One the eve of Sunday 17 Jumāda-al ākhirī, 1001 A.H., 10 or 11 March 1593, after 3 hours 55 minutes, the spiritual and physical light-increaser cast his rays on the Sign of Aries. Melancholy ter­restrials had heavenly bliss, and had equal rank with the celestials.


The hand of morn kindled the torch of the new spring.
The branching* standards took to torch-bearing
By the side of the wind, the black earth clothed itself in green.
Every flowerpot* drank milk from the breast of the clouds.

There was a daily feast till the day of Exaltation, and high and low rejoiced.

On 8 Farwardīn the Khān-Khānān came from Sind and was exalted by doing homage. M. Jānī gathered bliss by having an audience, and placed the forehead of supplication on the ground, while the crown of his fortune was exalted to the skies. After the peace, the victorious army took up its quarters in Sann, 20 kos from Sehwān. When the rains came to an end they were in expectation of the arrival of the Mīrzā and of his departing to court. Suddenly a message arrived that as he was a little indisposed, and there was a long journey in prospect, he would go to court after collecting the autumn-revenue; also that the agreement was that this side of Seh­wān would be restored to him; but Puran (?) and Hālākandī had not been given up. The imperial servants took the envoy under their supervision and proceeded to take active measures. Shāh Beg K., Ghāzī K., Jānish Bahādur, Nūram Khwāja Khiẓrī, and other brave men crossed the Indus and proceeded by land towards Tatta. Bakhtiyār Beg, Qarā Beg, Muḥammad K. Niyāzī, Bahādur K. Qūrdār, Khwāja Muqīm Bakhshī, 'Alī Mardān Bahādur, Khwāja Ḥisāmu-d-dīn, Sālār Beg, Sarmadī, Mubāriz Beg, Subḥān Qulī, Tāj K., Nūru-d-dīn, S'aīd Beg and others went in war-boats by the river. Sher K., Khūlgān, Langā, Dada Beg, 'Alī Āqā and others went by the river bank. It was arranged that all three bodies should keep touch of one another, and that they should take possession of Naṣīrpūr which was on the 634 route. The idea was that the Mīrzā must go to court. After some days the Khān-Khānān sent an ambassador with weighty advices, and followed in person. The troops prevailed over Naṣirpūr. The Mīrzā came out of Tatta and took post at a distance of three kos. His intention was to make his rear* safe up to the river (?). When the Khān-Khānān arrived at Naṣīrpūr he sent on the three corps with the same arrangements as before. They attacked the Mīrzā's camp and plundered it, and some of the Arghūnians joined them. The Mīrzā had recourse to supplications, and he sent able men to inquire why the treaty was broken. The reply was, “We are not breaking the treaty, and we have no new ideas in our minds, but we have heard that the Feringhī soldiers of Ormuz intend to come to this country. Hence we intend to go on to Bandar Laharī.”* The plunder which had been taken was returned with apologies (?). The Khān-Khānān always had an eager desire for concord. On 10 Ābān of the previous year they met each other on horseback. Out of foresight the Khān-Khānān proceeded as far as Tatta. His osten­sible motive was to see the place, but his real intent was to secure the lower part of the river, and to prevent any change in the feelings of the Arghūnīāns. When he had gone some way in that direction, and his mind was set at rest, he returned. “As the bond of friendship had been established, it was fitting that the Mīrzā should deliver up his fleet so that no one could have occasion to make any remark, and that foolish praters might be reduced to silence.” The Mīrzā was thus constrained to give up the whole country to the victorious army. He prepared to go to court. After viewing Tatta, the Khān-Khānān went on to Bandar Laharī. He dispatched Shāh Beg K., Bakhtiyār Beg, Farīdūn Barlās and others to go forward with the Mīrzā. He left some in Tatta and returned by land. Near Fatḥ Bāgh he arrived in person. On 29 Bahman he left Saiyid Bahāu-d-dīn … to guard the country and went off to court with the Mīrzā. Though he (the Mīrzā) wished to leave his family in Tatta, he could not. His household went off by land and water, and he himself went on with the Khān-Khānān, and set his heart upon kissing the threshold. Shāh Beg K. … and, from among the nobles of Tatta, Shāh Qāsim Arghūn, Khusrū Bāī K., 'Il Dastam, Saifullah 'Arab, and Nadīm Koka had the honour of being presented, and every one of them recieved princely favours.

M. Jānī* is the son of Payinda Muḥammad, s. M. Bāqī, s. M. 635 'Isā, s. 'Abdu-l-'Alī, s. 'Abdu-l-Khāliq, who was descended from Shakal* Beg Tarkhān. As his (Shakal's) father Atkū* Timur fell bravely in the war of Taqtamish K., the Ṣāḥib Qirānī (Taimūr), cherished him in his early years, and gave him the rank of Tarkhān. He is four generations from Arghūn K. s. Abāgh* K., s. Hulāgū K., s. Tūlī K., s. Cingīz K. Just rulers exempted some among their servants from certain injunctions and prohibitions, and distinguished them by this name (Tarkhān). A Tarkhān of the Ṣāḥibqirān was one whom his ushers (Chāwashān) did not keep out of any place, and from whom, and from whose children, no inquiry was made up to the number of nine faults. The great Qāan Cingīz K. exalted Qishlīq and Bānā* to this rank because they had given information about the enemy, and, from his abundant graciousness, relieved them from the burden of attendance (bār-i-farmāīsh), and did not exact from them the royal share of the booty. For a while the Tarkhān had seven privileges, viz.—1st, A abb (kettle-drum). 2nd, A Tumantogh (standard). 3rd, A Naqqāra (also a drum). 4th, A Tar­khān could confer on two of his select servants a qushūntogh* (the standard of a squadron?). 5th, He also could carry a Chatrtogh. 6th, He had a qūr.

It is a Moghul regulation that no one except the sovereign can carry his quiver in his hand. His hunting-ground is also taboo (qurq). If any one enter it, he becomes a slave. He* is the head of his tribe. The Amīrs in the high-divan sit further off and on both sides of him, and are a bow's length away. When Amīr Būlāgī raised Tughlaq Taimūr (to the throue of the Khānate), there was conferred upon him the right of appointing and dismissing officers up to the rank of one thousand (hazārī). It was also ordered that no inquiry should be held about (the offences of) his children up to nine generations. When the offences exceeded nine in num­ber, an inquiry would be held. Then when retribution for this was to be inflicted, he was to be placed on a two-year old white horse, and a white cloth was to be put under the horse's feet. His representation was to be conveyed (to the Khān) by one of the chiefs of the Barlās tribe, and the answer by one of the chiefs of the Arkīwat tribe. Then his neck vein (shāhrag) was opened and the two Amīrs stood on each side and watched, until he died. Then they removed him from the presence and buried him with lamenta­tion. Khiẓr Khwāja raised Amīr Khudādād to this rank, and he added three other privileges. 1st, On feast-days, when all the gran­dees stood, and one yasāwal of the ruler was on horseback to keep order, the Tarkhān also had a horse. 2nd, As when in that feast of joy the cup of qimōz was held on the Khān's right hand, so also did a cupbearer hold one on the left hand for the Tarkhān. 3rd, His seal appeared on the face of the firmāns, but the seal of the king is put at the head of the last line, and that of the Tarkhān below that.

If all favours be in accordance with discretion they will agree with the performance of God's will. The provision about not inquir- 636 ing until nine faults have been committed, of whatever nature they may be, does not appear to be consonant with propriety. If farseeing princes are engaged in testing men, and take care that no evil deed be committed by them, and if such orders have been issued for the exaltation of some persons, then it is something comprehensible. But as for that provision that no inquiry is to be made for nine generations, it would look as if the Almighty had given him (the Khān) the power of knowing the future! Whither have my words strayed! And whither have I gone in order to refresh my narrative?*