the fierce rays of the sun.

↩
A.D. 1567-68.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, vol. i, pp. 596—598.

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A city of ‘Irāq-i-Ajam.

↩
The followers of Maḥmūd of Basākhwān, a village in Gīlān. The sect was also styled Maḥmūdiyyah, Wāḥidiyyah, Nuqṭawiyyah, or Umanā. Maḥ-mūd styled himself Shakhs-i-Wāhid, or “the individual,” and professed to be the Imām Mahdī, whose appearance on earth ushers in the end of the world. He lived in A.H. 800 (A D. 1397-98) in the days of the Amīr Taimūr, and had many followers in Persia, but the sect was there extinguished by Shāh ‘Abbās I.

Maḥmūd pressed into his service a verse of the Qur'ān, Sur. xvii, 81.

◌
‘Peradventure thy Lord will raise thee to an honourable station.’

He maintained that the human body had, since its creation, been advancing in purity, and that, on its reaching a higher degree of perfection, ‘Maḥmūd’ would arise, as indicated in the passage from the Qur'ān, and with his appearance the dispensation of Muḥammad would come to an end. He taught the transmigration of souls, and said that the beginning of everything was the nuqṭah-i-khāk, or ‘earth atom’ from which the vegetables, and from these the animals, arose. The term nuqṭah-i-khāk gave rise to the name Nuqṭawī. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, pp. 177, 452, 453. and Badāonī, text, vol. ii, pp. 245—248.

↩
That is to say singly, and not in words, as afterwards appears.

↩
◌ a word coined by Badāonī, who forms an Arabic verbal noun from the Persian word ◌. He also uses this word in vol. ii, p. 247.

↩
The numerical values of the letters in the two words are—

400 + 300 + 2 + 10 + 5 + 10 = 727; and
400 + 7 + 200 + 10 + 100 + 10 = 727.

↩
Possibly a reference to the game of kaca-bāzī, in which one player has to guess in which of the other's hands a ring is hidden.

↩
One word is unintelligible in the text. The word is given as ◌ with a variant ◌.

↩
The text seems to be corrupt. I have transliterated the letters and words appearing in the text and in MSS. (A) and (B). Mr. Blochmann (trans. Āīn-i-Ākbarī, i. 547 n.) makes the letters read “Mīr ‘Alī Akbar Tashbīhī, the Amīnī, the last, the representative,” and his reading appears to be a good one, though it is not that of the text.

↩
Otherwise known as Mullā Taqiyā. In the Ṭabaqāt-i-Ākbarī he is styled Ṭaqī Muḥammad. He is represented as a disciple of Akbar's “Divine Faith.” Vide Āīn-i-Ākbarī trans. Blochmann, i. 518.

↩
He was born at Herāt and belonged to the Arlāt clan. According to the Akbarnāma (i. 379) Maulānā Ṯānī, ‘who is now called ṯānī Khān,’ was in the service of Mīrzā Hindāl; but after the Mīrzā's death (Nov. 20, 1551) he was received by Humāyūn into his service. He served in the wars with Khān Zamān. Vide Āīn-i-Ākbarī, trans. Blochmann, i. 476. According to the Ṭabaqāt-i-Ākbarī Ṯānī Khān was a low fellow who was originally a qalandar and eventually rose to be an amīr.

↩
Scil. in his separation from Joseph. Majnūn, Farhād and Vāmiq were famous|lovers.

↩
See the note on page—.

↩
“A person.” The numerical values of the letters are 300 + 600 + 90 = 990.

↩
A.D. 1582.

↩
Āl kāfiyyat fī-n-naḥw (liber sufficiens) by Shaikh Jamāl-ud-dīn Abī ‘Umar ‘Uthmān bin ‘Umr, commonly known as Ibn-ul-Ḥājīb. A famous work on Arabic Grammar, a full account of which, and its various commentaries, is given in Ḥājī Khalīfah, 9707. The author died in A.H. 646= A.D. 1248-49. Vide Badāonī, vol. i. trans. Ranking, pp. 428 and 465 and notes.

↩
Sic, but a hemistich only is quoted.

↩
Ṯanā'ī was the son of Ghiyāṯ-ud-dīn Muḥammad of Mashhad. The author of the Ātashkada-i-Āẕar says of his poems, “either no one understands the meaning of his verses, or his verses have no meaning.” This criticism appears to be just. Ṯanā'ī, having offended Shāh Ismā'īl Ṣafavī II by presenting to him an ode on his accession which contained no mention of his name, fled to India and was well received at court. He died at Lāhor in A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591-92), Abū-l-Faiẓ Faiẓī, Akbar's poet-laureate, and brother of Abū-l-Faẓl, was Ṯanā'ī's pupil. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī i. trans. Blochmann, p. 549, n. 6, and p. 563.

↩
◌ MS. (A) has ◌, a meaningless word which has apparently helped to puzzle the editor of the text.

↩
Mr. Blochmann (Āīn-i-Akbarī trans. i. 564) says of this passage, ‘This verse is unintelligible to me.’ I have translated it as it stands, but it seems to have no meaning.

↩
The meaning of these verses is obscure.

↩
The author has, unfortunately, not said to whom these descriptive verses apply.

↩
Literally ‘come.’ See the author's criticism below.

↩
The reference is to Exodus iv, 6, 7, and to the Qur'ān, Sūrah xxvii 12.
◌

“Moreover, put thy hand into thy bosom; it shall come forth white without hurt: this shall be one among the nine signs unto Pharaoh and his people.”

↩
The text and MS. (B) have ◌, i.e. “inquire not,” “have no anxiety for.” MS. (A) has ◌, “fear not.”

↩
◌. The word is in neither MS., but has been correctly supplied in the text.

↩
This is a literal translation of the couplet, to which the criticism in the Ātashkada-i-Āẕar applies. The “crown of dust” is probably a reference to the sunbeam.

↩
i.e., “either bring down their houses or raise their spirit.”

↩
Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī of Tabrīz, whose poetical name was Judā'ī, was more famous as a painter than as a poet. He is mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 107), as the first of the court painters. Of him Abū-l-Faẓl says, “Among the forerunners on the high road of art I may mention first Mīr Sayyid ‘Alī of Tabrīz. He learned the art from his father. From the time of his introduction at court the ray of royal favour has shone upon him. He has made himself famous in his art and has met with much success.”

↩
Judā'ī's father was Mīr Manṣūr, and Judā'ī himself had the title of Nādir-ul-Mulk. Badāonī does not mention the accusation of theft which has been brought against the poet. He is said to have stolen the poems of Mīr Ashkī of Qum (vide supra no. XI). The number of his verses exceeded 10,000, and when on his death-bed he handed them over to Judā'ī to arrange. Judā'ī is said to have published in his own name whatever he thought good and to have thrown the remainder into water. Mullā Ṭarīqī of Sāva (vide infra no. LXXIX) has written an epigram on this subject:— ◌

“Thou hast slain the disappointed Ashkī, my mind is lost in wonderment at the concealment of thy crime. With thee remained four dīvāns of his and what remains of thy poems is his.” Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans., Bloch-mann, i, 598, n. 3.

↩
Twelve, according to the Āīn-ī-Akbarī. (Trans. Blochmann, i, 108).

↩
The Ātāshkada-ī-Āẕarī and Taqī's Taẕkirah mention another Judā'ī, of Sāva.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 480, 596.

↩
Abū-l-Faẓl says that Shāh Qulī was a Kurd from near Baghdād. He was an old servant of Humāyūn. In the first year of Akbar's reign he served under Khiẓr Khān in the Panjāb. He was much attached to Bairām. In the eleventh year he was sent to Gaṛha when Mahdī Qāsim Khān had, without permission, left that province for Makkah. In the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī he is described as a commander of 1,000. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 480.

↩
The text has, incorrectly, ◌. Both MSS. have ◌ which is correct.

↩
In the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 596) this quatrain is ascribed to Jaẕbī himself.

↩
In October, 1574. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 179—184.

↩
Vide p. 288 and note (2). Contemporary poets seem to have been as much puzzled over this verse as I am.

↩
◌ usually signifies “deceit” or “flattery,” but it is clear, from what follows, that the author is referring to a man so named, or nicknamed.

↩
I do not understand this epithet. Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā was the king of Khurāsan, of the house of Tīmūr.

↩
◌. The text wrongly omits the word ◌, which appears in both MSS.

↩
◌ “who or what turns, changes, or reverses.”

↩
Vide pp. 6—10.

↩
Or, perhaps, in a good sense, “comic” or “humorous.”

↩
This couplet, and that which precedes it, raise a doubt as to what the author meant by attributing ◌ to the poet. One of the couplets is witty and the other is ridiculous.

↩
This is the opening couplet of a qaṣīdah by Ṭanṭarānī.

↩
Probably the Sawāṭi‘-ul-ilhām (‘rays of inspiration’). As Faiẓī has been careful, in this book, to use no words containing a dotted letter the work is probably more of interest as a feat of intellectual gymnastics than of value as a theological treatise. Vide Āīn-ī-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 549.

↩
The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī contains the following notice of Cishtī:— “Shaikh Cishtī of Dihlī, whose name was Ḥasan (probably a misreading for Ḥusain) was one of the disciples of Shaikh Salīm Cishtī. He used to wear the garb of a Ṣūfī and passed his days in religious ecstasy.

↩
Vide pp. 18—27. The text has “Shaikh Islām,” but “Salīm” is correct.

↩
Amīr ‘Alī Shīr was the vaẕīr of Sulṭān Ḥusain Mīrzā, king of Khurāsān, of the house of Tīmūr (A.D. 1470—1505) and was the patron of the poet Jāmī. I have not seen a copy of his book, or of Cishtī's, but from the way in which the author speaks of them they were probably books on Ṣūfī-sim.

↩
Qais, usually known by his epithet of Majnūn, “the distracted by love,” was the lover of Lailā.

↩
This poet is not mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī nor in the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī .

↩
Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad Ataga (‘foster-father’) Khān was the foster-father of Akbar and was a commander of five thousand. He was murdered by Adham Khān, May 16, 1562. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 321.

↩
Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka, Khān-i-A‘ẓam, was the son of Ataga Khān and a commander of five thousand. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 325—328.

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Literally “that musky chain.” The reference is to the chain hung in the court of an oriental sovereign which petitioners for justice could shake and thus arouse the king and bring their grievances to his notice.

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◌, as in both MSS. The text has ◌ “paradise” which does not suit the meaning of the verse. The reference is to the down on the cheek of the beloved.

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Ja‘far Beg was Mīrzā Qivām-ud-dīn, son of Badī‘-uz-Zamān of Qazvīn, who had been vazīr of Kāshān during the reign of Shāh Ṭahmāsp and had presented his son at the Persian Court. He came to India in 1577 and was presented to Akbar by his uncle, Mīrzā Ghiyāṯ-ud-dīn ‘Alī Āṣaf Khān. After his uncle's death he was appointed commander of two thousand, and received the title of Āṣaf Khān. He was appointed successively Thānadār of Sawād (Swāt), governor of Kashmīr, dīvān-i-kul, Ṣūbadār of Bihār and commander of three thousand. On Jahāngīr's accession he was appointed atālīq to Sulṭān Parvīz and, later, Vakīl and commander of five thousand. He accompanied Parvīz to the Dakan as his atālīq and died there in A.H. 1021 (A D. 1612) at the age of 63. He was a man of great genius, an able financier, a good accountant, a great horticulturist, and one of the best poets of his time. He was a free-thinker, and was one of the members of Akbar's “divine faith.” Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 209, 411— 413 et passim, Tūzuk-i-Jahangīrī, 108, 109 et passim, and the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī .

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Lit. “He fights and quarrels even with his spirit.”

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Then equivalent to £120.

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The passage in brackets is not in the text, but has been supplied from the MSS.

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In the Ṭabaqāt-ī-Akbarī it is said that Ḥaidarī came three times from ‘Īrāq to India and, having profited much by the generosity of Akbar's Court, finally returned to ‘Irāq. The following is the substance of Mr. Blochmann's note regarding him, on p. 603, of his translation of vol. i, of the Āīn-i-Akbarī:—

Ḥaidarī was three times in India. The first time he came he was young, and found a patron in Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nishāpūr. His company was more agreeable than his poems. The Maṯnavī which he wrote in imitation of Ṣa‘dī's Būstān is insipid, and remained unknown. Though he made money in India he wrote a satirical quatrain on the country, the purport of which is that in a country in which two men can feast for a rupee the worth of the men is not difficult to guess. On his second return to India he found a patron in Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka, Khān-i-A‘ẓam, who gave him two thousand rupees for an ode. Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad, Ataga Khān, introduced him at Court. For an ode on the elephant Akbar presented him with two thousand rupees and a horse. The third time he came to India he attached himself to Mīrzā ‘Abdur-Raḥīm, Khānkhānān, whom he accompanied on his expedition to Gujarāt, and received liberal presents for an ode on the victory of Sarkic. He returned to Kāshān, the governor of which town, Agha Khiẓr Nahāvandī, befriended him. As Tabrīz had just been destroyed by the Turks of Rūm he settled in ‘Irāq, at a place called in the MSS. ◌ which for its excellent climate and fruits had no equal in ‘Irāq or Khurāsān. At about that time Shāh ‘Abbās came to that place on a hawking expedition and, having been treated with discourtesy by a darvīsh, ordered a general massacre of the inhabitants, which was happily prevented by Ḥaidarī's influence. Ḥaidarī died at this place, beloved by all, in A H. 1002 (A.D. 1593-94). His son Sāmirī came to India after his father's death, and was made by the Khānkhānān Mīr Sāmān of his household. He was also a good officer, and was killed during the wars in the Dakan, when with Shāhnavāz Khān, the son of his patron.

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◌ I have translated literally.

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From the note on the preceding page it would seem that Ḥaidarī at last received his reward.

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This is a play upon words. The word ◌ here used, means also “sun.”

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Thus described in the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī:—“Mīr Ḥuznī was one of the learned men of his time. He was travelling from ‘Irāq to pay his respects to the emperor, when he died.” In the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 565) he is thus described, “He was an inquiring man of a philosophical turn of mind, and well acquainted with ancient poetry and chronology. He was free and easy and good hearted. Friendliness was stamped on his forehead. He is said to have been born in Junābud, and to have been a merchant. He was the pupil of Qāsim-i-Kāhī. (See no. II.)

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◌. The line as it stands does not scan. We should probably read ◌ for ◌

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Thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 574). “A stream from the ocean of thought passes by his house; correctness and equity are visible on his forehead. Serenity and truth are in him united; he is free from the bad qualities of poets.” He is said to have been born at Rasht in Gīlān and to have belonged to the common people of that place. To better his circumstances he went to India, was introduced by Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ Gīlānī (see c. iii, no. VIII) at court, got a jāgīr, and was liked by Akbar. He joined the Khānkhānān in the wars in the Dakan and lived chiefly at Burhānpūr, where he built a villa and a masjid called after him. He was alive in A.D. 1615.

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◌ the sacred thread worn by Hindūs of the higher castes and by fire-worshippers.

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The author of the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, in which work Ḥayā'ī is not mentioned.

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Ḥālatī is thus briefly described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 595), “His name is Yādgār. He is a selfish man.” In the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī he is described as a soldier by profession.

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The fifth son of Pīr Muḥammad Mīrzā, grandson of Amīr Tīmūr.

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This is the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī by Mīrzā Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad.

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Cf. Tennyson's “The Miller's Daughter.”

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The thirty days' fast of Ramaẓān, which comes to an end on the appearance of the new moon of Shawwāl, which ushers in the ‘Id-ul-Fiṭr.

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Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad Khān entered the service of Kāmrān Mīrzā as a common soldier. For the service rendered in saving his life Humāyūn attached him to his service and subsequently, at Amarkoṭ, appointed his wife wet-nurse (anaga) to the child Akbar, conferring on her the title of Jī Jī anaga. Shams-ud-dīn remained with the young prince while Humāyūn was in Persia, and received, after the emperor's restoration, the title of Ataga (‘foster-father’) Khān. After Akbar's accession Ataga Khān was sent to Kābul to bring to India the empress-mother and the other Begams.

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A village on the banks of the Ganges, where Humāyūn was defeated by Shēr Shāh. Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, pp. 459 and n. 4 and 462 and n. 3. Badāonī is, however, mistaken here in saying that Ataga Khān's service was rendered at the battle of Jausā. Humāyūn was saved after that battle by a water-carrier named, according to Firishta, Niẓām, who is said by the same authority to have been allowed, as a reward, to occupy the throne for half a day. Ataga Khān saved Humāyūn after the battle of Qanauj. “The King rode off with the intention of going to the high ground. This action of his in itself afforded an excuse to his men to flee, and a serious defeat ensued. Moreover, the king, while crossing the river Ganges, became separated from his horse, and, by the help of Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad of Ghaznī (who eventually became the foster-father of the prince's most excellent majesty, and was honoured in Hindūstān with the title of A‘ẓam Khān), escaped from the water and returned to Āgra.” Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p. 464. Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad, in the Ṭabaqāt says, “He had the title of Khān-i-A‘ẓam, and was the foster father of his majesty. He attained to the grade of an Amīr and Vakīl of the empire and tasted the cup of martyrdom at the hands of Adham Khān.” (May 16 1562.)

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That is to say, deceased.

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◌ MS. (B) has ◌ and if this reading be accepted the translation will be, “his sun nearly disappeared,” etc.

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◌ an obvious reference to ◌ ‘the pupil of the eye.’

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MS. (A) styles him, wrongly, Muḥammad Yūsuf Khān. He was the eldest son of Ataga Khān and distinguished himself, when twelve years old, in the fight with Bairām Khān, and was made a Khān. When his father had been killed by Adham Khān Akbar took care of him and his younger brother, ‘Azīz Kūka. He distinguished himself during the several rebellions of the Khān Zamān. He died, of excessive drinking, in 1565-66, at the age of eighteen.

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Thus described in the Tabaqāt-i-Akbarī:—“He is one of the old Caghatāī amīrs of this dynasty. He was an accomplished man and excelled specially in music. He had poetic genius and wrote a well-known maṯnavī on dancing girls.

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A noble of Humāyūn's court, who was faithless to his master but was forgiven after Humāyūn's return from Persia. During the conquest of India Tardī Beg Khān distinguished himself and received Mewāt in jāgīr. On Humāyūn's death he read the khuṭbah in Akbar's name and sent the crown jewels to him in the Panjāb. He was appointed by Akbar a commander of five thousand and governor of Dihlī. On Hemū's approach he evacuated Dihlī after some unsuccessful fighting and on this account was put to death by Bairām Khān in 1556.

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◌. The modes are Bhairav, Mālav, Sārang, Hinḍol, Vasant, Dīpak, and Megh.

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◌ A fabulous bird, supposed to fly constantly in the air without touching the ground, and looked upon as a bird of happy omen, prognosticating a crown to every one whom it overshadows.

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◌ ‘Zaid’ or ‘Amr,’ proper names used by way of generalization.

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‘Alī Qulī Khān received the title of Khānzamān after defeating and capturing Hemū at Pānīpat. Bahādur was his younger brother. The Khān-i-Zamān rendered most important services by clearing the eastern districts of Afghāns, and amassed great wealth from his spoils. He was constantly in rebellion. He first fell into disgrace owing to a scandalous affair with Shāham Beg, who had been page to Huṁāyūn, and was deprived of his maḥalls. He then rebelled, and having defeated the Afghāns under Shēr Khān, the son of ‘Adlī, in Jaunpūr, retained the spoil for himself. At the end of the sixth year of his reign Akbar moved against him in person, but the Khānzamān submitted, and was pardoned, and his maḥalls in Jaunpūr were restored to him. In the tenth year he again rebelled, but was induced by Mun‘im Khān to submit. Late in the year 1566, when Akbar marched against Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, the Khānzamān rebelled again, read the Khuṭbah at Jaunpūr in the name of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, and marched against Qannauj.’ In 1567 Akbar resolved no longer to pardon the Khānzamān, left the Panjāb, returned to Āgra, and marched thence against the rebel. The Khānzamān fled from Qannauj to Mānikpur where his brother Bahādur was. The rebels were finally defeated by Akbar at Fatḥpūr about 10 or 12 miles S.E. of Kaṛa, on the Ganges, on June 9, 1567. Bahādur was captured and executed and the Khānzamān was decapitated by a soldier, his head being brought to Akbar. It was probably after this battle that Khanjar Beg fled to Bengal.

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Called in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 591) Khusravī of Qāīn, a town between Yazd and Hirāt. Dāghistānī calls him Sayyid Amīr Khusravī and says that he excelled in music. According to the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī he was sister's son to Mīrzā Qāsim of Ruknābād (probably a misreading) and entered the emperor's service, in which he was honoured by the imperial bounty.

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Otherwise Junābud and Gūnābād.

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Sulṭan Salīm, afterwards the emperor Jahāngīr.

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i.e. “Since Islām will have none of me hand me over to the Christians or the Zoroastrians.”

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Called in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 103), where he is mentioned only as a calligraphist, Maulānā Daurī. In the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī he is thus described, “Mīr Daurī, a calligraphist to whom the emperor gave the title of Kātib-ul-Mulk. He is the author of a dīvān.” He was born at Hirāt.

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Cf. ‘Ae fond Kīss’ by Burns.

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The Aḥadīs were a corps of picked men corresponding to the ‘Gentlemen of the Lifeguards' in the days of Charles II and James VII. Most of the clerks in the imperial offices and the foremen in Akbar's workshops belonged to this corps. According to Abū-l-Faẓl they were called Aḥadīs because they were fit ‘for a harmonious unity,’ whatever meaning was attached by Akbar's phrase-maker to that cryptic utterance. They provided their own horses and were thus what we call silaḥdārs, and men were frequently selected for command from this corps d'élite. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, passim. Akbar was so prejudiced against the Arabic language, as being the sacred tongue of Islām, that he condescended to tamper with the spelling of words, excluding letters that were peculiar to Arabic. ◌ thus became ◌ in official records.

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In north-western Afghānistān.

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The author of the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī and intimate friend of the author. Badāonī (vol. ii, text 397) says, “He passed away from this faithless world at the age of 45 of a hectic fever, and carried nothing with him but a good name. Many of his friends and companions who had had experience of his courtesy, entertained great hopes of him, but none more than this worthless one, closely bound to him by a community of faith and friendship, entirely disinterested so far as worldly matters were concerned. We shed tears of grief and beat our breasts with the stone of despair, but saw at length no remedy but patience and resignation which are the quality of the holy and the practice of the pious. Regarding this calamity as the greatest of misfortunes and disasters, I took it greatly to heart, and henceforth let my heart go out no more in friendship to any person, resigning myself to the corner of obscurity.”

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The sum of the letters is:—600 + 6 + 1 + 3 + 5 + 1 + 2 + 200 + 1 + 5 + 10 + 40 + 8 + 60 + 10 + 50 = 997 (A D. 1589).

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In the Āīn-i-Akbarī (trans. Blochmann, i, 608) Dakhlī ‘of Iṣfahān’ is thus described, “He is a man without selfishness and of a reserved character. Though he says but little he is a man of worth.” Mr. Blochmann discovered the following facts about Dakhlī. His name was Malik Aḥmad, and he was the son of Malik-ul-Mulūk Maqṣūd ‘Alī, proprietor of Verkopāī, twelve farsakhs from Iṣfahān. His mother's father was the great Shaikh Abū-l-Qāsim, who had such influence with Ṭahmāsp that several legacies in Persia belonging to Makkah were transferred to him, and of other foundations he was appointed Mutawallī. He thus grew rich, and obtained so great a following that people persuaded Ṭahmāsp that he was bent on rebellion or heresy. He was therefore blinded, and afterwards lived a retired life. He addressed to Ṭahmāsp a poem which procured him a pension. In his retirement Dakhlī was employed to arrange his poems and thus acquired a taste for poetry, and received from his grandfather the takhaluṣ of Dakhlī. After attending on his maternal uncle for some time Dakhlī went to Isfahān, where he acquired some reputation as a poet. He came to India in A.D. 1589 and was for five years in Akbar's service. In 1594-95 he went to the Dakan and found a patron in the Khān Khānān, in whose service he was in 1616. He was a good soldier.

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Vide p. 317, n. 1.

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Vide no. LXII.

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Worn by the Aḥadīs.

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Dānihī is not mentioned in the Āīn-i-Akbarī nor in the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī.

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Or Nīshābūr, the well-known town in Khurāsān.

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i.e., that he might recite no more poetry.

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Vide no. XV.

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Vide c. iii, no. IV.

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A renowned logician, known as Muḥaqqiq-i-Davvānī.

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Mr. Blochmann in note 3 on p. 593 of his translation of the Āīn-i-Akbarī says, “His full name, according to Taqī-i-Auḥadī is Amīr Rafī‘-ud-dīn Ḥaidar. He was a Ṭabāṭabā Sayyid of Kāshān. The Ma'āṯīr-i-Raḥīmī states that he left Persia in 999 (A.D. 1590-91) on account of some wrong which he had suffered from the King of Persia, went from Gujarāt in company with Khẉāja Ḥabībullāh to Lāhor, and was well received by Akbar.” After a stay of a few years in India he returned to his country and in the shipwreck mentioned below lost property to the value of two lakhs of rupees. Rafī‘ī was saved and returned to India, where his losses created much sympathy, and he received, at Akbar's wish, valuable presents from the Amīrs. After some time he again returned to his country, his two sojourns in India having lasted about eight lunar years. He went to Makkah and Madīnah, where he stayed four years. In A.D. 1604 he returned to Kāshān, found favour with Shāh ‘Abbās, and received some rent-free lands in his native town. According to the Ātashkada-i-Āẕarī he died in A.H. 1032 (A.D. 1622-23). He had a son, Mīr Hāsham-i-Sanjar, mentioned as a poet in the Āīn (trans. i, 595).

Rafī‘ī is thus described in the Āīn, “His name is Ḥaidar. He is well acquainted with the art of poetry, and is distinguished as a writer of riddles and chronograms.” The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī contains the following notice of him, “Mīr Ḥaidar, the writer of enigmas, had the poetical name of Rafī‘ī. His understanding is excellent and he has correct taste, and is unrivalled in the art of composing enigmas and chronograms. He spent his time in the emperor's service.”

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One of Rafī‘ī's feats in this way was the discovery that the numerical values of the letters of the Sūrat-ul-Ikhlāṣ, the 112th chapter of the Qur'āṇ, gave the date of the completion of Faiẓī's Sawāṭi‘-ul-Ilhām, the commentary on the Qur'ān composed entirely of letters without dots. The chapter, which is also called Sūrat-ut-Tauḥīd, runs as follows:—

◌ and the sum of the letters gives the date A.H. 972 (= A.D. 1564-65). Mr. Blochmann in note 2 on p. 549 of his translation of vol. i of the Āīn-i-Akbarī makes the date A.H. 1002 (= A.D. 1593-94) but this is an error. For this fortunate discovery Rafī‘ī received 10,000 rupees from Faiẓī.

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Badāonī's geography is here at fault. Rafī‘ī could not have reached Hurmuz (Ormuz) which is an Island in the Persian Gulf opposite to Gombroon or Bandar-i-‘Abbās, until he had passed beyond the coast of Makrān. Kīj is an inland town of Makrān.

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That is to say the commentary composed of undotted letters. See note (1) above.

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This quatrain has not been quoted, and is not mentioned either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

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Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 592, and note 1. It is there said of Rahāī that “he pretended to be a Ṣūfī.” His name was Maulānā Sa‘d-ud-dīn of Khavāf or Khāf.

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Zain-ud-dīn Khāfī or Khavāfī, from whom Rahā'ī traced his descent, was a famous saint who died in the beginning of Shawwāl, A.H. 838 (May A.D. 1435). He was buried first at Mālīn (or Bālīn), then at Darvīshābād, then at Hirāt. His biography is given in Jāmī's Nafhāt-ul-Uns, and he is not to be confounded with the saint Zain-ud-dīn Tāibādī.

Khāf or Khavāf is a district and town in Khurāsān, which belonged to the revenue district of Nīshābūr, and was famous for the kings, ministers, and learned men which it produced. The town was also famous for the fact that its inhabitants were bigoted Sunnīs, and were persecuted by Shāh ‘Abbās of Persia. Its inhabitants are now Shī‘ahs. The number of Khavāfīs in the service of the Mughal emperors was considerable. The one whose name is best known is Muḥammad Hāsham, known as Khāfī or Khavāfī Khān, author of the Muntakhab-ul-Lubāb, a valuable historical work in three volumes.

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It is difficult in translation to preserve the pun on ◌ (‘humanity,’ ‘urbanity’) and ◌ (‘a human being’).

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Raughanī is not mentioned in the Āīn. In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, “He was for many years in the emperor's service. He had a bitter tongue as a lampooner.”

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Vide supra no. XI.

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Or, ‘my desire’ if the variant ◌ be accepted.

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When Akbar was marching to the conquest of Gujarāt, which was annexed to the empire at the end of 1572. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 139— 149.

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Mount Ābū in Rājputāna, now a well-known sanatorium.

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Vide supra, p. 251.

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The numerical values of the letters, added together, give 981, or one year in excess of the correct date.

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Zain Khān was the son of Khẉāja Maqṣūd ‘Alī, a servant of Akbar's mother and Pīca Jān Anaga, one of Akbar's nurses. As he was thus Akbar's foster-brother, he was called Kūka. The daughter of Khẉāja Ḥasan (Zain Khān's paternal uncle) married Sulṭān Salīm (Jahāngīr) and was the mother of Sulṭān Parvīz. In A.D. 1595-96 Sulṭān Salīm married Zain Khān's daughter. Zain Khān was employed against the Afghāns in the campaign in which Bīr Bar fell. In 1586 he operated successfully against the Mahmands and Ghorīs near Peshāwar, and in 1587 was appointed governor of Zābulistān. In 1588 he moved against the Yūsufzais, and, after eight months' fighting, subdued them. In 1589 he was employed against rebellious Zamīndārs in the Himālayas, and subdued them. In 1590 he was made a commander of four thousand and in 1595-96 a commander of five thousand. He died in 1601-02, partly from excessive drinking. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī trans. Blochmann, i, 344. In the Ṭabaqāt he is given a title, apparently a takhalluṣ, which I cannot understand. It reads Al-Fatḥābā . The text of the Lakhnau edition of the Ṭabaqāt is very corrupt.

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I have not been able to find the village ‘Saplak’ and therefore cannot be sure that the vowels in this are correct. MSS. (A) and (B) read ◌ ‘Sapkalī’ or Sipkalī, and this reading agrees better than that in the text with the Indian nickname given to the poet. Vide infra.

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◌ I cannot discover this word, but its meaning is clear. Kasr is the short vowel i, but Badāonī is wrong in attaching it to the bā or pā. He should have attached it to the sīn. The vulgar apparently called the poet either Sipkalī or Siplakī. ◌ (Chipkalī) is the Hindūstānī word for the common house-lizard, which lives on flies and insects. ◌ (Siplak) is a Dakanī corruption of the same word.

↩
Vide no. II.

↩
Vide p. 7 and note 1.

↩
Vide he next biography.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī trans. Blochmann, i, 540. According to the Āīn he was learned in philosophy and theology. He came from Lāristān, and is hence called Lārī. He was the son of Maulānā Kamāl-ud-dīn Ḥusain, and studied under Maulānā Jalāl Dawwānī Shāfī‘ī. He was for some time Akbar's teacher. Once at a darbār he placed himself before the Khāni-A‘ẓam, when the Mīr Tūzak told him to go back. “Why should not a learned man stand in front of fools,” said he, and left the hall, and never came again. He got 4000 bīghas as suyurghāl in Sambhal, where he died.

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The celebrated Persian poet, who died in A.D. 1493-94.

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The great Hindu empire of the Carnatic. The four Kings were ‘Ali ‘Ādil Shāh I of Bījāpūr, Ḥusain Niẓām Shāh I of Aḥmadnagar, Ibrāhīm Quṭb Shāh of Gulkanda, and ‘Alī Barīd Shāh of Bīdar. The allied armies of these kings met Sadāshivarāya, Rājā of Vijayanagar, and his brothers Timma and Venkatādri, on the field of Talikota on January 23, 1565, and, in one of the most decisive battles ever fought in India, utterly overthrew the Hindu empire of the south which had for two centuries withstood the attacks of the independent Muḥammadan Kings of the Dakan, first the Bahmanīs and afterwards the lesser dynasties of Bījāpūr, Gulkanda, Aḥmadnagar, Bīdar, and Berār. Vide ‘Historic Landmarks of the Deccan,’ by Major T. W. Haig, pp. 129—132. Badāonī, like all Muḥammadan writers, styles Vijayanagar ‘Bījānagar.’

↩
Vide p. 239, no. I.

↩
A twig of a tree used as a substitute for a tooth-brush. It is about a span long, split at one end and chewed to render it softer. The twig is used only once and is then thrown away. The European manner of using one tooth-brush repeatedly until it is worn out is regarded with disgust in the east.

↩
Vide p. 182, n. 2, where a brief account of the career of ‘Alī Qulī Khān, Khānzamān, is given. He rendered most important services in the early years of Akbar's reign and Mr. Blochmann justly says, “Next to Bairām the restoration of the Mughal dynasty may be justly ascribed to him.” The disaffection displayed by him in his later days may perhaps be ascribed to mental derangement. His infatuation for Shāham Beg and its consequences seem to have been the beginning of this derangement, and his successes in the field seem to have converted it into what may be called megalomania.

↩
Jaunpūr.

↩
The guardian of the water of life.

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◌ ‘the magian boy,’ a favourite simile for a handsome cupbearer.

↩
◌. The reference is to the Qur'ān, Sūrah vii, 168. ◌

“And when thy Lord drew forth their posterity from the loins of the sons of Adam, and took them to witness against themselves, saying, ‘Am I not your Lord?’ They answered, ‘Yea: we do bear witness.’” The commentators tell us that God stroked Adam's back, and extracted from his loins his whole posterity, which should come into the world until the resurrection, one generation after another; that those men were actually assembled all together in the shape of small ants, which were endued with understanding; and that after they had, in the presence of the angels, confessed their dependence on God, they were again caused to return into the loins of their great ancestor.

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Muḥammad Sa‘īd Shaibānī, Bahādur Khān, younger brother of ‘Alī Qulī Khān, Khānzamān. After Humāyūn's return from Persia he planned a rebellion, which failed. He was pardoned by Akbar and received Multān as jāgīr. He assisted in the conquest of Mālwa, and was subsequently governor of Iṭāwa. He took an active part in the several rebellions of his elder brother. After his capture Shāhbāz Khān Kambū killed him by Akbar's order.

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The text here has, wrongly, ◌ (‘opening couplet’). The whole ode is quoted. The MSS. wrongly divide the couplets of the ode, as though they were isolated couplets from odes.

↩
It is not easy to decide here whether Badāonī is serious or ironical in his quotation of the proverb. It is evident that he had some admiration for the Khānzamān, as he has blamed Sulṭān of Saplak for not acceding to the Khānzamān's most unreasonable request. On the other hand Bahādur Khān's ode appears to refer to Shāham Beg,—‘my King’ as the Khānzamān used to call him,—and it is possible that the proverb is a sly reference to the title given by the Khānzamān to Shāham Beg in his infatuation. Badāonī repented of his own serious lapse from morality, and became one of the ‘unco'guid,’ and it is, perhaps, in virtuous indignation that he says that he has had enough of the poetry of “these two” scil, the Khānzamān and his brother.

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Sairī is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

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A judge, civil, criminal and ecclesiastic.

↩
He is not mentioned in the Ṭabaqāt. Mr Blochmann says (trans. Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 424) that his takhalluṣ was Shahrī. This is a mistake, as the third couplet given below shows.

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Khẉāja Amīn-ud-dīn Maḥmūd of Hirāt, Khẉāja Jahān, an excellent accountant and a distinguished calligraphist. He accompanied Humāyūn in his flight to Persia and, on Humāyūn's return, was made bakhshī to Akbar. He received his title, and the rank of commander of one thousand, on Akbar's accession. He was accused of want of loyalty during the rebellion of the Khānzamān, and was dismissed to Makkah. On his return he was pardoned He died near Lakhnau in Nov. 1574 from the result of an accident which occurred to him when he was convalescent from sickness.

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◌ as in MS. (A). The text has ◌ which does not make sense. This couplet and the one preceding it are transposed in both MSS.

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◌ ‘a round of the wine-cup.’

↩
He is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt. MSS. (A) and (B) give his takhalluṣ as Siyāqī.

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Khānkhānān. Tutor to Akbar and regent of the empire during his miuority. He was a Shī‘ah.

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The eighth imām of the Shī‘ahs, whose shrine is at Mashhad.

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Sahmī is not mentioned in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

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Khān-i-A‘ẓam, son of Ataga Khān and Jī Jī Anaga, and foster-brother of Akbar.

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Or, ‘of Rai.’

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Muḥammad Ḥusain of Khurāsān. He was for some time Mīr Bakhshī and Mīr ‘Arẓ but was dismissed. One day he came drunk to court and challenged the courtiers to fight him. Akbar punished him by tying him to the tail of a horse and imprisoned him. He was subsequently released and attached to the Mun‘im Khān's corps in Bengal In the battle of Takaroī (March 3, 1575) he was severely wounded. His wounds began to heal but he did not take sufficient care of his health and died, a few days after the battle in Uṛīsa. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 407.

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Wherever Shī‘ahs are in the minority they practise, if necessary, taqiyyah, (◌ ‘fear,’ ‘caution,’ or ‘pious subterfuge’), i.e. they act as though they were Sunnīs. A Shī‘ah may even vilify his own sect, if his personal safety require it. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 338, n. 2. Badāonī relates with evident glee this snub administered to a suspected Shī‘ah.

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The text has ‘Ẓarīfī.’ I follow MS. (A) as Qāsim Arsalān was evidently speaking of poets at Akbar's court. Vide infra, no. LXXIX.

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No Farīdūn is mentioned as a poet in the Āīn, or the Ṭabaqāt, or in this work. Qāsim Arsalān may have been referring to Farīdūn Khān, maternal uncle to Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, or more probably to Mīrzā Farīdūn Barlās, a commander of five hundred, son of Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās. Mīrzā Farīdūn Barlās served in Sind and, in A D. 1592-93, accompanied Jānī Beg to court. Under Jahāngīr he was rapidly promoted, and held, in the eighth year, a command of two thousand, when he served under Sulṭān Khurram against Rānā Amar Singh. He died during the expedition. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , trans. Blochmann, i, 342, 478 and Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, 125, 133.

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Not the ode quoted above.

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“A sonnet to his mistress' eyebrow.”

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i.e. the poet himself, who is wasted by love to the similitude of a new moon.

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The Persian metaphor is the same as the English. The double entendre refers to the opening of the mouth in speech.

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This poet's name is not given in the text, nor in the MSS., though the first sentence is so framed as to lead us to expect a mention of his name. I have supplied it from the Āīn-i-Ākbarī. In the Āīn (trans. Blochmann, i, 581, and n. 1) he is thus described, “Darvīsh Bahrām. He is of Turkish extraction, and belongs to the Bayāt tribe. The prophet Khiẓr appeared to him, and a divine light filled him. He renounced the world and became a water-carrier.” The Bayāt tribe is a Turkish tribe scattered over Āẕarbāījān, Irvān, Ṭihrān, Fārs and Nīshābūr. Bahrām is worshipped as a saint. His mausoleum is in Bardwān in Bengal.

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This Ṣūfī-istic term indicates selflessness, or the annihilation of self, the will being entirely delivered over into God's keeping.

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◌. For the technical meaning of the words ◌ and ◌ vide p. 7, n. 4.

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Ceylon. The word used immediately afterwards is ◌ (Sīlān), referring to the same place. The latter word is used in order to pun with ◌ (sail) ‘a flood,’ ‘a torrent.’ The account of Saqqā's obsequies may be accepted with a grain of salt. As Saqqā's tomb is in Bardwān he probably died in Bengal on his way to Ceylon.

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These verses are all mystical. The Beloved, in each case, is God, who is spoken of, after the fashion of the Ṣūfīs, as though He were a human object of love. The couplet beginning “I have broken the foundations” probably means that the poet, having apprehended the esoteric meaning of divine love, has ceased to follow the ceremonial observances of Islām, and has thus rendered himself obnoxious to the formally pious.

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This poet is mentioned neither in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

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The Governor of Qandahār under Mīrzā Kāmrān. The Shāh of Persia captured Qandahār from him.

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◌ ‘blue-ness,’ applicable both to the violet and to the hyacinth. Blue, like black, is the colour of mourning. It may, perhaps, also signify blindness, with reference to the bluish film which forms in cases of cataract

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Muḥammad Sharīf, Sarmadī, was a commander of two hundred. He was sent to Bengal with Sharīf Āmalī in A.D. 1591-92 and in the following year was fighting in Uṛīsā against Rām Candra, Rājā of Khurda. He is said to have died in the Dakan. In the Āīn (i. 607) he is thus described, “His name is Sharīf. He possesses some knowledge, is upright, and zealous in the performance of his duties. His rhyme is excellent. He understands arithmetic.” The Ṭabaqāt has, ‘Sharīf-i-Sarmadī is an Iṣfahānī, and is one of the servants of this court.’ He was apparently a Shī‘ah, for Badāonī (text, ii, 335) thus abuses him, ‘Sharīf Sarmadī,’ the roster-keeper, regarding whom somebody has said:—

“There are two roster-keepers, both of them vile,
One is anything but previous and the other anything but noble.”

The two epithets in the second hemistich refer to the names of the two men, the second referring to Sharīf.

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Thus described in the Āīn (i. 593), ‘He belongs to the Arabians of the Jazā'ir. He has acquired some knowledge.’ ◌ (Al-jazā'ir) ‘the islands’ is the Arabic form of Algiers, but the term here probably refers to the islands of the Persian Gulf.

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Sayyidī is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. The only person of his name previously mentioned in this work is Sayyid Shāh Mīr of Sāmāna. Vide p. 174.

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Garmsīr, a hot, low-lying tract. There are two districts to which the name is given, viz.:—the north-eastern coast of the Persian Gulf, and the valley of the Halmund in Sīstān and south-western Afghānistān. The latter is probably intended.

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“Although thy locks were careless in keeping their secret my heart did not betray it.”

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Shāh Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī was one of Humāyūn's Amīrs and did valuable service on Humāyūn's return from Persia. He was of the family of the Khẉajas of Kāshghar. He is not mentioned among Akbar's Amīrs either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. For an account of his murder of Shīr ‘Alī Beg vide vol. ii (text pp. 9 et seq.) Early in Akbar's reign he was imprisoned in Lāhor but escaped, and, having persuaded Kamāl Khān the Gakkhar to join him in a futile invasion of Kashmīr, escaped to Dīpālpūr. Here he was discovered and was sent to Gujarāt en route to Makkah. In Gujarāt he committed another murder and fled and joined the Khānzamān, who delivered him to Akbar. He was then imprisoned in Biyāna but was released by Bairām Khān when the latter fled from court. He left Bairām and joined Akbar, but having treated the emperor with disrespect, was sent off to Makkah. On his return he rebelled and then fled to Narnaul and thence to Kābul. Here he persuaded Cūcak Begum, mother of Muḥammad Ḥākīm Mīrzā, to give him her daughter in marriage. He next, in the course of an attempt to seize on the supreme power in Kābul, murdered Cūcak Begam. Muḥammad Qāsim Kūhbar, Muḥammad Ḥākīm Mīrzā's vakīl, then fled to Sulaimān Mīrzā in Badakhshān, who marched to attack Shāh ‘Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī. Muḥammad Ḥakīm Mīrzā left Shāh Abū-'l. Ma‘ālī and joined Sulaimān. Sulaimān eventually captured Shāh Abū-'l-Ma‘ālī and sent him to Muḥammad Ḥakīm, by whose orders he was strangled. (May 10, 1563).

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◌ As in the MSS. The text has ◌ which is not so good a reading.

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He is thus described in the Āīn (i, 610). ‘He belongs to a Panjābī family of Shaikhs. Under the patronage of his majesty he has become a good poet.’ He translated the Harībans into Persian. He seems to have been orthodox, according to Badāonī's views (text ii, 208, 209).

↩
Or Khokhowāl, in the Bārī Dūāb.

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I have not been able to obtain any information regarding this tribe.

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Vide c. ii, no. LXX.

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◌ ‘A wick for a lamp,’ ‘a linstock.’ For ◌.

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◌ (shakaviyyāt), lit. ‘complaints,’ scil against fate.

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The first chapter of the Qur'ān, often read as an act of thanksgiving.

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The verse may have two meanings, one, that which is apparent, and the other, that Shīrī was not of sufficiently noble birth to be able to appreciate the qualities that call for such praise as is contained in oriental landatory verse.

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Lit. ‘from Caucasus to Caucasus.’ This last couplet is in both MSS., but has been carelessly omitted from the text.

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A woman celebrated for her beauty, hence ‘a beloved mistress.’

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An idol worshipped by the ‘Arabs before the days of Muḥammad.

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The temple of Makkah.

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The wife of Potiphar, who loved Joseph. For the Muḥammadan version of the story vide Qur'ān xii.

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Farhād was the lover of Shīrīn, Parvīz being her husband.

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A very common variety of the ghazal or qasīdah, the form being a conservation between the poet and his heart, or his beloved.

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i.e. the lover had not subsisted sufficiently long on hope.

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The 92nd chapter of the Qur'ān.

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The gait of an elephant is regarded as peculiarly graceful.

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◌ (dabīr). Having regard to the similes in the preceding hemistich the reference is probably to the planet Mercury, called ◌ (dabīr-i-falak ) ‘the writer of the sky.’

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The only translation with which Shīrī is credited in the Āīn is that of the Haribans. The Mahābhārata was translated under the superintendence of Badāonī and Shīrī was one of his collaborators. Vide Āīn, trans. Bloch-mann, i, 104, 106, Badāonī, text ii, 319.

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Vol. ii, text 350. This was the battle in the course of which Rāja Bīr Bar, in Badāonī's words, “joined the dogs of hell.”

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Not mentioned in the Āīn. In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described: “Mullā Shakībī of Iṣfahān has acquired many accomplishments and has many praiseworthy qualities. He writes elegant verse. He is in the service of the Khānkhānān Mīrzā Khān, son of Muḥammad Bairam Khān.”

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Mīrzā ‘Abdur-Raḥīm, son of Bairam Khān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 334.

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MS. (A) has ◌ ‘were distilled from his significant pen.’

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Literally, ‘pieces.’

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Vide c. iii, no. II, and Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 543, where he is called Ḥakīm Saīf-ul-Mulk, Lang (‘the lame’).

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Vide no. CII.

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The word ◌ (saif) means ‘a sword.’ The title Saif-ul-Mulūk means ‘the sword of kings.’ Saif-ul-Mulk means ‘the sword of the kingdom.’ As has been said, Saif-ul-Mulūk was nicknamed Saif-ul-Ḥukamā, ‘the sword of the physicians.’

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A quatrain in which, after the metre and rhyme of each verse have been completed, an addition is made to it, prolonging the metre and completing the sense. In the example given I have placed a dash between the completed verse and the addition. In the text the words ◌ have been carelessly printed as though they were the heading of the account of a fresh poet.

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Lit. ◌ (dū man) ‘two maunds.’

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I am not sure of the meaning of this line, as the poet uses a word which I believe him to have coined. I believe, however, that my translation is, at least, approximately correct.

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◌ (Khaṭṭ-i-Ghubār). The smallest kind of handwriting, ‘like dust.’

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◌ (ṯulṯ) a large kind of naskhī handwriting used in engrossing.

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Shu‘ūrī is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. Turbat is either Turbat-i-Ḥaidarī or Turbat-i-Shaikh-i-Jām, both in Khurāsān.

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The Messiah. Musalmans attribute the life-giving miracles of our Lord to a miraculous quality in His breath, and this simile is a favourite with poets.

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The verse is susceptible of the translation ‘my favoured rival, etc.’ but the epithet ◌ (mu‘aẓẓam) appears to me to indicate the Deity. The ambiguity is possibly designed.

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‘Thy heart, like her hair, will be fixed on her cheek, and will be heated like a horse-shoe, in the fire of love.’

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Fat is regarded as a beauty in the East.

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The text has, wrongly, ◌ (Ḥalwānī). Both MSS. have the correct reading. In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, “Mullā Ṣādiq Halwā'ī of Samarqand came from Makkah and paid his respects at court. He was for some years in Hindūstān and then went to Kābul, where he was engaged in teaching, and taught Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm. He is now in Samarqand.” Vide also Āīn-i-Akbarī, trans. Blochmann, i, 541, where he is called Maulānā Ṣādiq.

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The text seems to be corrupt here, but meaning is tolerably clear. The word ◌ (silsila) denotes a regular line of saints by spiritual succession, and, hence, a religious order.

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The Ka‘bah at Makkah.

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Madīnah, and other places of pilgrimage in the Ḥijāz.

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Akbar's brother, born A.D. 1554, died A.D. 1585.

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i.e. the reflection of the poet's own figure.

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He is thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbārī (i, 582): “He was born in Kābul. Once he slept in the bedroom of Amīr Khusrav, when the shining figure of an old man with a staff in his hand awoke him and ordered him to compose a poem. As he had no power of doing so, he took the whole for a vision and lay down in another place; but the same figure woke him up, and repeated the order. The first verse that he uttered is the following:—

‘When I am far from thee my tears turn gradually into an ocean.
Come and see, enter the ship of my eye and make a trip on the ocean’”

In the Ṭabaqāt he is called ‘Mullā Ṣabūḥī.’ The only fact there mentioned of him is that he was for a long time about the court. His name does not appear to be known.

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◌ (Ṣabūḥī-i-maikhẉār). The letters give the date 973. The word Ṣabūḥ or Ṣabūḥī means ‘a morning draught.’

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In the Āīn he is thus described, ‘His name is Muḥammad Mīrak. He traces his descent from Niẓām-ul-Mulk of Ṭūs’ (i, 583).

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◌ as in MSS. (A) and (B). The text has ◌, ‘love’ or ‘familiarity,’ which does not make such good sense.

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i.e., as a suitor.

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Khusrav was the husband and Farhād the lover of Shīrin.

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Ṣādiqī is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

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There is a play here on the word ◌ (tang) ‘strait’ or ‘narrow’ as applied both to a man's means and to a lovely mouth which cannot be reproduced in translation.

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Vide p. 200. In the Āīn his takhalluṣ is given as Ṣairafī, but Ṯarfī is correct. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 581, and n. 2.

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◌ (Tafsīr-i-Kabīr), perhaps the Anwār-ut-tanzīl, vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, p 6, n. 4.

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The text has ◌ (Khalā'iq) ‘creatures.’ Both MSS. have ◌ (Khallāq) ‘the Creator,’ which is better.

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Thus described in the Āīn (i, 586): “He is poor and has few wants, and lives content with his indigence.” In the corrupt Lakhnau text of the Ṭabaqāt he is called ‘Mullā Ḥarfī of Sāwa,’ and is thus described, ‘He was in the company of this humble one (scil. the author, Niẓām-ud-dīn Aḥmad) for some time in Gujarāt and was for some time at court. He went with Malik-ush-Shn‘arā Shaikh Faiẓī to the Dakan, and departed thence on the pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz.’ His name seems to have been Ṣalāḥ-ud-dīn.

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Ṣabūrī is mentioned neither in the Āin nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

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Vide p. 314, n. 1. The author's meaning apparently is that Ṣabūrī died, ether of wounds or of illness, soon after he was captured.

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Thus described in the Ṭabaqāt, “Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ the madman received the title of ‘Āqil. His father was said to be I‘lāmī the librarian, who had been librarian to the emperor Humāyūn. Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ grew up from childhood in the service of the emperor Akbar and is now enjoying an allowance in Kābul. He is in easy circumstances and well-to-do.”

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◌ a wandering religious mendicant, usually of loose habits.

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This couplet contains the usual play on the words ◌ (Arabic) ‘melancholy,’ ‘desire’ and ◌ (Persian) ‘traffic,’ ‘trade,’ and also the common simile which likens the locks of the beloved to fetters.

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Shaikh Niẓām-ud-dīn Auliyā, born at Badāon in Oct. A.D. 1236, and died at Dihlī April 3, A.D. 1525. Vide vol. i, trans, Ranking, pp. 71, n. 2, 236 and n. 2, 266 and n. 1, 267, 269, n. 5, 270 and n. 6, 271 nn. 1 and 4, 284, 301, 610 and n. 4, 611, n. Also Firishta, ii, 730, and the Āīn-i-Akbarī, iii, 365.

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◌ ‘one learned in the sayings of Muḥammad’ (◌) mentioned below. Mullā ‘Alī Ṭāramī the Muḥaddiṯ is not mentioned in the Āīn. For an account of his brother, vide p. 354.

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Vide no. LXXIV.

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◌ giving the date A.H. 982. I have been obliged to give a somewhat full paraphrase of the hemistich preceding this, which has apparently puzzled the editor of the text, in order that the sense may not be lost. The editor of the text, in a footnote in which he gives an inferior variant of the hemistich, gravely remarks that the chronogram gives the date 982, not having understood, apparently that the composer of the chronogram has drawn attention to this fact, and expressly says that the date given in the chronogram is that of the year following that of the Mullā's death.

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There is here a play upon the words ◌ (mardum) ‘men’ and ◌ (mardum, for mardum-i-cashm) ‘pupil of the eye’ which cannot be reproduced in translation.

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Thus described in the Ṭabaqāt, ‘Mullā Ṭarīqī spent some years in the emperor's service, and at length performed a pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz, where he died.’ In note 3 on p. 598 of the Āīn (vol. i.), an epigram of his on Judā'ī (p. 291) is quoted. He accuses Judā'ī of plagiarism from Ashkī (p. 260). On p. 252 he is accused by Qāsim Arsalān, with Sahmi and Farīdūn, as a plagiarist.

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A word (◌) occurs here the meaning of which I cannot divine. I neither know nor can discover any Persian or Urdū word resembling it, and have been obliged to omit it. Whatever Badāonī wrote, we may be tolerably certain that it was nothing complimentary.

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◌ (siyāhī-i-lashkar) ‘dark bodies of troops.’

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In the Āīn (i, 607), where he is called ‘Bābā Ṭālib of Iṣfahān,’ he is thus described, ‘He is a thoughtful poet, and is experienced in political matters’ According to the Haft Iqlīm Bābā Ṭālib had been for nearly thirty years in Kashmīr, patronized by the rulers of that country. When Akbar annexed the province he came to Hindūstān, where he was much liked. According to the Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīmī he was often in the company of Ḥakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ (p. 233), Zain Khān Kūka, Abū-'l-Faẓl, and Shaikh Faiẓī, and was, in 1616, Ṣadr of Gujarāt. Vide also Badāonī, vol ii, text, p. 372.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, 372. In 1591 Ḥājī Mīrzā Beg of Kābul was sent to ‘Alī Rāī to demand his daughter in marriage for Sulṭān Salīm (Jahāngīr), and returned with the lady, who was duly married to the prince as his eighth wife. On this occasion Mulla Ṭālib accompanied Ḥājī Mīrzā Beg. In A.D. 1602-03 ‘Alī Raī invaded the frontier districts of Kashmīr, but retreated before Muḥammaḍ Qulī Khān, Turkmān, and Saifullāh. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 474.

↩
He is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

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Or ‘bookbinder,’ or ‘librarian’——◌

↩
The text has, wrongly, ◌ (sāqiyān) in the plural. The MSS. have ◌ (sāqiyā), the vocative singular, which is correct.

↩
Neither Ṭiflī nor his relations are mentioned in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
A commentary on a famous work on logic. Vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, 427, n. 1.

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Scil. Sulṭān Salīm, afterwards the emperor Jahāngīr.

↩
Jahāngīr had not ascended the throne when this grossly fulsome poem was written, but the word Shāh was applicable to a prince, as well as to a king, and the word used for reign is ◌ (daur) not ◌ (‘ahd) so that the poet did not risk the resentment of Akbar, while he flattered his own master.

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The text has ◌ (pīshānī) ‘forehead,’ which neither scans nor makes sense. Both MSS. have ◌ (pashīmānī), the correct reading.

↩
The reference is to the caste-mark worn on the forehead by Hindūs. The couplet is Ṣūfī-istic in tone. Religion, the poet says, is a purely subjective matter, and it is the sincerity of worship rather than its object, that is important.

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A poem in which a refrain occurs at stated intervals.

↩
Ẓuhūrī is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt. The Asiatic Society of Bengal has a MS. copy of his dīvan. He is described as Mullā Nūr-ud-dīn Ẓuhūrī of Tarshīz.

↩
Burhān Niẓām Shāh II, king of Aḥmadnagar, A.D. 1590-1594. On his death the affairs of the Aḥmadnagar kingdom fell into great confusion. Three kings followed one another in quick succession, mere puppets raised to the throne and deposed by opposing factions, and there was much bloodshed. In 1595, the year in which Badāonī's history was concluded, Akbar's troops were attacking Aḥmadnagar and peace was made on the condition that Aḥmadnagar ceded to the empire the province of Berar. Vide Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, by Major T. W. Haig, pp. 39, 236.

↩
The domestic history of the independent Muḥammadan kingdoms of the Dakan is largely the history of violent and bloody feuds between the Dakanī and Abyssinian nobles on the one hand and the ‘foreign’ nobles (Turks, Arabs, and Persians) on the other. The latter were frequently much favoured by the kings of the Dakan and the jealousy of the native Dakanis led to frequent conflicts and massacres. Vide Haig's Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, pp. 4—10 et passim.

↩
Friday, according to the Muḥammadan method of computing time, begins on Thursday evening, which is called the evening of Friday. The poet's meaning is that he does not keep the Sabbath of Islām and that Friday is as Saturday to him. This couplet is not in the text nor in MS. (B). I have introduced it from MS. (A).

↩
Mullā ‘Ālim is not mentioned in the Āīn as a poet. He is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt, ‘Mullā ‘Alim of Kābul was a man of cheerful nature, happy disposition, and unconventional habits. He wrote poetry and composed a history of governors, learned men, and poets, which he called Fawātiḥ-ul-Wilāyah .’

↩
I have not been able to identify these two works, which are probably works on theology.

↩
The domestic history of the independent Muḥammadan kingdoms of the Dakan is largely the history of violent and bloody feuds between the Dakanī and Abyssinian nobles on the one hand and the ‘foreign’ nobles (Turks, Arabs, and Persians) on the other. The latter were frequently much favoured by the kings of the Dakan and the jealousy of the native Dakanis led to frequent conflicts and massacres. Vide Haig's Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, pp. 4—10 et passim.

↩
Vide vol. I (trans. Ranking), p. 428, n. 3.

↩
The Mullā is here punning on the title of the Muṭawwal, which means ‘lengthened.’ Ṭuwal means ‘the duration of life,’ also ‘the seven long chapters of the Qur'ān.’

↩
I have been obliged to translate somewhat freely here, in order to make some attempt at explaining the Mullā's clumsy jest. Wa fawātiḥ-ul-wilāyah means ‘and the beginnings of saintship.’ The Mullā was asked to explain the apparently redundant ‘and,’ and replied that it indicated that the first letter of the word wilāyah (‘saintship’) was to be read with a short ‘a,’ like the same letter in the word wa (‘and’), so that the title of the book would read Fawātiḥ-ul-walāyah (‘the beginnings of governing’), his object being to satirize the pretended saints who had made their sanctity a means of rising to high places. Vide infra.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 440, where his title is given as Ghāzī Khān, his name being Qāẓī Niẓām. Vide p. 214.

↩
The sijdah (‘prostration’) was introduced at Akbar's court instead of the kūrnish and taslīm (bowing and raising the hand to the head), and gave great offence to the orthodox, vide p. 214, n. 2.

↩
The text appears to me to be corrupt here. It has ◌ which is unintelligible. MS. (A) has ◌ which is not much better. MS. (B) has ◌ which appears to me to be the correct reading, and which I have followed. For ◌ in the text and MSS. which makes no sense, I have substituted ◌,

↩
A military commander. The object of the unceremonious behaviour of Mullā ‘Ālim, who was, apparently, at this time no more than a private soldier, was an attempt to obtain a manṣab, or military command.

↩
The word used is ◌ (taslīm). The Mullā would not, apparently, perform the ◌ (sijdah) ‘prostration.’

↩
Rabī‘ī (‘of, or relating to the spring’) is the Arabic equivalent to Bāhārī. I cannot reconcile this statement with the statement above, that the Mullā's takhalluṣ was ‘Ārif.

↩
The motto may also be translated “He had poetic genius.” The text here has a note by the editor to the effect that the reading is the same in the three MSS. from which he edited the text. The reading seems to puzzle him, but it is perfectly simple.

↩
◌ (silsilat-udh-dhahab). I have not been able to trace this poem.

↩
The Tajdīd (◌—‘renewal’) was Mullā ‘Alim's commentary on the commentary on the Tajūd. In this couplet the poet puns on the Arabic root meaning ‘new,’ using three different measures of the triliteral root.

↩
◌ (mawāqif) ‘halting places or stages in the performance of the ceremonies of the pilgrimage at Makkah. It is probable that Mullā ‘Ālim styled the chapters or sections of his book mawāqif, or that he is referring to a book of this name. MS. (A) has the reading ◌ (muwāfiq) which does not make good sense.

↩
◌ (maqāsid) a reference to the poet's ◌ (kitāb-i-qaṣd) or ‘book of endeavour’ and to the Maqāsid, the book on which it is a commentary.

↩
Vide note 1, supra.

↩
◌. It is possible that the words ◌ (‘ain) and ◌ (ishrāq) refer to the titles of books.

↩
‘Indication of wisdom,’ apparently one of the poet's imaginary works.

↩
‘The ocean of generosity, on existence,’ apparently another of the poet's imaginary works.

↩
◌ ‘worlds of relics.’ Probably another of Mullā ‘Ālim's imaginary works.

↩
Vide Āīn-i-Ākbarī i, 468, 471, 480. He was a commander of five hundred and Akbar's Mīr-i-‘Adl or chief justice. In the 35th year of Akbar's reign he and Ṣadr-i-Jahān took part in a drinking bout, and amused Akbar very much. Mr. Blochmann says that he is called in the Tabaqāt ‘Khwāja ‘Abdul Ḥayy,’ but in the Lucknow edition he is thus described, ‘Mīr ‘Abdul Ḥayy the Ṣadr was a Khurāsānī. The emperor Humāyūn made him Ṣadr-ul-Afāẓil (‘chief of learned men’). He was for years in the service of the emperor Akbar.’

↩
‘It was the Ṣadr, or, as he was then (scil. before the reign of Akbar) generally styled, Ṣadr-i-Jahān, whose edict legalized the julūs, or accession, of a new king. During the reign of Akbar also he ranked as the fourth officer of the empire. The power of the Ṣadr was immense. They were the highest law officers and had the powers which Administrators-General have among us; they were in charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes, and possessed an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands independently of the King. They were also the highest ecclesiastical law-officers, and might exercise the powers of High Inquisitors. Vide Āin-i-Akbarī, i, 270.

↩
Or, perhaps, ‘administrative ability.’ The word is ◌ (niẓāmat).

↩
Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl, in the Āīn-i-Akbarī, discourse at large on the art of penmanship and mentions ten different scripts, among which the Bābarī finds no place. This bears out Badāoni's statement that it was lost. Vide Āīn, i, 96.

↩
Vide page 239, also Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 447 and n. 2, where the name of his Taẕkirah or memoir is given as ◌ (nafā'is-ul-ma'āthir) ‘precious memorials.’

↩
◌ (shutur-gurba), lit. ‘camel-cat.’ Anything incongrnous or absurd.

↩
In the text the four verses of which each of these quatrains is composed are written, following the conceit of their authors, on the four sides of a square, with the exception of the titles concluding the final hemistich of each, which are continued in the line of one of the diagouals of the square. There is no particular art in this conceit, for any quatrain could be so written. The text contains the following note by the editor, ‘In truth this form of composition is no more than a child's plaything and men of letters do not class such things among murabba‘ (verses written in a doubled metre), nor are they mentioned as such in the Majma‘-uṣ-Ṣanā'i‘, nor in the Haft Qulzum, for any four hemistichs might be written in this form.’ The editor of the text apparently resents the application by Badāoni of the term murabba‘ (‘in the form of a square’) to these quatrains, but Badāonī evidently did not intend to say that these quatrains belonged to the class of compositions technically known as murabba‘, but merely that they were written in the form of a square. The MSS. omit the first syllable of each hemistich.

↩
Thus described in the Āīn (i, 588), ‘He possesses harmony of thought, but his mind is unsettled, and he lives a disorderly life,’ and thus in the Ṭabaqāt, ‘He came from foreign parts to India and owing to his ill-regulated disposition he was imprisoned for two years in Gwāliyār, and was at last pardoned by the natural clemency of the emperor.’

↩
Probably in Bījāpūr.

↩
Vide p. 216.

↩
Two years according to the Ṭabaqāt, vide n. 9.

↩
He served in Gujarāt in A.D. 1587, and later in the siege of Asīrgarh. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī i, 498.

↩
That is to say the loved one's custom of holding public levées, having previously given notice of them.

↩
The fountain of the water of life.

↩
A commander of four thousand and governor of the fort of Sūrat. He was made governor of the fort when Akbar, after a siege of forty-seven days, took it. His daughter married Akbar's youngest son, Sulṭān Dāniyāl.

↩
‘Ubaidī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Vide p. 233.

↩
In the Āīn (i, 528) he is called Maulānā ‘Ishqī. He came from Ghaznī.

↩
Mīr ‘Alā-ud-daulah seems to have helped Badāonī in selecting verse to be quoted.

↩
A drowsy or languid appearance of the eye is held by orientals to be attractive.

↩
Badāonī seems to have had a very poor opinion of ‘Ishqī's poetry: but the examples here quoted are at least up to the standard of most of the verses quoted by him.

↩
‘Ilmī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn, or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
◌ in the text, with a variant, ◌ (Dū‘āt), in a foot-note. MS. (B) has ◌ (Dūghābād). I have not been able to identify this place, the name of which has evidently puzzled the scribes.

↩
Thus in both MSS. The text has ◌ (Ḥahjāz) or ◌ (Jāhjaz), names which I cannot identify. The reading of the MSS. appears to me to be better than that of the text.

↩
The poet evidently means, by this expression, the points of the letter sīn (◌) at the head of the small loops, commonly called the ‘teeth’ of the letter. Hence the expression ‘laughed so as to show its gums’(◌ bun-i-dandān) or, literally, ‘the roots of its teeth.’ Sīn is the second letter of the Arabic phrase. ‘In the name of God,’ as usually written. The verse is sufficiently absurd, but the critic's own verse is not much better.

↩
Mīr ‘Azīzu-'llāh is not mentioned in the Āīn.

↩
The Saifī Sayyids of Qazvīn were Sunnīs, and suffered some persecution in Persia on account of their religions belief.

↩
The dīvān-i-sa‘ādat was clerk to the Ṣadr, vide p. 378, n. 2.

↩
Karorīs were revenue officers placed each over a tract of country which paid annually a karōr of dāms (1,00,00,000 dāms = Rs. 2,50,000) to the imperial treasury. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 13. They were first appointed in A.D. 1574-75 and each karōrī was obliged to give security for his good behaviour. Notwithstanding this they were grossly extortionate and depopulated large tracts by their exactions. Many of them were called to account and perished under scourging and torture or lived miserably in jail till death ended their sufferings. Badāonī says that they lived for one year in luxury as karorīs and paid for it with their lives or by dragging on a miserable existence ever afterwards. Vide Badāonī, vol. ii, text, p. 189.

↩
Rs. 1,250,000. The meaning of the passage is that Mīr ‘Azizu-'llāh extorted this sum from the people of the Sambhal district in order to pay for the appointment of revenue administrator of the district. As this large sum was over and above the revenue which the people had to pay to government and as ‘Azīzu-'llah's habits of extortion probably grew upon him, it is not surprising that he was called to account.

↩
The text has ◌ (ṣūbah) ‘province,’ but it is improbable that Mīr ‘Azīzu-'llāh was placed in charge of the whole of the province of Dihlī, in which Sambhal was situated. It is more probable that he had charge of the sarkār or revenue district of Sambhal, which was a sufficiently important charge, paying in annual revenue, Rs. 16,73,536, not reckoning suyūrghūh.

↩
Literally ‘all that he had and had not,’ an expressive phrase which may perhaps be taken to mean that he had to surrender all his property and promise to deliver whatever property he might acquire in the future.

↩
◌ (shahr-ashūb) ‘town-disturbing.’ A poem written in praise or disparagement of the people of a town.

↩
King of Khurāsān, A.D. 1470—1505. He was descended from ‘Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, second son of Tīmūr.

↩
Son of Ataga Khān and Jī Jī Anaga, and foster-brother of Akbar. He received the title of A‘ẓam Khān in A.D. 1580, after his father's death, and was at the same time made a commander of five thousand. His danghter married Murād, Akbar's fourth son. Mīrzā ‘Azīz died in A.D. 1623-24 at Aḥmadābad. He was remarkable for his ease of address, intelligence, and knowledge of history. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 325.

↩
The text has ◌ (Khāksārī) ‘humility.’ MS. (A) has ◌ (Khāksārān) which is better.

↩
In A.D. 1001 (A.D. 1593) Mīrzā ‘Azīz, who had been absent from court for six years, was summoned from Gujarāt by Akbar. The Mīrzā, then a good Musalmān, had been much alarmed by the religious freaks with which Akbar had inaugurated the millennium in the previous year and on receiving the summons fled to Diu on April 3, 1593, and departed thence on pilgrimage to Makkah. Here he remained for some time, and was so plundered in the name of religion that this zeal for Islam cooled. He returned to India in A.D. 1594-95, was favourably received by Akbar, and became a member of Akbar's new religion, ‘the divine faith.’ The orthodox Badāonī here dismisses the subject very curtly. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 387, 398, and Ain-i-Akbarī , i, 327.

↩
‘Ahdī is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Vide p. 229.

↩
Vide p. 122, note 2.

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◌ The sum of the letters gives the date A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591-92).

↩
This is a Ṣūfī-istic quatrain. Cf. St. Augustine, “Ego multum erravi quaerens Te extra me, et Tu habitas in me.”

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‘Ināyatu-'llāh is not mentioned in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
He is thus described in the Āīn (i, 569), ‘The forehead of his diction shines with decorum, and possesses a peculiar grace. Self-admiration led him to vanity, and made him speak lightly of the older classics. The bud of his merits withered away before it could develop itself.’ In the Ṭabaqāt he is mentioned as follows: ‘He was a young man of genius and of excellent understanding, and composed all sorts of poetry well, but he developed so much pride and conceit that he lost the regard of all. He has composed a dīvāṇ and some maṯnavīs.’ He was the encomiast of Ḥakīm Abūl'-Fatḥ. That his poetry was highly regarded is evident from the following couplet by the great Persian poet Ṣā'ib, written on Naẓīrī:—

◌
‘Sā'ib, what dost thou think? Cans't thou become like Naẓīrī?
Even ‘Urfī has not written poetry like Naẓīrī's.”

‘Urfī's name was Khwāja Sayyidī Muḥammad Jamāl-ud-dīn, and his takhallus has reference to the occupation of his father, who, as dārogha to the magistrate of Shīrāz, was concerned both with the canon (◌) and the common (◌) law. He died at Lāhor in August, 1591, of dysentery, or, according to another account, of poison, at the age of thirty-six. His early death was ascribed to the abuse which he had heaped on the ancients. His odes have been several times lithographed.

↩
‘Urfī's question is not quite so pointed in the original Persian, and might be rendered, ‘What is the name of this highly-born one?’ But the innuendo is perfectly clear. Faizī replies by giving ‘Urfī's nom-de-plume to the unclean animal. ‘Urfī's retort is one of the commonest expressions of politeness, but its mordant wit cannot be reproduced in a translation. In the original it is ◌ (mubārak bāshad), i.e. ‘may it be auspicious’ or ‘may it be Mubārak.’ Mubārak was the name of Faiẓī's father. Faiẓī should have known better than to measure his wit with that of a Shīrāzī.

↩
Vide no. XXXI.

↩
The text has ◌ (kitāb). The MSS., which I have followed, have ◌ (kitābat), which is a better reading.

↩
◌, ‘treasury of secrets.’ The famous makhzan-i-Asrār here mentioned was by the well-known Persian poet Shaikh Abū Muḥammad Ilyās Niẓāmī of Ganja. ‘Urfī's maṯnavī bore the same name.

↩
Cf. Pope—

A little learning is a dangerous thing;
Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring;
Here, shallow draughts intoxicate the brain,
But drinking deeply sobers it again.”

↩
A clumsy word, but necessitated by the suggestion that the temple at Makkah should be endued with wings. The idea is that the ceremonial circumambulation performed by the pilgrims round the Ka‘bah would be performed by the Ka‘bah round the head of the beloved. Vide p. 19, n. 4.

↩
The elder brother of Shams-ud-dīn Muḥammad Ataga, A‘ẓam Khān. He served under Kāmrān and Humāyūn and rose to high dignity during the reign of Akbar. As governor of the Panjāb he distinguished himself in the war with the Gakkhars. Later he assisted Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm of Kābul against Mīrzā Sulaimān and restored him to the throne of Kābul, but disagreements afterwards arose and Mīr Muḥammad returned to Lāhor. In the 13th year he and his relatives were removed from the Panjāb and he received Sambhal in jāgīr. In 1573 he was sent by Akbar in advance, for the reconquest of Gnjarāt. On the march he was wounded near Sirohī, but recovered. After the conquest he was made governor of Patan (Nahrwāla) where he died in 1575. He was a commander of five thousand. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 322 and Badāonī, text, ii, 165 et passim.

↩
i.e. egoism.

↩
I do not understand this reference. It cannot have anything do with Adham Khān, the murderer of Mīr Muḥammad's brother.

↩
Musharrif-ud-dīn Sa‘dī bin Muṣliḥ-ud-dīn, of Shīrāz, one of the most famous of Persian poets.

↩
Two adjacent parganas in the Sarkār of Badāon, usually mentioned together. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī ii, 289.

↩
Ḥusain Khān Tukriya (‘the patcher’) ‘the Bayard and Don Quixote of Akbar's reign.’ He acquired his nickname from his having, while governor of the Panjab, compelled Hindūs to distinguish themselves by wearing a patch near the shoulders. He was a commander of three thousand. He died, of wounds, in A.D. 1575.

↩
The festival of sacrifice, otherwise called ◌ (īd-ud-ḍuḥā) celebrated on the tenth day of Zī-'l Ḥijjah in commemoration of Abraham's preparations for the sacrifice of Ishmael (not Isaac, according to the Muḥam-madans).

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 135.

↩
The other chronograms are—
◌
‘a hundred sighs for the beauty and grace of Jamal Khan’

and

◌
‘He gave up his life on the day of the festival of sacrifice’

The one here given is ◌

There is something wrong with these chronograms. The first gives the date 928, the second the date 967, and the third the date 977. The correct date is A.D. 978 (A.D. 1578).

↩
The text has ◌ (‘the sun’). I follow the reading of MS. (A) which has ◌, a much better reading.

↩
Ghubārī is mentioned neither in the Aīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
The Quraish is the Arabian tribe to which Muḥammad belonged.

↩
i.e. Ḥaidar had two sons by another wife and his wife had two sons by another husband, and they had two dutiful sons of their marriage, and two more who were ashamed of their parents, and of whom their parents were ashamed.

↩
Literally, ‘Khalifah to the Khalifah of the age.’ In India the word Khalīfah is applied to cooks and other menial servants. Badāonī's innuendo is susceptible of a very ill meaning.

↩
I do not think that Ghubārī can be the Qāsim ‘Alī Khān mentioned on p. 465 of the Āīn (vol. i.) but he may have been.

↩
Scil. Akbar. As Badāonī is making a slighting remark on the Emperor's accomplishments he applies to him an unusual and ambiguous title, ◌.

↩
The words ‘hand,’ ‘letters,’ and ‘confidence’ are, in the original, dim-inutives which cannot be otherwise ‘translated than by employing some such qualifying adjectives as I have used.

↩
◌ (Sabaq-i-mutawassiṭ) lessons learnt by boys not just learning to read and write, but in the middle classes in schools.

↩
◌ “It is singular in meaning.”

↩
◌. The letters give the date 1000.

↩
The letters of ◌ (‘fool’) give the total 38, and those of ◌ (‘ignorant’) 39. If, therefore, the latter word be substituted for the former in the chronogram given above the grand total will be 1001 instead of 1000.

↩
The text has ◌. To make sense we must read ◌.

↩
Ghurbatī is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. Ḥiṣār Fīrūza was the chief town of a sarkār in the Ṣūba of Dihlī, and is now the headquarters of a district in the Panjāb.

↩
◌ vide p. 9, and note 1.

↩
◌, literally ‘seal.’

↩
◌

↩
This story gives us an interesting picture of a form of worship which commends itself to the mystics of the East, and which is not without its counterpart in ‘revival meetings’ nearer home, and ‘camp meetings’ in the far West.

↩
◌ (ḥāshiyah) means ‘a fringe,’ ‘a margin,’ ‘a marginal commentary,’ but it is impossible in a translation to reproduce the play on this word and on ??e two meanings of ◌ (Khaṭṭ), viz:—‘writing’ and ‘down on the cheek.’

↩
The very brief description of Ghairatī given in the Ṭabaqāt is word for word the same as that given here. In the Āīn (i, 594) he is thus described, “His diction is good, and he knows the history of the past.”

↩
Fārighī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn. In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, ‘Mīr Fārighī is the brother of Mīr Fatḥu-'llāh of Shīrāz. He was for a long time in the Emperor's service.”

↩
Vide p. 216.

↩
In the Ṭabaqāt it is recorded that he was with the Khān-i-A‘ẓam, but, as no date is given, it is not certain whether the reference is to Shamsu-ddīn Muḥammad Ataga Khān or to his son Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka, both of whom held the title. The latter is probably intended. In the Āīn (i, 599) Fahmī is described as ‘of Rai,’ but this Fahmī is identified as Fahmī of Ṭihrān by a couplet ascribed to him by Abū-'l-Faẓl which is also ascribed to him by Daghistānī and in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Fahmī of Samarqand is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Literally, ‘the chief priest of the magians.’

↩
Fikrī is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt. “He is Sayyid Muḥammad the cloth weaver. He spent many years in the service of the Emperor. He is distinguished for his quatrains, since he was always writing quatrains, and he is also known as Rubā‘ī (‘quatrain’).” In the Āīn (i, 602) he is thus described: “He is a cloth weaver from Hirāt. He generally composes quatrains.” According to the Haft Iqlīm he came to India in A.H. 969 (A.D. 1561-62).

↩
Akbar was directing the campaign against the Khānzamān in the neighbourhood of Jaunpūr during the cold weather of 1565-66. Vide vol. ii, text, pp. 82—84.

↩
◌ The sum of the numerical values of the letters gives the date 973.

↩
This poet appears to be identical with Shāh Fanā'ī, mentioned in the Āīn (i, 426) as a commander of one thousand. He served in the conquest of Malwa and fought in the battle of Sārangpūr against Bāz Bahādur, early in A.D. 1561. The poet Fanā'ī described in the Ṭabaqāt is undoubtedly the same person, for the couplet there attributed to him is one of those here, attributed to him by Badāonī, but in the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, ‘He is Mullā Khẉurd, the goldsmith, who has spent all his life in this court. He was at first in the service of Mīrzā ‘Askarī.’ ‘Askari Mīrzā was one of the brothers of the Emperor Humāyūn, and was consequently Akbar's uncle.

↩
The three words begin with the letter ◌ (shīn) as do also the two words added to them by Akbar.

↩
This word is not in the text, but both MSS. have it. It may perhaps have been an afterthought of some scribe, but is very applicable to the boastful Fanā'ī.

↩
Scil. The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī, by Niẓāmu-'dīn-Aḥmad.

↩
Fusūnī is not mentioned in the Ṭabaqāt. In the Āīn he is called a Shīrazī, while Dāghistānī and the Ātashkada-i Āẕar say that he came from Tabrīz. Dāghistānī adds that he served under Jahāngīr and Shāhjahān as a mustaufī. The Mīr'ātu-l-‘Ālam mentions a Fusūnī who was an amīr in Jahāngīr's reign and had the title of Afẓal Khān. In the Āīn (i, 604) Fusūnī is thus described, ‘His name is Maḥmūd Beg. He is an excellent accountant and knows also astronomy well.’

↩
The well-known town in Sind.

↩
Fīrūza is mentioned in the Āīn (i, 526) as a commander of two hundred. He came from Kābul to India with Ghāzī Khān of Badakhshān in the early years of Akbar's reign.

↩
King of Kābul, second son of Humāyūn and brother of Akbar.

↩
An Afghān clan, six members of which ruled in Multān as independent kings for ninety-two years from A.D. 1445. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī ii, 334.

↩
Badāonī certainly seems to be damning Fīrūza with faint praise, but playing the drum is more highly regarded in the east than it is in Europe. Drums, which are of several sizes and shapes, are carefully tuned, and are usually played with the fingers and the heel of the hand, with a certain amount of expression.

↩
An ‘answer’ to a poem is a poem imitating the original in metre and rhyme, and either elaborating the ideas of the original, or introducing fresh ideas on the same subject.

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Literally ◌ (maliku-sh-shu‘arā) ‘King of poets,’ the official title given to him by Akbar in A.H. 997 (A.D. 1589).

Shaikh Abū'l Faiẓ Faiẓī, one of the most learned men of Akbar's court, was the eldest son of Shaikh Mubārak of Nagor, and elder brother of the famous Abū-l-Faẓl. He was born at Āgra in A.H. 954 (A.D. 1547). His acquirements in Arabic literature, the art of poetry, and medicine were very extensive, and he used to treat poor people gratis. As a young man he was regarded with suspicion and ill-treated by the orthodox in Āgra on account of his Shī‘ah proclivities, and when he was summoned to court the orthodox believed, or affected to believe, that he was to be called to account for his heterodoxy, and carried him to court by force. He was however, very favourably received by Akbar, and in a short time became his constant companion and friend. He was instrumental, in A.H. 986 (A.D. 1578-79), in bringing about the downfall of Shaikh‘Abdu-n-Nabī the Ṣadr, who had been one of his persecutors. It is said that Faiẓī wrote a hundred and one books. In 1586 he planned a Khamsah, or collection of five epics, in imitation of the Khamsah of Niẓāmī. The first, Markazu-l-Adwār, was to consist of 3000 verses, and was to be an imitation of Nīẓāmī's Makhzanu-l-Asrār. The Sulaimān-u-Bilqīs and the Nal-u-Daman were to consist of 4000 verses each and were to be imitations of the Khusrav-u-Shīrīn and the Laīlā-u-Majnūn; and the Haft Kishwar and the Akbarnāma, each of 5000 verses, were to correspond with the Haft Paikar and the Sikandarnāma. This great undertaking was never completed. Portions were written, and in 1594-95 Faiẓī, encouraged by Akbar, completed the Nal-u-Daman and presented a copy to the Emperor. The Markazu-l-Adwār appears also to have been completed. Faiẓī translated from the Sanskṛt the Līlavatī, a work on arithmetic, and the Bhāgavad Gīta. Faiẓī was sometimes employed as tutor to the Princes, and sometimes acted as an ambassador. He suffered from asthma and died on Ṣafar 10, A.H. 1004 (Oct. 15, 1595). He was a member of Akbar's ‘divine faith.’ Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 490 et passim and Badaoni, vol. ii, text, pp. 260 309, 365, et passim.

A long description of Faiẓī as a poet is given in the Āīn (i, 549) from which I give the following extracts:—‘He was a man of cheerful disposition, liberal, active, an early riser. He was a disciple of the Emperor, and was thus at peace with the whole world.* * He wrote for nearly forty years under the name of Faiẓī, which he afterwards, under divine inspiration, changed to Fayyāẓī.* * His excellent manners and habits cast a lustre on his genius.* * He composed many works in Persian and Arabic. Among others he wrote the Sawāṭi‘u-l-Ilhām (vide p. 194 n. 1)* * Genius as he was, he did not care for poetry, and did not frequent the society of wits. He was profound in philosophy.* * The gems of thought in his poems will never be forgotten. In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described, “He is one of the greatest of learned men and Shaikhs and is much respected for his resignation to the Divine will and for his habits of solitary meditation. He has grown to maturity in the Emperor's service and has been honoured with the title of Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā. In the art of poetry he is a prodigy, and he has written a work on ethics, entitled Mawāridu-l-Kilam, which contains no dotted letters, and he has also written a commentary on the word of God, which contains no dotted letters. It is known as the Sawāṭi‘-u-'l-Ilhām . His dīvān contains over 15,000 verses and he has written some maṯnavis. In poetry he is the chief of all poets of the age, and in prose composition he is alone and unapproachable. In branches of knowledge foreign to the Arabic, and in philosophy, medicine and many other sciences he has much skill. In universality of knowledge he has no equal. I have enjoyed intimate friendship with this most learned man of the time from my childhood up. His gentle disposition is equalled by his cheerfulness. His angelic nature imposes an obligation on all his contemporaries.”

↩
◌ ‘my very learned man,’ a title bestowed on Shaikh Abu-l-Faẓl by Akbar.

↩
◌ signifies ‘abundance’; with the yā-yi-nisbatī added to it, as is usual in a takhallus, it becomes ◌ is an intensive adjective formed in the same measure as ◌, from the same root, and signifies ‘profusely generous.’ The yā yi-nīsbatī converts it into a takhallus. The letter ◌ (yā) in Allāmī is, on the other hand, the sign of the first (singular) possessive pronoun in Arabic.

↩
◌ (Khayulā). The word has perplexed the editor of the text, who says, in a plaintive footnote, Sic, in all three MSS.

↩
◌, ‘Vir de quo egreditur semen coitus, lavabit aquâ omne corpus suum; et immundus erit usque ad vesperum.’ Lev xv. 16. The Mu-ḥammadan law on this point was the same as the Mosaic. The obligation was contemptuously set aside by the ‘dīvine faith’: vide Badāonī, ii, text p. 305.

↩
The Sawāṭi‘u-l-Ilhām, vide supra p. 194 and note 412.

↩
Faiẓī was very fond of dogs.

↩
A dentifrice used in India for blackening the teeth.

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◌. 60 + 20 + 10 + 1 + 7 + 3 + 5 + 1 + 50 + 200 + 80 + 400 + 5 + 2 + 8 + 1 + 30 + 100 + 2 + 10 + 8 = 1003. One year short.

↩
◌ 2 + 3 + 1 + 200 + 40 + 700 + 5 + 2 + 50 + 1 + 200 = 1204.

This chronogram gives two hundred years in excess. Badāonī perhaps thought that any stick was good enough to beat a dog with. The ‘four religions of fire’ were probably Judaism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Zoroastrianism, the ‘divine faith’ of Akbar being, perhaps, substituted for one of these.

↩
◌ 3 + 5 + 60 + 20 + 2 + 200 + 60 + 400 + 10 + 40 + 200 + 4 = 1004.

↩
◌ 100 + 1 + 70 + 4 + 5 + 1 + 30 + 8 + 1 + 4 + 300 + 20 + 60 + 400 = 1004.

↩
◌ 2 + 6 + 4 + 80 + 10 + 800 + 10 + 40 + 30 + 8 + 4 + 10 = 1004.

↩
◌ 600 + 1 + 30 + 4 + 80 + 10 + 1 + 30 + 50 + 1 + 200 = 1007, Three years in excess.

↩
◌ (Maṣāliḥ) ‘Spices,’ ‘flavouring materials.’

↩
◌ (fakhriyyāt) Verses boasting of their own accomplishments in poetry are a favourite form of composition among Persian poets, and especially among Indian poets writing in Persian.

↩
i.e. ‘Veil not thyself.’

↩
This is a mistake. The Markazu-'l-Adwār was written in imitation of Niẓāmī's Makhzanu-'l-asrār, vide supra p. 412 n. 1.

↩
By this expression Badāonī appears to mean merely that he did not live to finish it.

↩
◌ in the text. The MSS. have ◌. The difference affects neither the meaning nor the scansion.

↩
◌ (mauhūm) ‘imaginary.’ The meaning may perhaps be that the poem was the work of Faiẓī's imagination, but I believe my translation to be correct. The poemwas never finished. Vide p. 412 n. 1.

↩
i.e. the light is conveyed from the window of the poet's heart to the nibs of his pen, the slit between which is compared to another window.

↩
i.e. the poet's words of wisdom.

↩
As Sulaimān is said to have done.

↩
The meaning of the passage may be, “an enigma which he addressed to Qādirī.” I have not been able to solve the enigma.

↩
◌ (bi-shiddal-i-tamām). MS. (A) substitutes ◌ (sharārat) ‘malice’ for ◌.

↩
Akbar himself played both games. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 308.

↩
The bīn is a stringed instrument consisting of a narrow strip of wood connecting, and placed over the openings of, two dried gourds, spherical, or nearly so, in shape. Along the wooden bridge are stretched five or seven steel strings, which are played with a plectrum.

↩
This place, the name of which is variously spelt by Badāonī, is Kūmbhalgaṛh, a fortress on the western border of the Udaipūr State in Rajputāna, about 40 miles north of Udaipūr city. Vide text, vol. ii, pp. 227, 266. It was in April 1576 that Badāonī asked for and obtained leave to accompany this expedition.

↩
Jalāl Khān Qūrcī was a commander of five hundred. He distinguished himself in the field and Akbar was much attached to him. He was murdered, in mistake for Shimāl Khān, early in 1576. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī i, 475.

↩
The reader and leader of prayers in the musjid.

↩
Vide p. 216.

↩
Shaikh Abū-l-Faẓl.

↩
◌ Qur'ān, c. xliii The text has ◌.

↩
◌ (taṣawwuf), the doctrines of the Ṣūfis.

↩
◌ (ḥadīth), the sayings of Muḥammad.

↩
The classification indicates Akbar's contempt for orthodoxy, and evi-dcutly much shocked Badāonī's prejudices.

↩
The text is corrupt here, and reads as though there were a hundred and one books of the Nal-u-Daman, which was not the case. From other sources, e.g. the Mir'ātu-l-‘Ālam, we know that Faiẓī was credited with the authorship of a hundred and one books in all. The Nal-u-Daman is the story of the loves of Nala, king of Nishada or Mālwa, and Damayanti, daughter of the king of Vīdarbha, or Berar. Faiẓī's source of inspiration was the Mahābhārata, where the story is given at length.

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◌ (mi‘rāj). According to the belief of Musalmāns Muḥammad was caught up one night from Jerusalem to heaven, his means of conveyance being Buzāq, an animal smaller than a mule and larger than an ass. While in heaven he held 90,000 conversations with God, but on his return found his bed yet warm. This belief was one of those selected for ridicule by Akbar and the followers of the ‘divine faith,’ vide text, vol. ii, p. 316. If Faiẓī's recantation were genuine it must be regarded as, in some sort, a triumph for orthodoxy.

↩
Akbar.

↩
Literally ‘bloody melodies’ (pardahā-yi-khūnī). I believe the meaning to be that which I have given.

↩
The text has, wrongly, ◌ ‘thou art not’ (a singer). From the scansion it is clear that the simple negative (◌) is the correct reading.

↩
A celebrated musician at the court of Khusrav.

↩
The attitude, in India, of a supplicant, or penitent.

↩
◌ (ṭughrā), literally, ‘thy royal sign manual.’

↩
The reference is to the two geart poets Niẓāmī of Ganja (in imitation of whose Lailā-u-majnūn this poem was written) and Amīr Khusrav of Dihlī. Faiẓī means to say that he has conceived poetical ideas which neither Niẓāmī nor Amīr Khusrav ever conceived.

↩
Vide p. 413, note 2.

↩
Mr. Blochmann (Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 549) charitably supposes ‘the Ocean of Superabundance’ to mean ‘God's love,’ as, indeed, it may; but it is just as likely to signify Abkar's generosity, or spiritual gifts.

↩
I.e. the verses of the Nal-u-Daman.

↩
◌ (rīg-i-ravān) commonly means quicksand. I take it to mean here the sands of mountain streams, as quicksands are not commonly found in the mountains.

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The father of Abraham, said by the Musalmāns to have been a sculptor of idols.

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The ninth month of the Persian solar year.

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The era instituted by Akbar, beginning with the first year of his reign (A.H. 963 = A.D. 1556). In this era the years were solar, and the old Persian solar months were used. The era was instituted in 1582; vide vol. ii, text, p. 306.

↩
I.e. A.H. 1003 (A.D. 1594-95), the numerical value of the letter alif being one. There is a play on the words ◌ (alf) ‘a thousand,’ and ◌ the letter alif.

↩
Scil. the Markazu-l-Adwār, the Salaimān-u-Bilqīs, the Haft Kishwar, and the Akbarnāma.

↩
Faiẓī refers to his own birth in that year. Vide p. 411, n. 1. The next verse fixes the date of the completion of this poem.

↩
It is obvious that this ‘conclusion’ of the Nal-u-Daman does not consist of the couplets written in praise of the prophet and on his ascent, mentioned on p. 422. Here Faiẓī, after boasting of his electicism mentions with pride his part in weaning Akbar from orthodoxy. The whole extract consists of the glorification of Akbar and the poet, chiefly the latter.

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The naubat was the daily music played at stated hours over the gate houses of the emperor and some of the chief grandees.

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Literally, ‘the seal,’ i.e. the last and greatest.

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The guardian of the water of life.

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‘Dust in motion.’ I know of no English word by which to translate ◌ (ghubār) ‘dust in motion’ as opposed to ◌ (gard) ‘dust at rest.’

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Faiẓī here praises his penmanship. Driving splinters under the nails is a well-known torture. The meaning of the verse is that other penmen will be tortured by envy owing to the excellence of his handwriting.

↩
This verse may also mean, ‘I will hold them excused, owing to (the badness of) their eyesight.

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Muḥammad Sharīf was the school companion of Sulṭān Salīm, who was much attached to him. When Salīm rebelled against his father Sharīf was sent to bring him to his senses, but only widened the breach. On Salīm's reconciliation with his father Sharīf had to flee to the hills and jungles, and was brought to the verge of starvation. On Salīm's accession to the throne Sharif at once joined him, and was appointed a commander of five thousand, and vakil and chief minister of state. In Akbar's reign Sharīf had been a commander of two hundred, and Salīm, when in rebellion, had appointed him commander of two thousand five hundred and governor of Bihār. Jahāngīr says of him (Tūzuk, p. 6), “By his coming my heart was much rejoiced for the nature of his services to me is such that I regard him as a brother, a son, a friend and a companion. As I had complete confidence in his sincerity, his intelligence, his wisdom, and his experience of business I appointed him vakīl and chief minister of state, and conferred on him the exalted title of Amīru-l-umaṛā, than which no higher title is conferred on. any servant of the state, and I honoured him with the title of Commander of Five Thousand, and the command of five thousand horse, though his rank was such that I was inclined to appoint him to a higher command. He, however, said at last that he would accept no higher command until he should have rendered some conspicuous service.” Mr. Blochmann (Āīn, i, 5, 7) has mistranslated this passage. In 1607 (Tūzuk, p. 50) Sharīf fell sick, and Āṣaf Khan was appointed to officiate for him. On his recovery he was sent to the Dakan but was recalled as he could not agree with the Khānkhānān. He was sent again to the Dakan, and there died a natural death in November, 1612 (Tūzuk, p. 113).

Sharīf's father Abdu-s-Ṣamad was a Shīrāzī. He held command of 400 horse and received from Akbar the title of Zarrīn-qalam (‘golden pen’). Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 495, 5, 7.

↩
Vide p. 322, note 2.

↩
◌ (Kirām), the word is plural, but evidently refers to the speaker. ◌ (Kurrām) ‘very generous’ would fit the sense, but not the metre.

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Qarārī is thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 586), ‘His name is Nūrud-dīn. He is a man of keen understanding and of lofty thoughts. A curious monomania seized him. He looked upon his elder brother, the doctor Abū-l-Fatḥ, as the personification of the world, and the doctor Humām as the man who represents the life to come, for which reason he kept aloof from them.’ Abū-l-Faẓl is sarcastic at the expense of Nūru-d-din. Nūru-d-dīn accused his brother Abū-l-Fatḥ of intense worldliness, and described his other brother, Humām, as one who was religious for the sake of the pleasures of Paradise, while he himself was truly religious, loving God with no motive but love. In the Ṭabaqāt Qarāṛī is thus described: ‘Qarārī of Gīlān is the brother of Hakīm Abū-l-Fatḥ. By the emperor's order he was transferred from service at court to Bengal, where he died.’

Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad came to India with his two brothers in A.D. 1575. According to the Ātashkada-yi-Āẕarī he had been in the service of Khān Aḥmad Khān in Gīlān, and went, after the overthrow of Gīlān, to Qazvīn.

↩
Vide pp. 233, 234 and notes.

↩
Vide p. 234 and note.

↩
The great Tīmūr, Akbar's ancestor, called in English histories ‘Tamer-lane.’ Ṣāhib-Qirān, his well-known title, means ‘Lord of the (fortunate) conjunction,’ and has reference to a conjunction of the planets at his birth.

↩
Literally, ‘the lords of turbans,’ a common expression for learned men who are distinguished by the turban as soldiers are by a helmet or military hat.

↩
◌ (Ḥaqq). MS. (A) has ◌ (bi-Khāzinān-i-ajāll) ‘to the treasurers of eternity.’

↩
Muẓaffar Khān, governor of Bengal, was slain by the rebels in A.D. 1579, and during those turmoils Ḥakīm Nūru-d dīn Qarārī passed from the world. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 282.

↩
◌ (Khalīl). Abraham, ‘the Friend of God.’ The reference is to the legend of Abraham's persecution. Abraham had broken the idols of the Chaldæans, or, according to the Jewish legend, the idols in his father's shop, and Namrūd (Nimrod) ordered him to be burnt. A large space was enclosed at Kūtha and filled with a vast quantity of wood which, being set on fire, burned so fiercely that none dared venture near it. Abraham was projected into the fire by means of an engine, but Gabriel was sent to his assistance, and the fire burnt only the cords which bound him, and became to him a sweet and odoriferous breeze while the pile became a pleasant meadow. Notwithstanding this the fire raged so furiously otherwise that about two thousand of the idolators were consumed by it. The legend resembles in many respects the account of the attempt to burn Ananias, Azarias and Misael, as given in the third chapter of the Book of Daniel in the Vulgate, but is supposed to have had its origin in the translation of the proper name ‘Ur of the Chaldees,’ the city whence Abraham was brought by God, the proper name meaning ‘fire.’

↩
The poet apparently means to say that as the union must necessarily be transient he will do well to refrain from seeking to renew both it and his grief.

↩
This poet is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt. His takha-lluṣ is not pointed in the text, nor in the Mss. If it is as I have written it, it signifies ‘of, or relating to, a bow, the rainbow, or Sagittarius.’ It may, however, be Qūsī, in which case it would signify ‘of or relating to a cloister, cell, or monastery.’

↩
Elder brother of Ataga Khān. Vide p.308 and note 2.

↩
The text has ◌ (ḥanjara khilālī), an expression which has puzzled the editor. The true reading is, beyond a doubt, ◌ (Khanjara-yi-khilālī) with the meaning given by me.

↩
Qaidī is thus described in the Āīn (i, 599), ‘He spent some time in the acquisition of such sciences as are usually studied; but he thinks much of himself.’ The following is the account given in the Ṭabaqāt, ‘Mullā Qaidī of Shīrāz came from Makkah, entered the impeṛial service. and was honoured by many marks of favour. He died in Fatḥpūr Sīkrī. In the expedition to Kābul he shared the author's (Niẓāmn-d-dīn Aḥmad's) quarters.’

↩
Regulations by Akbar to prevent the grandees and officers from drawing pay for establishments which they did not keep up. They were not entirely new, but had seldom been strictly enforced and were much resented, as all interference with customary embezzlement is in the East. Vide text, ii. 190.

↩
A wandering darvīsh who has given up all worldly desires.

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Qadrī is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Qandī is not mentioned in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
One of the performances of the Ṣufīs in their ‘worship.’ Vide p. 92.

↩
Vide p. 239 and note 1.

↩
Kulāhī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Vide text, vol. ii, pp. 124, 198, 255. The latter two pages contain references to the execution of Mīr Ḥabash. From this passage it is evident that he suffered with Mīrzā Muqīm.

↩
◌ (tabarrā) vide vol. i, trans. Ranking, pp. 576, 577 and note 5. I may add to Lt.-Colonel Ranking's note that the word is commonly applied to actual reviling of Abū Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmān.

↩
It is clear that Kulāhī was a Shī‘ah. The kingdom in the Dakan from which he came is not mentioned. Of the Muḥammadan Kings in the Dakan the Quṭb Shāhī Kings of Golkonda without exception, the ‘Ādil Shāhī Kings of Bījāpūr with one exception, and the Niẓām Shāhī Kings of Aḥmadnagar with very few exceptions, were Shī‘ahs.

↩
Kalāmī is not mentioned, either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt, as a poet.

↩
Vide infra No. CLIII.

↩
The capital of a sarkār, or revenue district, in the Ṣūbah of Multān. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, ii, p. 333.

↩
Kāmī is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt: ‘He is a youth lately arrived at man's estate, and has a poet's tongue.’ In the Āīn (i, p. 160) he is called Kāmī of Sabzavār and Abū-l-Faẓl remarks that his mind is somewhat unsettled. Mr. Blochmann adds the following note: ‘Kāmī's father, Khẉāja Yaḥyā, was a grocer, and lived in the Maidān Maḥallah of Sabzavār, in Khurāsān. Occasionally he wrote poems. When the Uzbaks took Sabzavār Mīr Yaḥyā went to India and left Kāmī, then twelve years old, with one of his relations in Sabzavār. At the request of his father Kāmī came to India, and was frequently with the Khānkhānān. He went afterwards back to Khurāsān, and the author of the Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīmī saw him, in A.H. 1014 (A.D. 1605-56), in Hirāt. While travelling from Hirāt to his home he was killed by robbers, who carried off the property which he had acquired in the Khānkhānān's service.

The Haft Iqlīm says that his poems are good, but that he was irascible and narrow-minded.’

↩
Liqā'ī is mentioned neither in Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
I.e. may it come true.

↩
Liwā'ī is mentioned in the Āīn (i, 613) as Pīrzāda, nephew of Mīr Davām of Khurāsān, a singer and chanter.’

↩
◌. The letters have the following values: 2 + 10 + 200 + 7 + 1 + 4 + 5 + 1 + 7 + 3 + 5 + 1 + 50 + 200 + 80 + 400 = 976. The chronogram is thus wrong by no less than 19 years.

↩
I have not been able to discover any mention elsewhere of La‘lī or of his father.

↩
Akbar's second surviving son, at this time (A.D. 1595) employed in the Dakan.

↩
MS. (A) calls this poet ‘Mīr Luṭfī.’ In the Ṭabaqāt he is thus described:— ‘Mulla Luṭfī the Astrologer composed good extempore verses, and could recite as many as a thousand couplets at one sitting. He was a good companion over the bottle, and a mimic He understood astrology well, and was in the company of the author for several years.’

↩
Mīr Murtaẓā is mentioned in the Āīn (i, 540) as one of the learned men of the third degree, acquainted with philosophy and theology.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 84, where Mīr Sayyid Sharīf is thus described: ‘that paragon of mankind, the eleventh intelligence!’ From this passage it appears that Mīr Murtaẓā Sharīfī was one of those sent, in 1566, to the Khānzamān, to convey to him the emperor's forgiveness, and to exhort him to repentance for his rebellion.

↩
◌ (ḥadīth) the ‘sayings’ of Muḥammad.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 99. “In this year (A H. 974) that paragon of the age, Mīr Murtaẓā Sharīfī of Shīrāz, passed from this illusory world, and was at first buried in Dihlī, near the tomb of Mīr Khusrav (on him be God's mercy). But the Ṣadr, and the Qāẓī, and the Shaikhu-l-Islām, then represented that as Mīr Khusṛav was a native of India and a Sunnī and Mīr Murtaẓā a native of ‘Irāq and a heretic, Mīr Khusrav would be annoyed by his company, for there is no doubt that ‘the companionship of an unworthy man is a grievous torment to the soul.’ It was therefore ordered that he should be removed from there and buried elsewhere, and thus, as is evident, great injustice was done to both.”

↩
The famous poet of Dihlī.

↩
Vide no. CXXIV.

↩
◌ The sum of the numerical values of the letters is 974.

↩
Probably the Lawā'iḥ-i-Jāmī, a work on ethics by the famous Persian poet, Mullā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥmān-i-Jāmī.

↩
Mīr Maḥmūd is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn, or in the Ṭabaqāt. Mīr Mughīṯ, who also had this takhalluṣ is mentioned in both works.

↩
Mīr Ghiyāṯu-d-dīn ‘Alī, son of Mīr ‘Abdu-l-Laṭīf, a Saifī Sayyid of Qazvīn. He was a commander of nine hundred under Akbar. He came to India with his father while Akbar, after his accession, was still in the Panjāb. He was Akbar's reader, was very proficient in history, wrote several portions of the Tārīkh-i-Alfī and superintended the translations from Sanskṛt into Persian. On the accession of Jahāngīṛ he was made a commander of fifteen hundred. He died at Ajmer in A.H. 1023 (A.D. 1614) and was buried beside his wife within the enclosure of Mu‘īnu-d-dīn Cishtī's tomb.

↩
◌ (Shuhūd). The word has several meanings. Its meaning here may perhaps be that attached to it by the Ṣūfīs, ‘the sight of God,’ ‘the beatific vision.’

↩
The text has ◌ (Samīn) ‘fat,’ ‘plump,’ but the metre requires ◌ (Sīmīn) ‘of silver.’

↩
There are many syllables which may be, by the rules of Persian prosody, either short or long, and the art of the composition described consists in the introduction of syllables of this nature in such positions that the poem may be read in two metres. The two metres in which this ode may be read are these known as Báḥr-i-sarī‘-i-maqṭū' and Ramal-i-musaddas-i-maqṣūr. A full explanation of these terms would involve a long note on Arabic and Persian prosody which would be of no interest to those who have not mastered its rules, and superfluous for those who have.

↩
See the last note. The four metres in which Faiẓī's ode may be read are: (1) Baḥr-i-Sarī‘-i-maqṭū', (2) Baḥr-i-Khafīf-i-makhbūn-i-maqṭū', (3) Baḥr-i-Ramal-i-musaddas-i-maqṣūr , and (4) Baḥr-i-Ramal-i-musaddas-i-makhbūn-i-maḥẕūf .

↩
‘The book of his life’ is a figurative expression. The author means to say that Faiẓī destroyed the leaf as utterly as his body was afterwards destroyed by death. His reason for doing so seems to have been that he was ashamed of his childish essay in poetry of several metres.

↩
Riẓavī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. He was sent on an embassy to the Dakan, from which he returned early in 1574. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 171.

↩
The author uses a very vague expression here. Its literal translation is, ‘He is in the same world (or category) as Mīr Maḥmūd the Munshī, but more so.’ Whether the words ‘but more so’ mean ‘rather better’ or ‘rather worse’ depends entirely on Badāonī's estimate of Mīr Maḥmūd's verse at the time when the sentence was penned.

↩
I have not attempted to solve these enigmas. The task would be both difficult and unprofitable.

↩
This poet is casually mentioned on p. 314 of the text in vol. ii, but I can find no mention of him elsewhere.

↩
Vide p. 347, note 6.

↩
Apparently from the hearts hung in her cars.

↩
Literally ‘has broken the fore-arm of (i.e. ‘has overcome’) silver.’

↩
The author is not casting aspersions on Maujī's verses, but is regretting that he did not give up a pursuit which is regarded by strict Muslims as a vain, if not unlawful, occupation.

↩
Mīrzāda ‘Alī Khān was a commander of nine hundred. He served in the expedition in Mālwa against ‘Abdu-'llah Khān Uzbak in the ninth year, and in the seventeenth year in the war in Gujarāt under the Khān-i-Kalān. Two years later he commanded an expedition against Qāsim Khān Kāsū in Bihār. In the twenty-third year he accompanied Shāhbāz Khān in the war against Rānā Partāb. He then served in Bihār under the Khān-i-A‘ẓam and in Bengal under Shāhbāz Khān. In A.D. 1585 he was present in the fight with Qutlū near Bardwān. In 1586 he was ordered to join Qāsim Khān, who was on his way to Kashmīr. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 443.

↩
Mr. Blochmann says (Āīn, i, 443) that he was killed in A.H. 995 (A.D. 1587) in a fight in which the Kashmīrīs defeated an imperial detachment under Sayyid ‘Abdu‘llāh Khān. I do not know what authority there is for this statement, but we can hardly refuse to accept as correct the statement of Badāoni, who was apparently a personal friend of the poet, and mentions his death in three passages, here, and in vol. ii, (text) pp. 354, 369.

↩
A commander of three thousand, and one of Akbar's chief amīrs. He conquered Kashmīr and in the thirty-fourth year was made governor of Kābul. He was murdered in A.D. 1593-94 by a young man who pretended to be a son of Mīrzā Shāhrukh. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 379.

↩
Mu‘izzī is not mentioned as poet in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
That is to say, a Sayyid descended from Ismā‘īl bin Ibrāhīm, great-grandson of ‘Alī, who was called Ṭabātabā on accouut of his prononncing the letter ◌ like ◌.

↩
Younger brother of Humāyūn, and uncle of Akbar.

↩
Murādī is mentioned as a poet neither in the Āīn, nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
◌ (kufr) literally ‘infidelity.’

↩
Mushfiqī is mentioned in the Āīn (i, 583) but no account of him is given. According to the Haft Iqlīm he was born and died at Bukhārā. Badāonī's statement that he came originally from Marv may possibly mean no more than that his ancestors came from that place. Dāghistānī says that he was Maliku-sh-Shu‘arā or poet-laureate under ‘Abdu-‘llāh Khān the Uzbak, King of Bukhārā. Sprenger says that he was born in A.H. 945 (A.D. 1538-39) and that his second dīvān was collected in A.H. 983 (A.D. 1575-76). From the Akbarnāma it appears that he was presented to Akbar at Pāk Patan in A.D. 1578. He died in A.D. 1586.

↩
The great poet Salmān of Sāwa, who died A.D. 1367-68.

↩
Cf. Hāfiẓ, … ◌ ‘For love appeared easy at first, but difficulties soon arose.

↩
The text is apparently corrupt here. It has ◌ (nagūca), a word which is neither Hindūstānī nor Persian. Mr. Blochmann, in the Āīn (i, 583), reads ◌ (ṭakaucia), a word certainly not in common use, but explained on p. 88 of the Āīn as meaning the long coat commonly worn in India, usually known as ◌ (capkan). The meaning of the last verse in that the turban and the long skirts of the coat are like the large head and straight wings of the fly. This fragment is quoted, in a mutilated condition, by Abū-l-Faẓl, in the Āīn (loc. cit.). Abū-‘l-Faẓl transfers the simile from the Hindūs, whom he liked, to the learned among orthodox Muslims, whom he disliked. Vide Mr. Blochmann's note (Āīn, loc. cit.). Mr. Blochmann remarks that the first couplet of the fragment is a parody on (he should have said ‘was suggested by’) a couplet in the well-known ghazal which Hāfiẓ (ode 158, Jarrett's edition) sent to Ghiyāṯn-dīn, Sulṭān of Bengāl:—

◌
“The parrots of Ind will be tasting the sweets
Of this Persian sugar now sent to Bengal.”
Mushfiqī seems to have been a diligent student of Hāfiẓ.

↩
Mailī is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt: ‘Mīrzā Qulī, Mailī, was for years in the service of Naurang Khān, who was one of the amīrṣ attached to the emperor's exalted family. He has written a dīvān of ghazals and qaṣī-dahs .’ In the Āin he is thus mentioned, ‘His name was Mīrzā Qulī. He was of Turkish extraction and lived in the society of gay people.’ The year in which he came to India is variously given as A.H. 979 (A.D. 1571-72) and A.H. 983 (A.D. 1575-76). The Ātashkada-yi-Āẕarī says he was brought up in Mashhad. According to Dāghistānī he belonged to the Jalāir clan, lived under Ṭahmāsp, and was in the service of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, after whose death he went to India. He is much praised for his poetry; the author of the Ātashkada says that he was one of his favourite poets.

↩
Naurang Khān was the son of Quṭbu-'d-dīn Khān, the youngest brother of Shamsu-'d-dīn Muhammad Khān Ataga. He served under Mīrzā, Khān-khānān in Gujarāt in A.H. 992 (A.D. 1584), and received a jāgīr in Mālwa and subsequently in Gujarāt. Mr. Blochmann (Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 334) says that he died in A.H. 999 (A.D. 1590-91), but, according to the Ṭabaqāt, where he is styled a commander of four thousand, he was governor of Jūnagaṛh in A.H. 1001 (A.D. 1593-94).

↩
There is a difference of one letter only between the two Persian words, ◌ (jafā) ‘cruelty,’ and ◌ (vafā) ‘fidelity.’

↩
This last couplet is not in the text, but is in both MSS. It completes the ode. The couplet runs as follows:— ◌

↩
◌ (‘Isā) is the name given by Musalmāns to our Lord, whose miracles of raising the dead to life they attribute to His breath, vide p. 224 and note.

↩
This couplet, which is carelessly omitted from MS. (B), deals with the favourite theme of the absolute oneness of the lover and the beloved.

↩
I do not know to what Muntakhab, or Selection, Badāonī here refers. It is not likely to be this work, for whenever he casually mentions any poetry that he may have written he adds an expression of regret for having written it.

↩
Malik, not being a poet of Akbar's court, is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Scil. the kingdom of Aḥmadnagar.

↩
Vide p. 373, note 1.

↩
One of the seats of the affections, according to oriental belief.

↩
The text has ◌, which does not make sense. Both MSS. have ◌, which reading I have followed.

↩
The eye of the beloved is compared with a narcissus.

↩
i.e. of complacency and freedom from love.

↩
There is a double entendre here. ◌ (qalb) means both ‘heart’ and ‘the centre of an army.’

↩
Badāonī is hard to please. He blames Malik for introducing no fresh matter into his poetry, and then blames him for using an uncommon, if not original, simile. It must be remembered that Malik was almost certainly a Shī'ah.

↩
The text reads ◌ which does not make sense, as there is no substantive to be qualified by the adjectival expression ◌. I think the correct reading must be ◌, and I have translated accordingly.

↩
Mudāmī is mentioned neither in the Āīn nor in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Vide p. 388, note 1.

↩
◌ (qadam) means ‘a footstep.’ The text has, and the metre requires, ◌ (qudam), a word which does not exist in Persian. The letter ◌ has been doubled by poetical license.

↩
There is a double entendre here which cannot be reproduced in translation. ◌ means both ‘on high’ and ‘the graceful figure and lofty stature’ of a beautiful woman.

↩
The text omits ◌ both here and before the preceding couplet, though it appears in both MSS. and serves to show that the two couplets are by others than Mudāmi, as they evidently are.

↩
There is again a pun here, which cannot be reproduced in translation. The word ◌ (qiyāmat) which literally means ‘resurrection’ or ‘the day of resurrection’ is used twice, first in the sense of ‘tumults’ and secondly in an adjectival sense,—‘wonderful.’

↩
Mullā Maqṣūd is not mentioned either in the Āin or in the Ṭabaqāt, as a poet.

↩
Literally ‘twisted.’ This is another untranslatable double entendre. The word has reference to the curling locks of the beloved.

↩
Literally, ‘has added as a tail, or fringe.’ The author means that Mullā Maqṣūd, having written his ode, added a few couplets as an encomium on Qāẓī Yaḥyā, probably with the object of obtaining a reward.

↩
Vide p. 148, note 3. His grandfather, Mīr Yaḥyā, was a well-known theologian and philosopher, who had acquired such extraordinary proficiency in the knowledge of history that he was acquainted with the date of every event which had occurred from the establishment of the Muḥammadan religion to his own time. He was at first patronized by Shāh Ṭahmāsp-i-Ṣafavī and was treated with such distinction that his enemies poisoned his patron's mind against him by representing that he and his son, Mīr ‘Abdu-'l-Laṭīf, were the leading men among the Sunnīs of Qazvīn. The king ordered Mīr Yaḥyā and his sons to be imprisoned in Iṣfahān, and Mīr Yaḥyā accompanied the king's messenger thither and died there, after one year and nine months, in A.H. 962 (A.D. 1554-55) at the age of 77. He was the author of a historical compendium, the Lubbu-'t-Tawārīkh, composed in A.D. 1541. Mīr ‘Abdu-l-Laṭīf, the father of Naqīb Khān, fled to Gīlān and afterwards, at the invitation of Humāyūn, went to Hindūstān, and arrived at court with his family just after Akbar had ascended the throne. He was appointed preceptor to Akbar. His son, Naqīb Khān, rose to be a commander of nine hundred in Akbar's, and fifteen hundred in Jahāngīr's, reign. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī , i, 417.

↩
i.e. the ground is so cold that the crow fears to alight on it.

↩
The poet here uses two words ◌ (sinjāb) and ◌ (qūqum), both of which mean ‘ermine.’ The ermine is compared with the whiteness of the snow.

↩
There is another untranslatable double entendre here. The word which I have translated by ‘lack of livelihood’ literally means ‘leaflessness.’

↩
Miḥnatī is not mentioned as a poet either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. Ḥiṣār is Ḥiṣār Fīrūza, chief town of the sarkār of the same name in the ṣūba of Dihlī, now the headquarters of the Ḥiṣār District in the Panjāb.

↩
Chief town of the sarkār of the same name in the ṣūba of Dihlī, now in the Patiāla State, in the Panjāb.

↩
This phrase has reference to Miḥnatī's takhalluṣ which is formed by the addition of the yā-yi-nisbat from the word ◌ (miḥnat) ‘toil.’

↩
Mūsawī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn or the Ṭubaqāt. From what Badāonī says of him here it is clear that he was one of the Mūsawī Sayyids of Mashhad, who trace their descent to ‘Alī Mūsā Riẓā, the eighth Imām of the Shī‘ahs.

↩
This is the gist of the second hemistich of the couplet, but the hemistich does not consist of a complete sentence and it would appear that Badāonī should have supplied the rest in by quoting further.

↩
Vide vol. ii, text, p. 71. Badāonī, though he admits that Khẉāja Mu‘aẓẓam deserved punishment, seems to blame Akbar for punishing him, and says that Mu‘aẓẓam always suffered on account of his near relationship to the emperor, quoting Arabic verses to the following effect:—

“Near relations are like scorpions in the harm which they do,
Be not deceived by either paternal or maternal uncle,
For grief is increased by the paternal uncle,
While the maternal uncle is destitute of all good qualities.

↩
Vide note above. Badāonī says (loc. cit.) ‘on the day on which the emperor went to his house to give him advice and to warn him against the repetition of certain unbecoming actions which he had committed, the Khwāja, becoming aware of his approach, and either having doubts regarding his intentions or being attacked by one of those fits of madness to which he had long been subject, slew his wife. As he had thus become deserving of punishment, the emperor had him kicked and beaten and then had him ducked in water several times, and sent him to Gwāliyār, and in that prison he was freed from the bondage of his evil nature, and went to his reward.’ This passage in vol. ii leaves it doubtful whether Mu‘aẓẓam died a natural or a violent death, but the passage above is quite explicit.

↩
◌ But the sum of the letters is 973, not 971. It is possible that Mu‘aẓẓam was two years in Gwāliyār before he died or was put to death.

↩
Vide p. 239 and note 1.

↩
These words ◌ are not in the text. I supply them from the MSS.

↩
Mauzūn is not mentioned, either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt, as a poet.

↩
Islām or, by imālah, as here, Islīm, otherwise Salīm Shāh Sūr, son and successor of Shīr Shāh Sūr. Vide vol. i (trans. Ranking), p. 485 et passim.

↩
Muḥammad Yūsuf is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt as a poet.

↩
Vide vol. ii (text), p. 143.

↩
The reference is to the patriarch Joseph. There is something wrong about the chronogram. The whole hemistich is ◌ which gives the date 1164. Omitting the last two words the total is 1008, and omitting these and also the first word the total is 984,—still four years too many.

↩
The rhyme to which Badāonī objects is that of ◌ (‘azīzān) with ◌, which latter word was pronounced in his day, and, by natives of India, is still pronounced rēzān. The ma‘rūf sound is ‘I,’ the majhūl ‘ē.’ Although the Persians have long abandoned the majhūl sounds and would now pronounce the latter word rīzān it is still considered inelegant, if not incorrect to rhyme a vocable which was always ma‘rūf with one which was anciently majhūl, though the rhyme is perfectly good, both to the ear and to the eye. This defect in rhyme is called ◌ (hazv).

↩
Manẓarī is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
◌ (Shahnāma), i.e. a poem on the model of Firdausī's great epic, the Shīhnām.

↩
Vide vol. i (trans. Ranking), p. 542 et passim.

↩
Vide p. 6, note 4.

↩
On the Ganges, in the estate of Muḥammad Ḥusain Khān.

↩
i.e. illuminated on cardboard, as a wall decoration.

↩
Each of the seven planets Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the sun and the moon, as reckoned by the Musalmāns, was to have an age or cycle. These cycles have all been completed except the last, that of the moon, which began with the creation of Adam. It is the worst of all the cycles and has been and is to be a period of bloodshed and tumults.

↩
Mudāmī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Elder brother of Ataga Khān, vide p. 308, note 2.

↩
The spring.

↩
Literally alifs.

↩
Muqīmī is not mentioned as a poet in the Āin oṛ in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Mīrzā ‘Azīz Kūka. Vide p. 388 and note 2.

↩
No name or takhalluṣ is entered here, either in the MSS. or in the text. The passages which follow are printed in the text as a continuation of the life of Muqīmï, but they clearly refer to another poet, of whom I can unfortunately find no mention in any book to which I have access.

↩
Vide p. 210. The ‘place of pilgrimage’ seems to have been Bukhārā, so called probably because it was the burial-place of Sayyid Jalāl, seventh descendant of Imām ‘Alī Naqī Alhādī.

↩
Vide p. 42 and note 1.

↩
The name of this poet was Mīr Mughīṯ. He is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt: “He is a free-hearted and accomplished man. He arrived in Gujarāt and entered the service of Mīrzā Khān the Khānkhānān, and, helped and encouraged by him, set forth on a pilgrimage to the Ḥijāz.” In the Āīn (i, 585) he is thus described, “Maḥwī of Hamadān. His name is Mughīṯ. He tries to change the four mud walls of this worldly life into stone walls, and is intoxicated with the scent of freedom.” According to the Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīmī he was born in Asadābād (Hamadān) and went, when twelve years old, to Ardabīl, where he studied for four years at the Āstāna-yi-Ṣafāviyya. From youth he was remarkable for his contentment and piety. He spent twenty years at holy places, chiefly at Najaf, Mashhad, Karbalā, and Hirāt. He embarked at Bandar Jarūn for India, and after leaving the Khānkhānān's service went back to ‘Irāq, where the author of the Ma'āṯir saw him at Kāshān, He visited Najaf and Karbalā and returned to Hamadān, where he died in A.H. 1016 (A.D. 1607-08). It will be observed that the Ma'āṯir says nothing of his pilgrimage to Makkah. According to the Ātashkada-yi-Āẕurī he is often called Nīshāpūrī, because he was long in|that town.

↩
Maẓharī is thus described in the Āīn (i, 584), ‘He made poems from his early youth, and lived long in ‘Irāq. From living with good people he acquired excellent habits.’ Dāghistānī says that in ‘Irāq he was in company with Muḥtasham and Waḥshī. After his return to India he was employed by Akbar as Mīr Baḥrī of Kashmīr, which was evidently the employment to which Badāonī refers. He had turned Shi‘ah, and, as his father was a Sunnī, they used to abuse each other. His poems are said to contain several satires on his father. Maẓharī died in A.H. 1018 (A.D. 1609-10). The poet cannot be the Maẓharī mentioned in vol. ii (text), p. 292, or Badāonī would have written more warmly of him here.

↩
I have not found elsewhere any mention of Shaikh Muḥammad of Dihlī.

↩
A pargana town in the sarkār and ṣūba of Āgra.

↩
Nuvīdī is not mentioned in the Āīn, and the only notice of him in the Ṭabaqāt is that he was for a long time at court.

↩
A poem composed of strophes, each consisting of any number of couplets from five to eleven. The two hemistiches of the first couplet of each strophe rhyme together and the remaining couplets rhyme with the first. At the end of each strophe is a refrain consisting of one couplet, the two hemistichs of which rhyme together, and which is the same throughout the poem.

↩
The verses which follow are certainly a satire on Kucik Beg, but they do not seem to be from the tarjī‘-band mentioned, for they are not in the form of a tarjī‘band.

↩
The word is apparently intended to bear a very ill meaning here.

↩
The reference is obviously to Mīrzā Muẓaffar Ḥusain, son of Bahrām Mīrzā, son of Shāh Isma‘īl-i-Ṣafavī. He was a commander of five thousand and had Sambhal in jāgīr. The people in his jāgīr preferred complaints against his grasping factors, or collectors, and Muẓaffar, annoyed at this, applied for leave to go to Makkah. Akbar granted his request, but Muẓaffar repented of his resolve, and was reinstated in his jāgīr. New complaints were preferred and the jāgīr was resumed, Muẓaffar receiving an allowance in cash in lien of it. The poet's object in referring to this is to show that Kucik Beg was educated in a very bad school.

↩
◌ Steingass gives the meaning of this word as ‘out of proportion, but it is clearly intended to bear a much worse meaning here, and I have accordingly translated it more literally.

↩
◌ (vā-mānda). The expression may possibly refer to the felt cushion, in which case it will mean, ‘cast off.’

↩
◌ (kudām) is in Persian an interrogative pronoun, but here Badāonī clearly uses it, as is sometimes done in India, and always in Afghāuistān, as an indefinite pronoun.

↩
In India a one-eyed man is supposed to be necessarily and unavoidably base, and therefore, as he cannot help himself, to be to some extent excused.

↩
Vide supra p. 239, no. 1.

↩
By the substitution of ◌ (An-naḥwu) for ◌ (al-hajwu) which is done by the alteration of one letter and the displacement of one dot.

↩
The ‘assemblies’ of Ḥarīrī, a very famous work in Arabic.

↩
Vide infra Nos. CLII and CLVIII.

↩
The text has ◌ (shamā'il) ‘qualities.’ I prefer ◌, which is the reading of both MSS.

↩
Literally ‘idea.’

↩
This word ◌ (jam‘) might also be translated ‘contented.’

↩
Nishānī is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt as a poet, but he is mentioned more than once in the Āīn as an engraver. Abū-l-Faẓl says of him, ‘at this day, Maulānā ‘Alī Aḥmad of Dihlī, who has not his equal in any country, cuts different kinds of letters in steel in such a manner as equals the copy slips of the most skilful caligraphers. He holds the rank of commander of a hundred,’ and again ‘Maulānā ‘Alī Aḥmad of Dihlī who, according to all caligraphers, stands unsurpassed as a steel engraver, so much so that his engravings are taken as copies. His nasta‘līq is charming, but he writes also other characters well. He learned the trade from his father, Shaikh Ḥusain, studied the manner of Maulānā Maqṣūd, and eventually surpassed all.’ Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 22, 53.

↩
Sulṭān Salīm, afterwards the emperor Jahāngīr. Ḥusain was probably his writing master.

↩
The meaning of this sentence according to the tenses used by Badāonī is, ‘Having attained an honourable rank he is in no way inferior to the famous Amīrs,’ but I believe that I have accurately rendered the meaning of Badāonī who has just been complaining that ‘Alī Aḥmad did not receive the promotion which was his due

↩
◌ (kuhūlat) literally ‘laziness,’ ‘love of ease.’

↩
I am not quite sure of the correctness of this translation. The two words used are ◌ (isbāgh and ◌ (ishbā’). The latter, which is an Arabic verbal noun in the measure ◌ means ‘satiating,’ ‘filling up,’ ‘dyeing.’ I think that Badāonī means by it that he proposes to quote at length.

↩
The special characteristic of our Lord, according to Muḥammadan belief, has already been mentioned, vide supra, p. 224, note 2. The meaning of this couplet is that the lip merely gave life until the down grew above it, after which it gave perpetual life.

↩
MS. (A) has ◌ (tabāruk) which neither rhymes nor makes good sense. MS. (B) has ◌ (tabārāk) which is nonsense and neither scans nor rhymes. I have adopted ◌ (bi-tārak), the reading of the text.

↩
◌. The sum of the values of the letters is 980. Gujarāt was formally annexed on Sha‘bān 14, A.H. 980 (Dec. 20, 1572); vide vol. ii (text), p. 142.

↩
This was, apparently, the occasion on which Badāonī, in 1577, left the court at Rewārī, having received five months' leave of absence. He overstayed his leave by seven months and was never again received into favour. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 252.

↩
The text has ‘Peshāwār,’ which was certainly not Badāonī's birthplace. The correct reading is ‘Basāwar.’ According to Mr. Blochmann (Aīn-i-Akbarī , i, 104, note 2), Badāonī was born at Badāon, but this is a mistake. He was born in Toda, but was taken soon after his birth to Basāwar, where he was circumcised (vide vol. ii, text, 236), and of which he always speaks as his birthplace.

↩
Vide p. 417.

↩
The Principle of Evil.

↩
Āẕar (◌), the angel who presides over fire.

↩
A river in Paradise whence all the other rivers derive their source.

↩
This hemistich and the one which precedes it have been carelessly omitted from the text. I have supplied them from the MSS.

↩
Abraham, ‘the Friend of God.’

↩
i.e. as a seal has its head hidden in the wax when it is pressed on it.

↩
The ‘enemy’ is Shaikh Faiẓī. I have been unable to translate literally this hemistich and the one which follows it, as a literal translation would not give the sense, which is that the poet's intellect is more spacious than the sky.

↩
A great magician, the maker, according to the Musalmāns, of the golden calf which the Iraelites worshipped. Vide Qur'ān c. xx.

↩
◌ (Kalīm) for ◌ (Kalīmu-'llāh) ‘the speaker with God.’ i.e. Moses. The reference is of course of Aaron's rod, Ex. vii, 9. 10. In the Qur'ān the rod is said to be that of Moses ◌ ‘wherefore he (Moses) cast down his rod, and behold, it became a visible serpent.’ Qurān c. vii.

↩
Shaikh Faiẓī.

↩
A hemistich from one of Faiẓī's poems.

↩
The reference is, of course, to the burning bush, Exodus iii, Qur'ān, xxvii. 7-13.

↩
i.e. Faiẓī merely sowed the seed which had been raised by others.

↩
Hārūt and Mārūt were two angels who, having expressed their surprise at the wickedness of men, were sent down to Bāb?? (Babylon) to be subjected to the temptations to which men were exposed. There they learnt the magic of the Babylonians. Zuhrah (the planet Venus), or, according to others, a beautiful female of human kind, appeared before them with a complaint against her husband. Both fell in love with her and attempted to persuade her to admit them to her embraces. She flew up to heaven, and the angels followed her, but were not admitted. On the intercession of a pious man they were permitted to choose whether they would expiate their sin in time or in eternity. They chose the former, and are suspended, head downwards, in a well near Babylon until the day of judgment. If a man desires to learn magic he may go to them and hear their voices, though he cannot see them. This explains the reference to Venus. Nishānī means to say that he is so accomplished as a magician that he has nothing to learn from Hārūt, and could afford to throw the angel's magic scroll back to him in his well.

↩
The reference is to the cup of Jamshīd which, according to Eastern fabulists, represented the whole world. In MS. (A) this passage referring to Badāonī's qualities of heart and head is reproduced again in Nishānī's third letter to Badāonī, vide infra, 492. All the complimentary epithets and similes in this letter are applied to Badāonī. They are even more fulsome than is usual in Indian letters.

↩
Vide supra p. 486.

↩
The following letter is in Arabic.

↩
◌ Qur'ān lxxx, 34, 35.

↩
Qur'ān ii. 6.

↩
The twelfth month.

↩
The third month.

↩
Akbar.

↩
Vide p. 432, note 4.

↩
The circle in the middle was for Akbar's name, and the seven circles round it were for the names of his ancestors, viz:—

(1) Humāyūn, (2) Bābar, (3) ‘Umar Shaikh Mīrzā, (4) Sulṭān Abū Sa‘īd Mīrzā, (5) Sulṭān Muḥammad Mīrzā, (6) Jalālu-d-dīn Mīrān Shāh, (7) Quṭbu-d-dīn Amīr Timūr Gūrgān, Ṣāhib-Qirān.

↩
I believe the text to be corrupt here. It runs ◌, literally ‘why should I complain of the hand of the lamentation of the spells, etc.’ My translation is conjectural.

↩
Fate.

↩
The fish on which, according to Eastern fabnlists, the world rests.

↩
The sky.

↩
MS. (A) here inserts the passage mentioned on p. 490 note.

↩
◌ according to both MSS. The text has ◌ which does not accord so well with the context.

↩
Vide supra, p. ?? note

↩
Vide p. 396, note 1.

↩
The word used here ◌ (Sulaimānī) is not easy to translate. It signifies, for want of a better word, ‘Solomonship,’ i.e. all the wisdom, majesty, etc., which were associated with Solomon.

↩
Nihān means ‘hidd en,’ and is formed into a takhalluṣ by the addition of the yā-yi-nisbat. Poetesses in the East generally assumed some such takhal-luṣ; e.g. Akbar's second wife, Sulṭān Salīma Begam, Jahāngīr's wife, Nūr Jahān and Aurangzīb's daughter, Zību-n-nisā, all wrote under the takhalluṣ of Makhfī (‘concealed’).

↩
◌ (‘weak woman’). The expression does not necessarily mean that she was ailing. It is one of kindly contempt.

↩
◌ It may possibly mean ‘wife,’ or ‘near relation,’ but I do not think that Badāonī would apply the term to a wife, and I know of no authority for the latter meaning.

↩
Vide supra No. CXLVI.

The author of the Tabaqāt has evidently confused him with the poet there mentioned, for he attributes to the only Nuvīdī whom he mentions the couplet given here, and says of the poet, ‘He was for a long time at the imperial court.

↩
Mīrzā ‘Abdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Bairām Khān.

↩
Nau‘ī is thus described in the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 606) ‘Nau‘ī of Mashhad is a poet of talent; if sharply spoken to be writes well.’ Mullā Muḥammad Riẓā came from Khabūshān, near Mashhad. On his arrival in India, says the Ma'āṯir-i Raḥīmī, he found a patron in Mīrzā Yūsuf Khān of Mashhad, but soon afterwards entered the service of the Khānkhānān, and stayed with him and prince Dāniyāl at Burhānpūr. For his Sāqīrāma the Khānkhānān gave him an elephant and a present of ten thousand rupees. He also composed several odes in praise of the prince. The Khizāna-yi-‘Āmira says that his maṯnavī entitled Sūz-u-Gudāz is quite sufficient to establish his fame as a great poet. Nau‘ī had not arranged his gaṣīdahs and ghzals in the form of a dīvān when he died at Burhānpūr in A.H. 1019 (A.D. 1610).

↩
Sulṭān Dāniyāl.

↩
Niyāzī is thus described in the Ṭabaqāt, ‘Mullā Niyāzī of Samarqand spent some time in the service of the emperor Humāyūn, and then entered the service of the Khalīfah of God (Akbar). He spent most of his life in Thatha. He was well-acquainted with the art of poetry, and wrote books on most arts.’

↩
The text has ◌ with a variant ◌. The latter is correct. Niyāzī seems to have committed a serious breach of court etiquette.

↩
Vide p. 268.

↩
Vide p. 378.

↩
◌ (bī-kas) means ‘friendless’ and ◌ (bī-kasī) ‘friendlessness’ or ‘a friendless man.’ The last sentence of this speech might be translated. ‘The face of Bīkasī is blackened,’ and it was this that Niyāzī intended to convey.

↩
Vide p. 248.

↩
This speech suggests a most obscene double entendre, having reference to Khẉāja Husain's reputation. It may be translated, ‘Eunuche, quae occasio est praebendi teipsum amplexibus eorum?’

↩
i.e. Jāmī.

↩
Mīr Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm is mentioned in the Tabaqāt as a pious young man and a friend of the author's. He belonged to a family of Tirmiẕī Sayyids who, two or three generations before his time had left Tirmiẕ in Bukhārā and settled in Qandahār, where his ancestors were trustees of the shrīne of Bābā Shīr Qalandar. His father settled in Bhakkar and received favours from Sulṭān Maḥmūd. After the death of his father poverty compelled Mīr Muḥammad Ma‘ṣūm to leave Bhakkar and he went to Gujarāt where he was introduced to Khwāja Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, author of the Tabaqāt, then dīvān of Gujarāt. He was also introduced to Shihāb Khān, governor of Gujarāt, and was recommended to Akbar for a manṣab. He served in Gujarāt in A.D. 1584, and was present at the fight of Maisāna, and in the final expedition against Muẓaffar in Kacch. In the fortieth year he was a commander of two hundred and fifty. Akbar became very fond of him and sent him in 1602 as ambassador to Persia, where he was well received by Shāh ‘Abbās. On his return from Persia in 1606 Jahāngīr sent him as amīn to Bhakkar, where he died. It is said that he reached under Akbar the command of a thousand. He was skilled as a composer and tracer of inscriptions. He was best known as a poet and historian. He composed a divān, a maṯnavī entitled Ma‘danu-l-afkār in the metre of Niẓāmī's Makhzanu-l-asrār, the Tārīkh-i-Sind, dedicated to his son, and a short medical work called Mufridāt-i-ma‘ṣūmī. The Riyāẓu-sh-Shu‘arā and Taqī's Taẕkirah say that he composed a Khamsah, viz.:—the maṯnavī already mentioned, the Ḥusn-u-Nāz corresponding to Niẓāmī's Yūsuf-u-Zulai khā, the Parī-ṣūrat to the Lailā-u-majnūn, and two others in imitation of the Haft Paikar and Sikandarnāma.

↩
The words from “my first” to “I came” have been most carelessly omitted from the text, though they are in both MSS., and the whole passage is nonsense without them.

↩
Vide page 183.

↩
This was the Ḥusn-u-Nāz.

↩
Literally, ‘liver.’

↩
The text has ◌. I believe ◌ or ◌ to be the correct reading.

↩
Literally ‘root.’

↩
The word ◌ (‘power’) begins with the letter ◌ (qāf) which has two dots. The poet means to say that one dot from one of the letters of the word denoting ‘Alī's power would far outweigh Mount Caucasus.

↩
The sword of ‘Alī.

↩
i.e. ‘One should be both the nightingale which sings to the rose and the rose which listens to the song.’

↩
Literally, ‘liver.’

↩
In the Ṭabaqāt Naẓīrī is thus described, ‘Maulānā Naẓīrī is from Nishāpūr and is not devoid of freshness of intellect. He has written many tasteful verses. He was formerly in the service of the Khānkhānān, but now he has gone to Makkah.’ Abū-l-Faẓl thus describes him in the Āīn, ‘He possesses poetical talent, and the garden of thought has a door open for him. Outwardly he is a good man, but he also desires plans for the architecture of the heart.’

Muḥammad Ḥusain Naẓīrī of Nīshāpūr left his home for Kāshān, where he held poetical contests with several poets, such as Fahmī, Ḥātim, and others. He then went to India, where he formed a patron in Mīrzā ‘Abdur Raḥīm, Khānkhānān. In A D 1603-04 he went to Makkah on a pilgrimage, after which he is said to have become very pious. On his return to India he lived at Aḥmadābād in Gujarāt where he died in 1613. Jahāngīr says in his Tūzuk (p. 91) ‘Some time before this (early in A.D. 1611) I had summoned to court Naẓīrī of Nīshāpūr who is well known for his poems and poetical genius, and at present lives in Gujarāt as a merchant. He now arrived and paid his respects, and presented to me an encomiastic qaṣīdah in the model of a qaṣīdah of Anvarī's, in return for which I presented him with a thousand rupees, a horse, and a robe of honour.’ The Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīmī says that Naẓīrī was a skilful goldsmith, and that he died, after having seen his patron in Āgra, in A.H. 1022 (A.D. 1613) at Aḥmadābād, where he lies buried in a mosque which he had built near his house. According to the Mir'ātul-l-‘Ālam he gave what he had to his friends and the poor. For the couplet written concerning him by the famous poet Ṣā'ib see (Āīn, 580 n.).

From what has been said it will appear that Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad, the author of the Ṭabaqāt, who died on November 18, 1594 (vide vol. ii, text, p. 397), some ten years before Naẓīrī left for Makkah has anticipated Naẓīrī'ś pilgrimage. It is possible that the short accounts of the poets in the Ṭabaqāt received some additions after the death of the author.

↩
The text has◌, but the sense demands ◌.

↩
Vide p. 478

↩
Naẓmī is not mentioned either in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt.

↩
Muḥammad Sharīf Vuqū‘ī belonged, according to the Ma'āṯir-i-Raḥīm, to a distinguished family of Sayyids in Nīshāpūr. His mother was the sister of Amīr Shāhmīr, who had been for a long time Assay-master under Shāh Ṭahmāsp

↩
A relation and friend of Akbar's foster-mother, and one of the leading nobles at Court. He was commander of Dihlī from the beginning of Akbar's reign and was instrumental in bringing about the fall of Bairam Khāṉ. He was successively governor of Mālwa, Gujarāt, and Mālwa again, and in A.D. 1576 was made a commander of five thousand. He died at Ujjain in Mālwa in A.D. 1590-91. His wife, Bābū Āghā, was related to Akbar's mother. She died in A.D. 1596-97. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 332; Badāonī vol. ii (text), 36 et passim.

↩
Sharīf means ‘noble.’

↩
Such as Sharīf-i-, Sarmadī of Iṣfahān and Sharīf-i-Amulī (vide p. 340 both heretics in Badāonī's eyes. See also vol. ii (text), p. 245.

↩
I have not been able to discover what the distinctive doctrines of the Ṣabāḥīs were, but they were evidently regarded by Badāonī as vile heretics. For mention of the Basākhẉānīs vide p. 283 note 4.

↩
That is to say, the changes of the natural kingdoms, animal, vegetable, and mineral, in various cycles. Vuqū‘ī's remark on the rocks, which follows shortly, indicates the nature on his belief on this point.

↩
A pargana town on a stream of the same name in the Cinhat Dūāb in the Panjāb. The stream flows four miles N.W. of Gujarāt and eventually joins the Jalālia nālā, a branch of the Cināb.

↩
The original has ‘a thousand mans each.’ A thousand mans are 355/7 tons.

↩
The poet means to say that he could hardly venture even to long his beloved had she not once shown him some slight mark of favour.

↩
Literally ‘head.’

↩
‘In the name of God,’ the formula used in beginning any work. The poet represents what he has said as merely an introduction to what is to follow.

↩
Fāṭimah, daughter of Muḥammad and wife of ‘Alī.

↩
The Ṭabaqāt mentions Ibn‘Alī under the takhalluṣ of Vāṯiqī but gives no information regarding him. The one couplet of his there quoted is not quoted here, so that it cannot be determined whether the Vāṯiqī of the Ṭabaqāt is the Vāqi‘ī here mentioned; but Vāṯiq‘ī is not improbably a copyist's error for Vāqi‘ī.

↩
i.e. whenever two such friends meet there is always between them the thought that each is prepared to give his life for the other.

↩
Mīr ‘Abdu-'llāh is mentioned in the Āīn (i, 103) as one of the renowned caligraphers of the age.

↩
i e. even the flame of the candle sympathizes with the wick.

↩
Ibrāhīm Quṭb Shāh (A.D. 1550-1580) was the fourth king of the Quṭb Shāhī dynasty of Golkonda. Vide Historic Landmarks of the Deccan, by Major T. W. Haig, pp. 61, 217, 236.

↩
There is a play upon words here which cannot be reproduced in a translation. The words ◌ (‘end of a hair’) are used to describe anything very small.

↩
According to the Ātashkada-yi-Āzarī Vafā‘ī belonged to the ‘Imādiyyah Kurds, and was brought up at Iṣfahān. His quatrains are good. Dāghistānī calls him a Turk and says that he was at first an ironer of clothes. From a defect in one of his eyes he was called Vafā‘ī-yi-kūr, or the blind Vafā' Dāghistānī adds that his impudent flattery was proverbial. In the Āīnī (i, 592) he is thus described, He possesses sparks of taste. He wandered for some time in the desert of retirement, but has now put the mantle of worldliness on his shoulders.’

↩
Vide p. 327.

↩
Mīrzā Barkhurdār was, in the fortieth year of Akbar's reign, a commander of two hundred and fifty. His father had been killed in a fight with the Bihār rebel Dalpat, who was afterwards caught and kept in prison till the 44th year, when, on payment of a heavy pīshkash he was allowed to return to his home. Barkhurdār, however, who wished to avenge the death of his father, laid wait for him, but Dalpat managed to escape. Akbar was much annoyed with Barkhurdār and imprisoned him. He was released after the accession of Jahāngīr, and in 1611 accompanied an embassy to Persia. The embassy returned in 1620 and Barkhurdār was made a commander of five thousand. On Shāhjahān's accession he was made governor of Bihār and a commander of six thousand, but was very soon removed from Bihār. In 1632 he was pensioned off as he was old and given to opium, and received an annual pension of one lakh of rupees. He died a natural death at Āgra. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 512.

↩
According to the Āīn-i-Akbarī (i, 465) Barkhurdār's father was ‘Abdu-r-Rahmān Dūldai. Hamdam Beg was apparently his title. Dūldai is the name of a branch of the Barlās tribe.

↩
I am not satisfied with the reading of this verse. I believe that the text is corrupt or that some context is required to convey the exact meaning, or that it is an example of Faiẓī's peculiar Persian.

↩
The subject of this sentence is not expressed. The sentence may refer to Hamdamī, but its contemptuous tone suggests that Faiẓī is indicated.

↩
This poet is not mentioned in the Āīn or in the Ṭabaqāt. Mr. Bloch-mann, referring, on p. 622 of vol. i of the Āīn, to another poet bearing the same akhalluṣ, styles him ‘Hijrī.’ I prefer to connect the takhalluṣ with ◌ (hajr) rather than with ◌ (hijrat).

↩
i.e. invisible. This quatrain is Ṣūfī-istic—The ‘Rose’ is God.

↩
Vide p. 311 note 2. In this ode again the ‘Rose’ is God.

↩
‘The saint of Tabrīz’ is Maulānā Jalālu-d-dīn-i-Rūmī. The identity of ‘the wise man of Shīrāz’ is not so certain. He may have been Sa‘dī or Hāfiẓ, probably the latter.

↩
◌ the ceremonial circumambulation performed around the Ka‘bah at Makkah.

↩
Vide vol. ii (text), p. 41, where Hāshim is mentioned as having sold to Bairām Khān for 60,000 tankas, a sum afterwards increased to 100,000 tankas, an ode which Bairām afterwards palmed off as his own. Hāshim is there described as ‘Hāshimī of Qandahār.’

↩
Possibly Maulānā Shāh Muḥammad of Shāhābād, one of Akbar's translators. Vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 106, 540 and Badāonī, Vol. ii, text 595, 596-where he is described as a man of depraved mind.

↩
I take this to be the name of a book. The words mean ‘the demonstration of comparison.’

↩
◌ (suwaidā) the black spot of original sin which the Musalmāns believe to be in every heart.

↩
◌ ‘ruled columns.’

↩
The text has ◌ and MS. (A) has ◌ of neither of which can I make sense. ◌ the reading of MS. (B), given as a variant in the text, is correct.

↩
The text has ◌. The variant ◌ given in the text on th authority of MS. (B) is correct.

↩
◌. The letter ◌ at the end of ◌ is not in the text.

↩
Prefect of a town or village. In Indin, a police officer.

↩
◌, the beast which, according to the Musalmāns, is to come forth as the first sign of the coming Judgment Day, touching the believers with the staff of Moses and marking the faces of the infidels with the seal of Solomon.

↩
The text has ◌. MS. (A) has ◌, which appears to be the correct reading.

↩
I regret that I have been unable to find mention of this book, or of the name of its author. The meaning of the title is ‘a highway for (God's) servants.’

↩
i.e. ‘pour a draught on the ground that those who are dead and turned to dust may benefit by it.’ The conceit is a favourite one among Persian poets and occurs in the ‘tomb-song’ of Hāfiẓ (ode 439, Jarrett's edition), and frequently in the quatrains of ‘Umar-i-Khayyām.

↩
Literally ‘potsherds.’

↩
◌ Qur'ān, ii, 15.

↩
Badāonī here refers to the works undertaken by him under the orders of Akbar, viz.:—the translation of the Mahābhārata and the compilation of parts of the Tārīkh-i-Alfī, (vide Āīn-i-Akbarī, i, 104, 199, and Badāonī, in text), 320, 399.

↩
Satan.

↩
After a corpse is laid in the grave it is visited by Munkir and Nakīr, two black livid angels, of a terrible appearance, who order the dead person to sit upright and examine him as to his faith. If he answer rightly they suffer the body to rest in peace and it is refreshed by the air of Paradise, but if not they beat him on the temples with iron maces. They then press the earth on the corpse, which is tormented till the day of resurrection.

↩
◌ (aṣ-ṣirāṭ) the bridge over the midst of hell, which is here graphically described, must be passed by all after the Judgment. Muḥammad and his Muslims will, with God's aid, pass rapidly over its path, narrower and sharper than the edge of a knife, but the unbelievers, following them, will lose their footing, and fall through the briars, which hedge it in on either side, into the flames of hell.

↩
◌. Joy does not, at first sight, appear to be an emotion suitable to the occasion. The meaning may be either that men will be overjoyed to see that hell is bridged at all, or that the devils in hell will rejoice to see that the bridge is so perilous.

↩
Badāonī here declares his intention of keeping this work, the Mun-ta khabu-t-Tavārīkh, a secret. His anxiety that it should not become known during his life-time will be casily understood by anybody who has read it. He designed it to be a counterblast, in the interests of Islām, to the writings of Abū-l-Faẓl and his elder brother Faiẓī, who had borne the chief part in leading Akbar into the paths of religions speculation and had so far succeeded in leading him away from orthodoxy as almost to persuade him that he was God. According to a statement in the Mir'ātu-l-‘Ālam the book was made public during the reign of Jahāngīr, who showed his displeasure by disbelieving the statement of Badāonī's children that they had not known of its existence. Badāonī's work was certainly not known in A.H. 1025 (A.D. 1616), the tenth year of Jahāngīr's reign, in which year the Ma'āṯir-i-Baḥīmī was written, whose author complains of the want of a history besides the Ṭabaqāt and the Akbarnāma.

↩
Badāonī here does not hesitate to attack the highest.

↩
The text here has ◌ (sāṭir) ‘a butcher,’ or ‘butcherly,’ which makes no sense. MS. (A) has ◌ (sātir) which I have translated. Badāonī apparently refers again to his intention of keeping his book a secret.

↩
This was, apparently, the History of Kashmīr, based on that of Mullā Shāh Muḥammad of Shāhābād, which Badāonī, by Akbar's order, compiled in A.D. 1591. Vide vol. ii, text, p. 374.

↩
The letters of the word ◌ (‘selection’) have the following values, 1 + 50 + 400 + 600 + 1 + 2 = 1054. If we subtract the value of the second letter, 50, we obtain the date 1004.↩