When it was ascertained that the rebels were making the fort of Surat—which is in Gujrat on the bank of the Taptī and near the 17 ocean—their place of refuge, and were labouring to strengthen it, and had made it over to Hamzabān, who formerly had been among the qūrcīs* (body-guards) of the Shāhinshāh, but whom an evil fate had now included among the mutineers, H.M. turned his attention to the taking of the fort. Rajah Todar Mal, who was distinguished for foresight and mental activity, was directed to go and examine the methods of ingress and egress of the fort, and to submit a report as to how it could best be taken. He reported* that the capture of the fort could be very easily effected. But it was decided that the untying of this knot should be done by H.M. in person. It was from looking to the majestic fortune of the Shāhinshāh that the Raja represented this difficult task as an easy one. If he had had regard to ordinary considerations he never would have ventured on such a bold statement. But at a time when so extensive a country had come into possession, and the sovereign had come a long way from his capital, and had for some months been behind the shields of the army, and when the seditious were everywhere lifting up their heads, both those of Gujrat and those of the eastern provinces, how could it be right so great a lord should personally undertake the reduction of a fort? The ruler of the world perceived in his farsightedness that although the circumstances were of this nature, yet if the disposal of the affair were left to the officers there might be delay in accomplishing it, and that if he did not give his personal attention to the matter, the root of those evildoers, which was supplying them with the means of strife, would remain fixed in the soil of sedition as before. Accordingly he determined that he would personally undertake the task and make easy what was difficult. An order was issued that Shāham Khān Jalāīr should proceed with a number of loyal heroes towards the fort of Cām­pānīr, and that Qāsim Khān Mīr Baḥr, who was there, should come to head-quarters, as he was H.M.'s best pupil in the matter of making sābās and driving mines. An order was also sent to the Khān A'aam, informing him that H.M. was about, with God's help, to accomplish this work, and that he, as the arm of dominion, should see, in concert with the other officers who had been left to assist him, that if the turbulent Mīrzās should invade the country they should be suitably punished. As caution was the founda­tion of administration, Sher Beg Tavācī had been sent to Mālwa to direct Qubu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān and the Mālwa officers, who had been ordered to Gujrat, to proceed thither as quickly as possible so 18 that, if necessity should arise, the whole body of officers should be at his (Khān A'aam's) disposal, and clear the country of rebellious rub­bish.

When the Shāhinshāh's mind was at rest about the affairs of Aḥmadābād he marched on the day of Bahrām 20 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 25 Shābān (31 December 1572), from Baroda towards Surat. He moved on, stage by stage, hunting and administering justice as he went, and at last reached the neighbourhood of the fort on the day of Ardībihisht 3 Bah­man, Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 7 Ramẓān (11 January 1573). Balls from cannon and culverins came several times into the holy quarters, but by the Divine protection they did no harm. As the station was very near to the fort, H.M. at the request of his officers moved to a place near the Gopī Tank.* That, too, was near the fort, but it was screened by forest, and uneven ground. Here, too, cannon balls reached the bounds of the quarters, but the Divine protection did its work. H.M. invested the fort with his victorious troops, and assigned each side of it to experienced loyalists. The besieged in their evil-fatedness and blackened hearts turned away from the sun of fortune, and in reliance on the strength of the place, the abundance of provisions, the number of cannon, etc., and the recalcitrancy of the Mīrzās, fell into the abyss of insouciance. Some of them continually sallied forth and made attacks on the batteries. The lives-devoting heroes exerted themselves in chas­tising these wretches. One of the occurrences was that on a day when there was a rain of balls and bullets from above, and an attack from below by some rebels on the miners in the batteries, Saif K. had fought and distinguished himself. As he was coming back he was struck by a bullet. Though he was confined to his bed for a month, he eventually recovered. Some one said to him: “H.M. is not pleased with you, and why do men like you take the lead for he says* to many who have not attained to your rank, “Why do you knowingly and intentionally throw yourselves into such dangerous positions?” That loyal warrior replied: “At the battle of Sarnāl I missed my road and could not be present at that manhood-testing place. From the disgrace of that day my life is a burden to me and I wish to make it lighter.”

One of the occurrences of the siege was the obtaining pos­session of some elephants and baggage of the Mīrzās. The brief 19 account of this is that those blind and inauspicious men had made over some of their elephants and other property to Rānā Rām Deo, a landholder of that part of the country. When the sublime camp halted there the camp-followers went out on a plunder­ing expedition, and those elephants, etc., came into their hands. They regarded this as a good omen and brought them to H.M. who rewarded them by princely gifts.

One of the occurrences of this time was the deputation of some of the officers to the capital. The brief account of this is that Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā and Shāh M. were near Pattan and were waiting in ambush there for an opportunity to cause a commotion. Ibrāhīm Husain M., who had come away with disgrace from the battle-field of Sarnāl, joined those two rebels at Idar. It is the nature of the dominion which is conjoined with eternity that dumbfounded enemies show an activity in upraising the standards of its victory which surpasses that of the loyal, and exert themselves for their own loss. Instances of this occur in this book of fortune. The new instance was this, that a discussion arose among the brothers about Ibrāhīm's defeat at Sarnāl. From criticism they came to violent language, and from that to a quarrel. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., who was skilful as a swordsman and distinguished for his want of sense, was displeased with his brothers and separated from them, and foolishly resolved to make an attack on the capital. His haughty brothers, from their evil destiny, were glād of the depar­ture of such a brother and did not try to appease him. When this news came to the ears of H.M., he appointed S. Maḥmūd K. Bīrha, Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram and Rajah Bhagwant Dās to the capital, so that they should follow Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. An order was also issued to Shāham Khān that he should retire from the siege of Cāmpānīr and hasten to Kālpī which was in his jāīgīr, as the general report was that the turbulent man (Ibrāhīm) had rushed off there. When the great officers reached the capital the commotion of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had already subsided and the eastern Afghans had raised up their heads. Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānān was asking for help. Rajah Bihārī Mal, who had charge of the administration of the capital, sent the army off to the eastern provinces. It had reached Etawah when Lūdī left Dāūd, and a stone of dispersion fell among that crew. Consequently it hastened back to the capital.

When the narrative has come so far it is necessary for the his­torian to give a brief account of the eastern provinces. The concise statement of this long story is that when Sulaimān Kararānī, who 20 had been one of Selīm Khān's officers, became possessed of Orissa Bihār and Bengal, he as being a hypocrite, did not openly cast aside the thread of obedience. He always sent petitions and presents and so kept himself known at court. On account of this adroitness the veil of his hypocrisy was not rent away. Whoever does not bind himself to the saddlestraps of such a lord of fortune (as Akbar) will some time have the dust of ruin cast upon his head and on the heads of those connected with him. Especially shall anyone who enters into opposi­tion to his lord soon receive his retribution, and leave no trace of his dominion. The case of Sulaimān is a fresh instance of this truth. When he died the Afghans raised up Bāyazīd his eldest son in his stead. His elevation helped his folly, and he in conjunction with the vagabonds of that country, had the khuṭba read in his own name. In his presumption he abandoned the dissimulation by which his father had tamed the haughty and rebellious and proceeded to oppress and vex them. He made a practice of overthrowing his father's counsellers. Hansū, the son of his cousin 'Imād, who was his son-in-law and was on friendly terms with him, became annoyed at his bad behaviour, and being stirred up to ambition by instigators of strife he had Bāyazīd put to death. Thus did this wretch disregard so many ties and commit such an act and thereby produce a result which the imperial servants could not have accom­plished by a thousand endeavours. Lūdī, who was the rational spirit of the country, in concert with other officers raised up Sulaimān's younger son Dāūd, and arrested Hānsū and put him to death. Gūjar Kararānī, who was the sword of the country, set up in Bihār the son of Bāyazīd, and Lūdī set out for Bihār from Bengal with a large force. From Mun'īm Khān the Khān-Khanān's want of atten­tion, and the tricks of Lūdī, Gūjar made out his expedition.