A'in-i Akbarī - The Ain-i-Akbarī, Volume 2

Though the reason that has compelled a change of authorship in the continued translation of the Áin i Akbari is doubtless universally known, the regretful duty of its formal announcement is imperative in the introduction of this volume. The early and somewhat sudden death of Professor Blochmann is a loss which Oriental literature may be permitted to share with his personal friends, and its regrets, though differing in kind and measure from theirs, will not be less grateful to his memory from its independence of associations in which friendship bears a part, and as a testimony to his appreciation in a wider sphere where partial judgments have no sway. This is not the place to pass in review his services to letters which have been adequately commemorated elsewhere by the Asiatic Society of Bengal for whom he so largely laboured, but as commissioned by their authority to continue the work which death has snatched from an able hand, it is fitting that these few words from his successor should record the unfortunate necessity of their action. It was at one time supposed that the manuscript of the whole translation had been completed by Professor Blochmann and prepared for the press, but whatever the origin of the rumour, no trace of the work was discovered amongst his papers, and the interval of five years between the conclusion of the first volume and his death, leaves little doubt that the report had no foundation. His preface deplores or excuses the delay that had already occurred in the translation of the volume then issued, and could not have omitted mention of the early completion of the whole were the manuscript of the remainder ready for publication. The enumeration of the difficulties which stood in his way is expressed in terms which imply that they had not been overcome, else his silence, when silence might be interpreted to his prejudice, is inexplicable. It may be, therefore, safely assumed that want of leisure, or other weighty reason, had hindered his continuance of a work which had become the preoccupation of his most serious study and which he hoped to leave to posterity as a record that he had not toiled in vain. But the event was otherwise ordained.

While sensible of the honour conferred upon me by the Asiatic Society in selecting me for the duty of entering upon the labours and sharing the reward of my predecessor, I cannot but express my diffidence in presenting this second volume to public notice under their auspices, lest a comparison should discredit the wisdom of the choice. But whatever the verdict of those competent from linguistic knowledge and acquaintance with the abrupt, close and enigmatic style of the original to judge of the merits of the translation, no pains at least have been spared to render it a faithful counterpart consistently with a clearness of statement which the text does not everywhere show. The peculiar tone and spirit of Abul Fazl are difficult to catch and to sustain in a foreign tongue. His style, in my opinion, is not deserving of imitation even in his own. His merits as a writer have, in general, been greatly exaggerated. Omitting the contemporary and interesting memoirs of Al Badáoni, whose scathing comments on the deeds and motives of king and minister have an independent value of their own, the accident that Abul Fazl's works form the most complete and authoritative history of the events of Akbar's reign, has given them a great and peculiar importance as state records. This they eminently deserve, but as exemplars of style, in comparison with the immutable types of excellence fixed for ever by Greece and Rome, they have no place. His unique position in Akbar's court and service enhanced the reputation of all that he wrote, and his great industry in a position which secured wealth and invited indolence, fully merited the admiration of his countrymen. Regarded as a statistician, no details from the revenues of a province to the cost of a pine-apple, from the organisation of an army and the grades and duties of the nobility to the shape of a candlestick and the price of a curry-comb, are beyond his miscrospic and patient investigation: as an annalist, the movements and conduct of his sovereign are surrounded with the impeccability that fences and deifies Oriental despotism, and chronicled with none of the skill and power, and more than the flattery of Velleius Paterculus: as a finished diplomatist, his letters to recalcitrant generals and rebellious viceroys are Eastern models of astute persuasion, veiling threats with compliments, and insinuating rewards and promises without committing his master to their fulfilment. But these epistles which form one of his monuments to fame, consist of interminable sentences involved in frequent parentheses difficult to unravel, and paralleled in the West only by the decadence of taste, soaring in prose, as Gibbon justly remarks, to the vicious affectation of poetry, and in poetry sinking below the flatness and insipidity of prose, which characterizes Byzantine eloquence in the tenth century. A similar affectation, and probably its prototype, is to be found in the most approved Arab masters of florid composition of the same epoch, held by Ibn Khallikan's crude and undisciplined criticism to be the perfection of art, and which still remains in Hindustan the ideal of every aspiring scribe. His annals have none of the pregnant meaning and point that in a few masterly strokes, exalt or brand a name to all time, and flash the actors of his drama across the living page in scenes that dwell for ever in the memory. The history of nearly forty-six years of his master's reign contains not a line that lives in household words among his own countrymen, not a beautiful image that the mind delights to recall, not a description that rises to great power or pathos, nor the unconscious simplicity redeeming its wearisome length which lends such a charm to Herodotus, and which in the very exordium of Thucydides, in Lucian's happy phrase, breathes the fragrance of Attic thyme. His narrative affects a quaint and stiff phraseology which renders it often obscure, and continues in an even monotone, never rising or falling save in reference to the Emperor whose lightest mention compels the adoring prostration of his pen, and round whom the world of his characters and events revolves as its central sun. Whatever its merit as a faithful representation, in a restricted sense, of a reign in which he was a capable and distinguished actor, it lacks the interesting details and portraiture of the life and manners of the nation which are commonly thought to be below the dignity of history but which brighten the pages of Eastern historians less celebrated than himself, and are necessary to the light and shade of a perfect picture. His statistical and geographical survey of the empire which this volume comprises is a laborious though somewhat lifeless compilation, of the first importance indeed as a record of a past and almost forgotten administration to guide and instruct the historian of the future or the statesman of to-day, but uninformed by deductive comment and illustration which might relieve the long array of bald detail. His historical summaries of dynasties and events in the various Súbahs under their ancient autonomous rule, are incoherent abridgments, often so obscurely phrased as not to be understood without a previous knowledge of the events to which they relate and his meaning is rather to be conjectured than elicited from the grammatical analysis of his sentences. The sources from which he drew his information are neven acknowledged. This of itself would have been of no moment and their indication might perhaps have disturbed the unity of his design had he otherwise so incorporated the labours of others with his own as to stamp the whole with the impress of originality, but he not seldom extracts passages word for word from other authors undeterred by the fear, or heedless of the charge, of plagiarism.

Such, in my opinion, is the reverse of the medal which represents Abul Fazl unrivalled as a writer and beyond the reach of imitation. The fashion of exaggerating the importance and merits of a subject or an author by those who make them their special study, especially when that study lies outside the common track of letters, inevitably brings its own retribution and ends by casting general discredit on what in its place and of its kind has its due share of honour or utility. The merit and the only merit of the Aín i Akbari is in what it tells and not in the manner of its telling which has little to recommend it. It will deservedly go down to posterity as a unique compilation of the systems of administration and control throughout the various departments of Government in a great empire, faithfully and minutely recorded in their smallest detail, with such an array of facts illustrative of its extent, resources, condition, population, industry and wealth as the abundant material supplied from official sources could furnish. This in itself is praise and fortune of no common order and it needs not the fictitious ascription of unparalleled powers of historiography in its support. The value of the Aín in this regard has been universally acknowledged by European scholars and it may not be out of place to quote here the opinion of the learned Reinaud on this work in his 1st vol. of the Geographie d 'Abulfeda, as it accurately represents its nature and worth and the style and quality of its literary composition.

L 'Inde musulmane nous offre, dans les commencements du xvii^e siècle, un ouvrage de compilation, qui est d'un grand intérêt pour la géographie; c'est le traité persan, composé par Aboul-Fazel, ministre de l' empereur mogol Akbar, et intitulé Ayyn-Akbery ou Institutes d' Akbar, par suite de l' intérêt qu' Akbar avait apporté à sa composition. L'empire fondé dans l' Inde par Babour, un des descendants de Tamerlan, avait pris, sous le règne d' Akbar, une grande extension et s' étendait depuis l' Afganistan jusqu 'au fond du golfe du Bengale, depuis l' Himalaïa jusqu'au Dekhan. Grâce à l'excellent gouvernement établi par Akbar, les provinces, pendant longtemps ravagées par les guerres intestines, avaient acquis une physionomie nouvelle. D'un autre côté, les vues libérales de l'empereur et de son ministre n'avaient rien de commun avec l'esprit étroit et exclusif qui caractérise l'islamisme, et ils avaient fait traduire en persan les meilleurs livres de la littérature sanscrite. Aboul-Fazel, se mettant à la tête d'une société de savants, entreprit une description géographique, physique et historique de l'empire, accompagnée de tableaux statistiques. Chacun des seize soubah ou gouvernements dont se composait alors l'empire mogol, y est décrit avec une minutieuse exactitude; la situation géographique et relative des villes et des bourgs y est indiquée; l'énumération des produits naturels et industriels y est soigneusement tracée, ainsi que la nomenclature des princes, soit idolâtres, soit musulmans, auxquels les soubah avaient été soumis avant d'être enclavés dans l'empire. On trouve ensuite un exposé de l'état militaire de l'empire, et l'énumération de ce qui composait la maison du souverain, etc. L'ouvrage se termine par un précis, fait en général d'aprés les sources indigènes, de la religion brahmanique, des divers systèmes de la philosophie hindoue, etc.

L'auteur, par une recherche d'érudition deplacée, a effecté le style des anciens auteurs persans; on a souvent de la peine à le comprendre. En 1783, Francis Gladwin, encouragé par le gouverneur général Hastings, publia une version anglaise abrégée de l'ouvrage. Placé aussi favorablement qu'il l' était et aidé des conseils des indigènes, il vint à bout de difficultés qui auraient été partout ailleurs insurmontables. La version anglaise, plusieurs fois réimprimée, se répandit à la fois dans l'Inde et en Europe, et cette publication n'a pas été, surtout dans les commencements, sans influence sur les progrès des études indiennes.

Maintenant, si on entreprenait une nouvelle édition de la version de Gladwin, l'on pourrait la rendre d'un usage encore plus utile. L'ouvrage fourmille de noms indigènes, particulièrement de mots sanscrits, et ces mots, en passant à travers les caractères de l'alphabet arabe, ont souvent subi d' horribles altérations. Au temps de Gladwin, l'on n'était pas assez avancé dans les études indiennes pour rendre à ces mots leur véritable physionomie. Maintenant, un indianiste qui saurait passablement le persan, rétablirait facilement les termes dans leur véritable état. Pour ma part, dans le cours de mes travaux sur l'Inde, j'ai fait subir des corrections à la transcription, au fur et à mesure des besoins.

Je ne dois pas négliger de dire un mot sur la table des noms de lieux, reproduite dans la version anglaise en caractères arabes avec leur transcription, et disposée d'après l'ordre des sept climats. Non-seulement beaucoup de noms sont altérés, mais encore les noms sont placés au hasard. En ce qui concerne la confusion, elle existe dans le texte original. Evidemment, la personne qui dans le principe, fut chargée de dresser cette table, était peu au courant de la géographie.

The criticism of Gladwin's version is just and this delicate animadversion I desire to imitate. His difficulties with varying and corrupt MSS. from which he had to translate were very considerable, and it is much to his credit that he has on the whole succeeded so well. But it is not to be denied that omissions are frequent and considerable and that he has often misconstrued his author and thus led those who followed and relied on him astray. In the Tables of Longitudes and Latitudes in the fourth book, the geographical names whether Persian or English are quite untrustworthy and very few are correctly spelt or transliterated. Much of the burden of this blame is to be laid on the original text which has been composed or transcribed without intelligence, discrimination or geographical knowledge, and for purposes of reference is so frequently incorrect as to be worthless. The fourth and fifth books which form the concluding volume of this work are now in course of translation and if the little leisure I can command will permit of it, I trust that their publication will not long be delayed. The constant elucidation which the text requires, involves no inconsiderable research which, while it lightens the exertion and encourages the patience of the reader, is among the translator's most anxious and laborious tasks. I have dispensed with two indices, such as are appended to the first volume, the advantage of which I have not been able to discover. There appears to me no more reason for distinguishing geographical from other proper names than for disjoining names of men from those of women, or animate from inanimate objects. I have therefore included all in a single index. The names of the towns and villages in the list of Sarkárs, twice recorded by Abul Fazl both under the Ten Years' Settlement (p. 88. et seq.) and in the histories of the Súbahs, have not been separately entered, to avoid augmenting the index without necessity. A reference to the Súbah and then to the Sarkár will suffice to trace the location of any particular town.

H. S. JARRETT.

Page 125, line 9, to Sherganj add the following note:

Cissa Sinensis, Brisson. Cissa Venatoria, Blyth—the green jay. It is found in the South Eastern Himalayas and in the hill ranges of Assam, Sylhet, Arakan and Tenasserim. These birds wander about from tree to tree and pick grasshoppers, mantides and other insects, are frequently tamed and caged and are amusing and imitative. They sing lustily a loud screeching strain and are highly carnivorous. The shrike-like habit, in confinement, of placing a bit of food between the bars of their cage is in no species more exemplified than in this—Jerdon, II, 312.

Page 56, line 6, to ḳudán add following note:

The text has ‘kụdán,’ with a variant ‘kullán.’—I accepted the former without investigation at the time, but the true reading is Faddán () which means a certain measure of land, subdivided into 24 ḳíráṭ—loosely reckoned as the quantity which a yoke of oxen will plough in one day and commonly defined as consisting of 333¼ ḳuṣabehs, the latter being 24 ḳabḍah, and the ḳabḍah being the measure of a man's fist with the thumb erect, or about 6¼ inches. Lane's Arab. Lex.

Since somewhat of the recent imperial institutions regulating the Army and the Household have been set down, I shall now record the excellent ordinances of that sagacious intellect that energizes the world.

THE connection of monetary transactions without fixity of date would slip from the grasp, and through forgetfulness and falsehood raise a tumult of strife; for this reason every community devises a remedy and fixes an epoch. Since thought fosters well-being and is an aid to facility (of action), to displace obsolete chronology and establish a new usage is a necessity of government. For this reason, the prince regent on the throne of felicity in the 29th year of the Divine Era,¹ for the purpose of refreshing that pleasure-ground of dominion and revenue, directed its irrigation and rendered blooming and lush the palace-garden of the State.

Compassing events within a determinate time, the Persian calls māhroz (date); the Arab has converted this into múarrakh (chronicled), and thence “taríkh (date) is a household word. Some derive the Arabic from irákh, a wild bull. This conjugation of the measure of tāfa'íl² means, to polish. As ignorance of the time of an event grew less, it became distinguished by this name. Some assert that it is transposed from ‘tákhír which is referring a late period to an antecedent age. Others understand it to be a limit of time wherein an event determines. They say “such a one is the táríkh of his tribe,” that is, from whom dates the nobility of his line.¹ It is commonly understood to be a definite day to which subsequent time is referred and which constitutes an epoch. On this account they choose a day distinguished by some remarkable event,² such as the birth of a sect, a royal accession, a flood or an earthquake. By considerable labour and the aid of fortune, by constant divine worship and the observance of times, by illumination of the understanding and felicity of destiny, by the gathering together of far-seeing intelligences and by varied knowledge especially in the exact sciences and the Almighty favour, observatories were built: wonderful upper and lower rooms with diversity of window and stair arose on elevated sites little affected by dust.

By this means and with the aid of instruments such as the armillary sphere and others double-limbed and bi-tubular,³ and the quadrant of altitude,⁴ the astrolabe, the globe and others, the face of astronomy was illumined and the computation of the heavens, the position of the stars, the extent of their orbits in length and breadth, their distance from each other and from the earth, the comparative magnitude of the heavenly bodies and the like were ascertained. So great a work without the daily increasing auspiciousness of a just monarch and his abundant solicitude, is not to be accomplished. The gathering together of learned men of liberal minds is not achievable simply by means of ample wealth, and the philosophic treatises of the past and the institutions of the ancients cannot be secured without the most strenuous endeavours of the sovereign. With all this, thirty years are needed to observe a single revolution of the seven planets.¹ The longer the period and the greater the care bestowed upon a task, the more perfect its completion.

In this time-worn world of affliction Divine Providence has vouchsafed its aid to many who have attained considerable renown in these constructions, such as Archimedes, Aristarchus and Hipparchus in Egypt, from whose time to the present, the 40th year of the divine era, 1769 years have elapsed²; such as Plotemy in Alexandria who flourished some 1410 years ago; as the Caliph Mámún in Baghdad, 790 years past, and Sind³ bin 'Ali and Khálid¹ bin 'Abdul Malik al Marwazi 764 years since at Damascus. Hákim and Ibn² Aa´'lam also laid the foundations of an observatory at Baghdad which remained unfinished, 712 years, and Battáni³ at Racca 654 years previous to this time. Three hundred and sixty-two solar years have passed since Khwájah⁴ Naṣîr of Tús built another at Múrágha near Tabríz and 156 is the age of that of Mirza Ulugh Beg¹ in Samarkand.

Rasad signifies ‘watching’ in the Arabic tongue and the watchers, therefore, are a body who, in a specially-adapted edifice, observe the movements of the stars and study their aspects. The results of their investigations and their discoveries regarding these sublime mysteries are tabulated and reduced to writing. This is called an astronomical table (zíj). This word is an Arabicized form of the Persian,² zík which means the threads that guide the embroiderers in weaving brocaded stuffs. In the same way, an astronomical table is a guide to the astronomer in recognising the conditions of the heavens, and the linear extensions and columns, in length and breadth, resemble these threads. It is said to be the Arabic rendering of zih from the frequent necessity of its use, which the intelligent will understand. Some maintain it to be Persian, signifying a mason's rule, and as he, through its instrumentality determines the evenness of a building, so an astronomer aims at accuracy by means of this astronomical table.

Many men have left such compilations to chronicle their fame. Among these are the Canous of

1. Ma´ju´r the Turk.

There are two of this family whom Sédillot terms the Benon Amadjour, viz., Hammer-Purgstall makes them the same person but adds another name According to him, they were brothers, and the former was the author of the Canon called al Bedíá or “the Wonderful;” the latter of works on other astronomical tables with disputed titles. He appears to quote from the Fihrist and from Casiri who borrows from Ibn Jounis, but the Fihrist distinctly states that Abu'l Ḥasan was the son not the brother of Ali b. Amajúr. Ibn Jounis speaks of Abu'l Ḳásim also, and as a native of Herat, , which evidently refers to his Turkish origin but mis-translated by Casiri and copied by Ham-Purgstall ‘descended from the Pharaohs.” (Sedillot. p. xxxix note). The Benou Amajúr were astronomers of repute and made their observations between the years 885-933, leading the way to important discoveries. (Sed p. xxxv et seq).

2. Hipparchus.

3. Ptolemy.

4. Pythagoras.

5. Zoroaster.

6. Theon of Alexandria.

7. Sa´ma´t the Greek.

Another reading is Sábát () but I cannot recognize nor trace the name satisfactorily. The epithet inclines me to believe the name to be that of a Greek astronomer in Islamic times.

8. Tha´bit-b-Kurrah b Hárún was a native of Ḥarrán, of the Sabean sect, and rose to eminence in medicine, mathematics and philosophy, born A. H. 221 (A. D. 836) died in A. H. 288 (A. D. 901). He was much favoured by the Caliph Al Mua'tadhid who kept him at Court as an astrologer. He wrote on the Spherics of Theodosius, and retranslated Euclid already turned into Arabic by Hunain-b-Isháḳ al Ibádi. He was also author of a work in Syriac on the Sabean doctrines and the customs and ceremonies of their adherents. Ibn Khall. D'Herb. Sedillot. p. xxv. et seq. For a list of his works, see the Fihrist, p. 272.

9. Husa´m b. Sina´n. (var. Shabán.)

I believe the first name to be an error. The Fihrist mentions a son of Sinán with the patronymic Abúl Ḥasan who is no doubt here meant. He was grandson of Thábit-b-Ḳurrah, and named also Thábit according to Ḍ'Herb. as well as Abúl Ḥasan after his grandfather. (Sedillot). Equally proficient in astronomy with his grandfather, he was also a celebrated physician and practised in Baghdad. He wrote a history of his own time from about A. H. 290 to his death in 360. Abúl Faraj speaks of it as an excellent work. See also Ibn Khall. De Slane. Vol. II. p. 289 and note 7. His father Sinán the son of Thábit-b-Kurrah, died at Baghdad A. H. 331. They were both Harranians, the last representatives of ancient Greek learning through whom Greek sciences were communicated to the illiterate Arabs. Sinán made a collection of meteorological observations called the Kitáb ul anwá, compiled from ancient sources, incorporated by Albiruni in his Chronology, and thereby preserved to us the most complete Parapegma of the ancient Greek world. See Albirúni. Chronol. Sachau's Transl. p. 427. n.

10. Tha´bit-b-Mu´sa.

I can find no such name The Fihrist gives Thábit-b- Ahúsa, head of the Sabean sect in Harrán.

11. Muhammad-b-Ja´bir al Batta´ni. See p. 4, note 3.

12. Ahmad-b-'Abdu'llah Jaba´.

Jaba is a copyist's error for Habsh He was one of Al Mamún's astronomers, and distinguished by the title of Al Ḥásib or the Reckoner. He was employed by Mamún at Sinjar to observe the obliquity of the Ecliptic and to test the measurements of geometrical degrees. He compiled a set of tables by the Caliph's order. Ham. Purg. B. III, p. 260. Abu'l Faraj (ed. 1663, p. 247) says that he was the author of three Canons; the first modelled on the Sindhind, the second termed Mumtahan or Proven (after his return from his observations) and the third the Lesser Canon, known as the ‘Sháh’. He lived to the age of a hundred. Though Ham. Purg. writes the name Hubaysh () and Habsh, the Fihrist and Sedillot confirm the latter reading. A list of this astronomer's works will be found in the last named work.

13. Abu´ Rayha´n.

Abu Rayḥán-Muḥammad-b-Aḥmad Albirúni, born 362. A. H. (A. D. 973), d. 440. (A. D. 1048). For further particulars I refer the reader to Sachau's preface to the Indica and the Chronology of this famous Savant.

14. Kha´lid-b-'Abdu'l Malik. See p. 4 note 1.

15. Yahya-b-Mansu´r.

More correctly Yahya-b-Abi Maṇsúr, was one of Al Mámún's most famous astronomers. Abu'l Faraj (p. 248). says that he was appointed by that Caliph to the Shammásiyaḥ observatory at Baghdad and to that of Mount Ḳásiun at Damascus. The Fihrist gives a list of his works (p. 275) and (p. 143) his genealogy and descendants who appear to have shared and augmented their father's fame. He died about 833, (A. H. 218) in Mámún's expedition to Tarsus and was buried at Aleppo.

16. Ha´mid Marwaru´di.

This is doubtless, Abu Ḥámid, Aḥmad-b-Muḥammad as Ṣágháni. Ṣághán is a town near Marw. Ibn Khallikán's derivation of Marwarrúd will explain the difference in the titular adjectives of place. I transcribe De Slane. V. I, p. 50. “Marwarrúdi means native of Marwarrúd, a well-known city in Khorasán, built on a river, in Persian ar-rúd, and situated 40 parasangs from Marw as Sháhján; these are the two Marws so frequently mentioned by poets: the word Sháhján is added to the name of the larger one from which also is derived the relative adjective Marwazi; the word rúd is joined to that of the other city in order to distinguish between them. Marwarrúd has for relative adjective Marwarrúdi and Marwazi, also, according to as Samáni.” Sháhján is, of course, Ṣághán. Abu Ḥámid, was one of the first geometricians and astronomers of his time (d. 379. A. H. 989), and a maker of astrolabes at Baghdad and was employed to certify the correctness of the royal astronomical reports. Ham Purg. B. V. 313.

17. Mughi´thi. Perhaps, Mughni tabulae astronomicae sufficientes, mentioned by Háji Khalífa, p. 568, Art.

18. Sharki. (Var. Sharfi.) probably Abu'l Ḳásim as Saraḳi () of whom Casiri writes. 'Abûlcassam Alsaraki Aractensis (of Rakka), Astrologiæ judiciariæ et astronomiæ doctrina, uti etiam Tabularum et Spheræ peritia haud ignobilis, inter familiares atque intimos Saifeldaulati Ali-ben-Abdalla-ben Hamdan, per ea tempora Regis, habitus est, quibuscumque Sermones Academicos frequens conferebat (Saifeldaulatus Syriæ Rex, anno Egiræ 356 obiit. (Sedillot, p. xlviii.)

19. Abu'l Wafa´-Nu´rha´ni. An error for Búzjáni. Búzján is a small town in the Nisábúr district in the direction of Herát. He was born A. H. 328 (939) d. 388 (998). In his 20th year he settled in Irák. A list of his works will be found in the Fihrist, p. 283. Ham. Purg. B. V. 306. His Canon was termed “as Shámil.” His most important work was the Almagest, which contains the formulas of tangents and secants employed by Arab geometricians in the same manner as in trigonometrical calculations of the present day. In the time of Al Battáni, sines were substituted for chords. By the introduction of tangents he simplified and shortened the expression of circular ratios. His anticipation of the discoveries of Tycho Brahe, may be seen in Sed. p. ix.

Kúshyár-b-Kenán al Ḥanbali. wrote three Canons, according to Háji Kḥalífa. Two were the Jámi' and the Sáli' () (Báligh is however, confirmed by D'Herbelot art Zig). These works were on stellar computations, on almanacs, the motions of the heavenly bodies and their number, supported by geometrical proofs. His compendium (mujmal) summarises their contents (p. 564.) The Jámi' is again mentioned lower down as a work in 85 chapters applied by the author to rectify or elucidate the Persian era. He added to it a supplement in illustration of each chapter of the Jámi' entitled The third Canon is called simply translated into Persian by Md-b-'Umar-b-Abi Ṭálib at Tabrízi. This was probably dedicated te Adḥad 'ud Daulah Alp Arslan lord of Khorasan who had condescended to accept this title from his creature the feeble Káim bi amrí' lláh at Baghdad. Hence, I conjecture, the name Adḥadí.

23. Sulayma´n-b-Muhammad. Untraceable. This name does not occur in one of the MSS. of the Aín.

24. Abu Ha´mid Ansa´ri.

The only descendant of the Auṣárs that I can find among the astronomers is Ibn us Sháṭir. d. 777 A. H. (1375); the name was Aláu'ddin, patronymic not given. See Haj. Khal. pp. 557. 566. It is possible that the celebrated Abu Ḥámid al Ghazzáli may be meant.

25. Safai´h. Evidently the name of a Canon and not of its author.

26. Abu'l Farah Shira´zi.

27. Majmua´'. Apparently the name of a Canon mentioned by Háji Khalífa. auctore Ibn Shari'. () collecta de astrologia judiciaria.

28. Mukhta´r auct. Shaikh Abu Manṣúr Sulaiman b. al Ḥusain-b-Bardowaih. Another work of the same name (Dilectus e libris electionis dierum, astrologicae) was composed by the physician Abu Naṣr Yaḥya b. Jarír at Takríti for Sadíd ud Daulah Abu'l Ghanáim Abdu'l Karím.

29. Abu´'l Hasan Tu´si. This name occurs in the Fihrist (p. 71) as that of a scholar learned in tribal history and poetry. A son of the same name is mentioned as a distinguished doctor, but there is no notice of his astronomical knowledge.

30. Ahmad-b-Isha´k Sarakhsi.

The name of Isḥáḳ does not occur in the genealogy of any Sarakhsi that I can discover. The text probably refers to Aḥmad-b-Md. b. at Ṭayyib, the well known preceptor of the Caliph al Muatadḥid by whom he was put to death in A. H. 286 (899) for revealing his pupil's confidences. D' Herb. states that he wrote on the of Porphirius, and Albirúni (Chronology) mentions him as an astrologer and cites a prophecy of his where he speaks of the conjunction of Saturn and Mars in the sign of Cancer.

31. Ghara´ri. Probably Al Fazári. Abú Isḥáḳ Ibrahím-b-Ḥabíb the earliest maker of astrolabes among the Arabs, who was the author of a canon and several astronomical works. Fihrist, p. 273, date not given.

32. Al Ha´ru´ni.

It is difficult in such bald mention of names, where so many are alike, to be sure of the correctness of allusion. This is, probably, Hárún-b-al Munajjim, an astrologer, native of Baghdad and an accomplished scholar. His great grandfather was astrologer to the Caliph al-Mansúr and his son Yahya served al Fadhl-b-Sahl in the same capacity, died A. H. 288 (901). Ibn Khall. IV. p. 605.

33. Adwa´r i Kirai´n (Cycles of conjunctions) the name of a Canon whose author I cannot discover.

34. Ya'ku´b-b-Tau´´s.

I may safely hazard the emendation Tárik () for Ṭáús. This astronomer is mentioned by Albirúni. Ham. Purg. gives his date A. H. 218 (833) and a list of his works apparently copied from the Fihrist, p. 278.

35. Khwa´razmi.

Muḥammad-b-Músa, by command of al Mámún, compiled an abridgment of the Sindhind (Siddhánta); better known as a mathematicism than as astronomer—see Sedillot, I. xvi. He was the author of a Canon according to the Fihrist, p. 274.

36. Yu´sufi. The secretary of Al Mámún, Abu't Tayyib-b-'Abdi'llah is the only name I discover in this relative form. The Fihrist, (p. 123) mentions no astronomical works of his. Perhaps, Yúsuf-b-Ali Thatta (1043) or Ibn Yúsuf al Maṣsiṣi may be meant: the text is too vague to determine accurately.

37. Wa´fi—the work of Ulugh Beg “fi Mawáfi ul áa'mál un Najúmíya, (de transitibus operationum astronomicarum) is the only title approaching that of the text that I discover.

38. Jauzharayn—Jauzhar the Arabic form of Gauzhar, is the head and tail of Draco. The two points in the Ecliptic which mark its intersection by the orbit of a planet in ascent and descent, are called its Nodes or two Jauzhars—(Istiláḥát u'l Funoon, arts. and ). There is a Canon called de motu vero capitis et caudœ draconis, by Shaikh Ibn ul Ḳádir al Barallusi—see Haj-Khall p. 561.

39. Sama'a´ni. D'Herbelot mentions under this surname Abu Saa'd Abdú Kárim Muḥammad, the author of a work on Mathematics entitled Adáb fi ist'imál il āisáb. A. H. 506–62. The Fihrist p. 244, records another Sama'án as a commentator on the Canon of Ptolemy, and a third Ibn Sama'án, the slave of Abu Ma'shar, and author of an astronomical work.

40. Ibn Sahra.

The variants of this name suggest its doubtful orthography. Ibn Abí Saḥari () is mentioned by Ham. Purg. as an astrologer of Baghdad whose predictions were fortunate. He lived in the latter half of the century, 132–232, (749– 846) the most brilliant period in the annals of Arab literature.

41. Abu´'l Fadhl Ma´sha'llah, incorrectly Másháḍa in the text.—Born in Al Manṣúr's reign, he lived to that of Al Mámún. His name “What God wills” is simply a rendering of the Hebrew Mischa. The Fihrist calls him Ibn Athra and notes his voluminous writings, copied by Ham. Purg. B. III. 257.

42. 'Aa´simi—untraceable.

43. Kabi´r of Abu´ Ma'shar—a native of Balkh, a contemporary and envious rival of Al Kindi.—At first a traditionist, he did not begin the study of astronomy till after the age of 47. He died at Wásit exceeding the age of 100, A. H. 272, (885)—An astronomer and astrologer of great renown. In the latter capacity, he paid the penalty of success in a prediction by receiving a flogging at the command of Al Musta'in; upon which his epigram is recorded . “I hit and got hit.” Thirty-three of his works are named in the Fihrist, p. 277. He was known in Europe as Albumaser and his works translated into Latin, see Sachau's Albirúni (Chronol.) p. 375,— also Haj. Khal. art. zíj.

44. Sind-b-'Ali. See note p. 3.

45. Ibn Aa´'lam Do. p. 4.

46. Shahrya´ra´n.

This Canon occurs in Albirúni (Chronol.) with the addition of the word Sháh.— Sachau confesses his ignorance of it. Haj. Khal. gives a Canon called Shahryár which is well-known—translated into Arabic by At Tamími from the Persian. Fihrist, 244. v. also Sachau's preface to Albirúni's India, p. xxx.

47. Arkand.—In Albirúni called “the days of Arkand.” The more correct form according to Reinaud, Memoire sur l' Inde., p. 322, would be the Sanskrit Ahargana —See Sachau's note p. 375 of Albirúni's Chronol. from which I quote.

Albirúni made a new edition of the Days of Arkand, putting into clearer words and more idiomatic Arabic, the then existing translation which followed too closely the Sanskrit original.

48. Ibn Su´fi.

Al Shaikh Md. b. Abi'l Fatḥ as Súfi al Miṣri wrote an epitome of the Canon of Ulugh Beg with additional tables and notes. It was with reference to this epitome that the work of Al Barallusi, Bihjat ul Fikr fi Hall is Shams Wál Ḳamr was written, of which the Jauzhar, one of its three parts, is alluded to in 38.

49. Sehela´n Ka´shi.

Sehelán, Sehilán or Ibn Sehilán according to D'Herbelot was the name of the Minister of Sultán ud Daulah of the Buyide family, whose enmity with his brother Mushrafúd Doulah was due to the policy or personal feeling of that statesman. A canon might have been published under his patronage and name.

50. Ahwa´zi. D'Herbelot alludes to several authors under this name; one a commentator on Euclid. The Fihrist names Mḍ-b-Isḥáḳ al Ahwazi, without date. He appears to have written on agriculture and architecture.

51. The 'Uru´s of Abu´ Ja'far Bu´shanji.

Búshanj, according to Yakút (Mu'jam il Buldán) is a small town about 40 miles from Herat, which has given birth to some eminent scholars, but I can find no astronomer among them.

52. Abu´'l Fath—Shaikh Abu'l Fatḥ as Súfi who amended the tables termed Samarcandi. Haji Khal, 566. III.

53. A'kkah Ra´hibi—untraceable.

54. Masa'u´di.—The Canon Masudicus is extant in 4 good copies in European libraries, and waits for the combination of two scholars, an astronomer and an Arabic philogist, for the purpose of an addition and translation, v. Sachau, pref. to Alb. India, p. xvi.

55. Mua'tabar of Sanjari. The surname of Abu'l Fatḥ Abdurraḥman, called the treasurer; he was a slave of Greek origin, in the service of A'li al Kházin al Marwazi and much in his favour. On the completion of his Canon, the Sultán Sanjar sent him a thousand dinars which he returned. Haj. Khal. III. 564.

56. Waji´z-i-Mua'tabar is doubtless, as its name imports, an epitome of the foregoing.

57. Ahmad Abdu'l Jali´l Sanjari, author of two treatises on stellar influences. D'Herbelot mentions him as an astrologer of note, but adds no particulars.

58. Muhammad Ha´sib Tabari.

Untraceable.

63. Sulta´n 'Ali Khwa´razmi. Ali. Shah-b-Mḍ-b-il Kásim commonly known as 'Alá'uddín Al Khwárazmi, the author of a Canon called Sháhi—the royal; also of a Persian epitome from the Elkháni Tables, called the Úmdat úl Elkháníya. Haj. Khal. p. 565, III.

64. Fa´khir 'Ali Nasabi.

The variants indicate a corrupt reading—untraceable.

65. The 'Alai of Shirwa´ni. Faridúddin Abu'l Ḥasan Ali-b-il Karím as Shirwani, known as Al Fahhád, eminent among the later astronomers, the author of several canons besides the one mentioned—See Haj. Khal. p. 567, in two places.

There are two other Canons called 'Alái. H. K. 556-7.

66. Ra´hiri—var. Záhidi—untraceable.

67. Mustawfi—mentioned by Haj. Khal. without author's name.

68. Muntakhab (Selectus) of Yazdi.

69. Abu´ Raza´ Yazdi.

Yazd is a town between Naysabúr and Shíráz. I find no record of either the canon or the astronomer.

70. Kaydu´rah.

71. Ikli´li.

Al Iklíl is the 17th Lunar Station—three stars in the head of Scorpio. I infer from the absence of any mention of such astronomers that these canons are named after stars. I can learn nothing of Ḳaydurah.

72. Na´siri—perhaps called after Násiru'd-Daulah-b-āamdán, temp. Mutii bi'lláh, A. H. 334. (946 A. D.)

73. Mulakhkhas. (Summarium).

74. Dastu´r. Dastúr u'l Aml fi Taṣḥiḥ il Jadwal—a Persian commentary by Maḥmúd-b-Mahd.-b-Káḍhizáda (known as Meriem Chelebi, in H. K. and D'Herb.) of the Canon of Ulugh Beg. See H. K. p. 560, III. and Sedillot, clv. I.

75. Murakkab. (Compositus).

76. Miklamah. (Calamarium).

77. 'Asa´. (Baculus).

78. Shatsalah. Var. Shashtalah.

79. Ha´sil. (Commodum).

80. Khatai´. A name of N. China: its people possessed an Astronomical Calendar in common with the Aighur Tribe, v. D'Herb. Art. Igur.

81. Daylami.

This is a bare list of tables of whose authors there is no certain record. Two of them, Khaṭái and Daylam point to the countries where they were in vogue. Kublai Khan the brother of Huláku after his conquest of China, introduced into the Celestial Empire the astronomical learning of Baghdad, and Cocheon-king in 1280, received the tables of Ibn Yúnas from the hands of the Persian Jamálu'ddín. For the extent of Chinese science at this time, see Sedillot. ci. I.

82. Mufrad. (Simplex) of Md.-b-Ayyub.

This Canon is in H. K. without the author's name.

83. Ka´mil (Integer) of Abu Rashid.

There is a commentary of the Shámil of al Búzjáni by Ḥasan-b-Ali al Ḳumnáti, entitled the Kámil, mentioned in H. K. p. 565. III.

84. Elkha´ni.

There are the tables of Naṣíru'ddin Ṭúsi.

85. Jamshi´di. Ghiyáthu'ddín Jamshíd together with the astronomer known as Ḳádḥizádah, assisted Ulugh Beg in the preparation of his Canon. The former died during the beginning of the work, the latter before its completion. H. K. 559. D'Herbelot (Art. zig. Ulug. Beg.) reverses this order and asserts that Jamshid finished it. I suspect that he has copied and mistaken the sense of H. K.

86. Gurga´ni. Another name for the Canon of Ulugh Beg. See Sed. p. cxix.

Whatever they set down, year by year from an astronomical table, as to the particular motions and individual positions of the heavenly bodies, they call an Almanac. It embodies, in fact, the diurnal progression of a planet from its first entrance into Aries to a determinate point in the ecliptic, in succession, and is in Hindi called patrah. The Indian sage considers astronomy to be inspired by divine intelligences. A mortal endowed with purity of nature, disposed to meditation, with accordant harmony of conduct, transported in soul beyond the restraints of sense and matter, may attain to such an elevation that earthly and divine forms, whether as universals or particularized, in the sublime or nethermost regions, future or past, are conceived in his mind. From kindliness of disposition and in the interests of science they impart their knowledge to enquirers of auspicious character, who commit their lessons to writing, and this writing they term Siddhánt. Nine such books are still extant; the Brahm-Siddhánt, the Súraj-Siddhánt, the Sóm-Siddhánt, the Brahaspat-Siddhánt, inspired by Brahma, the sun, moon, and Jupiter respectively. Their origin is referred to immemorial time and they are held in great veneration, especially the first two. The Garg-Siddhánt,¹ the Nárad-Siddhánt, the Párásar Siddhánt the Pulast-Siddhánt, the Bashistah-Siddhánt,—these five they ascribe to an earthly source. The unenlightened may loosen the tongue of reproval and imagine that these mysteries acquired by observation of Stellar movements, have been kept secret and revealed only in such a way as to ensure the gratitude of reverential hearts, but the keen-sighted and just observer will, nevertheless, not refuse his assent, the more especially as men of innate excellence and outward respectability of character have for myriads of years transmitted a uniform tradition.

Among all nations the Nychthemeron² is the measure of time and this in two aspects, firstly., Natural, as in Turán and the West, from noon to noon, or as in China and Chinese Tartary³ from midnight to midnight; but the reckoning from sunset to sunset more universally prevails. According to the Hindu sages, in Jagmot⁴ —the eastern extremity of the globe, they reckon it from sunrise to sunrise; in Rúmak—the extreme west, from sunset to sunset; in Ceylon, the extreme south, from midnight to midnight and the same computation obtains in Dehli: in Sadhpúr, the extreme north, from noon to noon. Secondly, the Equated also called Artificial, which consists of a complete revolution of the celestial sphere measured by the sun's course in the ecliptic. For facility of calculation, they take the whole period of the sun's revolution and divide equally the days thereof and consider the fractional remainder as the mean of each day, but as the duration of the revolutions is found to vary, a difference between the natural and artificial day arises. The tables of Al-Battáni assume it as 59 minutes, 8 seconds, 8 thirds, 46 fourths, 56 fifths and 14 sixths. Those of Elkháni make the minutes and seconds the same, but have 19 thirds, 44 fourths, 10 fifths and 37 sixths. The recent Gurgáni tables agree with the Khwájah¹ up to the thirds, but give 37 fourths, and 43 fifths. Ptolemy in the Almagest accords in minutes and seconds, but sets down 17 thirds, 13 fourths, 12 fifths and 31 sixths. In the same way ancient tables record discrepancies, which doubtless arise from varying knowledge and difference of instruments. The cycle of the year and the seasons depend upon the sun. From the time of his quitting one determinate point till his return to it, they reckon as one year. The period that he remains in one sign is a solar month. The interval of the moon's departure from a given position to its return thereto with the sun in conjunction or opposition or the like, is a lunar month. And since twelve lunations are nearly² equal to one annual revolution of the sun, they are called a lunar year. Thus both the year and the month are solar and lunar: and each of these two is Natural when the planetary revolutions are regarded and not the computation of days, and Equated when the computation is in days and not in the time of revolution. The Hindu sage divides the year, like the month, into four parts, allotting a particular purpose to each. Having now given a short account of the night, the day, the year and the month which form the basis of chronological notation, we herein set down somewhat of the ancient eras to complete our exposition.

The creation of Brahma is taken as its commencement and each of his days is an epoch. They assert that when 70 kalps are completed, each consisting of 4 Yugs¹ and the total of these being 4,320,000 years, a Manu appears. He is the offspring of the volition of Brahma and his co-operator in the creation. In each of his days fourteen¹ successive Manus arise. At this time which is the beginning of the 51st year of the age of Brahma, there have been six Manus, and of the seventh, 27 kalps have elapsed, and three Yugs of the 28th, and of the fourth Yug, 4,700 years. In the beginning of the present Yug, Rájá Judhishthira conquered the universe and being at the completion of an epoch, constituted his own reign an era and since that time to the present which is the fortieth of the Divine era, 4,696 years have elapsed. It continued in observance 3,044 years. After him Bikramájít² reckoned from his own accession to the throne and thus in some measure gave relief to mankind. He reigned 135 years. In this year 1652 years have since then gone by. They relate that a youth named Sálbáhan,³ was victorious through some supernatural agency and took the Rájá prisoner on the field of battle. Since the captive was not deserving of death, he treated him with consideration and asked him if he had any request to make. He replied that though all his desire was centred in retirement from the world and in the worship of the one Supreme Creator, he still retained the wish that his era might not be obliterated from the records of the age. It is said that the boon was granted, and although he introduced his own era, he did not interfere with the observance of the other. Since this era, 1517 years have expired, and they believe that it will continue in use for 18,000 years more, after which Rajah Bijiyábhinandan will institute a new era from his own reign which will last 10,000 years. Then Nágá Arjun will come to the throne and promulgate another era which will continue for 400,000 years, after which Kalki,¹ whom they regard as an avatar, will establish a fresh era to last 821 years. These six are considered the principal eras and are called Sáká, for there were many epochs and each termed “Sanpat.”² After the invasion of Sálbáhan, the era of Bikramájít was changed from “Sáká” to “Sanpat.” After the expiration of these six, the Sat³ Yug will re-commence and a new epoch be instituted.

The Hindú astronomers regard the months and years as of four kinds— 1st, “Saurmás,” which is the sun's continuance in one sign of the Zodiac, and such a year consists of 365 days, 15 ghaṛis,⁴ 30 pals, and 22½ bipals; 2nd, “Chándramás,” which is computed from the first day of the moon's increase to the night of the new moon. This year is of 354 days, 22 ghaṛis⁵ and one ‘pal.’ The beginning of the year is reckoned from the entry of the sun into Aries. This month consists of 30 lunar days (tithi). Each twelve degrees of the moon's course, reckoning from its departure from conjunction¹ with the sun is a tithi: and from the slowness or speed of the moon's progress there is a difference in the number of ghaṛis from a maximum of 65 to a minimum of 54. The first, tithi is called Pariwá; the second Dúj; the third Tíj; the fourth Chauth; the fifth Panchamíṇ; the sixth Chhaṭh; the seventh Saptamíṇ; the eighth Ashtamíṇ; the ninth Naumíṇ; the tenth Dasmín; the eleventh Ekádasi; the twelfth Duádasi; the thirteenth Tirúdasi; the fourteenth Chaudas: the fifteenth Púranmási; and from the 16th to the 29th, they use the same names up to the 14th. The 30th is called Amáwas. From Pariwá the 1st to the 15th they call Shuklapachch, and the other half Kishnpachch. Some begin the month from the 1st of Kishnpachch. In their ephemerides generally the year is solar and the month lunar.

And since the lunar year is less than the solar by ten days, 53 ghaṛis 29 pals and 22½ bipals, on the calculation of a mean rate of motion of the sun and moon, the difference, after 2 years, 8 months, 15 days and 3 ghaṛis, would amount to one month, and according to the reckoning in the ephemeris would occur in not more than 3 years or in less than 2 years and one month. According to the first calculation, there is this difference in every twelve months and in such a year they reckon one month twice: according to the latter system, in every solar month when there are two conjunctions;² and this must necessarily occur between Chait and Kuár (ásin) and does not go beyond these seven months. They term this intercalary month A´dhik (added), vulgarly called Laund.³

The third kind of month is Sáwan Más. They fix its commencement at any day they please: it is completed in thirty days. The year is 360 days.

The fourth, Nachhattar, is reckoned from the time the moon quits any mansion to her return thereto. This month consists of 27 days and the year of 324.

The number of the seasons is, with them, six¹ and each they call Ritu. The period that the sun remains in Pisces and Aries, they term Basant: this is the temperate season: when in Taurus and Gemini, Girekham, the hot season; in Cancer and Leo, Barkha, the rainy season; in Vírgo and Libra, Sard, the close of the rainy season and the beginning of winter; in Scorpio and Sagittarius, Hemant, winter; in Capricornus and Aquarius, Shishra, the season between winter and spring.

They divide the year likewise into three parts: to each they give the name of Kál, beginning from Phágun. They call the four hot months Dhupkál; the four rainy months Barkhakál and the four cold months Sítkál. Throughout the cultivable area of Hindustan, there are but three seasons. Pisces, Aries, Taurus and Gemini are the summer; Cancer, Leo, Virgo, Libra, the rains; Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricornus and Aquarius, the winter. The solar year they divide into two parts. Tne first beginning with Aries to the extreme of Virgo they term Uttargól, which is the sun's progress to the north of the Equator, and from the beginning of Libra to the extreme of Pisces, Dakkhangól, the sun's course to the south of the Equator. Also from the first of Capricorn to the end of Gemini, they call Uttaráyan, the sun's northern declination (the summer solstice): and from the 1st of Cancer to the end of Sagittarius Dachchhanáyan, or the sun's southern declination (the winter solstice). Many events, occurring in the first of these divisions, especially death, are deemed fortunate.

The Nycthemeron they divide into 60 equal parts and to each they give the name of ghatis, more commonly ghaṛi. Each ghaṛi is subdivided into the same number of parts, each of which they call pal. In the same way they apportion the pal, and each part they term nári and also bipal. Each nári is equal to six respirations of a man of an equable temperament, undisturbed by running, the emotions of anger and the like.

A man in good health respires 360 times in the space of one ghaṛi, and 21,600 times in a Nycthemeron. Some affirm that the breath which is respired, they term Swás and that which is inspired Parswás, and both together they called a parán. Six paráns make a pal, and 60 pals a ghaṛi. An astronomical hour which is the 24th part of a Nycthemeron is equal to 2½ ghaṛis. Each night and each day is again divided into 4 parts, each of which is called a pahr, but these are not all equal.

They reckon from the creation of the world, which in their belief took place 8,884 Wans and 60 years previous to the present date. Each Wan is 10,000 years. They believe that the duration of the world will be 300,000 Wans—according to some 360,000. They employ the natural solar year and the natural lunar month. They begin the year from the sun's mid passage though Aquarius. Muḥi'u'ddín¹ Maghrebi places it at the 16th degree, others between the 16th and 18th.² They divide the Nycthemeron into 12 Chághs. Each of which is subdivided into 8 Kehs, and to every one of these they give a different name.

They divide the Nycthemeron also into Feneks. For this computation of time they have three cycles, viz., Sháng Wan, Jung Wang, and Khá Wan, each comprising 60 years and each year of the cycle is defined by a double³ notation. The revolution of the cycle is marked by a series of ten and a series of twelve symbols. The first is employed for the notation of the year and the day; the second is similarly applied and is likewise horary. By the combination of these two series, they form the cycle of 60 and work out detailed calculations.

Called also the Aighúri. It is similar to the foregoing, except that this cycle is based on the series of 12. They reckon their years and days after the same manner, but it is said that some astronomical tables also employ the series of 10. The commencement of their era is unknown. Abu Raihán (Albirúni) says¹ that the Turks add nine to the incomplete Syromacedonian years and divide it by 12: and in whatever animal the remainder terminates, counting from the Sign of the Mouse, the year is named therefrom. But weighed in the balance of experiment, this is found wanting by one year. The intention, undoubtedly, is to carry the remainder down the animal signs of the series, and, beginning from the Mouse, to adopt the name of the animal in which it terminates. Although the commencement of the era is unknown, yet we gather sufficient information regarding the year of the cycle and its name. And if 7 years be added to the imperfect years of the Maliki era, dividing by 12, whatever remains is the year of the animal reckoning from the Mouse. This will prove correct according¹ to the following series.

1. Sijḳán, the Mouse. 2. U´d, the Ox. 3. Párs, the Leopard. 4. Tawishḳán the Hare. 5. Lóiy, the Dragon. 6. ´Yilán, the Serpent. 7. Yúnt, the Horse. 8. Ḳú, the Sheep. 9. Bíj, the Ape. 10. Takhákú, the Cock. 11. Yít, the Dog. 12. Tankúz the Hog. They add the word el to each of these words, which signifies year.

The astrologers reckon from the Creation and assert that all the planets were then in Aries. The year is solar. According to their calculation, from that time to the present 184,696 years have elapsed.

Its beginning dates from his birth. The years are solar, the months lunar. According to the Elkháni tables, 5,353 solar years have elapsed to the present date. But some of those possessing a book of divine revelation make it 6,346 solar years; others 6,938 solar: others again, 6,920, solar, but according to what has been reported from learned Christians, it is 6,793.

Begins with the creation of Adam. Their years are natural, solar: their months, artificial, lunar. They reckon their months and days like the Arabians according to an intermediate system. The year is of two kinds, viz., Simple,² which is not intercalary, and Composite, in which an intercalation is effected. Like the Hindus they intercalate a month every three years.¹

This era is computed from this event; the year is natural, solar, the month natural, lunar. The year begins from the entry of the Sun into Aries. Abu Ma'shar² of Balkh based his calculations regarding the mean places of the stars on this era from which to the present year 4,696 years have elapsed.

This monarch instituted an era from the beginning of his own reign. The year is solar, artificial, of 365 days without a fraction. The month, likewise, is of 30 days and five days are added at the end of the year. Ptolemy in his Almagest computed the planetary motions on this era. Since its commencement 2,341 years have elapsed.

Called also Fílbus or Filḳus. It is also known as the Era of Alexander of Macedon. It dates from his death. The years and months are artificial, solar. Theon of Alexandria has based his calculations of the mean places of the stars in his Canon on this Era, and Ptolemy has recorded some of his observations regarding it, in the Almagest. Of this period, 1,917 years have elapsed.

This is of ancient date. Al Battáni states that its years are solar, artificial, consisting of 365 days without a fraction. The Sulṭáni tables say that its years and months resemble the Syro-Macedonian. It has the same intercalations, but the Coptic intercalary days precede those of the Syro-Macedonian by six months.

The years and months are artificial, solar, and they reckon the year at 365¼ days exactly. In some astronomical observations, the fraction in excess is less than ¼. According to Ptolemy, it is 14 m. 48 s. The Elkháni observations make the minutes the same, but 32 seconds and 30 thirds. According to the calculations of the Cathayans¹ the minutes are the same, and 36 seconds, 57 thirds; to the recent Gurgáni observations, the minutes agree, with 33 seconds; the Maghrebi has 12 m.: the Battáni, 13 m. 36 s. Muḥíyu'ddín Maghrebi says that some of the Syro-Macedonian calculations make the fraction more than a quarter, others less than a quarter, and thus a quarter has been taken as the medium. Others assert that the Syro-Macedonians have by observation determined the fraction to be a full ¼. Consequently it is a natural solar year, although Mulla 'Ali Kúshji² makes it a solar year even on the first mentioned basis. This era dates from the death of Alexander the second,³ Bicornutus, but was not employed till 12 years after his death. Others assert that he established it in the 7th year of his reign when he set out from Macedonia, his kingdom, bent on foreign conquest. Muḥíyu'ddín Mughrebi on the other hand, states that it began with the reign of Seleucus (Nicator) who founded Antioch.⁴ This era was in use both with the Jews and Syrians. They relate that when Alexander the son of Philip marched from Greece to the conquest of Persia, he passed through Jerusalem. Summoning the learned Jews of Syria he directed them to discontinue the Mosaical era and to employ his own. They thus answered him. “Our forefathers never observed any era above a thousand years and this year our Era will complete the thousand; from next year, therefore, thy command shall be obeyed.” And they acted accordingly. And this took place in Alexander's 27th year. Some maintain that this Grecian era is of Hebrew origin. Kushyár¹ in his Jámi' says that there is no difference between the Syro-Macedonian and the Syrian era, except in the names of the months. The Syrian year begins on the 1st day of Tishrín ul Awwal. This happened formerly when the sun was in the 4th degree of Libra, and now falls on the 11th.² With the Syro-Macedonians, that date is the 1st of Kánúni i Sáni, when the sun is near the 20th degree of Capricorn. Battáni mentions this era³ as beginning with Philip, father of Alexander Bicornutus, but that he called it after his son to exalt his fame; and he has based on it the calculation of the mean places of the planets in his Canon. Of this era 1905 years have elapsed.

He was the first of the Roman Emperors⁴. The birth of Jesus Christ happened in his reign. The era begins with his accession. The year is the same as the Syro-Macedonian, and the months are Coptic; the last month in the common years has 35 days and in leap years 36. Of this era 1623 years have elapsed.⁵

Begins with the birth of Jesus Christ. The year consists, like the Syro-Macedonian, of 365 d. 5 h. At the end of 4 years, they add a day to the end of the second month. The beginning of their Nycthemeron is reckoned from midnight. Like the Arabians, they name the days of the week, beginning with Sunday. The commencement of their year, some take to be the entry of the sun in Capricorn: others, from the 8th degree of the same.

It begins with his accession.¹ The years are Syro-Macedonian, the months Coptic. Ptolemy determined the position of the fixed stars in his Almagest on this era of which 1457 years have elapsed.

He was a Christian emperor. The era begins with his accession. The years are Syro-Macedonian, the months Coptic; 1010 years have since elapsed.

In pre-Islamic times, the Arabs had various eras, such as the building of the Ka'bah, and the sovereignty of Omar³ b. Rabíi'a to whom was due the rise of idolatry in Ḥijáz, and this continued in use till the year of the Elephant,¹ which they, in turn, observed as a fresh epoch. Every Arab tribe constituted any important event in their history, an era. In the time of the prophet this thread of custom had no coherence, but from the date of the Hijra, they gave each year a special name. Thus that year was called the ‘year of Permission,” that is, the permission to go from Mecca to Medina. The second year was named the “year of Command,” i. e, to fight the unbelievers.² At the accession of the second Caliph (Omar), Abú Músa Asha'ri,³ governor of Yaman made the following representation: “Your despatches have arrived dated the month of Shạbán. I cannot discover what date is understood by Shạbán.” The Caliph summoned the learned. Some of the Jews advised the use of their era. The sage Húrmuzán⁴ said; “the Persians have a computation which they call Máhroz” and this he explained. But as there were intercalations in both, and their skill in calculation was slight, he did not accept either but adopted the era of the Hijrah. The month according to their system is reckoned from the sight of one new moon, after the sun has completely set, till the next is visible. It is never more than 30 nor less than 29 days. It sometimes occurs that four successive months are of 30 days, and three of 29. Chronologers putting aside calculations based on the moon's appearance, reckon lunar months in two ways, viz., Natural, which is the interval of the moon's departure from a determinate position, with the sun in conjunction or opposition or the like, to its return thereto; 2ndly, Artificial; since the motions of the moon are inconstant and their methodisation as well as an exact discrimination of its phases difficult, its mean rate of motion is taken and thus the task is facilitated. In the recent (Gurgáni) tables, this is 29 days, 12 hours and 44 minutes.¹ The rule is this, that when the fraction is in excess of half, it is reckoned as one day. Thus when the excess is over a half, they take the month of Muharram as 30 days, and the second month 29, and so on alternately to the last. In common years, therefore, Dḥi'l Ḥijjah is 29 days. The mean lunar year consists of 354 d. 8. h. 48 m.² which is less than a solar artificial year by 10 d. 21 h. 12 m. Mirza Ulugh Beg has based his new Canon on this era of which 1002 years have elapsed to the present time.³

He was the son of Shahryár Aparwez⁴ b. Hurmuz b. Noshirwán. It began with the accession of Jamshíd. After him every succeeding monarch renewed its designation by his own accession and Yazdajird also re-instituted it from his assumption of sovereignty.⁵ The years are like the Syro-Macedonian; but the fraction in excess was reserved till at the end of 120 years, it amounted to a whole month, and that year was reckoned at 13 months. The first intercalation was after Farwardín, and it was called by the name of that month. Then Urdibihisht was twice counted and so on. When the era was renewed under the name of Yazdajird, and his authority terminated in disaster, the continuity of intercalation was neglected. The years and months are Artificial, solar. 963 years have since elapsed.⁶

It is also called Jaláli. The Persian Era was used at that period. Through the interruption of continuity in intercalation, the commencements of the years fell into confusion. At the instance of Sulṭán Jalálu'ddin¹ Malik Sháh Saljúki, Omar Khayyam and several other learned men instituted this era. The beginning of the year was determined from the sun's entry into Aries. The years and months were at first Natural, but now the month is the ordinary Artificial. Each month consists of 30 days and at the end of Isfandármuz, they add 5 or 6 days. Of this era, 516 years have elapsed.

dates from the reign of Gházán² Khán and is founded on the Elkháni tables. The years and months are Natural, solar. Before its adoption the State records bore date from the Hijrah and the lunar year was current. By this means the road was opened to grievous oppression, because 31 lunar years are equal to only 30 solar years and great loss occurred to the agriculturists, as the revenue was taken on the lunar years and the harvest depended on the solar. Abolishing this practice Gházán Khán promoted the cause of justice³ by the introduction of this era. The names of the month are the Turkish with the addition of the word kháni. Of this, 293 years have elapsed.

His Majesty had long desired to introduce a new computation of years and months throughout the fair regions of Hindustan in order that perplexity might give place to easiness. He was likewise averse to the era of the Hijra (Flight) which was of ominous signification, but because of the number of short-sighted, ignorant men who believe the currency of the era to be inseparable from religion, His Imperial Majesty in his graciousness, dearly regarding the attachment of the hearts of his subjects did not carry out his design of suppressing it. Although it is evident to right-minded people of the world, what relevancy exists between the market-coin of commercial dealing and the night-gleaming jewel of faith, and what participation between this chain of objective connection and the twofold cord of spiritual truth, yet the world is full of the dust of indiscrimination, and the discerning are heedful of the fable of the fox¹ that took to flight when camels were being impressed. In 992² of the Novilunar year, the lamp of knowledge received another light from the flame of his sublime intelligence and its full blaze sḥone upon mankind. The fortunately gifted, lovers of truth raised their heads from the pillow of disappointment and the crooked-charactered, drowsy-willed lay in the corner of disuse. Meanwhile the imperial design was accomplished. Amir Fatḥu'llah Shirázi,³ the representative of ancient sages, the paragon of the house of wisdom, set himself to the fulfilment of this object, and taking as his base the recent Gurgáni Canon, began the era with the accession of his Imperial Majesty. The splendour of visible sublimity which had its manifestation in the lord of the universe commended itself to this chosen one, especially as it also concentrated the leadership of the world of spirituality, and for its cognition by vassals of auspicious mind, the characteristics of the divine essence were ascribed to it, and the glad tidings of its perpetual adoption proclaimed. The years and months are natural solar without intercalation and the Persion names of the months and days have been left unaltered. The days of the month are reckoned from 29 to 32, and the two days of the last are called Roz o Shab (Day and Night). The names of the months of each era are tabulated for facility of reference.

The events of the world recorded in chronological sequence, are accounted the science of history, and he who is proficient in them, is a historian. Many writings in this branch of knowledge regarding India, Khaṭá, the Franks, Jews and other peoples are extant. Of the Muhammadan sect, the first who in Ḥijáz occupied himself with this subject was Muhammad-b-Isḥáḳ,¹ then follow Wahab-b-Murabbih,² Wáḳidi,³ A´sma'i,⁴ Ṭabari,⁵ Abu A'bdu'llah Muslim-b-Ḳutaybah,⁶ Aa'tham of Kúfa,¹ Muḥammad Muḳanna',² Ḥakím A'li Miskawaih,³ Fakhru'ddín Muḥammad-b-A'li Dáúd Sulaiman Binákiti,⁴ Abú'l Faraj,³ Imádu'ddín-b-Kathír,¹ Muḳaddasi,² Abú Ḥanífah Dinawari,³ Muḥammad-b-'Abdu'llah Masa'údi,⁴ Ibu Khallákán,⁵ Yáfa'i,⁶ Abú Naṣr Utbi;⁷ amongst the Persians, Firdausi, Ṭúsi, Abúl Ḥusain Baihaḳ,⁸ Abúl Ḥusain author of the Táríkhi Khusrawi,¹ Khwájah Abúl Fazl Baihaki,² A'bbás-b-Muṣa'b,³ Aḥmad-b-Sayyár,⁴ Abu Isḥáḳ Bazz'az,⁵ Muḥammad Balkhi,⁶ Abul Ḳa'sim Ka'bi,⁷ Abu'l Ḥasan Fársi,⁸ Ṣadru'ddín Muḥammad author of the Táju'l Maásir,⁹ (corona monumentorum), Abú'Abdu'llah Júzjáni,¹⁰ (author of the Ṭabakát-i-Náṣiri), Kabíru'ddin 'Iráḳi,¹¹ Abu'l Kásim Káshi,¹² author of the Zubdah (Lactis flos), Khwájah Abú'l Fazl¹³ author of the Makhzan ul Balághat (promtuarium eloquentiœ and Fadháil úl Mulúk (virtutes principum prœstantes),¹⁴ 'Atau'ddín Juwaini, brother of the Khawájah Shamsu'ddín author of a Diwán, (he wrote the Tarikh Jahánkushá, Historia, orbis terrarum victrix) Ḥamdu'llah Mustaufi Ḳazwíni,¹ Kádhi Nidhám Bayḍháwi,² Khwajah-Rashídi Ṭabíb,³ Háfiz A´bru,⁴ and other trustworthy writers.

For a long time past, likewise, it has been the practice to record current events by a chronogram and to make the computation of years appear from a single word, a hemistich and the like and this too they term a date; as for instance, for the accession of his Majesty, they have devised the words “Naṣrat i Akbar” () victoria insignis and “Kám Baksh” (). Optatis respondens), but the ancients practised it little; thus the following was written on Avicenna.⁵

The Demonstration of Truth, Abu A'li Sína.
Entered in Shaja' ( 373) from non-existence into being.
In Shaṣá ( 391) he acquired complete knowledge.
In Takaz ( 427) he bade the world farewell.

He is the vicegerent of His Majesty. The troops and people of the province are under his orders and their welfare depends upon his just administration. He must seek the will of God in all that he undertakes and be constant in praise and supplication. He must never lay aside the consideration of the people's prosperity nor suffer his zeal to sleep. He must not be prompt to vain converse or asperity of manner. Vigilance and the due distinction of ranks must be his care, especially towards subordinates near his person and officials at a distance. What is the duty of dependents must not be committed to his sons, and what these can perform he should not execute himself. In all transactions he should confide in one wiser than himself and if he can find none such, he should confer with a few chosen individuals and weigh carefully their deliberations.

It haps at times, the hoary sage
May fail at need in counsel right,
And unskilled hands of tender age
A chance shaft wing within the white.¹

He should not admit many men to his secret councils, for the prudent, zealous, warm, disinterested adviser is rare, lest one of them should provoke dissension, and opportunities for timely action escape. He should regard his office of command as that of a guardian, and exercise caution, and making a knowledge of the disposition of men a rule of government, live as it behoves his office. Levity and anger he should keep under the restraint of reason. He should reclaim the rebellious by a just insight into the conduct of affairs and by good counsel, failing which, he should be swift to punish by reprimands, threats, imprisonment, stripes or amputation of limb, but he must use the utmost deliberation before severing the bond of the principle of life. He should not pollute his tongue with abuse which is the manner of noisy vagabonds of the market place. He should refrain from the use of oaths in speech for this is imputing falsehood to himself by implication and distrust in the person he addresses. In judicial investigations, he should not be satisfied with witnesses and oaths, but pursue them by manifold inquiries, by the study of physiognomy and the exercise of foresight, nor, laying the burden of it on others, live absolved from solicitude.

Beware lest justice to that judge belong,
Whose own ill-deed hath wrought the suppliant's wrong.

Let him not inflict the distress of expectation upon supplicants for justice. He should shut his eyes against faults and accept excuses, and adopt such a course of conduct as will not disparage his good breeding and dignity. He should not interfere with any man's creed. A wise man, in worldly affairs that are transient, seeks not his own loss, why then should he knowingly abandon the spiritual life that is eternal, for if it be true, disturbance is criminal and if otherwise it is the malady of ignorance and is deserving of kind treatment. Each division of the kingdom, he should entrust to zealous upright men and provide for the safety of the roads by the establishment of trusty guards and from time to time receive reports of them. He should select for purposes of secret intelligence honest, provident, truthful and unavaricious men, and if such needful individuals are not to be obtained, in every affair he should associate several who are unknown to each other and inspecting their several reports thus ascertain the truth. His expenditure should be less than his income, and from his treasury he should supply the needy, especially those who loose not their tongues in solicitation. He should never be negligent of the supplies and accoutrements of the troops. He should not refrain from the practice of horsemanship, and should use the bow and the matchlock and command this exercise to his men. In attaching individuals to his own person and in the increase of confidence, he should employ a cautious circumspection. Many are the evil dispositioned and licentious of nature who profess sincerity and sell themselves at a high price. He should turn his attention to the increase of agriculture and the flourishing condition of the land and earn the gratitude of the people by the faithful discharge of his obligations and account the befriending of the agriculturists as an excellent service to the Almighty. He should retain impartial collectors of revenue and from time to time obtain information regarding their actions. Let him store for himself a goodly reward in the making of reservoirs, wells, watercourses, gardens, serais and other pious foundations, and set about the repairing if what has fallen into ruin. He should not be given to retirement nor be unsettled in mind which is the manner of recluses, nor make a practice of associating with the common people nor be ever surrounded by a crowd which is the fashion of blind worshippers of outward appearances.

Court not the world nor to it wholly die;
Walk wisely: neither phœnix be nor fly.

Let him hold in honour the chosen servants of God, and entreat the assistance of spiritually-minded anchorites and of mendicants of tangled hair and naked of foot. The imploring blessings from the sun and the solar lamp, he should not consider as its deification or a worshipping of fire.¹ Let him accustom himself to night vigils and partake of sleep and food in moderation. He should pass the dawn and the evening in meditation and pray at noon and at midnight. When he is at leisure from worldly affairs and introspection of conscience, he should study works of philosophy and act according to their precepts. If this does not satisfy his mind, he should peruse the spiritual admonitions of the Masnawi² and regardless of the letter imbibe its spirit. He should entertain his mind with the instructive stories of Kalíla and Damna, and thus gaining a knowledge of the vicissitudes of life, regard the experience of the ancients as his own. Let him apply himself to the cultivation of true knowledge and put aside childish tales. Let him associate with a discreet and trusty friend and give him permission to look carefully into his daily conduct in order that he may privately represent whatever, in the balance of his discretion, appears blameworthy and if at any time his penetration should be at fault he should not be thereat displeased for men have ever been backward in uttering a displeasing truth especially in a season of anger when reason slumbers and the spirit is aflame. Courtiers, for the most part, seek pretexts of evasion and lend a false colouring to error, and if perchance one of them should be really concerned, he will hold his peace for fear, for he is indeed difficult to find who would prefer another's benefit to his own injury. Let him not be roused to anger by the representations of detractors, but rest in the path of circumspection, for men of evil nature, dissemblers in speech, palm off their tales with the semblance of truth and representing themselves as disinterested, labour to injure others. He should not consider himself as fixed of residence but hold himself ever ready for a summons to the presence. Let him not be malevolent, but prefer courtesy and gentleness. He should not subvert ancient families but let an illustrious ancestry redeem unworthy successors. Let him see that the younger among his followers when they meet, use the greeting “God is great,”³ and the elder reply ‘Glorious is His Majesty.” Let him not take as food a sheep or a goat of under one year aud he should abstain from flesh for a month after the anniversary of his birthday. He shall not eat of anything that he has himself killed. He should restríct himself in sensual gratification and approach not a pregnant woman. The food which is bestowed in memory of the deceased, he should prepare each year on his birthday and regale the needy.

With heavenly treasures store thy grave—provide¹
While yet in life—none may when he hath died.

When the sun advances from one sign of the zodiac to another, let him offer up a thanksgiving and discharge cannon and musketry to arouse the slumberers in forgetfulness. At the first beams of the world-illumining sun and at midnight which is the turning point of its re-ascension, let him sound the kettle-drum and enforce vigilance.

In the same way that His Majesty, for the prosperity of the empire, has appointed a Commander of the forces for each province, so by his rectitude of judgment and wise statesmanship he apportions several pargannahs to the care of one of his trusty, just and disinterested servants, appreciative of what is equitable, and faithful to his engagements; and him they style by the above name. As a subordinate and assistant he holds the first place. Should a cultivator or a collector of the crown lands or an assignee of government estates prove rebellious, he should induce him to submit by fair words, and if this fail, he shall take the written evidence of the principal officers and proceed to chastise him. He should pitch his camp in the neighbourhood of the body of rebels and at every opportunity inflict loss upon their persons and property but not risk at once a general engagement. If the affair can be concluded with the infantry he should not employ cavalry. He should not be rash in attacking a fort, but encamp beyond bowshot and the reach of its guns and musketry, and obstruct the roads of communication. He should be vigilant against night attacks and devise a place of retreat, and be constant in patrolling. When he has captured the rebel camp, he must observe equity in the division of the spoil and reserve a fifth for the royal exchequer. If a balance of revenue be due from the village, this should be first taken into account. He should constantly inspect the horses and accoutrements of the troops. If a trooper be without a horse, his comrades should be assessed to provide for him and if a horse be killed in action, it should be made good at the expense of the State. He must duly furnish a roll of the troops present and absent, to the royal court and ever bear in mind the duty of carrying out its sacred ordinances.

Although tbe supreme authority and the redress of grievances rests with sovereign monarchs, yet the capacity of a single person is inadequate to the superintendence of the entire administration. It is therefore necessary that he should appoint one of his discreet and unbiassed servants as his judiciary delegate. This person must not be content with witnesses and oaths, but hold diligent investigation of the first importance, for the inquirer is uninformed and the two litigants are cognisant of the facts. Without full inquiry, and just insight, it is difficult to acquire requisite certitude. From the excessive depravity of human nature and its covetousness, no dependence can be placed on a witness or his oath. By impartiality and knowledge of character, he should distinguish the oppressed from the oppressor and boldly and equitably take action on his conclusions. He must begin with a thorough interrogation and learn the circumstances of the case; and should keep in view what is fitting in each particular and take the question in detail, and in this manner set down separately the evidence of each witness. When he has accomplished his task with intelligence, deliberation and perspicacity, he should, for a time, turn to other business and keep his counsel from others. He should then take up the case and reinvestigate and inquire into it anew. and with discrimination and singleness of view search it to its core. If capacity and vigour are not to be found united, he should appoint two persons, one to investigate whom they call a Kázi; the other the Mir A'dl to carry out his finding.

The appropriate person for this office should be vigorous, experienced, active, deliberate, patient, astute and humane. Through his watchfulness and night patrolling the citizens should enjoy the repose of security, and the evil-disposed lie in the slough of non-existence. He should keep a register of houses, and frequented roads, and engage the citizens in a pledge of reciprocal assistance, and bind them to a common participation of weal and woe. He should form a quarter by the union of a certain number of habitations, and name one of his intelligent subordinates for its superintendence and receive a daily report under his seal of those who enter or leave it, and of whatever events therein occur. And he should appoint as a spy one among the obscure residents with whom the other should have no acquaintance, and keeping their reports in writing, employ a heedful scrutiny. He should establish a separate serái and cause unknown arrivals to alight therein, and by the aid of divers detectives take account of them. He should minutely observe the income and expenditure of the various classes of men and by a refined address, make his vigilance reflect honour on his administration. Of every guild of artificers, he should name one as guildmaster, and another as broker, by whose intelligence the business of purchase and sale should be conducted. From these also he should require frequent reports. He should see to the open thoroughfare of the streets and erect barriers at the entrances and secure freedom from defilement. When night is a little advanced, he should prohibit people from entering or leaving the city. He should set the idle to some handicraft. He should remove former grievances and forbid any one from forcibly entering the house of another. He shall discover thieves and the goods they have stolen or be responsible for the loss. He should so direct that no one shall demand a tax or cess save on arms, elephants, horses, cattle, camels, sheep, goats and merchandise. In every Súbah a slight impost shall be levied at an appointed place. Old coins should be given in to be melted down or consigned to the treasury as bullion. He should suffer no alteration of value in the gold and silver coin of the realm, and its diminution by wear in circulation, he shall recover to the amount of the deficiency. He should use his discretion in the reduction of prices and not allow purchases to be made outside the city. The rich shall not take beyond what is necessary for their consumption. He shall examine the weights and make the sér not more or less than thirty dáms.¹ In the gaz² hereinafter to be mentioned, he should permit neither decrease or increase, and restrain the people from the making, the dispensing, the buying or selling of wine, but refrain from invading the privacy of domestic life. Of the property of a deceased or missing person who may have no heir, he shall take an inventory and keep it in his care. He should reserve separate ferries and wells for men and women. He should appoint persons of respectable character to supply the public watercourses, and prohibit women from riding on horseback. He should direct that no ox or buffalo, or horse, or camel be slaughtered, and forbid the restriction of personal liberty and the selling of slaves. He should not suffer a woman to be burnt against her inclination, nor a criminal deservíng of death, to be impaled, nor any one to be circumcised under the age of twelve. Above this limit of age, the permission may be accorded. Religious enthusiasts, calendars, and dishonest tradesmen he should expel or deter from their course of conduct, but he should be careful in this matter not to molest a God-fearing recluse, or persecute barefooted wandering anchorites. He should allot separate quarters to butchers, hunters of animals, washers of the dead, and sweepers, and restrain men from associating with such stony-hearted gloomy-dispositioned creatures. He shall amputate the hand of any who is the pot-companion of an executioner, and the finger of such as converse with his family. He should locate the cemetery outside of, and to the west of the city. He should prohibit his adherents from wearing sombre garments in mourning and induce them to wear red. From the first till the nineteenth of the month of Farwardín, during the whole of the month of Abán, the days of the sun's passage from one sign of the zodiac to another, viz., the first of every solar month, the sixteenth of the same, the Iláhi festivals, the days of the eclipse of the sun and moon, and on the first day of the week, he shall prohibit men from slaughtering animals, but hold it lawful as a necessity for feeding animals used in hunting and for the sick. He shall remove the place of execution to without the city and see that the Iláhi festivals are observed. He shall have lamps lit on the night of the Nauroz¹ (New Year's day) and on the night of the 19th of Farwardín. On the eve of a festival, as well as on the festival itself he shall cause a kettle-drum to be sounded at each watch. In the Persian and Hindu almanacs, he shall cause the Iláhi era to be adopted and the beginning of the month according to the Hindu nomenclature he shall place in Shuklapachch.²

Should be a friend of the agriculturist. Zeal and truthfulness should be his rule of conduct. He should consider himself the representative of the lord paramount and establish himself where every one may have easy access to him without the intervention of a mediator. He should deal with the contumacious and the dishonest by admonition and if this avail not, proceed to chastisement, nor should he be in apprehension of the land falling waste. He should not cease from punishing highway robbers, murderers and evildoers, nor from heavily mulcting them, and so administer that the cry of complaint shall be stilled. He should assist the needy husbandman with advances of money and recover them gradually. And when through the exertions of the village headman the full rental is received, he should allow him half a biswah¹ on each bíghah, or otherwise reward him according to the measure of his services. He should ascertain the extent of the soil in cultivation and weigh each several portion in the scales of personal observation and be acquainted with its quality. The agricultural value of land varies in different districts and certain soils are adapted to certain crops. He should deal differently, therefore, with each agriculturist and take his case into consideration. He should take into account with discrimination the engagements of former collectors and remedy the procedure of ignorance or dishonesty. He should strive to bring waste lands into cultivation and take heed that what is in cultivation fall not waste. He should stimulate the increase of valuable produce and remit somewhat of the assessment with a view to its augmentation. And if the husbandman cultivate less and urge a plausible excuse, let him not accept it. Should there be no waste land in a village and a husbandman be capable of adding to his cultivation, he should allow him land in some other village. He should be just and provident in his measurements. Let him increase the facilities of the husbandman year by year, and under the pledge of his engagements, take nothing beyond the actual area under tillage. Should some prefer to engage by measurement and others by appraisement of crops, let him forward the contracts with all despatch to the royal presence. Let him not make it a practice of taking only in cash payments but also in kind. This latter is effected in several ways. First, kankút: kan in the Hindi language signifies grạin, and kút, estimate. The whole land is taken either by actual mensuration or by pacing it, and the standing crops estimated in the balance of inspection. The experienced in these matters say that this comes little short of the mark. If any doubt arise, the crops should be cut and estimated in three lots, the good, the middling and the inferior, and the hesitation removed. Often, too, the land taken by appraisement, gives a sufficiently accurate return. Secondly, batái, also called bháoli; the crops are reaped and stacked and divided by agreement in the presence of the parties. But in this case several intelligent inspectors are required, otherwise the evil-minded and false are given to deception. Thirdly, khet batái, when they divide the fields after they are sown. Fourthly, láng batái; after cutting the grain, they form it in heaps and divide it among themselves, and each takes his share home to clean it and turn it to profit. If it be not prejudicial to the husbandman, he may take the value of the land subject to partition of crops. in cash at the market rate. If on this land they sow the best kinds of produce,⁶ in the first year he should remit a fourth of the usual assessment. If in the crops charged at special rates, the better produce is found to be larger in quantity than the previous year, but less land cultivated, and the revenue be the same, let him not be provoked or moved to contention. He should always seek to satisfy the owner of the crops. He should not entrust the appraisement to the headman of the village lest it give rise to remissness and incompetence and undue authority be conferred on high-handed oppressors, but he should deal with each husbandman, present his demand, and separately and civilly receive his dues.

He must take security from land surveyors, assessors and other officers of revenue. He should supply the officials engaged in the land measurements, for each day on which they are employed, with 16 dáms and 31 sers, and as a monthly ration, on the following scale:

He shall affix a mark to the land surveyed and shall take a bond from the headman that there shall be no concealment regarding the land, and the various crops shall be duly reported. In the process of measurement if any inferior portion of land be observed, he shall at once estimate its quantity, and from day to day take a note of its quality and this voucher he shall deliver to the husbandman. But if this discovery be made after the collection of the revenue, he shall gather information from the neighbours and from unofficial documents and strike an average. In the same way as the kárkun (registrar of collections) sets down the transactions of the assessments of special crops, the muḳaddam (chief village revenue officer) and the patwári (land-steward) shall keep their respective accounts. The Collector shall compare these documents and keep them under his seal and give a copy thereof to the clerk. When the assessment of the village is completed, he shall enter it in the abstract of the village accounts, and after verifying it anew, cause its authentication by the kárkun and patwári, and this document he shall forward weekly to the royal presence and never delay it beyond fifteen days. After the despatch of the draft estimates to the imperial court, should any disaster to the crops occur, on ascertaining the exact particulars on the spot, he shall calculate the extent of the loss and recording it in writing, transmit it without delay in order that it may be approved or a commissioner despatched. He should collect the revenue in an amicable manner and extend not the hand of demand out of season. He should begin the collection of the spring harvest from the Holi, which is a Hindu festival occurring when the sun is about to pass from Aquarius and is entering or has reached midway in Pisces, and the Autumn harvest from the Dasharah, which is a festival falling when the sun is in the middle or last ten days of Virgo, or the first ten of Libra. Let him see that the treasurer does not demand any special¹ kind of coin, but take what is of standard weight and proof and receive the equivalent of the deficiency at the value of current coin and record the difference in the voucher. He should stipulate that the husbandman bring his rents himself at definite periods so that the malpractices of low intermediaries may be avoided. When there is a full harvest, he should collect the appropriate revenue and accept no adjournment of payments on future crops. Whosoever does not cultivate land liable to taxation but encloses it for pasturage, the Collector shall take for each buffalo six dáms, and for an ox, three dáms yearly, but for a calf or a buffalo which has not yet calved, he shall make no demand. He shall assign four oxen, two cows and one buffalo to each plough and shall lay no impost on these. Whatever is paid into the treasury, he shall himself examine and count and compare it with the day-ledger of the kárkun. This he shall verify by the signature of the treasurer and placing it in bags under seal, shall deposit it in a strong room and fasten the door thereof with several locks of different construction. He shall keep the key of one himself and leave the others with the treasurer. At the end of the month, he shall take from the writer (bitikchi) the account of the daily receipts and expenditure and forward it to the presence. When two lakhs of dáms are collected, he shall remit them by the hands of trusty agents. He shall carefully instruct the patwári of each village to enter in detail in the memorandum which he gives to the husbandman, the amount he receives from the same; any balances he shall enter under each name in a book and forward it attested by the signatures of the headmen; and these, at the next harvest, he shall recover without distress. He shall carefully inspect the suyúrghál² tenures, sending copies of them to the registry office to be compared. He should ascertain the correctness of the chaknámah,¹ and resume the share of a deceased grantee or one who is an absentee or actually in service of the state. He should take care that land cultivated by the farmer himself and not by the tenant, as well as resumed lands, should not be suffered to fall waste; the property of the absentee or of him that dies without an heir he should duly keep under ward and report the circumstances. He should see that no capitation-tax be imposed nor interfere with the remission of dues granted by former governments. He shall not make the occasions of journeying, feasting or mourning au opportunity for exactions, and refrain from accepting presents. Whenever a muḳaddam or patwári shall bring money or, advancing to the dais, shall present a dám in obeisance, he shall not accept it. In the same way he shall renounce balkaṭi, which is the practice of taking a small fee from each village when the harvest is ready for reaping. He shall also waive all perquisites on handicrafts, market-booths, police, travelling passports, garden produce, temporary sheds, enclosure, fishing rights, port-dues, butter, oil of sesame, blanketing, leather, wool, and the like malpractices of the avaricious who fear not God. He shall provide for the periodic appointment of one among those best acquainted with the district, to reside at the royal court and furnish it with the minutest particulars. Every month he shall submit a statement of the condition of the people, of the jágírdárs, the neighbouring residents, the submission of the rebellious, the market prices, the current rents of tenements, the state of the destitute poor, of artificers, and all other contingencies. Should there be no kotwál, the Collector must take the duties of that office upon himself.

Must be conscientious, a good writer, and a skilful accountant. He is indispensable to the collector. It is his duty to take from the kanúngo³ the average decennial state of the village revenues in money and kind, and having made himself acquainted with the customs and regulations of the district, satisfy the Collector in this regard, and lend his utmost assistance and attention. He shall record all engagements made with the agriculturists, define the village boundaries, and estimate the amount of arable and waste land. He shall note the names of the munsif, the superintendent, the land-surveyor and thanadár, also that of the cultivator and headman, and record below, the kind of produce cultivated. He should also set down the village, the pergunnah and the harvest, and subtracting the deficiency take the value of the assets, or after the manner of thc people of the country, inscribe the name, the kind of produce, and the deficiency below the date of cultivation. When the survey of the village is complete, he shall determine the assessment of each cultivator and specify the revenue of the whole village. The Collector shall take the revenue on this basis, and forward a copy of the survey, called in Hindi khasra to the royal court. When drawing out the rolls, if the former documents are not available, he should take down in writing from the patwári the cultivation of each husbandman by name and thus effect his purpose, and transmit the roll together with the balances and collections punctually, and he shall enter the name of the taḥṣildar below each village, in the day-ledger. He shall record the name of each husbandman who brings his rent and grant him a receipt signed by the treasurer. Copies of the rolls of the patwári and muḳaddam by means of which they have made the collections, together with the sarkhaṭ, that is the memorandum given to the husbandman, he shall receive from the patwári, and inspecting them, shall carefully scrutinize them. If any falsification appears, he shall fine them and report to the Collector daily the collection and balances of each village and facilitate the performance of his duty. Whenever any cultivator desires a reference to his account, he shall settle it without delay and at the close of each harvest he shall record the collections and balances of each village and compare them with the patwári's, and enter each day in the ledger the receipts and disbursemenls under each name and heading, and anthenticate it by the signature of the Collector and treasurer. At the end of the month, he shall enclose it in a bag under the seal of the Collector and forward it to the presence. He shall also despatch daily the price-current of mohurs and rupees and other articles under the seals of the principal men, and at the end of each harvest, he shall take the receipts and disbursements of the treasurer, and forward it authenticated by his signature. The abstract and settlement of the assessment, at the close of each year, he shall transmit under the signature of the Collector. He shall enter the effects and cattle plundered in any village, in the day-ledger, and report the circumstances. At the year's end, when the time of the revenue-collections has closed, he shall record the balances due from the village and deliver the record to the Collector and forward a copy to the royal court. When removed from office, he shall make over to the Collector for the time being his account under the heads of balances, advances &c., and after satisfying him in this regard, take the detail thereof and repair to the Court.

Called in the language of the day Foṭadár². The treasury should be located near the residence of the governor and the situation should be such where it is not liable to injury. He should receive from the cultivator any kind of mohurs, rupees or copper that he may bring, and not demand any particular coin. He shall require no rebate on the august coinage of the realm but take merely the equivalent of the deficiency in coin-weight. Coinage of former reigns he shall accept as bullion. He shall keep the treasure in a strong room with the knowledge of the shiḳdár³ and the registrar, and count it every ēvening and cause a memorandum thereof to be signed by the Collector and compare the day-ledger with the registrar's account and authenticate it by his signature. On the door of the treasury as sealed by the Collector, he should place a lock of his own, and open it only with the cognisance of the Collector and registrar. He shall not receive any monies from the cultivator save with the knowledge of the Collector and registrar, and he shall grant a receipt for the same. He shall cause the patwári's signature to be affixed to the ledger known in Hindustan as bahi, so that discrepancy may be avoided. He shall consent to no disbursements without the voucher of the diwán,¹ and shall enter into no usurious transactions. If any expenditure should be necessary that admits of no delay, he may act under the authority of the registrar and shiḳdár and represent the case to government. The aforementioned duties, from those of the commander of the troops up to this point, are primarily under the direct cognisance of the sovereign authority and as no one individual can perform them, a deputy is appointed for each function and thus the necessary links in administration are strengthened.

Since the benefit and vigour of human action are referrible to bodily sustenance, so in proportion to its purity is the spirit strengthened; the body, were it otherwise, would grow corpulent and the spirit weak: the thoughts too under such a regimen, incline to refinement and actions to virtue. The seekers of felicity, sober in conduct, are before all things particularly careful in the matter of food and do not pollute their hands with every meat. To the simple in heart who fear God, labour is difficult and their means of living straitened. They have not that luminous insight which penetrating to the essence of things, dwells in repose, but through fear of the displeasure of God, are sunk in exhaustion of soul from the pangs of hunger. As for instance in the case of the man who possessed a few cows, his legitimate property, and subsisted on their milk. By the accident of fortune, it chanced that they were carried off, and he passed some days fasting. An active fellow after diligent pursuit brought them back, but he would not accept them and replied, “I know not whence those dumb animals have had food during these past few days.” In a short space this simple soul died. Many tales are told of such dull-witted creatures who have thus passed away. There are also avaricious worldlings who do not recognize the difference between other people's property and their own, and gratify themselves at the expense of their spiritual and temporal good. The ignorant and distraught in mind, making their own necessities an occasion of spoilation and seizure, prepare for themselves eternal punishment.

Simple, innocent-minded folk consider that there are no unappropriated waste lands and were they obtainable, it would be difficult to furnish the implements of cultivation, and if these could be had, the means of providing food which would enable them to labour, are not manifest. They can discover no mine to excavate, and if one were pointed out to them which had no owner, it would be extremely onerous to obtain a living therefrom. They are averse too, from the profession of arms, lest dear life be the exchange for base lucre. They withdraw themselves also from commerce for this reason that many ask a high price for their goods, conceal their deficiencies and praise them for qualities which are not in them, while they close their eyes to the evident excellencies of what they purchase and disparage it for faults it does not possess, preferring their own benefit to another's loss. And they disapprove also of those who are content to hold lawful the sequestration of the goods of rival sectaries, and they affirm that if the fautor of such pretension be discerning and wise, it will seem an occasion for additional anxiety rather than a sanction to retain the property of another; for how can the illicit seizure of what is another's be commendable on the score of a difference of faith? On the contrary, it is a suggestion of the evil one, a phantasy of the dreams of the avaricious and unfit for the ears of the good. At the present time His Majesty has placed a lamp upon the highway before all men, that they may distinguish the road from the pitfalls, and sink not into the slough of perdition, nor pass their dear lives in unprofitableness.

Since there is infinite diversity in the natures of men and distractions internal and external daily increase, and heavy-footed greed travels post haste, and light-headed rage breaks its rein, where friendship in this demon-haunted waste of dishonour is rare, and justice lost to view, there is, in sooth, no remedy for such a world of confusion but in autocracy, and this panacea in administration is attainable only in the majesty of just monarchs. If a house or a quarter cannot be administered without the sanctions of hope and fear of a sagacions ruler, how can the tumult of this world-nest of hornets be silenced save by the authority of a vicegerent of Almighty power? How, in such a case can the property, lives, honour, and religion of the people be protected, notwithstanding that some recluses have imagined that this can be supernaturally accomplished, but a well-ordered administration has never been effected without the aid of sovereign monarchs. That fiery wilderness of talismanic power, too, is haunted by spells and sorcerers, and storms of confusion from this sea of undiscernment have arisen and arise, and many souls, through simplicity and shortsightedness, in the turbulent billows of inexperience have been and are still ever engulfed, while those who by the light of wisdom and through the grace of acceptance have bridled their desires and garnered provisions for the long journey to come, have, in the cross-roads of distraction, become the reproach of high and low, for their folly, irreligion and unbelief. In that assembly of ignorance should a philosopher of experience enter, he must needs take up the fashion of fools and so escape from the contumely of the base.

It is evident that in all cultivated areas, the possessors of property are numerous, and they hold their lands by ancestral descent, but through malevolence and despite, their titles become obscured by the dust of uncertainty and the hand of firmness is no longer stretched above them. If the cultivator hold in awe the power of the Adorner of the universe and the Elixir of the living, and the merchant turn back from evil designing and reflect in his heart on the favour of the lord of the world, the depository of divine grace, his possessions would assuredly be approved of wisdom. Thus the virtue of property lies in the pledge of intention, and a just ruler, like a saltbed, makes clean the unclean, and the evil good. But without honest coadjutors, abundant accessories of state and a full treasury even he could effect nothing and the condition of subserviency and obedience would lack the bloom of discipline. Now the man of robust frame should, in the first place, choose the profession of arms and reflect on the assistance which he is capable of rendering, so as to regard his life as devoted to the task of preserving human society from dissolution. The means of sustenance are likewise as abundant to the labourer as forage for his cattle. But if a man is unequal to this, he should endeavour, in some way, to enter into the number of state servants. Thus the currency of the means of subsistence rests on a twofold basis, viz., the justice of sovereign monarchs and regard to the welfare of well-disposed dependents. The base materialist understands not the language of reason and never transcends the limits of bodily sense. This unfertile soil needs the water of the sword, not the limpid spring of demonstration. In the presence of the majesty of the prince, the proud and perverse of disposition sink into obscurity while the prosperity of the good who seek after justice is ever continuous.

Of a truth, whatever be the recompense of the guardianship over the four¹ priceless elements of the constitution, it is both meet and expedient and according to the Almighty will. To the watchmen over the house, the lord thereof appoints the guerdon, and to the watchmen of the universe, its shepherds.² If the whole of a man's possessions were spent for the protection of his honour, it would be but fitting if in gratitude he further pledged his whole credit, how much the more when it is a question of the guardianship of the four great elements of State polity? But just monarchs exact not more than is necessary to effect their purpose and stain not their hands with avarice; and hence it is that this principle varies, as has been stated, according to diversities of age and country. From this suggestive digression, it will be evident that whatever circumspect rulers exact from their subjects after due deliberation and to subserve the interests of justice and grant to their submissive dependents, has a perfect propriety and is universally in vogue. It is also clear that the maintenance of the soldier should be ampler and more choice. Next follow the cultivators and then other artisans. Ancient Greek¹ treatises affirm that professions are circumscribed to three classes, the Noble, the Base, and the Intermediate. The former refers to the mind and is, also, of not more than three kinds: the first concerns the pure intellect, as sagacity and capability of administration; the second, acquired knowledge, as composition or eloquence; the third personal courage, as military duty. The Base also is of three kinds; the first is opposed to the common weal of mankind, such as the hoarding of grain: the second is the contrary of any one virtue, as buffoonery; the third is such as the disposition is naturally averse from, as the trade of a barber, a tanner or a sweeper. The Intermediate comprises various callings and trades; some that are of necessity,² such as agriculture; others which could be dispensed with, as dyeing; others again simple, as carpentry and ironmongery; and some compound, as the manufacturing of scales or knives.³

From this exposition the distinguished character of the military profession is evident. In short, the noblest source of maintenance is to be found in a profession which is associated with just dealing, self-restraint and bravery and apart from evil doing and sensuality. The good regard three things as necessary in a profession—avoidance of tyranny, refraining from what is dishonourable, abstinence from all that is mean; by what is dishonourable, is meant buffoonery and the like low pursuits; by what is mean, is understood an inclination to base callings.⁶

When an appropriate means of maintenance is secured, it is a requisite condition of economy to husband a portion of one's means, provided that the household is not thereby straitened. The mendicant should not be turned away disappointed nor subjected to the reproof of covetousness and greed. The proper control of an estate is conditional on the expenditure being less than the income; it is permitted to indulge a little in commercial speculation and engage in remunerative undertakings, reserving a part in coin and valuables, a part in goods and wares, and somewhat invested in the speculations of others, and yet a portion in lands and immoveable estates, and a share may be entrusted to borrowers of credit, and expenditure regulated with circumspection, justice and modesty. Let such a one be frank in his commercial dealings and give no place in his heart to self-reproach. He should keep in view of his purpose, the will of God, not the hope of gratitude, the increase of reputation or the expectation of reward. He should also give freely to the needy whose destitution is unexposed. There is also a twofold manner of munificence which if exercised in just measure, is meritorious. Firstly, what is given in pure generosity or largesse such as a present and the like. This should be done quickly and secretly and without setting store on its amplitude or abundance, nor yet so as to cripple one's resources or exhaust them.

Secondly what is called for by occasional exigencies, either in procuring comforts or removing grievances, such as what is given to oppressors or to the profligate in order that person, property and honour may escape their injury. But in this he should use moderation. In procuring the conveniences of life, however, it is better that the bounty should be liberal.

People of the world in the matter of living are to be resolved into three classes. One class are fallen into such heedlessness that spiritual needs do not enter their comprehension, much less are practically considered. Another through their luminous fortune are so immersed in the consideration of essential truths that they give no thought to their means of sustenance. But those who seek the felicity to come, the circumspect in conduct, neglect not a just appreciation of life but make external conditions the instrument of interior well being in the hope of admission among those absorbed in divine love, and so attaining to the third degree of felicity, whence after traversing the arid waste of deliverance, they may repose in the second.¹

The dues of sovereignty have thus been set forth. The circulation of the means of sustenance, thus, is seen to rest on the justice of prudent monarchs and the integrity of conscientious dependents. And because the conditions of the royal state and prerogative vary in different countries, and soils are diverse in character, some producing abundantly with little labour, and others the reverse, and as inequalities exist also, through the remoteness or vicinity of water and cultivated tracts, the administration of each state must take these circumstances into consideration and fix its demands accordingly. Throughout the whole extent of Hindustan where at all times so many enlightened monarchs have reigned, one-sixth of the produce was exacted; in the Turkish empire, Irán and Turán a fifth, a sixth, and a tenth respectively. In ancient times a capitation tax was imposed called, khiráj. Kubád disapproved of this practice, and resolved that the revenue should be fixed upon arable land accurately surveyed. But his death occurred before he could accomplish his design. Noshirwán (his son) carried it to completion and made the jaríb of ten square reeds.² This was sixty royal yards square. One fourth of this was taken as a ḳafíz³ and valued at three dirhams,⁴ and the third part was fixed as the contribution due to the state. Ḳafíz is a measure, called also sáa' weighing eight raṭl,⁵ and, some say, more. The dirhem is equal in weight to one misḳál. When the Caliphate fell to Omar, at the suggestion of the learned, he adopted the plan of Noshirwán but through the vicissitudes of temporal conditions, he introduced some alterations which may be gathered from ancient volumes. In Turán and Irán from ages past, they have exacted a tenth, but the exactions have increased to more than a half which does not appear exorbitant to a despotic government. In Egypt they take for a

The ḳudán is a measure of land of 100 square reeds, each of which is equal to one báa'.¹ An Ibrahími is current for 40 kabirs and 14 kabírs is equal to a rupee of Akbar Sháh. In some parts of the Turkish empire, they exact from the husbandman 30 A´ḳchehs for every yoke of oxen. The Áḳcheh is a silver coin equal to 81 Ibrahímis. And from crown lands the demand is 42 A´ḳcheh, and from each soldier 21, besides which the governor of the Súbah takes 15 more. In some parts for each plough 20, and from each soldier 7 A´ḳcheh, while the Governor takes six. In others, the Sanjakbegi² receives 27 and the Súbashi (kotwál) twelve. Other systems are also given which obtain in that empire.

The Muḥammadans account conquered lands of 3 kinds; U'shri, Khiráji and Sulhíy. The first two are subdivided into five kinds and the last into two. U'shri, 1st, kind; the district of Tehámah which comprises Mecca, Ṭáif, Yemen, O'mán, Bahrayn.³ 2nd, kind; land of which the owner has voluntarily embraced that faith. 3rd, Lands which have been conquered and apportioned. 4th, Land on which an adherent of that faith has built a mosque or planted a vine or laid out a garden or fertilized it with rain water; otherwise other conditions apply. 5th, Waste land which has been brought into cultivation by permission of the owner. Khiráji 1st kind; Persia proper and Kirmán. 2nd, Land which a tributary subject has laid out as grounds round about his house. 3rd, Land which a Muslim has reclaimed and irrigates from a source constructed from the public revenues. 4th, Land which has been acquired by convention. 5th, Land cultivated by means of water that pays revenue. Ṣulhíy, Lands of the Bani Najrán and Bani Taghlib;¹ the details of these may be learnt from ancient documents. Likewise, in some treatises, land is regarded under three heads. 1st, Land cultivated by Muslims which they deem U'shr.² 2nd, Land of which the proprietors have accepted that faith. According to some, this is U'shri, and others say that it is U'shri or Khiráji, according to the determination of the Imám. 3rd, Land acquired by conquest, which some make U'shri and others khiráji, and others again affirm that its classification rests with the Imám. 4th, Land which those outside the faith retain on convention. This they call khiráji. Tribute paid by khiráji lands is of two kinds. 1. Muḳásamah (divided), is the 5th or 6th produce of the soil. 2. Wazífah³ which is settled according to the capability and convenience of the tributaries. Some call the whole produce of the revenue khiráj, and as the share of the producing body is in excess of their expenditure, the Zaḳát⁴ is taken from the amount under certain stipulations and this they call a tithe, but on each of these points there is much difference of opinion. The Caliph Omar, during his time, taxed those who were not of his faith at the rate of 48 dirhams for persons of condition, 24 for those of the middle class, and 12 for the lowest class. This was called the Jaziyah (capitation tax).

In every kingdom government taxes the property of the subject over and above the land revenue and this they call Tamqha.⁵ In Irán and Turán they collect the land tax from some, from others the Jihát and from others again the Sáir Jihát, while other cesses under the name of Wajúhát and Farúa'át are exacted. In short, what is imposed on cultivated lands by way of quit-rent is termed Mál. Imports on manufactures of respectable kinds are called Jihát, and the remainder Sáir¹ Jihát. Extra collections over and above the land tax if taken by revenue officers are Wajúhát; otherwise they are termed Furúa'át.

In every country such demands are troublesome and vexatious to the people. His Majesty in his wise statemanship and benevolence of rule carefully examined the subject and abolished all arbitrary taxation, disapproving that these oppressions should become established by custom. He first defined the gaz, the tenáb, and the bíghah and laid down their bases of measurement: after which he classed the lands according to their relative values in production and fixed the revenue accordingly.

Is a measure of length and a standard gauge. High and low refer to it, and it is the desire of the righteous and the unrighteous. Throughout Hindustan there were three such measures current, viz., long, middling and short. Each was divided into 24 equal parts and each part called Ṭassúj.² A Ṭassúj of the 1st kind was equal to 8 ordinary barley-corns placed together breadthways, and of the other two respectively, to 7 and 6 barley-corns. The long gaz was used for the measurement of cultivated lands, roads, distances, forts, reservoirs and mud walls. The middling was employed to measure buildings of stone and wood, bamboo-built houses, places of worship, wells and gardens, and the short gaz for cloth, arms, beds, seats of state, sedan chairs, palanquins, chairs, carts and the like.

In some other countries, although they reckon the gaz as consisting of 24 Ṭassúj, they make

Others reckon the gaz as 24 fingers, each finger equal to the breadth of 6 barley-corns, and each barley-corn equal in thickness to 6 hairs from the mane of a cob. In some ancient books they make the gaz equal to two spans and twice round the joint (girih) of the thumb, and they divided it into 16 girih and each girih was subdivided into 4 parts which they called 4 pahr, so that a pahr was the sixty-fourth part of a gaz.

In other ancient records the gaz is reckoned of seven kinds. 1st, The Gaz i Sauda (Gaz of traffic) consisting of 24 digits and two-thirds of a digit. Harún úr Rashíd of the House of 'Abbás took this measure from the hand of an Abyssinian slave who was one of his attendants: the Nilometer² of Egypt is on this measure, and houses and cloths are also measured by it. 2nd, Ziráa' i ḳasbah, (Reed-yard) called also A'ámah, and Daur, of 24 digits: this was introduced by Ibn Abi Laila.¹ 3rd, The Yúsufíyah, used by the provincial governors of Baghdad for the measurement of houses: it consisted of 25 digits. 4th, The short Háshimíyah, of 28 digits and a third. Bilál² the son of Abi Bardah introduced it: according to some it was Abu Músa Ash'ari his grandfather. 5th, The long Háshimíyah of 29 digits and two-thirds which Manṣúr the A'bbaside favoured. It is also called the Maliḳ and Ziyádíyah. Ziyád³ was the so-called son of Abú Sufiyán who used it to measure the lands in Arabian I'ráḳ. 6th, The Omaríyah of 31 digits. During his Caliphate, Omar carefully considered the long, short and middling gaz.⁴ He took the three kinds together and to one-third of the aggregate he added the height of the closed fist and the thumb erect. He closed both ends of the measure with tin and sent it to Ḥudaifah⁵ and Otḥmán⁶ -b-Hunaif which they used for the measurement of the villages in Arabian Iráḳ. 7th, The Mámuníyah of 70 digits less a third. Mamún brought it into use, and it was employed for measuring rivers, plains and road distances.

Some in former times reckoned the cloth-measure (gaz) to be seven times the fist, and the fist was equal to four fingers closed; according to others, one finger less. The survey gaz, according to some, was the same seven fists: others made it seven fists together with one finger (thumb?) erect added to the seventh fist. Others again added another finger to that fist; while some made it seven fists with one finger adjoined to each fist.

Sultan Sikander Lodi in Hindustán introduced another gaz of the breadth of 41 Iskandaris and a half. This was a copper coin mixed with silver. Humayún added a half and it was thus completed to 42. Its length was 32 digits. But some authors anterior to his time make mention of a similar measure. Sher Khán and Salím Khán,¹ under whom Hindustán was released from the custom of dividing the grain and its apportionment, in measuring land used this gaz. Till the thirty first-year of the Divine Era, although the Akbar Sháhi gaz of 46 fingers was used as a cloth-measure, the Iskandari gaz was used for cultivated lands and buildings. His Majesty in his wisdom, seeing that the variety of measures was a source of inconvenience to his subjects, and regarding it as subservient only to the dishonest, abolished them all and brought a medium gaz of 41 digits into general use. He named it the Iláhi gaz and it is employed by the public for all purposes.

His Majesty fixed for the jaríb the former reckoning in yards and chose the measurement of sixty square, but adopted the Iláhi gaz. The Tanáb (tent rope) was in Hindustán a measure of hempen rope twisted which became shorter or longer according to the dryness or moisture of the atmosphere. It would be left in the dew and thus fraudfully moistened. Oftentimes it would be employed in the early morning when it had got damp and had shrunk, and by the end of the day it had become dry and had lengthened. In the former case, the husbandmen suffered loss, in the latter the royal revenues were diminished. In the 19th year of the Divine era, the jaríb was made of bamboos joined by iron rings. Thus it is subject to no variation, and the relief to the public was felt everywhere while the hand of dishonest greed was shortened.

Is a name applied to the jaríb. It is a quantity of land 60 gaz long by 60 broad. Shonld there be any diminution in length or breadth or excess in either, it is brought into square measure and made to consist of 3600 square gaz.¹ They divide the bigha into 20 parts, each of which is called biswah, and this is divided again into 20 parts each of which is termed biswánsah. In measuring they reduce no further. No revenue is required from 9 biswánsah, but ten they account as one biswah. Some, however, subdivide the biswánsah into 20 parts, each of which they called taswánsah, which they again divide into 20 parts, calling each tapwánsah. This again they partition in 20 portions, and name them severally answánsah. A bigha as measured by the tanáb of hemp, was two biswah and 12 biswansah smaller in extent than the bígha measured by the tanáb of bamboo. This makes a difference of 10 bígha in a hundred. Although the tanáb of hemp was of 60 gaz, yet in the twisting it shrunk to 56. The Iláhi gaz was longer than the Iskandari by one biswah, 16 biswánsah, 13 taswánsah, 8 tapwánsah, and 4 answánsah. The difference between the two reduced the bígha by 14 biswah, 20 biswánsah, 13 taswánsah, 8 tapwánsah, and 4 answánsah. In one hundred bíghas the variation in the two measures amounted to 22 bíghas, 3 bíswah and 7 biswánsah.

When His Majesty had determined the gaz, the tanáb, and the bígha, in his profound sagacity he classified the lands and fixed a different revenue to be paid by each.

Polaj is land which is annually cultivated for each crop in succession and is never allowed to lie fallow.

Parauṭi is land left out of cultivation for a time that it may recover its strength.

Chachar is land that has lain fallow for three or four years.

Banjar is land uncultivated for five years and more.

Of the two first kinds of land, there are three classes, good, middling and bad. They add together the produce of each sort, and a third of this represents the medium produce, one-third part of which is exacted as the royal dues. The revenue levied by Sher Khán, which at the present day is represented in all provinces as the lowest rate of assessment, generally obtained, and for the convenience of the cultivators and the soldiery, the value was taken in ready money.

The revenue from musk melons, ajwáin (Ligusticum ajowan), onions and other greens not counted as produce, was ordered to be paid in ready money at the rates hereinafter mentioned.

As a consideration for watching the crops a quarter of a seer (per maund) is allowed in some places and in others more, as will be shown.

The revenue from indigo, poppy, pán, turmeric, pignut¹ (trapa bispinosa), hemp, kachálu (arum colocasia) pumpkin, hinna (Lawsonia inermis) cucumbers, bádrang (a species of cucumber) the egg-plant (solanum melongena), radishes, carrots, karelá (momordica charantia) kakúra,² tendas,³ and musk-melons, not counted as produce, was ordered to be paid in ready money at the rates hereafter mentioned.

Parauti land when cultivated, pays the same revenue as polaj.

His Majesty in his wisdom thus regulated the revenues in the above-mentioned favourable manner. He reduced the duty on manufactures from ten to five per cent. and two per cent. was divided between the patwari and the ḳánungo. The former is a writer employed on the part of the cultivator. He keeps an account of receipts and disbursements, and no village is without one. The latter is the refuge of the husbandman. There is one in every district. At the present time the share of the ḳánungo (one per cent.) is remitted and the three classes of them are paid by the State accordding to their rank. The salary of the first is fifty rupees: of the second, thirty; of the third, twenty; and they have an assignment for personal support equivalent thereto. It was the rule that the commissaries of the shiḳḳdar, karkun,¹ and Amin should receive daily 58 dáms as a perquisite, provided that in spring they did not measure less than 200, nor in autumn less than 250 bíghas. His Majesty whose heart is capacious as the ocean, abolished this custom and allowed only one dám for each bígha.

Many imposts, equal in amount to the income of Hindustán were remitted by His Majesty as a thank-offering to the Almighty. Among these were the following:

The capitation tax.
The port duties.
Tax² per head on gathering at places of worship.
A tax on each head of oxen.
A tax on each tree.
Presents.
Distraints.
A tax on the various classes of artificers.
Dárogha's fees.
Taḥsildár's fees.
Treasurer's fees.
Complimentary offerings on receiving a lease and the like.
Lodging charges.
Money bags.
Testing and exchanging money.
Market duties.

Sale of cattle; also on hemp, blankets, oil, raw hides, weighing, scaling; likewise butcher's dues, tanning, playing at dice,¹ passports, turbans,² hearth-money, fees on the purchase and sale of a house, on salt made from nitrous earth, on permission to reap the harvest, felt, manufacture of lime, spirituous liquors, brokerage, catching fish, the product of the tree A´l (Morinda citrifolia);³ in fine all those imposts which the natives of Hindustán include under the term Sair Jihát,⁴ were remitted.

When either from excessive rain or through an inundation, the land falls out of cultivation, the husbandmen are, at first, in considerable distress. In the first year, therefore, but two fifths of the produce is taken: in the second three-fifths; in the third,⁵ four-fifths and in the fifth, the ordinary revenue. According to differences of situation, the revenue is paid either in money or in kind. In the third year the charges of 5 per cent. and one dám for each bígha⁶ are added.

When through excessive inundations production has seriously diminished, the revenue is collected in the following proportions:

Note. I stands for inundated land, and R for that which has suffered from rain.

In the 4th year the charges of 5 per cent. and one dám for each bígha were collected and this is still in force.

In Banjar land for the 1st year, one or two sers are taken from each bígha; in the 2nd year, 5 sers; in the 3rd year, a sixth of the produce; in the 4th year, a fourth share together with one dám: in other years a third suffices. This varies somewhat during inundations. In all cases the husbandman may pay in money or kind as is most convenient. Banjar land at the foot of the hills and land subject to inundations in the districts of

Sanbal¹ and Bahráich, do not remain as banjar, for so much new soil is brought down with the overflow that it is richer and more productive than polaj. His Majesty, however, in his large munificence places it in the same class. It is in the option of the cultivator to pay in ready money or by kankút² or bhaoli.

Intelligent people have from time to time set themselves to record the prices current of the Empire, and after careful inquiry the valuation of grain was accepted on this basis.

The revenue rates for a bígha of polaj land were fixed as has been stated. From the 6th year of the Divine Era which runs with the Novilunar year 968 (A. D., 1560-1) and concluding with the 24th year of this reign, the statistics were collected and have been tabulated for reference after the most diligent investigation. The figures are entered under the heading of each year.

Note. In these tables D stands for dám and J for Jetal the 25th part of a dám which is the 40th part of a rupee.