His Highness Jahānbānī Jaunat-āshiyānī had spent one year pleasurably in Badakhshān. Suddenly a desire for the society of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī,—who was a world of internal and external perfections,—took possession of him and being unable to restrain himself, he made over Badakhshān to Sulān Wais, the father-in-law of Mīrzā Sulaimān, and proceeded towards the Qibla of fortune and Ka‘ba of hopes. Thus in one day he arrived at Kābul. Mīrzā Kām­rān had come there from Qandahār. They met in the ‘Īdgāh* and Kāmrān being surprised to see him, asked him the cause of his jour­ney. Humāyūn replied it was a desire to see his sovereign, and that though he was always seeing him with his mind's eye, yet this was not equal to a personal interview. He ordered Mīrzā Hindāl to proceed from Kābul for the protection of Badakhshān and putting the foot of purpose in the stirrup of courage, and urging along the charger of joy on the highway of determination, he in a short time reached Agra and was rewarded by tendering his service.

A wonderful thing was that his Majesty Gītī-sitānī was sitting at table and talking with his (Jahānbānī's) mother about him when suddenly* the shining star emerged from the ascension-point of Badakhshān. Their hearts were rejoiced and their eyes brightened. Each day of princes is a feast but that day, by the advent of his Highness Jahānbānī, was made a feast such as cannot be described.

Mīrzā Ḥaidar writes* in his Tārīkh-i-rashīdī that his Highness Jahānbānī came to Hindūstān in 935 (1528-29) at the summons of his Majesty Gītī-sitānī and that he left Faqr ‘Alī in Badakhshān.

At this time the darling (lit. eye-pupil) of the Sulānate, Mīrzā Anwar* had just died and his Majesty was deeply grieved on that account. The coming of his Highness Jahānbānī was therefore a great comfort to his heart. His Highness Jahānbānī remained for a while in attendance on him and the Emperor many times declared that Humāyūn was an incomparable companion. In fact the name of Insān-i-kāmil (Perfection of Humanity) might well be applied to that majestic one. When he left Badakhshān for India, Sulān Sa‘īd Khān, who was the Khān of Kāshghar and was related* to his Majesty and who, moreover, had been in his service and had received favours and instruction from him,—being stimulated to crude imaginations by messages from Sulān Vais and other Amīrs of Badakhshān, left Rashīd Khān (his son) in Yārkand and marched against Badakh­shān. Before he arrived there Mīrzā Hindāl had reached Badakhshān and established himself in Qil‘a afar.* Sa‘īd Khān besieged the fort for three months and then returned, re infectâ to Kāshghar. His Majesty Gītī-sitānī heard that the Kāshgharīs had taken posses­sion of Badakhshān and he directed Khwāja Khalīfa to go and put the affairs of that country in order. But the Khwāja in his folly delayed to obey. Then his Majesty asked Jahānbānī who by his fortune had come to reside with his Majesty,—what he thought about going there himself. He represented in reply, that he had suffered affliction by being debarred from the blessing of his Majesty's presence, and had vowed that he would never again voluntarily exile himself but that there was no help for it, if he were ordered to go.

Accordingly Mīrzā Sulaimān was despatched to Badakhshān and a letter written to Sulān Sa‘īd saying, “Considering* my numerous claims on your consideration, this affair seems strange; I have recalled Hindāl Mīrzā and have sent Sulaimān. If you have any regard for hereditary rights, you will be kind to Sulaiman and leave him in possession of Badakhshān, for he is as a son to us both. This would be well. Otherwise I, having given up my responsibility, will place the inheritance in the hands of the heir. The rest you know.”*

Before Mīrzā Sulaimān had reached Kābul,* Badakhshān had been freed from the oppression of evil-thoughted men and been made an abode of peace, as has been already stated. When he arrived at Badakhshān, Hindāl in accordance with orders (from Bābar) made over the country to him and proceeded to India.

After some time spent in attendance, his Majesty sent his Highness Jahānbānī to Sambal* which was his fief (jāgīr). He remained happily there for six months and then was suddenly attacked by fever. The malady gradually increased and his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī, growing disturbed at the alarming news, ordered, in his affection for him, that he be brought to Delhi and thence by water to Agra, in order that he might be treated by skilful physicians under the Emperor's own eyes. A large number of learned doctors who were always in attendance at the royal Court, were directed to employ their talents in effecting a cure. In a short space of time, he was conveyed by boat. Though physicians used their skill and exhibited Messiah-like science, he did not get better. As the sickness was prolonged, the Emperor one day was seated with the wise men of the Age by the Jumna and considering about remedies. Mīr Abū Baqā* who was one of the most distinguished saints of the Age, represented that it had been received from the ancient sages, that in a case like this, when physicians were at a loss, the remedy was to give in alms the most valuable thing one had and to seek cure from God. His Majesty Gītī-sitānī said, “I am the most valuable thing that Humāyūn possesses; than me he has no better thing; I shall make myself a sacrifice for him. May God the Creator accept it.”

Khwāja Khalīfa and the other courtiers represented that Humāyūn would, by the grace of God, recover and attain to the limit of his natural life under the shadow of his Majesty's fortune. Why had such an expression come from his tongue? The meaning of the say­ing of the great men of old was that the most valuable article of property should be given in charity, consequently the priceless diamond which had in a mysterious way been obtained in the war with Ibrāhīm and had been presented to Humāyūn, should be sacri­ficed. He replied, “What value has worldly wealth? and how can it be a redemption for Humāyūn? I myself shall be his sacrifice. He is in extremity and I have lost the power (āqat) to behold his powerlessness (bī-āqatī), but I can endure all his pain.” There­after he retired to his oratory and having performed such special rites as befitted the occasion, he thrice walked round his Highness Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī. When his prayer had been heard by God,—Glory be to His name!—he felt a strange effect on himself and cried out, “We have borne it away. We have borne it away.” Immediately a strange heat of fever surged upon his Majesty and there was a sudden diminution of it in the person of his Highness Jahānbānī. Thus in a short time he entirely recovered, while Gītī-sitānī Firdūs-makānī gradually grew worse and the marks of dissolu­tion and death became apparent.

Then out of his active mind and truth-seeking soul, he summoned his officers and nobles and making them place the hands of homage* to the empire (Khilāfat) in the hands of Humāyūn, appointed him his heir and successor, placing him on the throne of sovereignty, while he himself remained bed-ridden (ṣāḥib-i-farāsh) at the foot of the throne. Khwāja Khalīfa, Qambar ‘Alī Bēg,* Tardī Bēg, Hindū Bēg, and all the others were in attendance. Lofty counsels and weighty mandates, such as might form a stock of lasting fortune and eternal auspicious­ness,—were imparted. Advice was given about munificence and justice, about acquiring the favour of God, cherishing subjects, pro­tecting mankind, the accepting of apologies of those who had failed in duty and the pardoning of transgressors; about the honouring of those who did good service and the casting down of the rebellious and the oppressors. And he exclaimed “The cream of our testamentary directions is this, ‘Do naught against your brothers even though they may deserve it.’” In truth it was owing to his observing the mandates of the Emperor that his Majesty Jahānbānī Jannat-āshiyānī suffered so many injuries from his brothers without avenging himself, as will clearly appear from this history.