The family of Hafiz Rehmut were:

1. Enayit Khan, who died before his father.
2.Himmut Khan, who died of the small-pox at thir­teen years of age.
3.Iradut Khan.
4.Mohubbut Khan.
5.Hafiz Mahomed Yar Khan.
6.Mahomed Deedar Khan.
7.Mahomed Zoolfikar Khan.
8.Mahomed Allayar Khan.
9.Azmut Khan.
10.Hoormut Khan.
11.Gholam Moostufa Khan.
12.Mahomed Omur Khan.
13.Mahomed Moostujab Khan, the author of this Memoir.
14.Mahomed Akber Khan.
1stdaughter married to Mullik Shaddee Khan.
2ddaughter married to Futteh-oolla, son of Doondee Khan.
3ddaughter married to Syyud Mahomed Khan, the son of Hafiz’s sister.
4thdaughter married to Jumshân Khan, the grand­son of Mullik Shaddee Khan.
5thdaughter married to Akber Shah Khan.
6thdaughter married to Ahmed Khan.
7thdaughter married to Runmust Khan.
8thdaughter married to Shah Mahomed Khan, the grandson of Hafiz’s sister.
9thdaughter married to Ahmed Khan.

After the defeat at Kuttra, Mohubbut Khan, Hafiz Mahomed Yar Khan, Mahomed Deedar Khan, Allayar Khan, and Azmut Khan made their escape to Pillibheet, where the sirdars assembled to consult what was best to be done. Many proposed retiring with their families to the hills, but the majority were for treating with Shooja-ood-dowla, and it was finally agreed that Mohubbut Khan, accompanied by Abdool Futteh Khan, should proceed without delay to the Nuwab’s camp.

Mahomed Zoolfikar Khan, who had been left in command of the fort of Bareilly, convened a meeting of the principal persons in the town, who also deter­mined on sending a deputation to the conqueror. As Mahomed Zoolfikar Khan had been intimate with Saadut Ullee Khan, the son of the Vizier, he sent a messenger to request that Saadut Ullee would intro­duce him to his father; this was refused, and he was ordered to proceed to Colonel Champion’s tent, but on his way thither he met the Suwaree of the Nuwab, who sent the eunuch Lutafut to conduct him to his own tent, and to say that the Nuwab would receive his visit on the following morning. During the night Mohubbut Khan arrived from Pillibheet, and was conducted to the tent of Moorteza Khan Bahraitch. On the 12th of Suffur, a large force under the command of Seedee Busheer, an African, was dispatched towards Pillibheet. On the 13th Mohubbut Khan and Zoolfikar Khan, were admitted to the presence of Shooja-ood-dowla, who pretended to lament that he had been compelled to take up arms against their father, and assured them with a solemn oath that he would make a handsome pro­vision for them. On concluding the conference, Shooja-ood-dowla offered to present them with khelats, but Mohubbut Khan requested that they might be presented at Pillibheet, whither the Nuwab proposed going in a few days. Shooja-ood-dowla then desired Mohubbut Khan to return, and to quiet the minds of the people at Pillibheet, while Zoolfikar Khan remained in camp.

When Mohubbut Khan reached the encampment of Seedee Busheer, he received an invitation to pass the night at his tent, but anxious to rejoin his family, he declined the honour: the invitation was however repeated, and Mohubbut Khan was informed that orders had been issued by the Nuwab to prevent his arrival at Pillibheet before the African; thus circumstanced, he was forced to comply, and on the following morning they entered Pillibheet together. On the 16th of Suffur Shooja-ood-dowla also arrived, and encamped on the the banks of the Déwa river; when an order was pub­lished, requiring all the troops of Hafiz to deliver up their horses and arms to Seedee Busheer, and to leave the town. As soon as this was done, the Nuwab called on Mohubbut Khan to point out the spot where the treasure of Hafiz was buried, to which Mohubbut answered, that his father had no treasure but the affec­tion of his subjects. On the 18th, the Nuwab required the females of the family to deliver up all their orna­ments to Seedee Busheer, and ordered the women to be removed to tents in his camp, in order that their apartments might be searched for the supposed treasure: after this, three companies of sepoys were placed over the tents ostensibly to protect them from thieves, but in reality to prevent any persons from escaping. In the evening he sent a message to Mohubbut Khan, purport­ing that indisposition had hitherto prevented him from receiving his visits, but that he hoped to be able to see him in a few days; his object was however accom­plished, and he immediately commenced his march to Bissowlee.

Saadut Khan had gone from the field of battle to his house at Tanda, and from thence to Futteh-oolla Khan and Mohib-oolla Khan at Bissowlee; after some days they set out for Pillibheet, and fell in with the Nuwab’s camp at Hafizgunje. Futteh-oolla Khan expected that he should obtain a large portion of Kutheir, or at least that his own pergunnahs would be confirmed to him, but the Nuwab would not admit him for some time, and when he did obtain an audience, he was scarcely noticed. On quitting the tent, Saadut Khan was desired to remain with Salar Jung (to whose sister Shooja-ood-dowla was married), through whose intercession he avoided confinement.

Zoolfikar Khan, while he remained in the Nuwab’s camp at Kuttra, received an invitation from Colonel Champion, who expressed his regret that the sons of Hafiz had not in the first instance applied to him, as they had no favour to expect from the Nuwab; and con­cluded by an assurance that he would address the governor in Calcutta on their behalf. The substance of this conversation was communicated to Shooja-ood-dowla, who to prevent a second conference, ordered Zoolfikar Khan to return to Bareilly.

On Shooja-ood-dowla’s arrival at Bissowlee, Futteh-oolla Khan reminded him of the promises which he had made on entering Kutheir; but as the Nuwab never intended to fulfil those engagements, he put an end to remonstrances by confining both Futteh-oolla-Khan and Mohib-oolla Khan, and then confiscated their property; after which he proeeeded to Lolldong, whither the remnant of the army had fled after the battle of Kuttra.

Moostukeem Khan, Abdool Jubar Khan, Ahmed Khan, Azum Khan, and Azeem Khan (sons of Futteh Khan Khonsuman), Mahomed Hussun Khan, Moolla Meer Bâz Khan, Syfood-deen Khan, Shurf-ood-deen Khan, Mahomed Khan, and many other sirdars with their families had joined the troops at Lolldong; and finding that no hope remained of the arrival of any of the sons of Hafiz, they elected Fyzoolla Khan as their chief, and prepared to make such resistance as the nature of the country, and the thickness of the forest would admit of, trusting that in a short time the Nuwab’s troops would be obliged to retire from such a climate.

Having dispatched Salar Jung with the whole of the family of Hafiz Rehmut to the fort of Allahabad, Shooja-ood-dowla reached Lolldong, and ordered his men to cut down the forest: but this was an endless task, and in the attempt he daily lost numbers of his troops. The Afghans repeatedly sallied out and attacked his posts, nor could he retaliate, as his men were ignorant of the paths in the woods. Sickness also began its ravages in his camp, and as the Nuwab himself was much indis­posed, he proposed terms to the sirdars; but they insisted on the release of the family of Hafiz as a prelude to negociation, and a messenger was dispatched to recall Mohubbut Khan from Allahabad. In the mean time Fyzoolla Khan privately made proposals to Colonel Champion, and gave the sirdars to understand, that the Colonel would consult their interest, and insist on the release of the family of Hafiz; on which assurance they agreed to commit the business to his management.

Colonel Champion sent a servant to inform Fyzoolla Khan, that he would introduce him to the Nuwab, and Moostukeem Khan desired leave to accompany him; but Fyzoolla pretending that this might be merely a plan of the Nuwab’s to seize his person and put him in confinement, as he had already done the sons of Hafiz, objected that it would be highly inexpedient for them both to put themselves in the Nuwab’s power, as during his absence, Moostukeem Khan was the only person qualified to command the army. The Russaladars admitted the propriety of this remark, but demanded from Fyzoolla an oath, that he would make the release of Hafiz’s family his first condition. Fyzoolla complied, and said that having obtained that point, he should then insist on the restoration of their respective jagheers, after which he would secure the best terms procurable for himself: but that failing in his first demand, he would return to camp. Moostukeem Khan suspected that Fyzoolla Khan would not adhere to his engage­ment, and privately sent a person to report what passed.

Fyzoolla Khan was introduced by Colonel Champion, when after the usual compliments, the Nuwab asked what terms he demanded, to which Fyzoolla answered that a jagheer yielding fifteen lacs of rupees per annum had been granted to him by Hafiz Rehmut, and that if the Nuwab would confirm that grant, he was ready to sign a treaty of peace. Colonel Champion observed, that at his tent the first demand made was the release of Hafiz’s family, and expressed his surprise at its omission now; but Fyzoolla said that he had nothing to do with them, and that the Nuwab might act towards them as he thought proper. A treaty was accordingly drawn out, whereby the Nuwab granted to Fyzoolla Khan a territory nominally yielding fifteen, but actually yielding twenty-five lacs of rupees (in which were included several pergunnahs of Hafiz Rehmut’s jagheer, and the pergunnahs of Bilaspore, Ajoun, Thakoor-dwarra, and Réhur, which formed the jagheer of Doondée Khan), on condition that the camp should be broken up, that the troops should disperse, and that Fyzoolla should bring his forces into the field, whenever the Nuwab should be engaged in war. The treaty was dated 25th October 1774, and after receiving the signature of the parties, was witnessed by Colonel Champion. Fyzoolla Khan, on his return to camp, informed the sirdars that he had failed in his first demand, but had obtained every other, and that he would hereafter shew them the treaty. Moostukeem Khan abused him for his duplicity and ingratitude, but the majority rejoiced to be released from their present situation on any terms, and as Fyzoolla was liberal of his promises they accompanied him to Rampore.

Shooja-ood-dowla being seriously ill, hastened his return to Fyzabad, and on his route meeting Mohubbut Khan, took him in his suite. In a few days the Nuwab finding his end draw nigh, sent for his son Mirza Amânee, commonly called Asoph-ool-dowla, and charged him not to release the family of Hafiz. The Nuwab died on the 23d of Zekâd 1188 Hejiree, corresponding with the month of January 1775, and was succeeded by his son Asoph-ool-dowla, who proposed sending back Mohubbut Khan to Allahabad, but was dissuaded from so unpopular a measure by his uncle Mirza Ullee Khan. He however stopped the allowance of one thousand rupees per month which had been made by his father to Mohubbut Khan, and even the paltry allowance of one hundred rupees per diem for the support of the families confined in the Fort of Allahabad was so irregularly paid, that they were not unfrequently in distress for food.

At this period, Mr. Bristow was appointed resident at Lucnow, with instructions to demand from the Nuwab, 1st. the cession of the province of Benares,* in conse­quence of his acquisition of the province of Kutheir, of which no share was given to his ally: 2d. to make pro­vision for the payment of the troops who had been enlisted by the Nuwab’s desire, and for his service; 3d. to set at liberty the family of Hafiz Rehmut, and to allot annually a handsome sum for their support.

The news of Shooja-ood-dowla’s death reached Mr. Bristow at Patna; but Mr. Hastings, the governor, desired him to consider his instructions equally applicable to the Nuwab’s successor, who, if he did not imme­diately accede to the governor’s demands, must be com­pelled to do so. Mr. Bristow joined the Nuwab’s camp at Mehndee Ghaut, when Mohubbut Khan sent a con­fidential servant to make acquaintance with that gentle­man’s moonshee, Mahomed Zâkir, by whom Mohubbut Khan was, in a few days, introduced to the resident. Mr. Bristow received him and his brother, Zoolfikar Khan, with great kindness, desired them to repeat their visit without fear, as it was a part of his instructions to secure a suitable provision for their family, and sent them a present of five thousand rupees for their imme­diate expenses.

When the orders of the governor were made known to Asoph-ool-dowla, he at first positively refused to conform to them; but through the intervention of Mokhtiar-ood-dowlah, Syyud Moorteza Khan, he was at length prevailed on to give up the province of Benares, and to make provision for the payment of the troops—probably conceiving that, as the British govern­ment were not interested in the release of Hafiz’s family, that point would be given up; but Mr. Bristow per­severed in urging his demand, and informed the Nuwab, that if he determined to detain them, he had better give orders for the assembly of his troops, as the army at Cawnpore had received instructions to hold themselves in readiness to enforce the governor’s orders. Mokhtiar-ood-dowlah was now convinced that Mr. Bristow would not be driven from his purpose, and he pointed out to the Nuwab the folly of involving himself in a war with the English about a few individuals who could do him no harm, go where they would; and at length the Nuwab consented that an order should be dispatched to Syyud Mouzzuz Khan (brother of Mokhtiar-ood-dowlah), the soobuhdar of Allahabad, to release the whole family, who, in the month of Shâbân, in the year 1189 of the Hejiree, arrived at Lucnow.

After much discussion, the Nuwab agreed to grant an annual pension of one lac of rupees for the support of the families of Hafiz Rehmut Khan and Doondée Khan, in the proportion of sixty-five thousand rupees to the former, and thirty-five thousand rupees to the latter.

Futtéh-oolla and Mohib-oolla, the sons of Doondée Khan, joined the Nuwab Nedjif Khan at Delhi, in the hope that he would provide for them; but, being dis­appointed, they fixed their residence at Rampore, while the majority of Hafiz Rehmut’s sons remained at Luc­now, subsisting on the small allowance procured for them by the British government.

When Fyzoolla Khan took possession of the territory granted to him by the treaty of Lolldong, he adopted every means in his power for increasing the cultivation, and in a few years so improved the country that the produce was treble, or perhaps quadruple the former amount. Being prudent in his expenditure, his coffers were well filled, and he was enabled to entertain a large proportion of the Afghans of Bareilly, Pillibheet, Ownlah, &c., all of whom eagerly flocked to his standard. He secured the affections of his subjects and soldiery during a reign of twenty-one years* and some months: and died on the 19th of Zilhaije, in the year 1208 Hejiree (18th July, 1794), from a carbuncle on his back. He left eight sons, viz. Mahomed Ullee Khan, Hussun Ullee Khan, Futteh Ullee Khan, Gholam Mahomed Khan, Nizam Ullee Khan, Yakoob Ullee Khan, Kasim Ullee Khan, and Kureem-oolla Khan.

Mahomed Ullee Khan being the eldest son ascended the musnud, and he appointed his younger brother, Gholam Mahomed Khan, his deputy, with complete controul over the revenues and command of the troops. Mahomed Ullee Khan was naturally of a haughty, over­bearing disposition, and from the time he ascended the musnud, he frequently permitted himself to make use of opprobrious language to persons of respectability, whose duty obliged them to attend on him. During his father’s life, these ebullitions of passion were not unfrequent, but were of less importance: now every man of rank was in daily dread of being disgraced; and Omur Khan, with Nujjoo Khan and Mahomed Saeed Khan, proposed to Gholam Mahomed that he should depose his brother, and himself assume the government.

Tempted by the bait of power and wealth, Gholam Mahomed Khan acceded to the plot to murder his elder brother, and soon engaged the co-operation of the prin­cipal sirdars, of whom some joined willingly, from dis­gust at the conduct of their ruler, and others were tempted by a promise of large rewards. The plot did not escape the notice of some of the friends of Mahomed Ullee Khan, who mentioned it to him; but he was so inflated with ideas of his own consequence, that he dis­regarded every caution, and would generally answer in a harsh tone: “Gholamee is my son, how should he dare to plot against me?”

On the 16th day of the month of Mohurrum in the year 1209 of the Hejiree (corresponding with the 14th of August A.D. 1794), which was the twenty-eighth day of Mahomed Ullee Khan’s reign, Gholam Mahomed with his party proceeded to the fort with the intent to seize and murder his brother, who was sitting in his deewân-khana, slightly attended.

As Gholam Mahomed approached the gate, a servant, named Nuttoo, in great agitation, announced to Mahomed Ullee Khan the advance of the hostile band, observing that there was yet time to close the gates against them: but Mahomed Ullee Khan was still so infatuated as to refuse credence to the tale; and, while abusing Nuttoo, Gholam Mahomed entered the room with the party of conspirators, on which all the attendants fled. Gholam Mahomed, with about five hundred men, now advanced to the chebootra, or raised terrace, and called on his brother to descend from the musnud, of which he was unworthy. Mahomed Ullee Khan drew his sword, and made two or three cuts at Gholam Mahomed, which were warded off by the shields of his followers. Meanwhile, Mahomed Ullee received a severe wound on his back from Buhadoor Khan, and a cut on the arm, which com­pelled him to drop his sword; falling from loss of blood, he was conveyed to the inner apartments by Buhadoor Khan, his maternal uncle, and Gholam Mahomed took advantage of his absence to seat himself on the musnud, and receive the nuzzurs of his adherents: after which he distributed rewards to the conspirators; to some, cash from the treasury; to others, horses, elephants, &c.; and to Nujjoo Khan he gave his sister in marriage. Having settled these important affairs, Gholam Mahomed inquired the fate of his brother, and learning that Buha­door Khan had taken him away, he sent Huzrut Noor Khan and Khizzur Khan with a party of soldiers to keep guard over him.

On the third day it was determined to remove Mahomed Ullee Khan to the fort of Doongurpore, in order to separate him from the females of his family, who had gathered around, on hearing that he was wounded, and whose presence rendered the intrusion of men improper. During two days the women would not consent to the removal of Mahomed Ullee Khan, but at length Gho­lam Mahomed bound himself by an oath to Syyud Hussun Shah (a man of reputed sanctity, highly esteemed by the family of Fyzoolla Khan,) to spare his brother’s life, and desired him to take a similar oath to the women, alleging as an excuse for his removal, the neces­sity of medical aid, and adding, that if persuasion failed, force should be resorted to. Syyud Hussun Shah did as he was desired, and pointed out to the Begums the folly of a resistance which could be of no avail to Mahomed Ullee Khan, and would inevitably cause their disgrace. Under these circumstances the removal took place, Huzrut Noor Khan and Khizzur Khan escort­ing the litter to Doongurpore. For some days surgeons attended, ostensibly for the cure of the Nuwab’s wounds, but a letter having been received from the Nuwab Vizier Asoph-ool-dowla, requiring Gholam Mahomed to send his brother to Lucnow without delay, and threatening vengeance if the order were not obeyed, the conspirators decided on putting Mahomed Ullee Khan to death; and accordingly Ahmed Khan shot him while he slept. An inquest was then prepared, which all the principal per­sons were compelled to sign, purporting that Mahomed Ullee Khan, in a fit of delirium, had destroyed him­self; and this document was enclosed to the Nuwab Vizier.

On hearing of this wanton murder, the Nuwab Asoph-ool-dowla with his forces, attended by Mr. Cherry, the resident, marched from Lucnow, and at the same time the British troops, consisting of eight battalions and five-hundred horse, under General Abercrombie, advanced from Futtehgurh, proceeding by forced marches to the bridge over the Sunka river, which is about four koss north of Bareilly, where it was intended to await the junction of the Lucnow troops.

Gholam Mahomed Khan, finding that no hope remained of obtaining his pardon, opened the treasury, distributed freely to his followers, engaged every person who offered to enlist in his service, and in a little time collected around him a rabble of 25,000 men, with whom he proposed to march to Bareilly, and make the Nuwab’s country the seat of war. In two marches he reached Milik, and on the third day arrived at Meergunje. On the fourth morning, the writer of this narrative was sitting with General Abercrombie, when a hurkarru brought intelligence of the enemy’s horse being only three koss distant, on the opposite bank of the Dojoora river. On the 2d of Rubbee-oos-sanee, in the year 1209 of the Hejiree, (corresponding with the 28th of October A.D. 1794) Gholam Mahomed crossed the river, and took up a position, with the village of Bithowra in his rear. Four battalions and five hun­dred horse, under the command of Colonel Burrington, who were posted on the north side of the bridge, were attacked by the enemy; the Afghan horse, under Nujjoo Khan, Omur Khan, and Bulund Khan, directing their force on the left wing. Colonel Burrington ordered the cavalry to advance in front of the infantry, to skirmish with the enemy, and then retreating on the battalions, to draw the Afghans within range of the guns. This was accordingly done; but five or six thousand of the enemy’s horse charged so rapidly that they overtook the British cavalry, who, thus rudely attacked by such an overwhelm­ing force, fled in reality; but neglecting to file off to the right and left, no opening was left for the play of the guns. As soon as the Afghan horse were within musket shot, a destructive fire was opened on them, and many who had penetrated the infantry ranks were bayonetted. About three thousand of the Afghan infantry had followed the horse, and the action thus became general. Colonel Burrington, Colonel Bolton, and another Colonel, with several officers of inferior note, were among the slain. Gholam Mahomed Khan mounted on an elephant, and surrounded by about five thousand foot, looked on from an eminence (where now stands the tomb of the officers who fell in the action), and perceiving that a few hun­dred of his men still kept the field, beat his drum for a victory, but was soon undeceived regarding the result of the action; for the cavalry under Dillér Khan were mowed down by the artillery of General Abercrombie. Nujjoo Khan, Bulund Khan, Nuseem Khan, and several other Russaladars were killed; and Omur Khan being wounded, the rest quitted the field. Gholam Mahomed, without making one attempt to save the day, by leading on the troops under his own immediate command, dis­mounted from his elephant, selected the fleetest of his horses, and rode to Rampore. General Abercrombie pursued the fugitives to the Dojoora river, encamped his army, and halted a day, to afford leisure for the inter­ment of the dead.

The soldiers of Simboonath, the Nazim of Bareilly, cut off the heads of Nujjoo Khan, Bulund Khan, and Nuseem Khan, and carried them to their master, who dispatched them to the Nuwab Vizier, then in camp at Tissooa. On the following day Mr. Cherry joined General Abercrombie, and the Nuwab arrived at Bareilly, whence his Excellency’s army proceeded to Meer­gunje, and joined the British troops.

It was ascertained that Gholam Mahomed Khan, with his family, had fled to Futtachore, leaving in Rampore Ahmed Ullee Khan, the infant son of Mahomed Ullee Khan; sentinels were therefore placed to guard the town. Support and protection was promised to the youthful heir and the Begums of the deceased Nawab, and the army then pursued Gholam Mahomed.

The combined forces marched to Tanda, Thakoor-dwara, Rehur, Putta, and encamped within a koss of Futtachore. Gholam Mahomed Khan had sent his vakeels to Rampore, to solicit his pardon; and at this encampment Syd Khan and Laljeemul again waited on Mr. Cherry, who said, that if their master expected any favour, he must attend in person, and throw himself on the mercy of General Abercrombie and the Vizier; but that he never would be allowed to rule at Rampore. On receiving this answer, his principal advisers, Omur Khan, Sunnoo Khan (brother of Nujjoo Khan), Dillér Khan, Mahomed Saeed Khan, Mahomed Hussun Khan, and others, recommended his adopting this measure; but the soldiers were bent on war, and urged that at the foot of the hills, in the midst of a forest, the discipline of the British troops would be of no avail; that they, as well from their numbers as from their knowledge of the paths in the forest, would have a great advantage over their opponents; that, if they were suc­cessful, an advantageous treaty might be concluded; and if otherwise, Gholam Mahomed could but surrender at the last. He, however, had seen enough of the cow­ardice of his men not to place any reliance on them, and therefore wrote to Mr. Cherry that he would wait on him on the following day; which he accordingly did, attended only by Omur Khan, Sunnoo Khan, Saeed Khan, and about fifty followers.

General Abercrombie allotted a tent for his accom­modation, and appointed a battalion to guard him. He was required by Mr. Cherry to send for the treasure of the deceased Nuwab: to which he objected, that the sol­diers would not resign it unless he went in person; but was told to send his sirdars. These officers accordingly proceeded to Futtachore, and made known their demand to Nusur-oolla Khan, to whose charge the treasure was entrusted; but he refused to give it up unless a stipula­tion were made for the payment of the troops; and when, after three days’ negociation, his consent was obtained, the men interfered, and prevented its removal.

Nusur-oolla Khan privately suggested to Mr. Cherry, the expediency of removing Gholam Mahomed Khan, and sending for Ahmed Ullee Khan from Rampore, urging that so long as Gholam Mahomed remained at hand, the troops would adhere to his interest; accord­ingly, on the ninth day from his arrival at Futtachore, Gholam Mahomed was dispatched towards Benares under charge of a battalion and three hundred cavalry: and Ahmed Ullee Khan arrived in camp. The troops still persisted in their refusal to relinquish the treasure, and after fifteen days, it was agreed that their arrears should be paid. On the twenty-ninth day after their arrival at Putta, peace was concluded, and General Abercrombrie with the Nuwab Vizier returned viâ Ram­pore to Bareilly, where the final arrangement was made. One half of the territory held by the late Fyzoolla Khan was taken by the Nuwab, and the remainder was confirmed to Ahmed Ullee Khan; but as he was then only seven years of age, his maternal uncle Nusur-oolla Khan was appointed regent for a term of twelve years, with a salary of forty thousand rupees per annum. To the three elder sons of Fyzoolla Khan, viz. Hussun Ullee Khan, Futteh Ullee Khan, and Nizam Ullee Khan, was allotted each an annual stipend of twenty-four thousand rupees; to each of the three younger sons twenty thousand, and to Gholam Mahomed Khan eighteen thousand.

On Gholam Mahomed’s arrival at Benares, all his property was restored to him, and a house was assigned for his residence. In a few months, Mr. Cherry was removed from Lucnow to Benares, when Gholam Mahomed requested permission to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, and was allowed to do so: he accordingly hired a vessel in Calcutta, visited Mecca and Medina, returned to Bombay, and marched to Jyepore, where he was kindly received by the Rajah, who made him an offer of the Shékhowatee country, yielding three lacs of rupees per annum. To take possession of this country, Gholam Mahomed summoned five hundred Afghans from Rampore, but the Rajah broke his promise, and Gholam Mahomed in distress went to Nagore, Bikaneer, Bawulpore, Mooltan, and Peshâwur, at which latter place above one hundred of his followers died from the intense cold. From thence he proceeded by the route of Khybur and Jelolabad to Cabool, and being admitted to an interview with the king solicited his aid. His Majesty answered that he had already employment enough with his own subjects, but a royal firmân was addressed to the Nuwab Vizier and to the British government, directing that he should be restored to the musnud: with this document he returned to Hindoostan, but on reaching Nadoun, he heard of the death of Asoph-ool-dowla, and despairing of success fixed his abode there, where he still continues to receive his annual stipend of eighteen thousand rupees.

Nusur-oolla Khan continued regent till his death in the month of Shuwal 1225 Hejiree (corresponding with October 1810), a period of sixteen years; for Ahmed Ullee Khan was so dissipated a character, that he could not be prevailed on to attend to business. Hukeem Gholam Hoossein succeeded Nusur-oolla Khan, but in a few months he resisgned in disgust, and Ahmed Ullee Khan then assumed the reins of government.