Historians state that Qobâd had many children, but that Naushirvân greatly excelled them all in his good disposition and talents. His intellect was of so high an order that whilst yet a minor, and his father on the throne, experienced and aged men acted in conformity with his advice. It is related that one day Qobâd said to Naushirvân: ‘All good qualities are united in thee, but thou hast one fault, because thou entertainest many suspicions concerning the sincerity of men. I do not tell thee not to act according to thy own opinions, but thou must trust some men, because misplaced suspicions retard the execution of many good works.’ Naushirvân craved pardon, and accepted the suggestion of his father.
It is said that Qobâd made his last will and testament towards the close of his life, and entrusted it to the chief Mobed. He had therein declared Naushirvân to be the heir of his kingdom. At the demise of Qobâd this testament was read to the true heirs, and Naushirvân refused to be invested with the insignia of the government, saying: ‘The affairs of the administration have become confused, and discord has arisen among the people. Whoever attempts in this emergency to govern the realm with justice will incur your displeasure. If I take this duty upon myself, I shall have to offend you; bloodshed will ensue, many families will be ruined, and such a state of things would afflict me.’ The scholars, however, and the grandees pressed him much, assured him that they would obey him in all things, even as far as to sacrifice their lives and property for him. At last Naushirvân yielded to their request, ascended the throne, and spoke as follows: ‘My power extends only to your bodies, and not to your hearts, because no one except the Omnipotent Creator is aware of what passes in the human breast. Therefore I shall judge your acts, and not your intentions. My commands will be based on justice, and not on whims, so that when the affairs of the realm, which are now in a state of disorganization, return again to their normal and pacific condition, by the aid of a just administration, our monarchy will become firmly established, and its transactions will find a permanent memorial in the history of the world.’
Distich: Behold of good acts the reward!
The sway of Kesra is on record!
Compilers of histories have stated that the first sentence of punishment issued by the new government was that of the execution of Mazdak with his followers. Chroniclers inform us that at first Naushirvân treated Mazdak with kindness, and admitted him to his private society. One day, however, an adherent of Mazdak placed violent hands on the wife of a certain man, who immediately laid his complaint before the king. The latter then instructed Mazdak to order the profligate fellow to desist from his nefarious proceedings; but as Mazdak paid not the least attention to this command, Naushirvân ordered him to be beheaded. The execution of Mazdak produced an insurrection among his adherents, whereon the royal mandate went forth to extirpate them all. On that occasion search was made in Madâin and all over the country, and wherever a Mazdakian could be found, he was immediately slain.
Some are of opinion that Kesra pretended to entertain friendship for Mazdak, and requested him to write down the names of his followers, that they might be invested with dresses of honour, and invited to a suitable banquet. Mazdak, having thus been put off his guard, produced a detailed list of his adherents, to whom Kesra afterwards issued invitations, and on the appointed day, when they had assembled, the royal table-deckers conducted them in detachments to a garden where pits had been dug, and in lieu of finding the promised dinner, they were all thrown into the said pits by the royal officers, the same fate overtaking also Mazdak.
In the Kâmel-ut-tovârikh it is related that Munzar Bin Omm-us-saha, from Arabia, whom Qobâd had deprived of his government because he refused to make profession of the religion of Mazdak, had in the beginning of the reign of Naushirvân come to his court to offer his services, and happened to be seated near Mazdak in an audience. On that occasion Naushirvân said: ‘Before I was invested with the insignia of royalty, I had two wishes.’ Mazdak desiring to know what they were, the king replied: ‘One was to reappoint Munzar to his government, and the other to extirpate the Zendiqs.’* Mazdak asked: ‘How canst thou slay the whole world?’ which words so incensed the king that he ordered Mazdak to be killed, which was done. Then gallows were erected at Naharvân, on which in a single afternoon one hundred thousand Zendiqs suffered the penalty of death by hanging. From that day the king was called Naushirvân, which means ‘renovator of the kingdom.’ When Naushirvân had exterminated Mazdak with his followers, he restored the property taken by them to their owners, and the women to their husbands.
Hâfez Abru has related in his History that when the slaughter of the Mazdakians had surpassed all bounds, Naushirvân feared the population might become extinct. Therefore he spared the lives of the rest of the Mazdakians, but confiscated their possessions and restored them to their rightful owners; if, however, they were not living, their heirs obtained them, and if also these could not be found, the money was applied to the cultivation of such localities as had been devastated at the time Mazdak had enjoyed authority. The king also ordered the cultivators to be provided with agricultural instruments and cattle, as well as seeds, in order to enable them to work in their fields. Those who had emigrated he ordered to return to their birthplaces. He also commanded uneven roads to be levelled, and built strong forts on the boundaries, which he garrisoned with active men for the protection of the highways. He appointed governors and other officials according to the custom of the times of Ardeshir Bâbeg; he also built large and small bridges; he also took so great an interest in the welfare of the people that whenever he discovered any man who had suffered wrong he endeavoured to redress it. It is stated in the Ghoniah ‘that he ordered every bridge that had been cut, every arch which had been broken, and every village that had been destroyed, to be rebuilt, and to be placed in a condition better than it had ever been before; and he facilitated the ways [or intercourse?] of men.’
Abu Hanifah Dinvari has related that Kesra divided his empire into four parts, and that at this time the Khâqân of China, having assembled his troops, marched from his capital on a conquering expedition, and took possession of Farghanah, Samarqand, Bokhâra, and Kush. When this was reported to Kesra he despatched his son Hormuz with a large army against the enemy, but as soon as the Khâqân was informed of the proximity of the troops he abandoned all the countries he had taken, and hastened to the frontiers of Turkestân, so that the saying, ‘Our king took the country and went away,’ became [ironically] applicable to him.
Meanwhile Khâled Bin Jamilah Ghussani invaded the country of Munzar II., whose mother’s name was Omm-us-saha, and who was governor of Hira on the part of Naushirvân. After he had slain many of Munzar’s companions, and taken much property, with horses and camels, Munzar represented his case to Naushirvân, who, being on friendly terms with the Qaisar of Rûm, sent him a letter to the effect that he should order Khâled to pay the blood-ransom for the people he had killed, and to restore to Munzar all the property he had taken, because Khâled was one of the officers of the Qaisar. The latter, however, paid no attention to the letter, which circumstance so kindled the ire of Kesra that he collected an army, numerous as locusts, and marched to conquer the region which was in the possession of the agents of the Qaisar. First he invaded Mesopotamia, which he conquered, and afterwards occupied such cities of Syria as Hams and Aleppo; but when he reached Antioch, which was one of the best of them, Naushirvân was so pleased with its site that he ordered its plan to be taken, and skilled artisans were hired to build a town precisely like it in the vicinity of Madâin. When the new town was completed it was called Rûmiah, and all the inhabitants of Antioch were compelled to take up their abodes therein. The streets, wards, and houses were so arranged that everyone who entered the town could find his house without the least hesitation. It is related that the difference between the two towns amounted to nothing more than that a farmer from old Antioch had a tree in front of his house, whereas none was at his door in the new town.
When this news [of the invasion] had reached the Qaisar he sent one embassy after another to offer apologies and to sue for peace. Naushirvân replied that he would agree on the condition that the Qaisar ransomed all the provinces taken from his viceroys. The Qaisar, being anxious to please Naushirvân, sent him large sums of money as well as costly presents, nevertheless the countries of Syria, Mesopotamia, Hejâz, Tâif, and Yaman, together with Bahrâin and O’mân, remained in the possession of Naushirvân. Abu Hanifah Dinvari states that peace was established in such a manner that the Qaisar annually sent tribute from the provinces Naushirvân had conquered [after they had been restored to him]. The reason why that righteous king conquered the country of Yaman will be narrated in the beginning of the second volume [i.e., second part] if it pleaseth Allah the Most High.