THESE two works, of which the names are assumed somewhat arbitrarily, must be considered together.
The name of Táríkh-i Salím-Sháhí is ascribed to different copies of the same work found in distant parts of India, and as there is no probability that these were copied from one another rather than from some older original, we may assume the name to be correct, although in the body of the work no particular name is assigned to it.
The Táríkh-i Salím-Sháhí was translated in the year 1829 by Major David Price, of the Bombay Army, for the Oriental Translation Committee, under the title of “Memoirs of the Emperor Jehangueir, written by himself, and translated from a Persian Manuscript.” He observes that the Manuscript, “not being distinguished by any particular title, the translator would have ventured to style it the Wakiat Jahanguiri, or to bestow on it some other name equally signifying ‘Incidents in the reign of the Emperor Jahangueir.’ But to supply an Oriental name from mere conjecture seemed unnecessary, as the contents could be indicated with sufficient accuracy in an English title-page. Besides, from some extracts, occupying about seventeen pages in the ‘Asiatic Miscellany’ (printed at Calcutta, 1785, 1786, vol. ii. pp. 71-73), it would appear to be the same, or nearly the same, with that work which was described by an accomplished Orientalist, who translated those passages (James Anderson, Esq.), as the Toozuk-i Jehangeery, or Memoirs of Jehangeer, written by himself, and containing a history of the transactions of the first thirteen years of his reign. But Mr. Anderson did not profess to give more than a few extracts from the Túzak; and a comparison of these with the present work will show that he must have occasionally omitted whole pages between certain facts recorded in both.”
The difference between the versions of Major Price and Mr. Anderson have been marked by M. de Sacy in the “Journal des Savans,” 1830.*
Amongst the autobiographies of Jahángír which circulate in this country, there is one much smaller than the Salím-Sháhí translated by Major Price. It is written with greater simplicity, with a truthfulness and sincerity more suited to an Imperial pen, and bearing upon it a far superior stamp of authenticity. This was probably the original from which the Táríkh-i Salím-Sháhí was amplified, and may have been composed by Jahángír in the early part of his reign. The translated work seems to have been written rather by a jeweller than an Emperor, and the pretended accuracy and minuteness with which the value of gold, silver, and precious stones is given, and the astounding exaggeration displayed in enumerating sums, “which far outshine the wealth of Ormus and of Ind,” convey to the mind strong internal evidence of fabrication; and though there is much that no doubt correctly represents the sentiments of Jahángír, some parts at least of the composition must be ranked in the same class with the fictions of Ennius and Psalmanazar.
A few instances may as well be adduced, to show the exaggerations of the Táríkh-i Salím-Sháhí.
At page 2 of Major Price's translation it is said, “On this occasion I made use of the throne prepared by my father, and enriched it at an expense without parallel, for the celebration of the festival of the year, at the entrance of the Sun into Aries. In the fabrication of the throne a sum not far short of ten krours of ashrefies, of five mithkals the ashrefy, was expended in jewels alone; a krour being the term of an hundred laks, and a lak being 100,000, independently of 300 mauns of gold, Hindustany measure, employed in the workmanship, each maun of Hind being equal to ten mauns of Irak.”
The translator converts the value of jewels alone into 150 millions sterling!—an incredible sum, as he justly observes; but the more sober statement of the Túzak-i Jahángírí says “only sixty laks of ashrafís and fifty mans of gold, Hindústání measure,” and there is no mention of the throne in the authentic Memoirs.
A little below we read: “Having thus seated myself on the throne of my expectations and wishes, I caused also the Imperial crown, which my father had caused to be made after the manner of that which was worn by the great kings of Persia, to be brought before me, and then, in the presence of the whole assembled Ameirs, having placed it on my brows, as an omen auspicious to the stability and happiness of my reign, kept it there for the space of a full astronomical hour. On each of the twelve points of this crown was a single diamond of the value of one lak of ashrefies of five mithkals, the whole purchased by my father with the resources of his own government, not from anything accruing to him by inheritance from his predecessors. At the point in the centre of the top part of the crown was a single pearl of four mithkals, of the value of one lak of ashrefies; and on different parts of the same were set altogether 200 rubies of one mithkal each, and each of the value of 6000 rupees.” Upon which the translator observes, “Altogether this superb symbol of supreme power may be valued at two millions and seventy thousand pounds sterling;” but in the smaller work, and in the authentic Memoirs, there is no mention whatever of this costly crown.
At p. 5 Jahángír says he remitted certain sources of revenue, “which yielded to his father no less than 1600 Hindustany mauns of gold, equal to 16,000 mauns of Irak.” The Túzak says sixty mans Hindústání, and the authentic Memoirs give no sum.
At p. 14 he says that “the workmanship alone of the citadel
of Agra was completed at the expense of not less than 186 laks
of ashrefies of five mithkals each;” which the translator, with a
note of admiration, converts into 26,550,000l.! The Túzak gives
only thirty-six lacs of rupees, and the authentic Memoirs thirty-
At p. 15 he says that “the temple which had been built by Rájá Mán Singh, and which the King demolished for the purpose of raising a mosque on its ruins, cost in its construction nearly thirty-six lacs of five mithkaly ashrefies,” which, as the translator says, is 5,40,00,000 rupees! The Túzak says only 8,00,000 rupees.
At p. 32 “he sends to Sháhzáda Parwez a chaplet of pearl of the value of 5,00,000 rupees.” The Túzak says 1,00,000.
At p. 34 he says “that Daulat Khán left at his death property equivalent, according to the translator, to 120,000,000l.!” The Túzak says only 300,000 túmáns of jewels, besides gold and other specie.
At p. 37 he states “that the property of his brother Dáníál amounted in jewels to five crore of ashrefies, and two crore in treasure of the same currency, or 63,000,000l. sterling!” The Túzak is silent as to the amount.
At p. 51 the tiara of Hímú is said “to have been set with diamonds, sapphires, rubies, emeralds, and pearls, to the value of sixty lacs of ashrefies, or 5,400,000l. sterling!” The Túzak says only 80,000 túmáns.
At p. 67, in speaking of the preparations for the pursuit of his son Khusrú, he says, “40,000 horses feeding in his own stables, and 100,000 camels, were brought out and distributed.” The Túzak has nothing on the subject.
At p. 79 he says “he delivered to Jemeil Beg 100,000 ashrefies to be distributed amongst the Badakshanians, and that he ordered 50,000 rupees to be distributed among the Durweishes at Adjmeir.” The Túzak gives the sum at 30,000 rupees, and mentions nothing about the donations to the Badakhshanians.
At p. 88 “the jewel-chest of Khossrou is said to have contained 18,000,000l. sterling!” It must have been a pretty large and heavy one to have held only 18,000l., and the Túzak says nothing about its contents.
After these instances of exaggeration, who will believe this Valerius, “immoderately augmenting the number of all things,”* and it is therefore much to be regretted that these translated Memoirs have obtained so much currency and credit in Europe, as true revelations of the Emperor's sentiments and proceedings.
There are also other additions, as well as omissions, which throw discredit upon the translated work. For instance, the account of the rebellion and capture of Khusrú, though given in great detail in both the spurious and the authentic copies, which will be hereafter noticed, varies in several essential particulars, and at the conclusion of these occurrences, instead of Jahángír's returning to Ágra, as he is represented in the translation to do, he goes to Kábul, as he is said in all other histories to have done.