SUCH was his fortune, that even at the time when he was an amir, he became a Solomon in the country of Deogir (Demon-land). The demon (deo) became so submissive in the land of Jamshed, that Ram Deo’s country was ravaged and the Rai himself was first captured and then set free. Fate placed in Alauddin’s hands a world of treasure, nay, the treasure of the whole world—innumerable elephants and more precious stones than could be carried by a hundred camels…
Next, the army of the Emperor was ordered to march towards Tilang. The Rai of Tilang, a ruler over the world of gold-leaf, possessed a hundred elephants. He wished to raise a tumult with his world-conquering heart, but the prestige of the Emperor overawed him; and as he had not courage enough to resort to dagger-thrusts, he sought refuge in his unlucky fort. The fort was encircled by the Imperial army even as a demon might have been surrounded by Jamshed’s soldiers. The Rai saw himself wounded by the talons of the Emperor’s good fortune; he asked for the right hand of peace and it was extended to him. The Rai then constructed a golden image of himself with a golden cord round its neck and sent it to the Imperial army with one hundred elephants and a treasure beyond all reckoning. In return for this the Malik spared the Rai’s life; yet in order to test him—and an arrow is not kept blunt except on purpose—he thundered in rage: ‘If the Rai does not come in person, we shall take up the dagger in the hand of peace we have extended to him.’ When the Rai’s neck heard this, it felt like rolling itself on its head (to the Malik’s presence); so before he could be brought out by compulsion, the Rai came out in person wlth his head still on his neck. This display of submission saved his rebellious neck from the decapitating sword and he was allowed to reign in his own territory. Having been deprived of all his wealth, Saturn was left in his empty constellation. After thus suppressing the rebels, the victorious army returned to the Court; it was distinguished by royal favours and even ordinary horsemen were raised to the status of respectable amirs.
Next, the Barbek was ordered to make the elephants of Ma’bar the morsel of his falcons, so that the heroes of the army may be intoxicated with Ma’bari blood. He was to conquer the seacoast till Lanka (Ceylon) with his sword; the land right up to Sarandip (Ceylon) was to be perfumed with the amber of faith and the heads of Satan’s followers knocked down in quick succession at Adam’s feet. Accompanied by Victory herself, the army started with the intention of raising from the sea a dust that would rise up to the moon. When it reached the territory of the Rai Rayan, the ground became invisible under the feet of the quadrupeds, but as Deogir was already submissive, the army moved against the other Deos, while the earth trembled under its feet. Here, too, was a famous Rai, Bilal Deo, a person of great reputation in those days who through the strength of his elephants and his treasure had often done considerable harm to Deogir. At a hint (from the Malik) the army began to plunder the country. But the wise Rai refused to fight; he came fearlessly out of his fort and handed over to the Imperial army with all elephants, horses and valuables he possessed.
After this fortunate victory on the way, the army provided itself with the necessary material of war and moved like a wall of iron towards the ocean. It raised such a storm that stones flew about like straws, ships were wrecked in the sea and the villages and towns situated on the line of march shook from seacoast to seacoast. In that vicinity also there was an august Rai, a Brahman named Bir Pandya, the finest gem in the crown of the Hindus. His sway was unchallenged over land and sea, and there were many inland cities and harbours in his dominions, the chief of them being Patan, where the Rai resided, and Marhat Puri which contained a famous idol and temple. The golden temple raised its head to the moon and Saturn felt ashamed of it; the idol was drowned in rubies and precious stones, everyone of which was valuable enough to provide food for a whole city. The Rai possessed a large army and countless boats; Mussalmans as well as Hindus were in his service. He had a thousand elephants and horses more than could be counted. When the Imperial army reached Patan, the misguided Rai forgot his path in fear, and in spite of the strength he possessed, hid himself like an ant in the forest. His subjects wandered disconsolate on all sides, and his elephants and troops went about searching for their lost ‘head’. An army becomes a mere mob when its leader is not to be found—what is the use of the body when the head has been cut off? The Muslim troopers of the Rai submitted to the Imperial army; the commander (Malik Kafur) forgave them, encouraged them, and treated them with favour. Next, they applied their iron instruments to the golden idol and opened doors into the ‘heads’ of the temple, which though it was the Ka’ba of the accursed gabrs, yet kissed the ground of the Imperial Treasury. The gold and treasure of (the temple)—so heavy that it would have casued a hill in the other pan of the balance to fly up—was placed on mountain-like elephants for the Imperial Court. When the Ma’bar expedition was over, the wise Commander brought the army back to the capital, where it was distinguished by royal favours. How great, indeed, is the fortune of the Emperor who conquers the world without stirring from his throne. At a motion of his eyebrows in Delhi, Ma’bar and Bahrain are plundered. He has only to will it, and all the Deos of India become submissive to him.
‘Alauddin, the governor of Karra, marched out of that place to Bhilsan with his uncle’s permission. Here an enormous booty fell into his hands; and he brought it, together with a bronze idol worshipped by the Hindus of that place, to the Sultan at Delhi. The idol was buried beneath the road under the Badaun Gate; and Jalaluddin, well-pleased with his nephew, appointed him Arz-i Mumalik and bestowed on him the governorship of Oudh in addition to the governorship of Karra. At Bhilsan ‘Alauddin had heard of the elephants and wealth of Deogir and enquired about the routes to that place. He had resolved to collect a large army at Karra for an attack on Deogir without informing the Sultan. Finding the Sultan more kind and affectionate than ever, he applied for some delay in paying the dues (fawazil) of Karra and Oudh. ‘I have heard,’ he represented, ‘that within the boundaries of Chanderi and many regions adjoining it, the people are free and ignorant and entertain no apprehension of the army of Delhi. If I am allowed, I will invest the money due from me (fawazil) to the Diwan in enlisting new horse and foot. With these I will march to those territories and bring the enormous spoils that I win, together with dues of which I am postponing the payment, to the Sultan’s Diwan.’ The Sultan, owing to his simple and trustful heart, did not see that ‘Alauddin was so worried by his wife and mother-in-law that he wanted to conquer some distant territory where he might settle permanently without returning home. He allowed ‘Alauddin to postpone the payment of the revenues due and to increase his army. The latter returned to his governorship with his object achieved.
‘Alauddin’s feelings had been embittered against his mother-in-law, the Malaka-i Jahan, while the disobedience of his wife, the Sultan’s daughter, had made him sick of life. Fear of the Malaka-i Jahan, who had a great influence with the Sultan, as well as the dignity of the Sultan himself, prevented ‘Alauddin from complaining of his wife’s disobedience to Jalaluddin; and fear of public disgrace prevented him from speaking of his troubles to anyone else. He passed his days in sorrow and distress and often consulted his friends at Karra about his plan of going out in to the world to win a position for himself.
With the dues (fawazil) remitted to him by the Sultan and the income of his own governorship (mahsul) ‘Alauddin fitted out three or four thousand foot-soldiers (payaks) with whom he set out from Karra on an expedition to Deogir. Publicly, however, he gave out that he was going to plunder Chanderi and kept his plans about Deogir secret. He appointed as his deputy (naib) for Karra and Oudh my uncle Alaul Mulk, one of his chief associates. He marched by stages to Elichpur and thence to Ghati Lajura. Here all intelligence of him was lost. But Alaul Mulk kept on sending the Sultan regular reports from Karra. These contained vague statements that ‘Alauddin was busy in chastising and plundering rebels, and that he would send his own reports in a day or two. The Sultan, who had brought up ‘Alauddin (as a son), suspected no evil. But discerning men in the City and the Court concluded from ‘Alauddin’s continued absence, that he had gone out to seek his fortune in a distant land. This news, born of guess-work, soon spread among the people.
When ‘Alauddin arrived at Ghati Lajura, the army of Ram Deo under the command of his son, had gone on a distant expedition. The people of Deogir had never heard of Islam before this time, for the land of the Mahrattas had never been invaded by any (Muslim) king, khan or malik. And yet Deogir contained an enormous quantity of gold, silver, jewels, pearls and other valuables. When Ram Deo heard of the approach of the Muslim army, he collected together such troops as he could and sent them under one of his ranas to Ghati Lajura. It was defeated by ‘Alauddin, who entered Deogir. On the first day he captured thirty elephants and several thousand horses. Ram Deo then came and offered his submission. ‘Alauddin brought with him such enormous quantities of gold and silver, jewels and pearls, that though more than two generations have passed since then and much has been spent in every reign at the devolution of the Crown, a large part of those elephants, jewels, pearls and other goods is still left in the Treasury of Delhi.
I have referred to the consolidation of ‘Alauddin’s government and his freedom from administrative anxieties in order (to show) that when at last his power was permanently established and his mind relieved from the dangers that had beset him on every side, when the fort of Siri had been built and the town of Siri inhabited, the Sultan applied himself to schemes of conquest. Apart from the army which he had stationed on the route of the Mughal invasions, he organized a second army to overpower the rais and zamindars of foreign lands and seize the elephants and treasures of the Deccan.
In the first expedition the Malik Naib Kafur Hazardinari was sent to Deogir with the amirs and maliks and the red canopy. Khwaja Haji, the Naib ‘Arz i Mumalik, was also sent with him to look after the administration of the army and the collection of elephants and treasures. No army had been sent from Delhi to Deogir since the time ‘Alauddin had invaded it as a mere malik; consequently, Ram Deo had rebelled and refrained from sending any tribute for years. The Malik Naib reached Deogir with a well-drilled army, plundered the territory and captured Ram Deo and his sons together with the Rai’s treasury and seventeen elephants. Great spoils fell into the hands of the troops. A message of victory was sent from Deogir to Delhi; it was read from the top of the pulpits, and drums were beaten in joy. The Malik Naib returned to Delhi with Ram Deo and the spoils, and presented them before the throne. The Sultan treated Ram Deo with great favour and presented him with the green canopy along with the title of Rai Rayan. He was further given a lac of tankas and sent back with great honour to Deogir with his sons, family and followers. Deogir was reconferred on him. Thenceforth to the end of his life, Ram Deo always obeyed the Sultan; he passed his remaining days in loyal obedience, never wavered from ‘Alauddin’s orders and sent regular tribute to Delhi.
Next year, in A.H. 709 ‘Alauddin sent the Malik Naib to Arangal with the maliks, amirs and a large army accompanied by the red canopy. ‘Sacrifice your treasure, elephants and horses in capturing the fort of Arangal,’ the Sultan directed him, ‘and try to make up for the loss in future years. Be quick and do not persist in exacting too much. Do not insist on Laddar Deo’s presenting himself before you in person or on bringing him to Delhi for the sake of your fame and honour. Do not remain there long. Be moderate and polite in your dealings with the maliks and amirs. Do not undertake any venture without consulting Khwaja Haji and the more important officers. Be kind and gentle to the men and do not show any unnecessary irritation. You are going into a foreign country; it is a long journey from there to Delhi and you should not be guilty of any acts or words which may lead to trouble. Connive at the small speculations and faults of the men. As to the amirs, officers, generals and administrators of the army, do not treat them so mildly as to make them bold and disobedient nor so harshly as to turn them into your enemies. Keep yourself well informed of the good and bad acts of the officers and prohibit the amirs from assembling together and visiting each other’s camps. Apart from gold and silver, do not be harsh in collecting the fifth. If the amirs ask you to leave them a few slaves or horses they have captured, accede to their request. If they ask you for a loan either for themselves or their men, give them the money and take a receipt. And whenever the horse of an amir, officer or trooper is killed in battle, or stolen by a thief, or is otherwise disabled, give him from the royal stable a horse equally good or better; and ask the Khwaja to note down the loss or destruction of every horse in the Diwan-i Arz, for such a record is necessary for the purposes of the government.’
The Malik Naib and Khwaja Haji took leave of the Sultan and went to Rabri, a town in the territory of the Malik Naib, where they collected the troops. Then by continuous marches they moved towards Deogir and Arangal. At Chanderi the maliks and amirs of Hindustan joined them with their horse and foot, and a muster of the army was held. The Rai Rayan, Ram Deo, came to the frontier of Deogir to receive the army of Islam with innumerable presents for the Malik Naib and the maliks and amirs. While the army was marching across his kingdom, Ram Deo came and kissed the ground before the red canopy every day, and when it encamped in the suburbs of Deogir, he performed all the duties of a loyal chief. He provided fodder for the Malik Naib and the officers, and supplied the royal (Sultani) factories the material they required. Every day he came with his muqaddams to pay homage to the red canopy. He sent the shopkeepers of Deogir to the army and ordered them to supply everything to the soldiers at a cheap rate. After staying for a few days in the suburbs of Deogir, the army prepared to move. Ram Deo hastily sent his own men with his order to all the towns on the route to Tilang: ‘At all the stages in the Deogir territory up to the frontier of Arangal, they were to keep corn, fodder and all other necessary things in readiness; they were to obey the Malik Naib like the people of Delhi, and would be held responsible if a piece of rope was lost; they were to allow stragglers to pass through their land and look after them till they reached the army.’ He further ordered several Mahratta horsemen and footmen to accompany the army, while he himself went with the Malik Naib for several stages and then took leave and returned. The wise and experienced men of the army appreciated Ram Deo’s loyal obedience and sincerity. ‘Putting noblemen of noble birth at the head of affairs’, they said, ‘bears such fruits as we see in Ram Deo.’
When the Malik Naib reached the frontier of Tilang, he discovered that the towns and villages on his way had been laid waste. Seeing the superiority of the army of Islam, the rais and muqaddams had abandoned their own forts and fled for refuge to the fort of Arangal. The mud-fort of Arangal was very extensive and all the veterans of that region had collected there, while the Rai with his muqaddams, rais and relatives had crept into the inner fort of stone with their elephants and treasures. The Malik Naib sat down to invest the mud-fort. Every day a fierce battle took place between the besiegers and the besieged; maghrabi— stones were shot; and blows were inflicted and received by both parties. After a few days had been spent in this manner, the adventurous and desperate men of the army of Islam planted their scaling ladders and threw up their ropes; then like birds, they flew up to the towers of the fort, the mud of which was harder than stone, and with the blows of their sword, arrow, spear and axe, overpowered the defenders and made themselves masters of the mud-fort. To the garrison within the stone-fort the world now appeared smaller than the eye of an ant. Laddar Deo realized that all was lost and that his stone-fort was in imminent danger. He sent distinguished Brahmans and ambassadors (basiths) to the Malik Naib and asked for terms, promising to give up all the treasure, elephants, horses, jewels and other valuables which he possessed, and to send every year a certain amount of money and a number of elephants to the royal Treasury and stables of Delhi. The Malik Naib gave him terms and refrained from capturing the stone-fort. He took from the Rai the treasure which he (and his ancestors) had been accumulating for years—one hundred elephants, seven thousand horses, a large quantity of jewels and other valuables, and a deed promising money and elephants for future years. Towards the beginning of the year A.H. 710, the Malik Naib turned back from Arangal with his spoils and returned to Delhi by the same route through Deogir, Dhar and Jhaiun. His message of victory had reached the Sultan before him; it was read from the top of the pulpits, and drums were beaten in joy. When the Malik Naib returned ‘Alauddin granted him an audience on the Chautre-i Sultani, in the open country before the Badaun Gate. The gold, jewel, elephants, horses and other valuables brought by the Malik Naib were reviewed by the Sultan, while the people of Delhi enjoyed the display.
It was the Sultan’s habit, whenever he sent an army from Delhi, to establish posts from Tilpat, which is the first stage, to the army-camp or so far as they could be established. At every stage relays of fast horses were stationed, while runners (dhawas) sat at every half or quarter karoh throughout the way. Moreover, in every town on the way, as well as in the villages where fast horses were stationed, officers and report-writers (kaifiat-nawis) were appointed. Thus every day, or every second or third day, news of the army was brought to the Sultan and the news of the Sultan’s safety carried to the troops. Consequently, no false rumours could circulate in the City or in the army camp. This interchange of news was a great benefit to the country. On this occasion, however, while the Malik Naib was besieging the mud-fort of Arangal, some posts in the way were disestablished as the passage across Tilang was extremely dangerous, and for more than forty days no news of the army came to the Sultan. ‘Alauddin became very anxious, while the leading men of the City began to suspect that some misfortune had overtaken the army or an insurrection had broken out. On one of these anxious days, the Sultan sent Malik Qara Beg and Qazi Mughisuddin of Biana to Shaikh Nizamuddin. ‘Give my respects to the Shaikh,’ he said, ‘and tell him that the non-arrival of any intelligence from the army has made me anxious. He is more concerned for the glory of Islam than I am; if his spiritual insight has revealed anything about the army to him, let him send the news to me. Let me know everything you hear from the lips of the Shaikh, without any additions or deductions.’ The two messengers went to the Shaikh, who after hearing the royal message, informed them of Sultan’s victory and triumph. ‘But what is this victory?’ he added, ‘I expect victories greater still.’ The Malik and the Qazi hastened back rejoicing to the Sultan and told him all they had heard. ‘Alauddin was extremely pleased on hearing the Shaikh’s reply; he felt certain that Arangal had been conquered and his wishes realized. He took out his handkerchief and tied a knot in a corner. ‘I take the Shaikh’s reply for a good omen,’ he said, ‘vain words do not come to his lips. Arangal has been conquered and I may expect further victories.’ As destiny would have it, runners bringing the message of victory from the Malik Naib came on that very day before the zuhr prayer. The message was read from the top of the pulpits on Friday, drums were beaten and rejoicings were held in the City. The Sultan’s faith in the Shaikh’s spiritual power increased; though he never personally met the Shaikh, yet throughout his life no words at which the Shaikh could be displeased ever came to his lips. The Shaikh’s enemies and rivals told him everything about the Shaikh’s munificence, of the large crowds that frequented his house, of his meals and his liberality, but though he was jealous by nature, ‘Alauddin never paid any attention to their reports. During the later years of his reign, he developed a great faith in the Shaikh. But the two never met.
Towards the end of the year A.H. 710 ‘Alauddin again sent the Malik Naib with a disciplined army to Dhur Samandar and Ma’bar. The Malik Naib and Khwaja Haji took leave of the Sultan at Delhi and proceeded to Rabri, where the army was collected. Then they moved on by stages to Deogir. Ram Deo had died. Continuous marches from Deogir brought the Malik Naib to the frontier of Dhur Samandar. Bilal, the Rai of Dhur Samandar, fell into the hands of the Muslim army in the first attack (?) Dhur Samandar was captured along with the treasure it contained and thrity-six elephants. A message of victory was received in Delhi.
From Dhur Samandar, the Malik Naib proceeded to Ma’bar. Ma’bar was captured without resistance; its golden temple was destroyed and the golden idols, which had for generations past been worshipped by the Hindus of the place, were broken. All the spoils of the temple—the gold from the broken idols and stones precious beyond description—were brought to the army chest. There were two Rais in Ma’bar. From both of them the Malik Naib took away their elephants and treasures. Then, having sent his message of victory before himself, he turned back victorious and triumphant. In the beginning of the year A.H. 711 he reached Delhi with six hundred and twelve elephants, twenty thousand horses, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, and many chests of jewels and pearls. On this occasion the Malik Naib presented the spoils to the Sultan at different times in the Koshak-i Siri, while the Sultan gave away half, one, two and even four mans of gold as present to various maliks and amirs. The old men of Delhi declared with one voice: ‘No one remembers, nor has it been recorded in any of the histories of Delhi, that such spoils, elephants and treasures have in any age or generation been brought to the City as after the capture of Ma’bar and Dhur Samandar.’ At the end of the same year twenty elephants reached Delhi with a letter from Laddar Deo, the Rai of Tilang. ‘I hold in readiness,’ the Rai wrote to the Sultan, ‘the money which I promised before the royal red canopy, and concerning which I have given a deed to the Malik Naib. If allowed, I will hand over the money at Deogir to anyone commissioned to receive it. I wish to carry out the obligations of my treaty and compact.’
A large army had once before been sent to Arangal by way of Bengal, but unable to effect anything, it had returned dilapidated and ruined. In the year A.H. 709 the Emperor sent the Malik Naib with an enormous army on a second expedition to Arangal, but this time by way of Deogir. ‘If Laddar Deo, the ruler of Arangal,’ such were ‘Alauddin’s directions, ‘gives up his treasure, jewels and elephants, and promises to pay an yearly tribute, rest content with it and do not try to conquer the fort of Arangal or the territory of Tilang, Consult Khwaja Haji in the direction of affairs. Do not put the amirs to task for small offences. If a trooper’s horse is killed in battle, stolen by a thief or otherwise disabled, give him a better one in its place.’ The Malik Naib and Khwaja Haji reached Deogir by continuous marches. Ram Deo came out to receive them with many presents and wonderfully fulfilled all the duties of a host. He sent the shopkeepers of his own army to the Malik Naib’s troops and directed them to sell their wares at the Imperial tariff-rates. He personally came to pay his respects before the red canopy every day. When the Malik Naib started from Deogir for Tilang, Ram Deo accompanied him for a few stages; then leaving a part of his horse and foot with the Malik Naib to keep guard over the army and show the way to Tilang, he returned with (the Malik Naib’s) permission. Moreover, he ordered the merchants, raiyats and corn-dealers of his kingdom to continue their duty of carrying grain and all other necessaries to the army and to see to it that the (Delhi) troops were not put to trouble on any account. When the Malik Naib reached the pargana of Indore on the frontier of Tilang, he ordered his troops to kill and plunder without stint. A terror surpassing all description took possession of the inhabitants, and the rais of the surrounding country collected round Laddar Deo from fear of the Muslim army. When the invaders approached, Ladder Deo took refuge in the inner fort of Arangal, which was of stone while the other rais remained in the very extensive outer fort of mud. The Malik Naib invested the fort and closed all exits; but the infidels raised the banner of defence and a great number of men fell every day. After a long time and with great effort, the outer fort was at last conquered and most of the rais and zamindars were captured with their women, children, families and tribes. Laddar Deo was now helpless. He offered three hundred elephants, seven thousand horses, plenty of jewels and cash, and promised to pay an yearly tribute. The Malik Naib (accepted it) and prepared to return. When the news reached the Emperor, drums were beaten in Delhi, the message of victory was read from the pulpits and all the ceremonies of thanks-giving were duly performed. On the Malik Naib’s arrival, ‘Alauddin came out of the City and sat on the Chabutra-i Nasiri near the Badaun Gate, where the Malik Naib presented his spoils and became the object of unprecedented royal favours.
It is said that whenever ‘Alauddin sent his army in any direction, posts (dak chaukis) called bam in the language of former times, were stationed from Delhi to the camp of the army. Two swift-running footmen, known in Hind as paiks, were placed at every karoh and clerks (navisandas) were stationed at every city and town on the route to despatch a daily written report on the events of the place. Now, while the Malik Naib was besieging the fort of Arangal, the roads became dangerous owing to the large number of Telangi soldiers and the posts were swept away. For some days no news of the army arrived. The Emperor was perplexed and sent Qazi Mughisuddin of Biana and Malik Qara Beg to Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia. ‘Give my respects to the Shaikh,’ he said, ‘and tell him that my mind is weighed down by the non-arrival of any news from the army. He has even a greater concern for Islam than I have and if he has come to know anything about it through the revelations of the inner light, request him to give me some hints. And tell me exactly whatever comes to Shaikh’s lips in answer to this, without adding or subtracting anything.’ When the two messengers reached the Shaikh and conveyed their message, the Shaikh referred to an emperor of the past and related the story of his conquests; in the course of conversation he remarked that he (the Shaikh) expected other victories in addition to the conquest of Arangal. ‘Alauddin was extremely pleased and felt sure that Arangal had been conquered. As providence would have it, that very afternoon messengers brought the message of victory from Arangal. The Emperor’s faith in the Shaikh increased; though ‘Alauddin never evinced any desire to see the Shaikh personally, yet by the despatch of messengers and letters he gave evidence of his sincerity and friendship and invoked the Shaikh’s blessing.
‘Alauddin had conquered all forts from the frontiers of Sindh and Kabul to the border of Bengal, and also the forts of Gujrat and the Deccan; the hereditary dominions of the rajahs had come into his hands; and there were not ten bighas of land in the inhabited parts of Hindustān where his khutba was not read. He now began to aspire for the coast of the Sea of ‘Umman (Indian Ocean) and the remotest corners of the south. The Malik Naib and Khwaja Haji were despatched in A.H. 710 to subjugate Dhur Samandar and Ma’bar. The temples of those lands were full of gold and precious jewels and their rais had a great reputation for the wealth of their treasuries. When the two generals reached Deogir, they found that Ram Deo was dead and had been succeeded by his son. Not reposing the same trust in the loyalty of the son as they had in the loyalty of the father, they left an officer of their own near the town of Jallahpur on the bank of the Ganges (Godavari) before proceeding further. This time they tried to slay the infidels more than ever before, and marched on riotously till after a journey of three months they reached the destined ports. They overpowered Bital (Bilal) Deo, rajah of the Carnatic, plundered his country, broke the temples and seized all idols which were set with jewels. They also built a small mosque of stone and plaster, in which they gave the Prophet’s call for prayers and read the Emperor’s khutba. The mosque still exists in the suburbs of Sit Band Ramisar and is known as the Masjid-i ‘Alai (‘Alauddin’s mosque). It can be seen from there that the port of Dhur Samandar, situated on the shore of the Sea of ‘Umman (Arabian Sea), has now been destroyed by the innundations of the sea. It is said that the infidels, out of respect due to a house of God, have refrained from destroying the mosque. But, according to others, it is written in the books of the infidels that this land, as well as the whole of the inhabited globe, will finally come under the sway of Muslim rulers; consequently their divines have not permitted the Hindus to destroy the mosque. Be this as it may, the Malik Naib, having seized the treasure of the Rai, prepared to depart. The Brahmans of the place had been spared by the victors and were living with the army. On the night before its departure, some of them took out a part of the treasure, which was buried under the temples; but while dividing it among themselves, they began to quarrel and disputed very loudly. A Mussalman, who came to know of this, informed the Kotwal. The Kotwal arrested all the Brahmans and brought them before the Malik Naib. The Brahmans, from fear of the rack and torture, gave up all they had; they showed where the treasure lay concealed, and also six other spots in the forest where treasures were buried. The Malik Naib acquired a world of wealth from those places, loaded it on elephants and started for Ma’bar. Here, too, he broke the temples and seized the cash and jewels, which the rais had hoarded for thousands of years. Then, loaded with booty, he started on his return journey and reached Delhi in A.H. 711. He presented to the Emperor before the Hazar Sutun Palace three hundred and twelve elephants, twenty thousand horses, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, being equivalent to about ten karores of tankas, and caskets of pearls and jewels beyond all computation. The Emperor was mightily pleased to see the treasure, before which the ‘bad awurd’ of Parwiz was a trifle. Contrary to his usual practice, he opened the door of his treasury and gave five and ten mans of gold to each of his amirs; the divines, shaikhs and other deserving persons got a man or half-a-man each while smaller people also received presents in proportion to their deserts. The rest of the gold was melted in the Emperor’s presence and the Alai mint-mark (muhr) was put upon it. Since silver has never been referred to in the spoils brought by the Malik Naib from the Carnatic, it would seem that no particular value was attached to silver in those lands and that it was not current (as a coin). Even now most people in those parts use gold (as a circulating medium). Not to speak of the rich, the very beggars feel ashamed of wearing silver ornaments while most men of the middle class dine in plates of gold.
SALDI AND TARGHI
As I have explained in the introduction, Khusrau avoids all reference to events that were not to ‘Alauddin’s credit. Thus he simply ignores the two invasions in which the Mughals invested Delhi and ‘Alauddin’s position became precarious. They were, probably, omitted by the Fath-i Namah also. Barni, however, describes them in greater detail than is his habit, for the great historian had little love for military men and their ways. I give below some extracts about the three Mughal invasions Khusrau has ignored.
‘Towards the end of the same year (i.e. in the fourth year of ‘Alauddin’s reign), Kutlugh Khwaja, son of the accursed Zaidu, invaded Hindustan with twenty tumans of Mughals. They started from Mawaraun Nahr equipped and ready for a great war, crossed the Sind (Indus) and by stages reached the neighbourhood of Delhi. Since they intended to capture Delhi, they refrained from attacking the forts on their way and did not plunder the country through which they passed. The coming of these wretches with an army numerous as ants and locusts spread consternation through the City. Young and old were equally dismayed, for they had never been through such a crisis before. All the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns fled for refuge to the old fort Delhi, which had not been repaired. The City was fearfully over-crowded; the mosques, streets and lanes could hardly hold the people. The price of commodities in the City rose very high for the caravan-routes had been blocked.
‘The Sultan marched out of Delhi with great pomp. The royal camp was pitched at Siri, and the maliks, amirs and soldiers were summoned to Delhi from all quarters. My uncle, ‘Alaul Mulk, Kotwal of Delhi, was one of the Sultan’s confidential advisers, and when the Sultan left Delhi, he assigned the harem, the City and the Treasury to my uncle’s care.
‘Alaul Mulk, who had gone to Siri to bid the Sultan farewell, represented to him: “Kings and ministers, who have governed the world in the past, have shunned great battles in which it is not possible to foresee on which side victory will lean or what any moment will bring forth. They have advised that wars between equals should be avoided, for such wars are dangerous both to the king and to his subjects. War, it is written in the wills of kings, is like the scales of a balance; the weight of a few coins will raise one scale and depress the other; and everything may in a moment be ruined beyond repair. Though a defeat is not ruinous to monarchs in ordinary warfare and matters can be patched up again, yet kings have been very nervous about a war between equals, in which the whole country is played for at a single stroke; and they have, so far as possible, averted by diplomacy and the formation of strong leagues the mortal danger, which they were unable to face. This is why kings send ambassadors and envoys to each other without hesitation.
‘“Your Majesty should send in front, in order to block the Mongol advance, the camel-riders, who are as strong as a hundred thousand horse, while you yourself stop here with your army and postpone for a few days an engagement with the enemy, who is swarming like ants and locusts. Beguile them for a while, so that we may see what they are at and how the situation develops. We can give them battle, if there is no other alternative left. But they are not stretching their hands in plunder; they have collected their men together and crept into the forts. How will their immense army, from which they do not allow ten men to be separated, find fodder? How will they live? If a few days are spent in the coming and going of ambassadors, we will be able to discover their intention. It is possible that they might become tired, take to plunder and withdraw; and then Your Majesty can pursue them for a few stages.
‘“I am an old and tried servant,” Alaul Mulk continued, “I have always placed before Your Majesty my views concerning the management of affairs and Your Majesty has rewarded me for doing so. But the wisest course is that which Your Majesty prefers. The judgment of the great king is superior to the judgment of other men. I have also thought out some schemes for putting a stop to the invasions of the Mughals and shall place them before Your Majesty at a moment of leisure. But this time the wretches have come with an immense multitude, and though God has given us a large and well-equipped army, yet most of our soldiers are Hindustanis, whose lives have been passed in fighting the Hindus; they have not encountered the Mughals before and are ignorant of their tactics and their deceitful retreats and ambushes. If the Mughals, by some wise measure, could be induced to retreat on this occasion, it will be possible for us to organize the army of Delhi so efficiently that our troops will be only too glad to meet them in future.”
‘The Sultan commended ‘Alaul Mulk’s well-meant advice for its loyalty. Then he summoned the great Khans and Maliks to his presence and addressed them as follows: “You know that ‘Alaul Mulk is a wazir and a wazir-zada. He is a well-wisher of mine and has been my counsellor from the time when I was a malik. He deserves the wizarat (ministership) by right, though owing to his corpulence I have only given him the Kotwalship. At this moment he has expressed some strong views and brought forward lucid arguments to dissuade me from joining battle with the Mughals. I wish to give him my answer in the presence of you all, for you are the pillars of my Government.”
‘“‘Alaul Mulk!” continued the Sultan, turning towards the Kotwal, “You are an old and faithful servant. You lay claim to the wizarat of the state and to wisdom. Now hear from me, your patron and your king, the judgment that is wise and true. There is a well-known saying: ‘One cannot steal a camel and escape in darkness.’ Neither can one retain the Empire of Delhi by following such advice as yours—by shunning war and seeking refuge behind the camel’s backs. It would be unbecoming for me to avoid battle by deceit or fraud. Contemporaries as well as posterity will laugh at my beard if I act on your advice, specially when my enemies have marched two thousand Karohs from their own country and challenged me to a combat beneath the Delhi Tower. On an occasion like this you ask me to act like a coward, to send my camels in front, while I sit, like a hen or a duck on her eggs, hatching schemes by which my enemy may be subdued. To whom will I be able to show my face, if I acted thus? With what manliness will I be able to go into my harem again? Of what account will I remain to the people of my country? How will my bravery and courage keep my turbulent people in obedience? Happen what may, to-morrow I will move from here (Siri) to the plain of Kili and fight Kutlugh Khwaja and his men till it is clear to which of us two God grants victory and success.
‘“‘Alaul Mulk! I have given you the Kotwalship of Delhi and entrusted the City, the harem and the Treasury to your care. It is your duty to kiss the keys of the Treasury and the gates and lay them before the victor, whoever he may be, and serve him faithfully. But do you not, with all your wisdom and experience, see that war could only have been avoided by diplomacy before the enemy had surrounded us. But when he comes before me with such an army, I have no other alternative, no other plan, but straightway to knock him down, and, at the risk of my own life, to take the breath out of his body with the blows of my axe and sword and spear. The household tales you tell me are of no use in the market-place. Subtle things, which may be nicely told on the four yards of a clean carpet at home, are inappropriate on the field of battle, where a stream of blood has to flow from both sides. As to the plans you have thought of for stopping the Mughal invasions, I will hear them the day after the battle is over and I have discharged its duties. You are a learned man and the son of a learned man. By all means tell me everything that comes to your mind concerning this problem.”
‘“I am an old servant,” ‘Alaul Mulk replied, “and I have never hesitated in placing my views before Your Majesty.”
‘“You are a faithful man,” the Sultan assured him, “and I have taken your well-meant advice in proper spirit. But the situation before us is one in which discretion has to be thrown to the wind, and there is no course for us but to risk our lives and offer battle, to draw our swords and fall upon the enemy.”
‘‘Alaul Mulk kissed the Sultan’s hands in farewell. He then returned to Delhi and closed all entrances except the Badaun Gate. Young and old in the City were seized with dismay and lifted up their hands in prayer.
‘Sultan ‘Alauddin marched with the army of Islam from Siri to Kili and encamped there. Kutlugh Khwaja also came forward and encamped opposite. People were struck with amazement and wonder, for in no previous generation or age had armies so large opposed each other in battle. Both armies were arrayed in order and stood waiting for the engagement to commence. Zafar Khan, the commander of the right wing, and his amirs drew their swords, rushed forward and fell upon the enemy. The Mughals were unable to withstand the onslaught; they broke and fled and the army of Islam followed in pursuit. Zafar Khan, the Rustam of his generation, continued the chase; with the blows of his sword he made them fly before him, while he cut off their heads. He pursued them for eighteen karohs. The Mughals were so frightened that they could not distinguish their bridles from the crupper of their saddles and had not the courage to turn back. But Ulugh Khan, who commanded the left wing and had many amirs and a large army, did not stir from his place. He hated Zafar Khan and would not move forward to help him.
‘Now the accursed Targhi with his tuman had been placed in ambush as a reserve. His Mughals climbed the trees and discovered that no horsemen (from the army of Delhi) were moving forward to support Zafar Khan. As soon as he found this out, Targhi attacked Zafar Khan from behind and surrounded him on all sides with a ring of Mughal forces. Zafar Khan was hailed with a shower of arrows and unhorsed. But the brave hero, though on foot, continued to fight; he took out his arrows from his quiver and brought down a Mughal at every shot. At that moment Kutlugh Khwaja sent him a message: “Come to me. I will take you to my father, who will raise you to a higher dignity than the king of Delhi has done.” But Zafar paid no attention to his offer. Kutlugh Khwaja tried to capture him alive, but as this proved impossible, the Mughals attacked him from all sides and he was martyred. Then they slew his amirs, wounded his elephants and killed the elephant-drivers.
‘The increasing darkness saved the Mughals that night. But Zafar Khan’s attack had filled their hearts with terror; they fled from the battle-field in the early hours of the morning and did not pitch their tents again till they had marched thirty karohs from Delhi. Then by marches of twenty karohs, and without resting at any stage, they reached their own frontier. But they remembered Zafar Khan’s attack for years. “It must have seen Zafar Khan,” they would say whenever their cattle refused to drink water. An army so large never came again to give battle in the suburbs of Delhi.’123a
Ferishta does not add anything substantial to Barni’s narrative: ‘Towards the end of the same year, Kutlugh Khwaja, son of Dawa Khan, came from Mawaraun Nahr with twenty tumans of Mughals, i.e., 200,000 horsemen, resolved upon the conquest of Hindustan. After crossing the river Sind (Indus), he considered the towns and villages on his route as belonging to himself and consequently refrained from injuring them. On reaching the bank of the Jumna, he laid siege to Delhi. Innumerable people had fled to Delhi from the “New City” (Kailugarhi) and the surrounding towns and villages from fear of the Mughals; the crowd was such that in the mosques, markets, streets and quarters of the City there was no place either to sit or stand. Men were sick of the overcrowding; the prices of all things rose exorbitantly as the roads for bringing corn and provisions were closed. Sultan ‘Alauddin summoned his maliks and amirs and began to get his army ready. Some of the amirs, however, were against giving battle; they urged that the army of Hindustan was weak and hinted that war was a doubtful business, which may have either of two results. The Emperor refused to accept their advice. “It does not become famous kings to shun war and battle,” he replied.
‘Consequently, entrusting the safety of the City, the harem and the Treasury to the Kotwal, ‘Alaul Mulk, and closing all entrances except the Badaun Gate, ‘Alauddin marched out of Delhi with imperial pomp. He had, according to the correct narrative, 300,000 horse and 2,700 elephants. The two armies beat their drums and arranged their ranks on the plain of Kili. Never since the elevation of the Muslim standard in India, had armies so large met each other in battle; nor have they since then till now, A.H. 1015. In short, the Second Alexander placed his army in order of battle. The right wing was entrusted to Hizhabruddin Zafar Khan, one of the greatest generals of the day, who held the territories of the Punjab, Samana and Multan. The left wing was assigned to the Sultan’s brothers, Ulugh Khan and Rukn Khan, while the Emperor, with Nusrat Khan, took charge of the centre with 12,000 young and brave horsemen and many fierce elephants. All the imperial officers were placed in suitable positions. Zafar Khan first attacked the enemy lines in front of him and overthrew them with the onslaught of his elephants and the blows of his sharp sword; then he fell on the lines that confronted his colleagues and broke them also. The Mughals fell dead in heaps in the forest and plain and reduced to helplessness, they took to flight. Zafar Khan pursued them for eighteen karohs. But Ulugh Khan, who commanded the left wing, was jealous of Zafar Khan and did not advance to support him. Seeing that Zafar Khan had gone forward alone and that no troops were advancing to his help, the Turkish leader of the Mughal left, who had formed an ambush in the way, suddenly came behind Zafar Khan and surrounded him on all sides. They wounded his horse, but Zafar Khan, though on foot, placed the arrows from his quiver on the ground and shot down a large number of the enemy. Kutlugh Khwaja sent him a message: “Come to me and I will raise you to a position greater than you enjoy.” But Zafar Khan did not heed it and kept on shooting his arrows. Kutlugh Khwaja tried to capture him alive, but that having proved impossible, he ordered arrows to be showered on Zafar Khan till he was martyred. The amirs of Zafar Khan’s army were also slain. Kutlugh Khwaja was so frightened by the Hindi attack that he did not draw his bridle till he had marched thirty karohs on that very day; then by continuous marches he moved on to his own country. Zafar Khan’s courage and generalship became proverbial among the Mughals, and if one horse refused to drink, they would remark that it had seen Zafar Khan. The Emperor, who was afraid of Zafar Khan, considered his martyrdom a second victory, and returned from Kili to the City, where he gave himself up to rejoicings and pleasures. Those who had behaved bravely in the battle were rewarded with robes of honour and promoted in the service, but an amir, who had fled to Delhi from the camp, was paraded through the streets of the City on an ass.’
To ‘Alauddin’s dislike of Zafar Khan, we may also attribute Khusrau’s omission of another struggle with the Mughals, which took place sometime before the invasion of Kutlugh Khwaja. ‘In the same year that Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were sent to Gujrat, Zafar Khan was despatched against Siwistan (Sehwan), which had been captured by Saldi and his brother and other Mughals. Zafar Khan invested the fort of Siwistan with a large army and made a way into it with the blows of his axe, sword, javelin and spear. No maghribis, manjaniqs or ‘iradas were brought into action; no pashib or gargaj was constructed; and though the Mughals from within shot such a shower of arrows on all sides, that even the birds of the air could not go near the fort, yet Zafar Khan captured it with his sword and axe. Saldi and his brother and all the other Mughals with their women and children were sent in yokes and chains to Delhi. This exploit established Zafar Khan’s prestige in the public mind and ‘Alauddin began to look askance at his generalship and fearless courage, which showed that a second Rustam had appeared in Hindustan. Ulugh Khan, whose achievement (the conquest of Gujrat) had been surpassed, also concieved a hatred for Zafar Khan. This year Zafar Khan held the territory of Samana. ‘Alauddin, who was extremely jealous by nature, was thinking of getting rid of him in one of two ways—either by showering favours on him and sending him to Lakhnauti with several thousand horse, so that he may seize that territory and send the Sultan’s elephants and tribute from there, or by having him poisoned or blinded.’125a
Ferishta adds little to the above account. He calls the Mughal leader Chaldi and says that the Mughal captives sent to Delhi, apart from the women and children, numbered seventeen hundred.
‘No sooner had Sultan ‘Alauddin returned (from Chitor), than the Mughal danger arose once more. The Mughals in Mawaraun Nahr heard that Sultan ‘Alauddin had gone to lay siege to a distant fort and that there were no troops in Delhi. Targhi collected twelve tumans of horse and by forced marches reached Delhi before he was expected. In the same year, when ‘Alauddin had marched to Chitor, Malik Fakhruddin Jauna, the Dad-bek-i Hazrat and Malik Chajjū, nephew of Nusrat Khan and governor of Karra, had been sent to Arangal with the amirs and horse and foot of Hindustan. But when they reached Arangal, it began to rain in torrents, and harassed by the rainy season, the army of Hindustan could achieve nothing there. Towards the beginning of the winter, it returned to Hindustan, greatly reduced in numbers. It had lost all its baggage. The army of Sultan ‘Alauddin had also lost its baggage at the foot of the Chitor fort in the siege operations and the rain.
‘The Sultan had not been in Delhi for a month, no muster of the troops had been held and the material lost had not been replaced, when Targhi, all of a sudden, arrived with thirty or forty thousand horsemen and encamped on the bank of the Jumna. The people of the City, therefore, found their communications with the outside world cut off. The condition of Sultan ‘Alauddin’s army was pathetic. The Sultan, as explained above, did not get sufficient time to replace the horses and material he had lost at Chitor. Malik Fakhruddin Jauna returned to Hindustan after losing his army and its material in Warangal, and as the Mugals had so encamped as to close all the roads, no horse or foot from the army of Hindustan could reach the City. At Multan, Depalpur and Samana there was no force strong enough to break through the Mughal lines and join the Sultan at Siri. The army of Hindustan was summoned, but as the Mughals had captured all the fords, it was compelled to remain at Koil (Aligarh) and Barran (Bulandshahr).
‘Sultan ‘Alauddin, therefore, came out of the City with the few troops he had and encamped at Siri. He laid aside all thought of open battle and dug a trench round his camp; on the outer side of the trench he constructed a wooden defence of stakes made from the doors of the houses of Delhi in order to prevent the Mughals from breaking into his camp. He ordered the garrison to be watchful and awake; they were to keep an armed guard at the trenches, so that the Mughals may not be able to cross them, and five armed elephants were made to stand in the trench of every detachment. The Mughals swarmed round the camp and wished to make a sudden assault on the Sultan’s army. Never before had the Mughal danger been so great in Delhi as in this year, and if Targhi had remained for another month, there was a great likelihood that the Citizens, growing sick of the situation, would have submitted (to him). The Mughal danger weighed heavily on all hearts; no water, grass or wood could be brought to the City from outside; and the caravan routes of the corn merchants had been closed. The Mughal horsemen came to the Chautra-i Subhani, Muri and Kudhi; they often alighted on the embankment of the Royal (Shamsi) Tank, where they held their drinking parties, and sold the corn and provisions of ‘Alauddin’s stores at a very cheap rate. This prevented an excessive scarcity of corn in the City. Two or three skirmishes took place between the mounted foraging parties of the two armies, but neither side gained a decisive victory, Thank God! the accursed Targhi did not succeed in breaking into the Sultan’s camp and annihilating his army. After two months the prayers of the helpless (were heard by the Almighty) and Targhi collected his spoils and retired to his own land.
‘This deliverance of the City and the army of Islam from the Mughals appeared a strange thing to experienced men. The Mughals had come at the proper time and in sufficient numbers to capture the City; they had closed all roads for the entrance of soldiers and provisions; the Sultan’s army had no equipment and no reinforcements could reach it; and yet the Mughals were unable to overcome or prevail.’126a
Ferishta, who contents himself with summarising Barni, is pleased to add: ‘The Sultan, in his excessive anxiety, appealed to Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia. That very night, it is said, Targhi, who had besieged Delhi for two months, was overpowered by a strange terror and retreated in haste—an action for which no material reasons can be found. The people of Delhi considered it to be the result of the Shaikh’s intervention and numbered it among his miracles.’ Targhi’s apparent success, it must not be forgotten, had been due to the rapidity of his movements. ‘Alauddin’s defence of Siri for two months must have given the amirs of the Doab and the Punjab time to collect their forces. It is difficult to explain the ‘strange terror’ that took possession of Targhi’s mind, but his communications were in danger and he may not have felt himself strong enough to meet the forces which were sure, sooner or later, to march for the relief of Delhi from all sides.
[The conversion of dates from the Hijra to the Christian Era is based on Cunningham’s Book of Indian Eras. Appendices C and D have been compiled by my friend, Mr. Saed Zaman, M.A.]
1. Accession of Jalaluddin Khilji—June, 1290.
2. Rebellion of Malik Chajju, battle of Kulaibnagar; Malik ‘Alauddin Khilji appointed Governor of Karra-Manikpur (Allahabad)—1291.
3. ‘Alauddin plunders Bhilsah—1294.
4. Malik ‘Alauddin marches to Deogir without the Sultan’s permission; Ram Deo’s submission; ‘Alauddin returns with the spoils—winter of 1295-96.
5. Assassination of Sultan Jalaluddin on the bank of the Ganges near Karra, July 19, 1296; ‘Alauddin is proclaimed Emperor and marches on Delhi—rainy season, 1296.
6. Ulugh Khan and Zafar sent to Multan; siege of Multan; Arkali Khan and Ruknuddin Ibrahim submit and are imprisoned—winter of 1296-97.
7. Invasion of Kadar; Ulugh Khan sent against the Mughals; Battle of Jaran Manjur, February 6, 1298.
8. Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan conquer Gujrat and Cambay; Bhim Deo is defeated and his harem captured; revolt of the ‘New Muslims’ while the army was returning—winter of 1299-1300.
9. Zafar Khan recaptures Siwistan (Sehwan); Saldi and his Mughals are brought captive to Delhi—winter of 1299-1300.
10. Invasion of Kuttugh Khwaja; battle of Kili—1300.
11. ‘Alauddin besieges Rantambhor—Summer of 1301; Akat Khan attempts to assassinate the Emperor at Tilpat; rebellions of ‘Umar and Mangu in Badaun and Oudh and of Haji Maula in Delhi; fall of Rantambhor—June 29, 1301. The rebellions during the siege led ‘Alauddin and his council to promulgate a series of administrative reforms for the suppression of rebellions, the better government of the country and the reorganization of the revenue system.
12. ‘Alauddin marches to Chitor and lays siege to the fort; fall of the fort— August 25, 1303.
13. Malik Fakhruddin Jauna is sent by way of Bengal to Arangal but returns to the Doab after losing his men and material—1303.
14. Targhi, the Mughal, marches from Mawaraun Nahr; Sultan ‘Alauddin entrenches his camp at Siri—winter of 1303-4. The retreat of Targhi was followed by the famous economic regulations, which kept prices stable and enabled ‘Alauddin to muster an army of 450,000. The forts on the route of the Mughals were repaired and garrisoned.
15. Invasion of Ali Beg, Tartaq and Targhi; battle of Amroha—December 30, 1305.
16. Conquest of Malwa; defeat of Kuka Pardhan; ‘Ainul Mulk Multani captures Mandu—November 24, 1305.
17. Invasions of Kapak, Iqbal and Tai Bu—probably the winter of 1306-7, but authorities differ and give no exact dates. (See note at the end of Chap. III.)
18. Campaign of Arangal—the army is absent from Delhi from December 31, 1309 to June 10, 1310; the Malik Naib reaches Deogir, December 28; Siege of Arangal commences, January 19, 1310; the Imperialists capture the outer fort of mud—February 6, 1310; Submission of Laddar Deo; the army starts from Arangal with its spoils—March 20, 1310.
19. ‘Alauddin starts for Siwana—June 10, 1310; fall of the fort, probably August 19, 1310.
20. Kamaluddin Gurg reduces Jalore—1310.
21. Campaign of Ma’abar and Dhur Samandar—the army is absent from Delhi from November 20, 1310 to October 30, 1311; Siege of Dhur Samandar (Dwara Samudra)—February 11 and 12, 1311.
22. The Malik Naib invades Deogir—probably winter of 1314 and 1315. Barni refers to this invasion, but no detailed record of it has been given by any of the Khilji historians.
23. Death of Sultan ‘Alauddin—February 3, 1315.
| First day of the Hijra Era | Corresponding date of the Christian Era | |||
| 696 | October | 30, 1296. | ||
| 697 | October | 19, 1297. | ||
| 698 | October | 9, 1298. | ||
| 699 | September 28, 1299. | |||
| 700 | September 16, 1300. | |||
| 701 | September | 6, 1301. | ||
| 702 | August | 26, 1302. | ||
| 703 | August | 15, 1303. | ||
| 704 | August | 4, 1304. | ||
| 705 | July | 24, 1305. | ||
| 706 | July | 13, 1306. | ||
| 707 | July | 3, 1307. | ||
| 708 | June | 21, 1308. | ||
| 709 | June | 11, 1309. | ||
| 710 | May | 31, 1310. | ||
| 711 | May | 20, 1311. | ||
| Hijra Era | Christian Era | |||
| 19th | Rabi II | 695. | February | 25, 1296. |
| 28th | Rajab | 695. | May | 4, 1296. |
| 16th | Ramazan | 695. | July | 19, 1296. |
| 22nd | Zil Hijjah | 695. | October | 23, 1296. |
| 22nd | Rabi II | 697. | February | 6, 1298. |
| 20th | Jamadi I | 699. | February | 10, 1300. |
| 3rd | Zi-qa‘d | 700. | June | 29, 1301. |
| 11th | Muharram | 703. | August | 25, 1303. |
| 5th | Jamadi I | 705. | November | 24, 1305. |
| 12th | Jamadi II | 705. | December | 30, 1305. |
| 19th | Ramazan | 706. | March | 24, 1307. |
| 25th | Jamadi I | 709. | October | 31, 1309. |
| 19th | Jamadi II | 709. | November | 24, 1309. |
| 26th | Rajab | 709. | December | 30, 1309. |
| 16th | Sha‘ban | 709. | January | 20, 1310. |
| 11th | Muharram | 710. | June | 10, 1310. |
| 26th | Jamadi II | 710. | November | 20, 1310. |
| 13th | Ramazan | 710. | February | 3, 1311. |
| 17th | Ramazan | 710. | February | 7, 1311. |
| 23rd | Ramazan | 710. | February | 13, 1311. |
| 5th | Zi-qa‘d | 710. | March | 26, 1311. |
| 11th | Zi-qa‘d | 710. | April | 1, 1311. |
| 15th | Zi-qa‘d | 710. | April | 5, 1311. |
| 4th | Zil Hijjah | 710. | April | 24, 1311. |
| 14th | Jamadi II | 711. | October | 30, 1311. |
viii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxxvii, xxxix, 1, 2n, 3n, 6n, 10n, 12n, 13n, 14n, 15n, 17n, 18n, 20n, 24n, 28n, 31n, 33, 34, 36n, 37, 38, 39n, 40n, 42n, 48n, 49n, 50n, 51n, 55n, 56n, 61n, 73n, 110—ascends the throne, 6; distributes treasures and horses, 9; reduction of tax on shop-keepers, appointment of the Ra’īs and inspectors of the market, 9-10; prohibition of adultery and drink, 10-11; massacre of magicians, 11, and of the ‘fraternity of incest’ (aṣḥāb-i Abāḥat); cheapness of corn and establishment of granaries, 12-13; establishment of the ‘Place of Justice’ (Serā-i ‘Adl), 13; buildings and public works, 14-20; campaigns against the Mugẖals, 21-24; Kadar’s invasion, 23; invasion of ‘Alī Beg, Tartāq and Targẖī, 26; invasion of Kapak, 29, and of Iqbāl and Mudābīr, 30; note on the invasions of Kapak, Iqbāl and Tāī Bū (or Tāībū), 32; invasion of Kutlugẖ Khwāja, Saldī and Targẖi, 120-126; invasion of Gujrāt, 35; siege of Rantambhor, 37; invasion of Māndū and Mālwa, 42; conquest of Chitor, 47; second conquest of Deogīr, 51; conquest of Siwāna, 53; campaign of Arangal, 56-80; campaign of Ma‘bar, 80-111; account of the Deccan expeditions in Khusrau’s Dawal Rānī, 112-113; in Ẓīāuddīn Barnī’s Tārikhi Feroz Shāhī, 113-118; and in Ferishta 118-120; see also Introduction, pp. xviii-xxxix
Dīwān-ī Riyāsat (or Rīāsat), 9n
ziauddin Barni, Tarikh-i Feroz Shahi, Persian text, pages 254-61
↩Barni Persian Text, pp. 253-4.
↩Barni, pp. 299-302.
↩* Roman figures refer to the pages of the Introduction, and Arabic figures to the pages of the Text and Appendices. Foot-notes are indicated by the letter n.
↩