The following memoir is taken from a Persian manuscript, kindly communicated to me by my friend, Lieutenant Colonel M‘Kenzie. The author is Meer Hûsain Ali, a very intelligent Musulman, in the employ of that ingenious and indefatigable explorer of the history and antiquities of the Decan. If it be little more than a genealogical sketch of the distinguished family of which it treats, it pos­sesses, at least, the merit of being derived, as far as it goes, from information obtained chiefly on the spot, and therefore the more likely to be authentic. Its principal defect consists in the total want of dates throughout the earlier part of the narrative; the first one with which we meet being that of the succession of the fourth chieftain, Bhûlool Khân, to the government of Bunkapoor, in A.H. 1022. And though, after this time, the number of years that each chieftain ruled over the principality is uniformly expressed, yet neither the commencement nor the close of the respective administrations, nor any of the few events recorded regard­ing them, are marked by the specification of the year in which they severally occurred; while even the few dates, deducible from the general narrative, are liable to considerable doubts and difficulties. I have endeavoured to supply this omission as well as I could; but have not always been able to do so entirely to my own satisfaction. When I may happen, therefore, to differ, with respect to dates, from preceding writers, I beg to be understood to do so with suitable diffidence, and not to pledge myself for the accuracy of my author.

It may be proper to observe, that with regard to the manner of writing the name of Shânoor, I have, throughout the present article, conformed to the orthography of Meer Hûsain, which I believe to be that in most general use. For though sometimes written in the Persian <Arabic> or Sânoor, <Arabic> or Shânoor, may neverthe­less be meant; the difference consisting merely in the diacritical points of the <Arabic> or sh; the occasional omission of which, in the hurry of transcribing, may be easily supposed to happen. As to Savanore, it is evidently an European corrup­tion of Sânoor.

I have only another observation with which to detain the reader. Perhaps, strictly speaking, the term Principality may not be properly applicable to such a state as that of Shânoor; since its chieftains have never, I believe, been dis­tinguished by the appellation of princes, though as well entitled to it as many individuals among the Nabobs and Râjahs of India, on whom Europeans have bestowed it. As, in most respects, however, they exercised sovereign power, and virtually, at least, transmitted their possessions to their descendants, I have thought it allowable to follow the example of other writers who have spoken of them; and to give the name in question, not only to their fief, but likewise to the two other Patan chiefships of Kurnool and Kurpah.

The Patan family, of which it is here proposed to give a brief account, and which, during a period of nearly three centuries, make a conspicuous figure in the annals of the Decan, affect, in common with every Afghan* tribe throughout the East, to derive their origin from Khâlid bin-Wâlid, who was one of the most celebrated of the companions of Mahommed. What is more certain, however, than this boasted descent, is, that they justly reckon among their ancestors some of the principal nobles of the Musulman kingdom of Beejapoor. Of these, the acknowledged founder of the dynasty, was

who first distinguished himself during the reign of Ismâel Adil Shâh,* by whom he was raised to the dignity of an Omra of one of the higher orders. Being of a remarkably swarthy complexion, as well as of a savage appearance and nature,* the Decanese gave him the name of Kâlâ-puhâr, or the black mountain. After attaining, under Ali Ibrâheem Adil Shâh,* the successor of Ismâel, to some of the first offices of the state, he lost his life at Ahmed Nugr, in a battle with the army of Nizâm Shâh.* He was succeeded by his eldest son,*

who, under the title of Futah Lushkur Khân, acquired great celebrity, during the reign of Ali Adil Shâh;* from whom he received, besides the Musnud, or dignity, of an Omra of one thousand five hundred, the much coveted distinctions of the standard and kettle-drum.* He closed a brilliant career, in the course of which he was no less eminent as a statesman than as a warrior, by falling honour­ably in battle, as his father had done. He was succeeded by his son,

who was so favoured by fortune, that he is said to have never failed in any military enterprize in which he engaged. No doubt he owed much of this extraordinary success to the enthusiastic attachment of his followers: an attachment which would appear to have been inspired, in the first instance, by their confidence in his valor and prudence, and subsequently confirmed by his earnest care to provide, on all occasions, for their ease and comfort. By these means he soon outstripped, in reputation and influence, the most eminent of his cotemporaries at the court of Beejapoor.

This was manifested in his appointment to the government of Bunkapoor, and in his elevation, at the same time, to the dignity of an Omra of five thousand, with the command of four thousand horse. The Soubah* of Bunkapore, as it was then called, comprized twenty-two Mahals, and was estimated to yield an annual revenue of fifty-four lacks of rupees. It does not distinctly appear, upon what footing the Patan received this important charge; but the Narrative affords sufficient grounds for believing, that the tenure by which he held it was of the nature of a military Jageer, or fief.*

However this might be, Jubbâr Meea, remaining himself in attendance on his sovereign, dispatched his son, Bhûlool Khân, to take possession, and administer the affairs, of his new government in his name. This Bhûlool Khân was, like his great-grandfather, of a sable complexion: and being, moreover, of a huge stature, and remarkable for the squalidness of his usual dress, he received from his subjects the appellation of Rugty Kâlâ Puhar, or “the dirty black mountain;” the word rugut signifying, in the Canarese dialect, dirty or filthy. He was a man of extraordinary intrepidity, but of a sanguinary and cruel disposition. Hateful, however, as his character was, it would appear to have conduced con­siderably, by the universal terror which it inspired, to the early and advantageous settlement of the country committed to his care.

Jubbâr Meea is stated to have fallen in battle, like both his predecessors, and to have been succeeded, in the year 1022 of the Higera, by his son.

who would, hereupon, appear to have removed the seat of his government from the town and fortress of Bunkapoor, to a place in the vicinity thereof, called Sânoor, or Shânoor-hully; to which he is said to have been attracted by the beauty of its environs and the salubrity of its air. Here he founded and peopled a large city, to which he gave the name of Shânoor; erecting in it a handsome palace for his own residence, and several commodious bazars (or market-places) for the con­venience of the inhabitants. Bunkapoor, being thus abandoned by its chiefs, fell rapidly to decay, so that there is hardly a trace of it to be seen at this day. The fate of Shânoor itself has been little better, “that delightful city being now “reduced,” says our author, who wrote only about ten years ago, “from an “earthly paradise, surrounded by pleasant gardens, abounding in fruits of various “sorts, and fertilized by numerous canals, to the condition of the meanest of all “mean places.”

Nothing further is recorded of Bhûlool Khân, till the period when Aurungzebe appearing in the Decan, at the head of the Moghul forces, many of the nobles of the now declining kingdom of Beejapoor began to swerve from their allegiance, and to consult their own personal interests, at the expence of those of their natural sovereign and native country. Among these was Bhûlool Khân, who, no longer keeping any terms with his court, but repairing openly to the camp of the prince, presented the latter with a Nuzr of three lacks of rupees and other costly gifts, in return for which he obtained an imperial patent of confirmation in the Soubahdâry of Bunkapoor; for the protection of which from any attempts that might be formed against it by his justly incensed sovereign, he now proceeded to raise an adequate force. He appears, about the same time, to have successfully employed his credit with the prince, in favour of an old friend and fellow student, named Khizr Khân Beeny; who obtaining, through the recommendation of Bhûlool, the Sircar of Kurnool in Jageer, together with the dignity of an Omra of the empire, became the founder of the Patan dynasty of Kurnool, of which a succinct account is given in Appendix G.

Bhûlool Khân, exclusive of the term of his administration as his father’s deputy, is stated to have ruled over the principality of Shânoor during a period of forty-nine (lunar) years; upon his death he was succeeded by his son,

otherwise called Dileer Khân; the latter being a title conferred on him by the Emperor Allumgeer, on the occasion which will be presently noticed. In the mean while, he is said to have applied himself, with unwearied diligence, to the improvement of his Jageer: and though his father had, long since, renounced his allegiance to his legitimate sovereign, the present chief thought it expedient to make a show of submission to the feeble authority of that prince. Whether he adopted this line of conduct immediately on his accession to the Musnud, and during the remainder of the second Ali Adil Shâh’s reign, does not distinctly appear; but it is certain, that he maintained an epistolary correspondence with Secunder Adil Shâh,* which was deficient in nothing but sincerity. In the end, however, throwing off all further disguise, he repaired with two thousand Afghan horse, and from three to four thousand well-armed infantry, to the standard of the Emperor Allumgeer, by whom he was received with distinguished honour. He subsequently consummated his treason and ingratitude towards the royal race, through whose unbounded favor himself and family had attained to their present eminence and power, by assisting in the reduction of Beejapoor, and in the con­sequent extinction of the dynasty of Adil Shâhy.

The Emperor’s son, Sultan Moaazim, being sent, after the fall of Beejapoor, to reduce Ahmedâbûd Beder, that place soon opened its gates to him, in conse­quence of the sudden death of its governor, Mirjân Hubshy, occasioned by the explosion of a powder-magazine.* Here this weak prince, yielding to the suggestions of a wild ambition, and to the interested advice of evil counsellors, formed the extravagant project of wresting the reins of government from the hands of a parent, whom he was taught, by his flatterers, to consider as superannuated, and no longer fit to rule. He announced this rebellious purpose by causing the Khûtbah* to be read in his own name at Beder, and by attempting to establish his authority in Ahmed nugr, Jûnair, &c. The Emperor, upon being informed of these proceedings, assembled together his principal Omras, and stating to them what had occurred, demanded, at the same time, if there was any one among them who would undertake to bring the deluded prince (for whose personal safety, notwithstanding his outrageous conduct, his father was still anxious) alive and unhurt before him. All present at this audience, with the single exception of Duleel Khân, appearing to shrink from the arduous task proposed to them, main­tained a profound silence. He alone, without the least hesitation, declared his readiness to fulfil the Emperor’s wishes; whereupon Allumgeer, in admiration of his zeal and intrepidity, immediately saluted him by the title of Dileer Khân (or the valiant Lord), and dispatched him, without delay, on the service which he had so promptly undertaken.

Dileer Khân (as he must now be called), putting himself at the head of his followers,* proceeded the same night from the imperial camp, and taking the road to the rebel army, addressed a plausible letter to Moaazim Shâh; in which he pretended “to be disgusted at the neglect which he had experienced from Allum­geer, and to be desirous of attaching himself to the cause, and of participating “in the fortunes of his Highness.” The credulous prince, ignorant of what had recently passed at the imperial court, and unsuspicious of treachery, joyfully accepted the insidious overture of the Patan, to whom he immediately wrote, urging him to hasten his arrival. Dileer Khân, having, by these means, intro­duced himself into the camp of Moaazim Shâh, contrived, in the course of the interview to which he was soon admitted, to make such progress in the prince’s good graces, that the latter gave directions for the Afghan quarters to be estab­lished contiguously to his own. The following day being appointed for the march of the rebel army, Dileer Khân repaired, at an early hour, to the tent of the prince; who was easily persuaded, in order to do honour to the new favourite, to mount the elephant of the Patan, by whom it had been pre-concerted that Moaazim Shâh’s personal retinue, together with his baggage, should be completely encompassed by his own troops. In this array, Dileer Khân himself being seated behind the prince in the Khuwâsy,* the party proceeded for some time, without the least distrust, either on the part of Moaazim Shâh, whose attention the Patan took care effectually to occupy, or of any of his immediate attendants. The elephant on which he rode being remarkably swift footed, and the driver being directed in his route by occasional signs from his master, the army of the prince was quickly left far in the rear. At length some of the royal retinue, perceiving that they had entered upon the road leading to Beejâpoor, proclaimed the treason of the Patan, and attempted to impede his progress: the latter, however, instantly causing the most active of them to be put to death, all further resistance to his design immediately ceased. The Patan now applied himself to console and encourage his captive, with whom he proceeded, by rapid marches, to Beejâpoor, where he soon delivered him, in perfect safety, and surrounded with his usual state, into the hands of the overjoyed monarch. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the latter amply requited the delicate and important service rendered on the present occasion by Dileer Khân; on whom, indeed, he is said to have heaped such unprecedented honours, as excited considerable jealousy in the breasts of the other Omras of the imperial court.

After this, Dileer Khân distinguished himself, in an eminent degree, at the sieges of Golcondah and Dowlutâbâd, as well as on various other occasions. He displayed, in particular, considerable talents and address, in the course of the operations which he was employed to conduct against Yunkut Naig, the Polygar of Shoolapoor; whom he reduced to such straits, as at length compelled that stubborn chieftain to acknowledge the imperial authority, after he had firmly and successfully resisted, for three years, every effort of Allumgeer to subdue him.

Dileer Khân now retired to the seat of his government; nor would either he, or the other Patan chieftains of the Decan, appear to have taken any part in the succeeding troubles, excited by the various intrigues and factions which distin­guished the period in question. Dying, at length, in the thirty-second year of his rule over the Shânoor principality,* he was succeeded by his son,

of whom nothing in particular is recorded, till the death of Allumgeer, at which period he paid his court so effectually to Khân Jehân, the foster-brother of the late emperor, and governor in chief, or viceroy of the Decan, on the part of the new emperor, that he soon obtained from him the requisite patents of confirmation in his Jageer, or principality.

After some time, taking offence at the great state assumed by Khân Gooreh, the Daise-pândeh* of Serhutty,* who was a tributary of the Shânoor government, he sent a numerous force against that chieftain, under the direction of his nephew, Khân Meea; who, allowing himself to be surprised and shamefully defeated by very inferior numbers, fell wounded into the hands of the enemy. This misfortune did not, however, prevent Abdûl Ghuffâr from assembling another army, with the avowed purpose of redeeming the credit of his arms, and of effectually chastising his successful adversary: but learning, in the mean while, that the Mahrattahs, whose power had, by this time, become extremely formidable to their neighbours, were preparing to march to the Gooreh’s assistance, he determined, with more prudence than spirit, to retire from the contest; and accordingly, in consideration of a trifling sum of money, agreed to be paid by his vassal, he not only receded from all his late arrogant pretensions, but, together with an honorary dress, accompanied by corresponding assurances of future favor and protection, conferred upon the Daise-pândeh the additional title of Behâdûr.*

Khân Jehân dying about this time, was succeeded in the government of the Decan by Meer Hûsain Ali Khân, the younger of the two ambitious brothers, celebrated, in the history of this turbulent period, under the appellation of the the Siyuds of Bârheh. Hereupon the Patan chieftain dispatched his son, Ghufoor Meea, to Bûrhânpoor, with a considerable Nuzr in money, and other valuable presents for the new viceroy, who, in return for this seasonable comple­ment, confirmed him in the possession of his Jâgeer, as well as of the other dignities enjoyed by his predecessor. After this he gave himself up to a life of ease and dissipation, and at length dying, in the twenty-eighth year* of his government, was succeeded by his above-mentioned son,

who was scarcely seated on the Musnud, before he was called upon to repel an invasion of the Mahrattahs, headed by a chieftain of the Râsta family, by whom great ravages were, for some time, committed in the Patan territories. At length Ghufoor Meea, encountering the enemy in the environs of Misry-Kotah, gave them a considerable defeat; which, however, only obtained him a temporary respite from hostilities, since the fugitives, having procured a reinforcement from Gopaul Râo Ghoarpurreh, the Nâzim (or governor) of Mirij, were soon in a condition to renew their depredations on the Shânoor districts, immediately adjoining to their own frontier, which they accordingly continued to harass for nearly two years longer. At the end of this period the Patan was glad to avail himself of the mediation of Gopaul Râo, in order to effect an accommodation with the invaders, who, upon his paying them about a lack of rupees, in goods and money, and ceding to them the fort and district of Misry-Kotah, agreed to withdraw from his dominions.

From this time Ghufoor Meea remained at peace until his death, which took place in the ninth year of his government,* and during the Nawâb, Asof Jah’s,* viceroyalty of the Decan. He was succeeded by

who already aspiring to complete independence, omitted paying his court to Asof Jah, and rashly assumed the management of his patrimony, without applying for, or obtaining, the customary patent of confirmation from the viceroy. By this conduct he drew upon himself, as might be expected, the displeasure of Asof Jah, who had, about this period, transferred the seat of his government from Aurungabad to Hyderabad, and who lost no time in preparing to chastise the contumacy of the Patan. With this view, after having dispatched his grandson, Hidâyet Mohyûddeen Khân (better known afterwards by the title of Mûzuffer Jung) to take possession of Beejapoor, he marched himself directly against Shânoor, many of the districts of which he resigned to the depredations of his army. He was, on this occasion, eagerly joined by the disaffected Daise-pândehs of Serhutty, Guduk, and other Polygars; who, stimulated by their habitual hatred of the Afghans, omitted no means of inflaming his resentment against Abdûl Mujeed. Asof Jah, however, was too wary and experienced, to allow himself to be swayed by the interested representations and suggestions of these people; and having nothing in view but to bring the Patan to a proper sense of his duty, he readily admitted of the mediation of the chief of Kurnool for that purpose. Thereupon hostilities ceased, and the negociation terminated in Abdûl Mujeed’s paying two lacks of rupees to the Nizâm; to whom he also made various valuable presents, in return for which he obtained patents of confirmation in all his possessions. It being thought proper, on this occasion, that the Patan should make a visit of form to the Viceroy, he only consented to do so, on the express condition of being received in a manner suitable to the high rank which he held among the Omras of the empire. Accordingly, Nâsir Jung, the second son of Asof Jah, was deputed to conduct him to the Durbâr; where, on his arrival, the Viceroy seated him on the Musnud, with himself. He was even permitted to smoke his Hûkkah during this interview: and when he did homage to Asof Jah, as his official superior, by presenting him with the usual Nuzrs, the Viceroy condescended to receive them standing. In short, Asof Jah omitted no attention towards him, which could gratify his pride or vanity: “having” (as our author observes) “the wisdom to think, that the attachment of so powerful a chieftain “would be cheaply purchased at the price of such trivial concessions.” Nor was he mistaken in his calculation; since the Patan was so highly pleased with the gracious and flattering behaviour of the Viceroy towards him, that, from a contu­macious vassal, he was suddenly converted into one of the most useful and zealous adherents of that celebrated personage. This was soon after evinced, by his accompanying Asof Jah, in the year of the Higera* 1157 (or A. D. 1744) in the expedition of the latter to the Payen Ghaut Carnatic; where himself and followers acquired considerable renown for their valor on several occasions; particularly at the attack of Nuthurnugr (or Trichinopoly), at that time in the possession of Murâr Râo Ghoarpurreh.

Asof Jah was occupied nerly three years in the settlement of the Carnatic, during the whole of which period Abdûl Mujeed Khân continued in his train. At length having reduced Trichinopoly, and made a satisfactory adjustment with the several Polygars of the Carnatic, the viceroy returned to Hyderabad; at the same time permitting Abdûl Mujeed, and other Patan chieftains, who had attended him in his expedition, to repair to their respective homes.

Asof Jah dying about four years after this,* was succeeded, as Soubah of the Decan, by his second son, Meer Ahmed, better known by the title of Nâsir Jung; who being shortly after directed to repair to the court of Dehli, appointed his nephew, Hidâyet Mohyûddeen Khân (more commonly called Mûzuffer Jung) to the temporary charge of his government. It is foreign to the object of the present memoir to enter into a detail of the events which followed: it may suffice to say, that Hidayet, availing himself of his uncle’s absence, and yielding to the persua­sion of traitors, assumed the title of Soubah; and that Nâsir Jung, on being apprized of his nephew’s proceedings, excused himself from complying with the imperial summons, and hastened back to Hyderabad. From thence he lost no time in advancing against the rebels; being previously joined, on this occasion, by the different feudatories of the Decan, who either sincerely espoused his cause, or only pretended to do so, for the purpose of betraying him. Among the latter were the Patan chieftains of Shânoor, Kurnool, and Kurpah. The former, however, did not himself accompany the Soubah in this fatal expedition; declining to do so (whether truly or not) on the ground of sickness, and sending his son, Kureem Meea, at the head of a suitable force, in his stead.* Nâsir Jung, as is well known, soon after fell a victim to the treachery of the Patan commanders: of whom, however, only one lived to return to his capital; both Kureem Meea and the chief of Kurnool being slain, in the sanguinary feud which arose among the con­spirators, within two months from the murder of Nâsir Jung. Hence it appears, that these writers were mistaken, who have represented the actual ruler of Shânoor as an immediate accomplice in the treason of the Patans. It is even uncertain, whether he was, in any measure, privy to the designs of the conspirators.

Abdûl Mujeed would not appear to have taken any share in the troubles which followed the transaction just related, and which continued to disturb the tranquillity of the Decan for five or six years after: nor do we hear further regarding him, till his death, which took place in the thirty-second year of his government,* when he was succeeded by

not long after whose accession Nizâm Ali Khân (who had, by this time, seized upon the government of the Decan) in conjunction with the Mahrattahs proceeded against Shânoor, with the avowed intention of overturning that state, and avenging the murder of the former’s brother, Nâsir Jung. In pursuance of this purpose, the confederates entered and laid waste the Patan territories for the space of three months; in the course of which the Mahrattahs also possessed themselves of Serhutty, Misry-cotâh, Gudduck, and other places depending on the Shânoor principality. Abdûl Hukeem, being of an indolent character, and addicted to pleasure, and despairing, moreover, of being able to cope successfully with such superior forces as now encompassed him, determined, if possible, to save himself by submission. With this view, he solicited and obtained the mediation of Bus­âlut Jung, the brother, and of Rûknûd Dowlah, the Dewân (or minister), of the Nizâm, who was prevailed upon, at their instance, to accept of two lacks of rupees from the Patan, as an atonement for what had passed. The Mahrattahs, how­ever, though with less cause of complaint, were not so easily satisfied; Abdûl Hukeem been obliged to relinquish to them, in perpetuity, the sixteen Mahals, of which they had made themselves masters in the course of the late irruption.

“The heavy misfortunes,” observes my author, “which thus befel, and had “nearly overwhelmed, the Patan state, were, at the moment of their occurring, “very generally regarded (and especially by all devout Musulmans) as a judgment “of heaven upon that tribe, for the treacherous murder of Nâsir Jung;” of which atrocious deed they appear to have been almost universally considered as not only the actual perpetrators, but likewise the chief promoters. The same reflection would be as naturally suggested (and probably was) on occasion of the rapid decline, after this time, of the two other Patan governments, of Kurnool and Kurpah; one of which was, ere long, completely subverted, and the other reduced to a similar state of dependence and insignificance with that of Shânoor, which however, had not yet fallen so low as it was destined to do, at no distant period.

Hyder Ali Khân, having gained possession of the fort of Dhârwâr, through the treachery of its governor, Rûstum Khân* (who, on this occasion, engaged in the service of Hyder) proceeded from thence against Shânoor; where Abdûl Hu­keem, hastily collecting together what forces he could, dispatched them, under the command of Jubbâr Meea, with orders to oppose the enemy’s advance. The two armies met in the environs of Anwutty; where Hyder completely routed the Patans, and followed up his success so closely, that both Shânoor and Bunkapore were presently invested. Abdûl Hukeem, alarmed at the rapid progress of the invader, determined to seek an accommodation with him; and, for this purpose, made overtures, to which Hyder, “moved,” says our author, “by respect for the “honourable ancestry of the Patan, readily assented.” This sentiment may seem somewhat at variance with the general character of Hyder, if not, indeed, with the usual nature of upstart power: but the issue of this very negociation evinces, that he really did hold nobility of descent in some estimation, since it was one of the conditions of the treaty concluded on this occasion, that a double union, by mar­riage, should be formed between his own family and that of the Patan.* It may be thought, that Hyder was actuated in this proceeding solely by considerations of policy, grounded on the notion, that such a connection was calculated to con­duce to the consolidation of his usurped authority. It would be difficult, however, to show, how such a purpose could be promoted by an union with a state, now so depressed, as to require, instead of being enabled to afford, assistance. Be this as it might, it is certain, that no benefit ultimately resulted to either party from this contract.

Our author has not communicated any of the minuter articles of the treaty in question; nor have I been able to supply the omission from any other source of information. It may be presumed, however, that the Patan government bound itself, on this occasion, both to pay a certain annual tribute, or paishcush, to the Mysore chieftain, and to furnish him, when required, with a specific military force. The former supposition is rendered probable, by the allusions, which we have seen made in Tippoo Sultan’s correspondence with Abdûl Hukeem, to his pecuniary claims on the Patan: while the latter conclusion is also, in some measure, warranted, by the fact of Hyder’s having been accompanied, in most of his subsequent expeditions, by a body of Patan troops. Thus Kheera Meea, with five hundred horse and a thousand infantry, was present at the reduction of Gooty, Bulhâry, Kurpah, and other places, which submitted, about this time, to the authority of his father-in-law; and though he was prevented, by sickness, from attending the latter, during his invasion of the Carnatic, yet on that occasion, also, did the stipulated contingent of the Patan state, headed by another commander, appear among the auxiliary forces of the Mysorean.

Previously to his departure from the neighbourhood of Shânoor, in prosecution of his ulterior plans of conquest, Hyder (whether in conformity with any private article of the treaty, which has been alluded to, or merely at the subsequent solicitation of his new ally, is uncertain) undertook to put the latter, once more, in possession of the greater part of the districts, which, as has been seen, had been wrested from him, a few years before, by the Mahrattahs. This object he accordingly accomplished to a certain extent, recovering some of the districts in question by force, and others by bribery. Nor is it, by any means, necessary, in order to our admitting the probability of this statement, to suppose, that Hyder and the Mahrattahs were, at this juncture, still at war; since aggressions, of the kind here spoken of, frequently take place among neighbouring states and chief­tains in India, without leading to a positive rupture, or to general hostilities between them. They are considered, perhaps, as mere border disputes, and are not uncommonly adjusted without any serious or formal appeal to the sword.

We hear nothing further of Abdûl Hukeem till the death of Hyder Ali, at the close of the year 1782, and the consequent accession of Tippoo Sultan to the Musnud: on which occasion, though the commander of the Patan contingent, serving with the Mysore army, took upon him to present the Sultan with the Nuzr and other compliments customary in such cases, no letter of congratulation came from Abdûl Hukeem himself. This omission gave great offence to Tippoo: who, however, did not judge it convenient to take any immediate notice of the affront.

It was about this period, that the famous Dhoondy Jee Wang (or Wâgh) first rendered himself conspicuous in the Decan. He had previously contented himself with petty depredations, in the course of which he had fallen into the hands of the Mahrattahs, who, after some time, were prevailed on (probably by bribes) to restore him to liberty; a favour of which it was not long before he gave them cause to repent. In the mean while, joining the expedition of Hyder Ali to the Car­natic, he served, during the whole of the war in that quarter, in the Mysore army, under the banners of an old associate of his, called Bâdâmy Bhishtâpâ. On the termination of hostilities in the Carnatic, Dhoondy Jee, accompanied only by about seventy or eighty adherents of the same desperate character as himself, hastened to Shânoor; where suddenly appearing at the gate of Abdûl Hukeem’s palace, he declared that chieftain in a state of Dhurna, or siege,* and proclaimed his determination not to quit his position, until the Patan either consented to take himself and his followers into his service, at the yearly allowance of a lack of rupees, or otherwise to bestow upon him the Dewâny of such of the Shânoor districts as were still in the possession of the Mahrattahs. To the generality of readers, it will, no doubt, appear extraordinary, if not incredible, that a handful of men, insulated and unsupported as these were, should be able to give the law (as may be said) in his own capital, to a chieftain, surrounded by guards and vassals, who, it may be supposed, could have easily and signally punished the temerity of the intruders. By those, however, who are conversant in the customs of India, or who have perused the singular report referred to at the bottom of the page, the fact, here related, will not be thought irreconcileable with experience or probability. Be this as it may, our author proceeds to say, that Abdûl Hukeem, impatient to get rid of his importunate and daring suitor, and, of the two evils proposed to his choice by Dhoondy Jee, considering the latter as the least, con­sented to invest him with the office he demanded. Dhoondy having, accordingly, obtained from the fears of the Patan the Sunuds (or patents) necessary for his purpose, hastened, with what followers he could suddenly collect together, in addition to his original party (and in such a country, the temptation to plunder would not fail to procure him many), surprized two or three of the districts in question, seized upon the fortress of Misry-cotah, and finally acquired so considerable a booty, in money and effects, as enabled him to send a Nuzr of two lacks of Shânoory pagodas, together with other valuable presents, to Abdûl Hukeem; who appears to have ratified all his violent and irregular proceedings, not only by accepting a share of the plunder, but by bestowing on the plunderer, in return, an honorary dress, accompanied by other marks of distinction and approbation. After this, Dhoondy Jee, augmenting his force to five or six hundred horse and two thousand foot, continued, for a considerable while, to levy contributions, and to commit every sort of depredation, on the frontiers of the Mahrattahs: and though it is not expressly stated, that he respected, on these occasions, the terri­tories of Shânoor, there is some ground for believing that he did. On the whole, it must be admitted, that there are circumstances in the conduct of Abdûl Hukeem, with regard to this famous free-booter, which, if the Patan did not appear to have been actually of a timid and wavering character, might well war­rant a suspicion of collusion between them in the affair of the Dhurna.*

Things remained in this situation in the principality of Shânoor, till Tippoo, having made peace with the English, and established his authority in Bidnore, Mangalore, and other parts of his dominions situated to the westward of Seringa­patam, which had manifested a disposition to revolt, he now proceeded on his return to his capital, by the route of Râny Bidnore. His arrival at the latter place, which is not far distant from Shânoor, was the signal of alarm to Abdûl Hukeem, who now began to anticipate the effects of Tippoo’s resentment of the slight he had put upon the latter at his accession to the Musnud. In order, therefore, to avert the storm which he thought ready to burst upon him, he hastily dispatched his son, Kheera Meea, with a Nuzr of forty thousand rupees and several rich presents for the offended Sultan, to whom he also sent the best apology he could devise for his past neglect. The experiment succeeded, probably, beyond the Patan’s expectations; for Kheera Meea not only met with a very gracious reception from his brother-in-law, but obtained from him, before they separated, the usual Sunuds, or letters patent, confirming his father in all his possessions. Whether or not the Sultan exacted, at this period, any new concession from Abdûl Hukeem, is not stated by my author, who is also entirely silent, with regard to the probable motives of Tippoo’s moderation on the present occasion.

But whatever these motives might be, Abdûl Hukeem, who had always, during the life-time of Hyder, entertained an equal dread and dislike of Tippoo, did not feel entirely re-assured by the issue of his son’s negociation. When, therefore, Bûrhânûddeen was dispatched, in the beginning of the year 1785, against Nergûnd, it is not to be wondered at, that the fears of the Patan were again awakened, by the arrival of so considerable a force in the vicinity of his capital: especially, as the pecuniary discussions, which took place about the same time between him and the Sultan, were but ill calculated to remove his distrust. It was, accordingly, under these impressions, that Abdûl Hukeem thought he should best consult his safety and interests by joining the coalition, formed at this period by the courts of Poonah and Hyderabad, for the purpose of checking the ambitious projects of the Sultan. He did not, however, openly renounce his dependence on Tippoo, or seek the protection of the allies, till the Sultan appeared to be in full march for Shânoor, when he suddenly and secretly fled from thence, accompanied only by a few of his most attached followers; and of all the riches and valuable property, accumulated, during so many generations by his prede­cessors, taking with him nothing more than an inconsiderable sum of money, and the equipage which conveyed him to the Mahrattah camp; and leaving behind him the chief part of his family, including Kheera Meea and his wife, the half-sister of the Sultan. The date of this precipitate flight has been commemorated by the following satirical chronogram, composed on the occasion in the Hindivy dialect.

that is, “Hukeem Khân Meeaneh, abandoning every thing, ran away himself,” or “saved himself by flight.”

Tippoo, not a little astonished (or, at least, pretending to be so) at the flight of the Patan, immediately dispatched Meer Sâdik into the town, with orders to sequestrate the whole of the fugitive’s property, which was, of course, done with­out opposition or difficulty, and, no doubt, with sufficient rigor. Whether the private property of the inhabitants at large was respected on this occasion, is not mentioned; but as no blame was imputable to them, it is reasonable to suppose that it was spared. In the mean while, Kheera Meea, mounted on the only horse he possessed, and accompanied by no more than two or three attendants on foot, hastened to make his submissions to his brother-in-law; who is stated to have received him kindly, and to have asked him what could have induced his father to abandon himself, as he had done, to ruin and disgrace. “I had in no shape,” said the Sultan “offered him the slightest molestation, but, on the contrary, was “daily giving him new proofs of my favor and regard. Alas! that notwithstand­ing our affinity, and my uniform forbearance and good faith towards him, he “should have thus united himself with my enemies! Never can such a man “behold the face of prosperity.” To this harangue Kheera Meea is reported to have replied, “that it was but too true, that his father had acted wrong, and “sacrificed both the fortunes and honor of his house in a fit of despair:” to which he added an assurance, “that he had been kept to the last moment in entire “ignorance of his father’s intentions.” After this, the Sultan had tents erected near his own, for the accommodation of Kheera Meea and the females of his family, who were likewise daily supplied with provisions from his own table. These attentions, however, did not prevent him from adopting the necessary precautions for guarding against the future escape of his voluntary prisoner.

Peace being concluded, soon after this, between the confederates and Tippoo, the places taken on each side, in the course of the war, were, for the most part, mutually relinquished. It was not, however, without considerable difficulty* that Pursaram Bhen and Râsta, who are said to have exerted themselves strenuously on the occasion, succeeded in procuring the restoration of Shânoor to its fugitive chieftain, who, it may easily be conceived, did not obtain this boon, but at the price of many fresh and humiliating sacrifices.

From this time we hear nothing more of Shânoor or its chieftain, till the year 1791, at which period the Mahrattahs, in pursuance of the engagements which they had recently entered into with the English, for the purpose of reducing the power of Tippoo Sultan, advanced against the capital of the latter; but not before they had seized, in their way thither, upon the whole of the Patan territory, in the possession of which they were formally confirmed, the following year, by the partition treaty of Seringapatam. In the meanwhile, Abdûl Hukeem dying,* after a long but unprosperous administration, was ostensibly succeeded by his son,

commonly called Kheera Meea, whose inheritance was now reduced to a single Mahal, which the Mahrattahs had the generosity to assign him for his mainte­nance, and of which, if still living, he probably continues in possession at this day. His wife, I believe, had been withdrawn some years before from his protection, by her brother, in whose Haram she was found, if I recollect rightly, at the capture of Seringapatam; when, I am also inclined to think, that she was pensioned, along with the rest of the late Sultan’s family, by the British government.