THESE two are different names of the same work, of which the author is Saiyid Jamál, son of Mír Jalálu-d dín Husainí Shírází, who composed his work in the year H. 1065 (1654-5 A.D.), as we learn from a casual notice in the genealogical tree, to be hereafter mentioned. The work is named after the Moghal families of Arghún and Tarkhán respectively, whose origin will be further noticed in the Appendix. The Arghún-náma is mentioned in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám as if it were a separate work, but there is nothing on the Arghúns in the latter history which is not derived from sources at present extant and available. I could find no trace of such a history in Sind, and I was told by several people in that province, that the work under consideration was the only one known as the Arghún-náma. As it treats with sufficient copiousness upon the Arghún history, as will be seen in the translated extract, there is no impropriety in giving it this assumed name, but it is obvious that the author himself styled it Tarkhán-namá only, in compliment to his patron Mirzá Muhammad Sálih, who was of the Tarkhán family.

There appears to have been at one time a history of that family of older date than this, because Saiyid Jamál informs us, that the Mirzá, being most anxious to acquaint himself with the genealogy and history of the Moghal tribes, and especially of his own ancestors, in order that he might learn precisely from what particular chief he was dcscended, commissioned our author to send him the book called Tarkhán-náma. This zealous indi­vidual, not being able, notwithstanding all his enquiries, to find any book of this name, determined to compose one himself to supply the deficiency, and for this purpose examined and ex­tracted from Tabarí, the Rauzatu-s Safá, the Zafar-náma, the Taríkh-i Humáyúní, the Akbar-náma, the Nigáristán, the Táríkh-i Táhirí, the Muntakhab-i be-badal Yúsufí, the Táríkh-i Guzída, the Majma'u-l Ansáb, and others. And so having traced the progenitorship of the Tarkháns up to the Patriarch Noah, he completed what he styles his Tarkhán-náma.

In this enumeration of authorities we have another flagrant instance of that offensive suppression of the truth which so often excites our indignation in the Indian historians. The work to which Saiyid Jamál is most indebted is Mír M'asúm's Táríkh-i Sind, from which he has extracted and abridged, but with many omissions,* the whole history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, from the rise of Sháh Beg, to the close of the independence of Sind under Jání Beg, and to which he is indebted even for the selection of whole sentences, as well as the frame of the narrative; and yet Mír M'asúm's name is nowhere mentioned, except where his grand­father Saíyid Mír Kalán (p. 96) is incidentally brought upon the stage. From some of the works quoted he has of course borrowed his Turkish genealogy, but even there his obligations seem to have been confined to the Rauzata-s Safá, the Zafar-náma , and the Majma'u-l Ansáb, which three works would have been sufficient to afford him all the information with which we are favoured on that subjeet. The Táríkh-i Táhirí, which is the only local history which he quotes, is, with strange inconsistency, not followed either for facts or dates.

Mírzá Muhammad Sálih, who is represented to have been endowed with every excellence, personal and intellectual, was the son of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, grandson of the more celebrated holder of the same name, who founded the Tarkhán dynasty of Sind. Mirzá 'Ísá, the younger, was introduced to Akbar in 1012 H., and was treated by him and his successor, Jahángír, with distinguished consideration. As his independence of all favour and patronage, except that bestowed by the Emperor himself, rendered him obnoxious to the nobles about the Court, they managed that he should receive only those jágírs in which the turbulence of the inhabitants made the collection of revenue difficult;* but his bravery and good conduct defeated all these machinations, and he triumphed over the jealous opposition of of his enemies.

By an early acknowledgement of Sháh Jahán as Emperor, and his proclamation of him in the 'Idgáh of Ahmadábád, in which he anticipated the other more tardy nobles of Guzerát, where his jágír was then situated, he met with a distinguished reception from the new monarch, to whom he went to pay his respects on the banks of the Mahí. He was shortly afterwards preferred to the Súbadárí of Thatta, where he was directed to seize the person of Sharíru-l Mulk at all hazards. Having suc­ceeded in sending this gallant but obnoxious individual a prisoner to the Imperial Court, he received the honour of a Naubat, a lac of rupees in cash, and the increase of 1000 to his personal rank. He obtained subsequently the Súbadárí of Guzerát, and died full of years and titles at the advanced age of ninety-five, in the year 1061 H. (1651 A.D.), four years previous to the composition of this work.

Mirzá Muhammad Sálih succeeded to some portion of the honours of his father, and the other members of the family had each a separate provision assigned to them by the royal mu­nificence.

The Tarkhán-náma, after a preface of three pages, opens with a genealogical tree from Noah to Muhammad Sálih, extending through twenty-eight pages. We then have an abstract history of the Kháns of Turkistan, and of Changíz Khán, and his de­scendants who ruled in Írán, in forty pages; the history of the Arghúns in twenty-three pages; of the Tarkháns in thirty-three pages; concluding with the death of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán above­mentioned. Altogether, 127 pages 4to. (12 × 9 inches) of 17 lines each. The style is elegant, but, from a comparison with the original authorities, it will appear that its best graces are borrowed. Like other local histories of Sind, it is rare out of that province.


The Arghún Dynasty of Kandahár and Sind.*

It is related by historians that Amír Zú-n Nún, son of Amír Basrí, one of the descendants of Arghún Khán Tarkhán, son of Abaká Khán, son of Hulákú Khán, son of Túlí Khán, son of Changíz Khán, a soldier distinguished for courage and bravery among the warriors of his tribe,* was employed by Abú Sa'íd Mirzá, and on all occasions acted up to his former character. By this conduct he became a great favourite of Sultán Abú Sa'íd. The honours and re­wards he received subjected him to the envy and jealousy of his fellows, for his rank was elevated above that of all his relations.

When Sultán Abú Sa'íd was slain in the battle of Kárábágh, Amír Zú-n Nún retired to his father in Hirát. He served for a short time under Yádgár Mírzá. Afterwards, when Sultán Husain succeeded to the throne of Khúrásán, Mírzá Amír Misrí* died, Amír Zú-n Nún his son was regarded with favour by Sultán Husain Mirzá, who assigned him the chiefship of Ghór, Zamíndáwar and Kandahár, In these countries the warlike tribes of Hazára and Takdarí had complete power.* Amír Zú-n Nún, in the year 884 H. (1479-80 A.D.), proceeded in that direction with a small body of his tribesfolk (ulús) For some time he was engaged in hostilities with these people, and, being in all battles victorious and successful, he brought the countries into subjection to his rule. The Hazára, Takdarí, and all the other tribes having seen this, quietly submitted to his authority and made no further opposition. The services of Amír Zú-n Nún were so highly approved of, that Sultán Husain bi-l Karár made him abso­lute governor of Kandahár, Ghór, and other countries. After some time Amír Zú-n Nún Misrí obtained independent power in those provinces, and he also encroached upon the territories of Shál, Mustúng, and their dependencies. In the course of four more years he was in command of a large force and had entirely attached to his interest the people of Hazára, Takdarí, Kipchák, and the Moghals of Kandahár. On hearing this, Sultán Husain sent an imperative order, requiring him to present himself without delay at the imperial court. The Amír acted accordingly, and on his arrival at court made the usual presents. The people were all loud in their praises of his loyalty and fidelity, and consequently the Sultán presented him with a vest of honour, a richly caparisoned horse, kettle drums, and banner, and also granted him a royal patent of investiture. He then ordered him to leave his son and suite at the court, and himself proceed to Kandahár. Immediately on receipt of this order, the Amír seized the first opportunity of secretly taking his son and the nobles who had attended him, and marched with great rapidity to Kandahár, leaving, however, his property, arms, etc., behind him in his residence. In the course of two or three days the Sultán ordered that the Amír should not leave the court for Kandahár until after the festival of Nauroz. The royal messengers, on arriving at the Amír's residence, discovered the flight, and reported to the Sultán the state of affairs. The Sultán, on hearing of it, remarked that the Amír had evidently departed without any intention of returning. But the prince and the nobles argued that his having left horses, camels, carpets, and other property behind him was a proof that his absence would not be of long duration. The Sultán then said that his flight was only another proof of his ready wit and sagacity. However, regrets were now unavailing. A.H. 911 (1505 A.D.) Sultán Husain died, and the affairs of the kingdom of Khurásán fell into complete disorder.