NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF THE EMPEROR AKBAR.

In connection with the preceding A´ín, it may be of interest for the general reader, and of some value for the future historian of Akbar's reign, to collect, in form of a note, the information which we possess regarding the religious views of the Emperor Akbar. The sources from which this information are derived, are, besides Abulfazl's A´ín, the Muntakhab ut Tawáríkh by 'Abdul Qádir ibn i Mulúk Sháh of Badáon —regarding whom I would refer the reader to p. 104, and to a longer article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1869—and the Dabistán ul Mazáhib* a work written about sixty years after Akbar's death by an unknown Muhammadan writer of strong Pársí tendencies. Nor must we forget the valuable testimony of some of the Portuguese Missionaries whom Akbar called from Goa, as Rodolpho Aquaviva, Antonio de Monserrato, Francisco Enriques, &c., of whom the first is mentioned by Abulfazl under the name of Pádrí Radalf.* There exist also two articles on Akbar's religious views, one by Captain Vans Kennedy, published in the second volume of the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, and another by the late Horace Hayman Wilson, which had originally appeared in the Calcutta Quarterly Oriental Magazine, Vol. I., 1824, and has been reprinted in the second volume of Wilson's works, London, 1862. Besides, a few extracts from Badáoní, bearing on this subject, will be found in Sir H. Elliott's Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Muhammadan India, p. 243 ff. The Proceed­ings of the Portuguese Missionaries at Akbar's Court are described in Murray's Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia, Edin­burgh, 1820, Vol. II.

I shall commence with extracts from Badáoní.* The translation is literal, which is of great importance in a difficult writer like Badáoní.

Abulfazl's second introduction to Akbar. His pride.

[Badáoní, edited by Maulawí A´ghá Ahmad 'Alí, in the Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. II, p. 198.]

“It was during these days [end of 982 A. H.] that Abulfazl, son of Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor, came the second time to court. He is now styled 'Allámí. He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Çabáhís, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight, and repre­senting himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round his waist, according to the saying, ‘He who forms an opposition, gains power.’ He laid before the Emperor a commentary on the A´yat ul-kursí,* which contained all subtleties of the Qorán; and though people said that it had been written by his father, Abulfazl was much praised. The numerical value of the letters in the words Tafsír i Akbarí (Akbar's com­mentary) gives the date of composition [983]. But the emperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abulfazl a man capable of teaching the Mullás a lesson, whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh, though this expectation was opposed to the confidence which His Majesty had placed in me.

The reason of Abulfazl's opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibility was this. At the time when it was customary to get hold of, and kill, such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters (as had been the case with Mír Habshí and others), Shaikh 'Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul mulk, and other learned men at court, unanimously represented to the emperor that Shaikh Mubarik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahdí*, belonged to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they despatched police officers, to bring him before the emperor. But when they found that the Shaikh, with his two sons, had concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer-room. The Shaikh, at first, took refuge with Salím i Chishtí at Fathpúr, who then was in the height of his glory, and requested him to intercede for him. Shaikh Salím, however, sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him, it would be better for him to go away to Gujrát. Seeing that Salím took no interest in him, Shaikh Mubárik applied to Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah [Akbar's foster-brother], who took occasion to praise to the emperor the Shaikh's learning and volun­tary peverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubárik was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present, and that he ['Azíz] could really not see why the Shaikh was so much persecuted. The emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh. In a short time matters took a more favourable turn; and Abulfazl, when once in favor with the emperor, (officious as he was, and time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying His Majesty's whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds) took every opportunity of reviling in the most shame­ful way that sect whose labours and motives have been so little appreciated,* and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, pious men, of the helpless, and the orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down.

He used to say, openly and implicitly,—

O Lord, send down a proof* for the people of the world!
Send these Nimrods* a gnat as big as an elephant!
These Pharaoh-like fellows have lifted up their heads;
Send them a Moses with a staff, and a Nile!

And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings, miseries and mis­fortunes broke in upon the 'Ulamás (who had persecuted him and his father), he applied the following Rubá'í to them:—

I have set fire to my barn with my own hands,
As I am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy?
No one is my enemy but myself,
Woe is me! I have torn my garment with my own hands.

And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict of any Mujtahid*, he used to say, “Oh don't bring me the arguments of this sweetmeat-seller, and that cobbler, or that tanner!” He thought himself capable of giving the lie to all Shaikhs and 'Ulamás.”

Commencement of the Disputations. [Badáoní II, p. 200.]

“During the year 983 A. H., many places of worship were built at the command of His Majesty. The cause was this. For many years previous to 983, the emperor had gained in succession remarkable and decisive victories. The empire had grown in extent from day to day; everything turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples of the Mu'íniyyah sect, and passed much of his time in discussing the word of God (Qorán), and the word of the prophet (the Hadís, or Tradition). Questions of Çúfism, scientific discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty passed whole nights in thoughts of God; he continually occupied himself with pronouncing the names Yá hú and Yá hádí, which had been mentioned to him,* and his heart was full of reverence for Him who is the true Giver. From a feeling of thankfulness for his past successes, he would sit many a morning alone in prayer and melancholy, on a large flat stone of an old building which lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, and gathering the bliss of early hours.”

In his religious habits the emperor was confirmed by a story which he had heard of Sulaimán,* ruler of Bengal, who, in company with 150 Shaikhs and 'Ulamás, held every morning a devotional meeting, after which he used to transact state business; as also by the news that Mírzá Sulaimán, a prince of Çúfí tendencies, and a Çáhib i hál* was coming to him from Badakhshán.

Among the religious buildings was a meeting place near a tank called Anúptaláo, where Akbar, accompanied by a few courtiers, met the 'Ulamás and lawyers of the realm. The pride of the 'Ulamás, and the heretical (Shí'itic) subjects discussed in this building, caused Mullá Sherí, a poet of Akbar's reign, to compose a poem in which the place was called a temple of Pharaoh and a building of Shaddád (vide Qor. Sur. 89). The result to which the discussions led, will be seen from the following extract.

[Bad. II, p. 202.]

“For these discussions, which were held every Thursday* night, His Majesty invited the Sayyids, Shaikhs, 'Ulamás, and grandees, by turn. But as the guests generally commenced to quarrel about their places, and the order of precedence, His Majesty ordered that the grandees should sit on the east side; the Sayyids on the west side; the 'Ulamás, to the south; and the Shaikhs, to the north. The emperor then used to go from one side to the other, and make his enquiries……, when all at once, one night, ‘the vein of the neck of the 'Ulamás of the age swelled up,’ and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude behaviour, and said to me [Badáoní], “In future report any of the 'Ulamás that cannot behave and talks nonsense, and I shall make him leave the hall.” I gently said to A´çaf Khán, “If I were to carry out this order, most of the 'Ulamás would have to leave,” when His Majesty suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer, he was highly pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him.”

Soon after, another row occurred in the presence of the Emperor.