CHAPTER LI.
BEGINNING OF THE NINTH DIVINE YEAR FROM THE ACCESSION, TO WIT, THE
YEAR ĀẔAR OF THE FIRST CYCLE.

Nearly about the time when the rose-garden of the world put on fresh leaves and became melodious from the arrival of the Shāhin­shāh at the capital, and the holy disposition became equable, and turned towards the development of the springtime of justice, the spring of joy came and conveyed the news of H.M.'s convalescence. After the lapse of three hours and twenty-seven minutes of the night of Saturday, 27 Rajab, 971, 11th March, 1564, the world-warm­ing sun passed into Aries, its house of exaltation, and freshened the universe.

Verse.

The time gave colour and fragrance to spring,
It put a nosegay into the hand of desire,
The rose made the spring of the amorous,
The brain of lovers was heated,
The air became humid like the brain of the wise,
The time became like the temper of the strong of heart.
Pearls dropped from the clouds
Like as the brain of the sage drops wisdom.

One of the great gifts which H.M. the Shāhinshāh made at the beginning of this year was the remission of the Jiẕya throughout India. Who can estimate the amount thereof? As the far-seeing glance of the Shāhinshāh looked to the administration of the world, he paid great attention to the issuing of this edict, which might be regarded as the foundation of the arrangement of mankind. In spite of the disapproval of statesmen, and of the great revenue, and of much chatter on the part of the ignorant, this sublime decree was issued. By this grand gift, thousands of leading-reins and lassoes were made for the stiff-necked ones of the age. When this tax was imposed in former times by those who held outward sway, the reason for it was that they on account of heart-rooted enmity were girded up for the contempt and destruction of opposite factions, but for political purposes and for their own advantage, they fixed a sum of money as an equivalent therefor, and gave it the name of jiziya.* Thus they both gained their object and also derived a profit. At the present day, when owing to the blessing of the abundant good-will and graciousness of the lord of the age, those who belong to other religions have, like those of one mind and one religion, bound up the waist of devotion and service, and exert themselves for the advance­ment of the dominion, how should those dissenters, whose separation is founded merely on habit and imitation, and whose zeal and devo­tion are the real things, be classed with that old faction which cher­ished mortal enmity, and be the subjects of contempt and slaughter? Moreover the prime cause of levying the tax in old times was the neediness of the rulers and their assistants. At this day, when there are thousands of treasures in the store-chambers of the world-wide administration, and when every one of the servants of the threshold of fortune is rich and prosperous, why should a just and discriminating mind apply itself to collecting this tax? And why should it from imaginary advantage advance on the path of definite dissension?

One of the excellent occurrences was the punishment of Abu-l-M'aālī. The account of this instructive occurrence is that, when Abu-l-M'aālī went with evil intentions to Kābul, and when the army which had gone in pursuit of him and to drive him out of the dominions, returned after traversing the Panjāb, that inauspicious wretch sent a petition from Sind, full of his relationship to H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, to Māh Cūcak Begam, the mother of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, who was all-powerful in Kabul; and he added to it an account of his own forlorn condition, and embroidered it with this verse:—

Verse.

We have not come to this door in search of honour and glory;
We've come here for protection 'gainst the hand of fate.

When Māh Cūcak Begam had made herself acquainted with the contents of this letter, she took counsel with her confidential advisers. These short-sighted and self-interested men represented to the Begam, that Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī was sprung from the great Sayyids of Termiẕ, and that the rulers of Moghulistan and the princes of Kāshghar had formed alliances with those families. As he had sought protection from the sublime family, it was proper to treat him with all kindness, and to exalt him so that he should be seen to be a favourite and of great distinction, and to give him in marriage her daughter—the sister of Muḥammad Ḥakīm—so that he might look upon this family as his own; and might make it illustrious, and might do it good, and con­vert it from dissension into harmony. The simple-minded Begam was led by the deceitful words of these men to entertain wrong ideas, and replied* to Shāh Abu-l-M'aālī's letter in soothing language, and brought him to Kabul with all honour. Without making inquiry at the court of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, she of her own notion gave Abū-l-M'aālī her daughter Fakhru-n-Nisā Begam in marriage and joined that scion of the family of realm and religion to this evil-minded man. The fruit of this was soon gathered, for in a short space of time the Begam lost her life in consequence of this union.

The details of this are as follows: When Abū-l-M'aālī, who always displayed lack of wisdom and narrowness of thought, as well as other bad qualities, became the master in that household, he could not contain his emotions. His evil nature too was worsened by the companionship of instigators. He made no account of the Begam and her officers, nor followed her weighty counsels. Nor did his actions show the fragrance of gratitude and devotion. At this time, various strife-mongers such as Shagūn, the son of Qarāca Khān, and Shādmān—who both had old spites against the Begam—joined Abū-l-M'aālī. They represented to him that so long as the Begam was in life, he would not be secure in office, and that he would soon be put to death like Faẓīl Beg, his son Abu-l-fatḥ and Shāh Walī Atka. The proper thing was for him to act boldly and take the initiative, and to bring up M. Muḥammad Hakīm, who was still young, in accordance with his views. In this way all the Kābulīs would place the head of obedience on the line of submission to him. That evil-minded one who did not think of his latter end gave ear to their wicked counsels, and took steps to carry out their evil plans. He did not retain possession of the key of reason but lost it in the abyss of ignorance. He gave to the wind of rebellion ('aqūq) the harvest of the rights (ḥaqūq) of the family. He spurned the recent favours of the Begam, and lay in wait to commit murder—the worst of crimes!

In fine, he made that wretch Shagūn and that scum of Trans­oxiana, who was styled the Qāẓīzāda, his friends and proceeded to the Begam's residence. Abu-l-M'aālī entered the house by one way, and the two wretches by another. There were a number of women in the house, and by mistake they shed the blood of an innocent lady. When it appeared that they had blundered, and that it was not the Begam, they went looking for her and joined Abul-l-M'aālī. They endeavoured to effect their object, and when the Begam became aware of the facts, she shut the door of her room in the face of the tyrants. Abū-l-M'aālī broke the door with the help of the two villains, and entered and put* the Begam to death. By this wickedness he hoisted the flag of oppression. This instructive catastrophe occurred in the middle of Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to the middle of Sh'abān (971), April, 1564. After shedding the blood of the Begam, he hastened in search of M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. He took him out from among young boys* and brought him into the diwānkhāna by the side of himself. The men of the Mīrzā's household attended on him (Abū-l-M'aālī) willingly or unwillingly. Next day he put to death Ḥaidar Qāsim Kohbar, whose family had filled great offices under the dynasty from generation to generation, and who at that time held the office of the Mīrzā's Vakil, and carried on the administration of the country; and also Khwājah Khāṣ Mulk and several others. He also imprisoned Ḥaidar's brother, Muḥammad Qāsim. Tardī Muḥammad Maidānī, Bāqī Qāqshāl, Ḥasan Khān, and Maḥasan Khān,* brother of Shihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad Khān, and a number of the Begam's servants joined together to kill Abū-l-M'aālī. 'Īdī Sarmast, who was one of them, gave information to Abū-l-M'aālī and the latter armed himself and his adherents and prepared for battle. Those ambitious ones took the right-hand road to the fort, while Abū-l-M'aālī advanced from another side. A number were killed on both sides, but Abū-l-M'aālī's party was victorious and drove the other faction out of the fort. When night let fall her curtain, every one went off in a different direction. The Qāqshāls hastened to Ghor­band, the Maidānīs went to Maidān, while Ḥasan Khān and Maḥasan Khān went towards Jalālābād. Muḥammad Qāsim, the brother of Ḥaidar Qāsim, and who was in prison, made his escape and went off to Badakhshān. He informed M. Sulaiman of the tragedy of Kabul and of the wickedness of Abū-l-M'aālī, and urged him to come to Kabul. M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm, in spite of his tender years, was horrified at the catastrophe of his mother; and by the advice of well-wishers secretly sent messengers to M. Sulaimān in quest of relief, and to incite him to come.

M. Sulaimān on hearing of what had happened, girt up the loins of intent and prepared to march to that abode of pleasure which was always the object of his ambition. He collected the army of Badkh­shān and marched to Kabul, accompanied by Ḥaram Begam. Abu-l-M'aālī was agitated by the news of M. Sulaimān's purpose. He collected his troops, and, as in his folly he regarded M. Muḥammad Ḥakim as being on his side, and as one of his titles (dast-āwez) he made arrangements for his accompanying the army. He took the initiative and marched out of Kabul before M. Sulaimān could get there, and arriving at the river of Ghorband took possession of the head of the bridge. From the other side M. Sulaimān came rapidly with the Badakhshān forces to the bridge, and both sides drew up in line. Just then a body of troops from Kūlāb were seen on the right, and Abū-l-M'aālī sent off a number of Kabūlīs to oppose them. After the two forces had engaged, news was brought to Abū-l-M'aālī that the Kabulies had been defeated. He thereupon placed M. Muḥam­med Ḥakīm in the centre of the troops facing M. Sulaimān, and went off to assist his defeated men. Upon this opportunity M. Muḥammed Ḥakīm's men seized his horse's rein and drove him to the river, and in haste brought him to M. Sulaimān. The whole Kabul army became disorganised after this event and dispersed. When Abū-l-M'aāli came back and learnt the state of affairs, he got utterly confused, and gave up fighting and accepted defeat. The Badakhshānīans pursued him and came up with him at Cārīkārān. They seized him and brought him before M. Sulaimān, who came rejoicing to Kabul along with M. Muḥammad Ḥakīm. Two days afterwards he sent that tyrant in chains to the Mīrzā, who ordered him to be strangled. This was done on the day of Ormazd, the beginning of Khurdād, Divine month, corresponding to the 'Īd of the Ramaẓān.