In a fourth despatch, also undated, in which the great Ottoman conqueror is insultingly addressed as the “most puissant Amír…Shamsu'd-Dín Muḥammad Bey,” while Shíráz, which he had recently conquered, is described as having become “the Seat of the Throne of Sovereignty and the Station of the Caliphate,” he further announces the sub­jugation of Khúzistán. This at last calls forth a reply which reveals a high degree of exasperation: the Ottoman “Sulṭán Muḥammad, son of Murád, son of Muḥammad, son of Báyazíd” addresses his arrogant correspondent as “thou,” warns him not to be puffed up by temporary good fortune, and threatens to march against him in the ensuing month of Shawwál. About the same time he despatched a letter to his son, Prince Muṣṭafá, governor of Qaramán, ordering him to attack Úzún Ḥasan, whom he describes as “deserving of the gibbet and the rope” (“mustaḥiqq-i-dár u rasan olán Úzún Ḥasan”); and to this letter we have Prince Muṣṭafá's reply, describing how, aided by his tutor Gedik Aḥmad Pasha, he defeated Úzún Ḥasan's army near Qonya on Saturday, 14th of Rabí' i, 877 (August 19, 1472), and killed his sons Yúsuf, Zaynal and 'Umar. The two last of this series of documents given by Firídún Bey * contain Shaykh Áq Shamsu'd-Dín's interpretation of two dreams about Úzún Ḥasan, and are written in Arabic.

The accounts of Úzún Ḥasan's conflict with the Ottomans given by Caterino Zeno, * Giovan Maria Angioletto, * and Causes of hos­tility between the Ottoman government and Úzún Ḥasan the author of the Travels of a Merchant in Persia, * in conjunction with those of Munajjim-báshí and 'Abdu'r-Raḥmán Sheref Bey, though not rich in chronological details, make the causes and course of the struggle pretty clear. Apart from the growing arrogance of Úzún Ḥasan, as revealed in the despatches to which reference is made above, the Ottoman Sultan had against his neighbour four principal causes of complaint, to wit: (1) his negotiations with Venice for a conjoined attack on Turkey from both East and West; (2) his attacks on Jahánsháh the “Black Sheep” Turkmán, whom he not only conquered but put to death, and on Sulṭán Ḥusayn Bayqará the Tímúrid, both of whom were in friendly relations with Sulṭán Muḥammad Fátiḥ; (3) his promise to support the Christian Emperor of Trebizond against Ottoman aggression; and (4) his protection of Pír Aḥmad (the “Pirameto” of Zeno) and other princes of the Qaramán dynasty, who were the ancient and bitter foes of the House of 'Osmán.

The ensuing war, which began in 877/1472-3 and ended in 878/1473-4, presented two phases, in the first of which War between Turks and Persians (A.D. 1472-4) the victory was to the Persians and in the second to the Turks. The first battle, which took place on the Euphrates near Malaṭya, was lost chiefly through the rashness of Murád Pasha Palaeologus, the young Beyler-bey of Rumelia (the “Asmu-rat” of Angioletto). Many Turks were drowned in the “whirl­pools” of the river, besides those who were killed, and twelve thousand men, “among whom were several persons of note,” were missing when the muster was called in the evening. * “Having suffered this defeat,” says Angioletto (who was with the Turkish army), “the Turk became very apprehen­sive, and determined to lead his army back to his country by the shortest route.” They therefore retired towards Trebizond, in a valley near which place a second great battle was fought towards the end of August, 1474, in which Defeat of Úzún Ḥasan by the Turks Úzún Ḥasan was decisively defeated and his son Zaynal killed, while much spoil fell into the hands of the victors. Prince Muṣṭafá dis­tinguished himself greatly in this battle. “If Ussun Cassano had remained content with his first victory,” says Angioletto, “the Turk would have gone away ignominiously, and he would not have lost the territories he did.” * “This battle,” says 'Abdu'r-Raḥmán Sheref Bey, * “upset the cup of Úzún Ḥasan's fortune, and for twenty or thirty years assured the safety of the Sulṭán's eastern frontier.”

Úzún Ḥasan now retired to Tabríz, “where he caused games and rejoicings to be held, not caring much for his reverse, as he had lost none of his dominions.” His ease was, however, soon troubled by the rebellion of his son Oghúrlú Muḥammad, * who seized Shíráz, and, on hearing that his father was advancing against him with a great army, fled to Constantinople, where he was received with much honour by the Ottoman Sulṭán, who promised “to make him king of Persia in the room of his father, who was his enemy.” Úzún Ḥasan, meeting filial ingratitude with cunning, first feigned illness and then caused a rumour of his death to be circulated.

“While thus dissembling,” says Angioletto, * “a report was spread abroad to Constantinople that Ussun Cassano The stratagem whereby Úzún Ḥasan lures his son back to Persia and puts him to death had fallen dangerously ill from melancholy, on account of the rebellion of his son, and, a rumour of his having got worse having been whispered about, some of his most faithful adherents, as had been arranged, announced his death, while messengers were sent to Ugurlimehemet with letters and tokens, as is customary, giving information of the death of his father, and begging him to return and take possession of the throne before either of his brothers Halul or Jacob * could do so. And in order to give greater semblance to the affair, funeral rites were paid, and his death was really believed in throughout the country. Ugurlimehemet having received three different messengers with secret messages, such as are used in affairs of state, thought it safe to go to Tauris. He arrived there in a few days with a small escort, and, on going to the palace to make himself sovereign, was taken to where his father was in perfect health, who ordered him to be confined, and afterwards put to death, without showing any consideration for his being his son.”

For his defeat by the Ottomans Úzún Ḥasan was in some degree compensated by a victory over the Egyptians, who had taken and ravaged 'Urfa, and a successful cam­paign in Georgia, from which he obtained a tribute of 16,000 ducats and the surrender of the city of Tiflis. He Sulṭán Khalíl finally died in 882/1477-8, and was succeeded by his son Khalíl, who, however, had only reigned six months when he was attacked and killed by his brother Ya'qúb * near Khúy. This prince reigned for about thirteen years, in the course of which period he killed Ya'qúb's perse­cution of the Ṣafawís Shaykh Ḥaydar son of Shaykh Junayd the Ṣafawí (whose growing power and influence caused him alarm) and interned his children (including Isma'íl, the future founder of the Ṣafawí dynasty) at the old Sásánian capital of Iṣtakhr. Munajjim-báshí says that he built the beautiful summer palace of the Hasht Bihisht, or “Eight Paradises” (the “Astibisti” of the Vene­tians) outside Tabríz, but the Italian merchant-traveller * ascribes its construction to Úzún Ḥasan. Finally, according to the same authority * (for the fact is not mentioned by Mírkhwánd or Munajjim-báshí), he was poisoned by his wife under the following circumstances.

“He took as his wife a high-born lady, daughter of a Persian noble, but a most licentious woman: having fallen How Ya qúb was poisoned by his wife in love with a great lord of the Court, this wicked woman sought means to kill Jacob Sultan her husband, designing to marry her paramour and make him king, as, being closely related to Jacob, he would become so by right in default of children. Having arranged matters with him, she prepared an insidious poison for her husband, who, having gone into a perfumed bath, as was his custom, with his young son, aged eight or nine years, remained there from the twenty-second hour until sunset. On coming out he went into the harem, which was close to the bath, where he was met by his wicked wife with a cup and a gold vase containing the poison, which she had got ready while he was in the bath, knowing that it was his custom to have something to drink on coming out of the bath. She caressed him more than usual to effect her wicked purpose; but not having sufficient command over her countenance, became very pale, which excited the sus­picion of Jacob, who had already began to distrust her from some of her proceedings. He then commanded her to taste it first, which, although she knew it was certain death, she could not escape and drank some; she then handed the gold cup to her husband Jacob, who, with his son, drank the rest. The poison was so powerful that by midnight they were all dead. The next morning the news was circu­lated of the sudden death of Jacob Sultan, his son and wife. The great lords, hearing of their king's decease, had quarrels among themselves, so that for five or six years all Persia was in a state of civil war, first one and then another of the nobles becoming Sultan. At last a youth named Alumut, aged fourteen years, was raised to the throne, which he held till the succession of Sheikh Ismail Sultan.”*