It was in that expedition that the Viceroy, after exhibiting himself proofs of valour and conduct, thought proper to remem­ber my paternal uncle, Mehdi-nessar-qhan, who had rendered considerable services in it, and had so much recommended him­self to his notice that, with the consent of my father, he was invested with the high office of Paymaster-General of the forces. Not content with giving him that investiture, with the usual cere­monies of a Qhylaat, or dress of honour, an elephant, a sabre, a horse, and some other presents, he took care to distinguish him by the richness and elegance of the dress, to which he added, in Admirable character of Mehdi-nassar-qhan. full audience, a request to live with him as his friend, and to be of his family. The offer was received with becoming respect, and he was henceforward treated with a consideration which soon distinguished him from all his friends. And indeed, he richly deserved that distinction, and should we attempt to dwell on the encomiums due to that honoured uncle of mine, we would swell this work by a whole section, and our attention, meanwhile, might incur the reproach of a family partiality, or of some other interested motives. Although a resolute soldier, he was remarkable for the modesty of his deportment, and although little inclined to ask a favour, he made it a point to support not only his friends, but also his countrymen and relations, for whom he always approved himself equally grateful and zealous. Nothing could equal his generosity and munificence, but his readiness to do a good office, unasked. On the other hand, the purity of his private life, and the decency of his public conduct, as well as his fidelity to his word, and his liberality to his friends, could be equalled by nothing but his bravery and his military talents. To so many endearing qualifications, he added a facility of utterance, and a flow of elegant expression which commanded attention and captivated every heart; and although remarkably alive on the point of honour in his public conduct, in his private life he was as remarkable for patience and forbearance. May God Almighty’s mercy and for­giveness repose upon him for ever!

We have left my honoured father employed in subduing the Princes of the hilly country. As he sought to raise his character and to acquire a renown, the Radja of Ramgur became, of course, the object of his attention. This Radja was the most powerful Gentoo Zemindar of the hills, and so considerable and warlike, that the Viceroys of the province had hardly any control over him. He was joined in that design by Radja Sunder-sing, and by Radja Djái-kishen-ray, both Zemindars of the Palamow country, as well as by some other Zemindars of Seress-cotombah and Shirgáoti. My father, supported by such a confederacy, laid siege to the fortress of Ramgur, and at last took it. After which he advanced some journeys more into the hilly country, and after having settled it, he was taking some rest from the fatigues of that expedition, when on a sudden, intelligence was brought by some trusty persons, that Ragodji-bhosla-pandet* had sent his own Pardhan at the head of forty thousand horse to conquer Bengal, and that in a few days they would pass close to him through the hills in their way to that country. This intelligence, such as it seemed to be, was with a scrupulous exactitude trans­mitted to the Governor-General of Bahar, who forwarded it with letters of his own to Aaly-verdy-qhan. This Prince not trusting the intelligencer, paid little attention to the letter, and he answered his nephew, by desiring him to be easy in his mind, and to apply himself to his business; adding, that whenever the Mar­hattas The Marhat­tas invade Bengal. should make their appearance, care would be taken to give them a good reception. This answer of the Viceroy’s having been forwarded to my forgiven father, he held consultations with his friends, as the forces he had with him were by no means equal to the task of barring the passage to such invaders. They all advised him to quit the hilly country, and he accordingly descended and encamped at the foot of that chain. In a few days the Marhattas rushed through it, and turning towards Pacháet and Mohor-bendj, they fell upon the Midnip8r country, before any intelligence had reached Bengal of their approach. The Viceroy at that time was advancing towards M8rsh8d-abad with about five or six thousand men, spending his time in hunting, sporting, and seeing the country; and he had reached that day an excellent spot near Midnip8r, when one of the Crown-collectors of those parts, a man of trust and much sense, having requested to be introduced, gave him notice, “That the Marhattas were not at twenty cosses from thence; that Baha-sukur-pandet, at the head of forty thousand horse, was advancing rapidly; and than to-morrow in the evening, or the day after at day-break, he would probably be at the very spot.” He added, “that the intelligence being so important, he had quitted his post to bring it himself.” The Viceroy happened to be then at his noon prayers. Without being intimidated by the smallness of his own numbers, without betraying the least trepidation, without seeming to be much affected, he was heard to answer the intelligencer by these very words: “Where are those infidels and where is the spot where I could not chastise them?” This singular circum­stance of the Viceroy’s intrepidity is what I hold from the very man who gave the information, and who even then could not help expressing his amazement at so undismayed a coolness; and he used to add, that he could not discover in his looks the least per­turbation, nor the least alteration in his complexion or features: an instance of fearlessness, that even then excited his amazement after so much lapse of time. The particulars of this invasion are as follows:—Ragodji-bhosla was a Prince nearly related to the Radja Sah8, and one of the most renowned Commanders in the Marhatta Empire, where he possessed the country of Barar, of which the Great-Naigp8r is the capital. This Prince either instigated by Nizam-el-mulk, or prompted by what he knew of the weakness of the Empire, undertook to make an irruption into the kingdom of Bengal. His views were either to make a conquest of it, or at least to establish in it contributions to the full amount of the Chöut, i.e., one-quarter of the revenues, an odious yoke that had become established in many countries of Hindostan and Decan, but from which Bengal had yet remained entirely free. For this purpose he made choice of his own Prime Minister, Bha­sukur-pandet, and gave him the command of an army of twenty-five thousand horse, which renommee had swelled to forty-thousand; and that army had passed with ease through the mountainous country and difficult passes, which like so many gates, shut up the entrance of Bengal, but where, as we have already observed, no body had thought of opposing their passage. For this General having been disappointed in looking out for a con­venient passage through the mountains of Oressa, had turned to his left, and sought one through those valleys that stretch at eight days’ journey to the west of M8rsh8d-abad. This intelligence was brought to Aaly-verdy-qhan, whilst he was encamped at about Sahcra, being close to a spot called the fortunate stage, and there he was told for certain that the Marhattas had already passed through the valleys of Pacháet, and were going to fall on the Bardevan. It was difficult to be more unprovided than he was against so unexpected an irruption. As he had already given orders for disbanding part of his army, and great part of the disbanded forces as well as many other troops were gone to M8rsh8d-abad on the assurance that the expedition was at an end, and that all was peace, it happened that at the moment the intelligence was ascertained, he was found to have no more than three or four thousand horse, and about five thousand musqueteers about his person. Instantly he took the resolution of advancing into the Bardevan, a country, for populousness and plenty of provisions, superior to most in Bengal; his intention being to encamp with his back to this capital, and his front to the enemies. Full of this notion, he quitted the Mubarec-menzil, or the fortunate stage, and the second day he arrived on this side of the city of Bardevan, whilst the Marhattas were arrived on the other, to which they set fire directly, so that the greatest part of it was consumed. Here some skirmishes happened between the two armies and each party in the evening returned to its camp. Bha-sukur finding by the countenance of the enemy, and by the daringness of their General, that he had not been misinformed as to the bravery of his troops, and the personal conduct and valour of their Lord, he conceived that it would be better to get something from him without fighting, than to put everything to the hazard of a battle; and he had thoughts of returning back to his country after having secured his honour by that contribution. He therefore sent the enemy word, “That as the Marhattas had come from afar, and were fatigued and jaded with their long marches, they would be glad to return to their own country, if he would but present them with so much as ten lacs, which small sum would be just enough to entertain them as his guests.” This proposal was far from pro­ducing the desired effect. The Viceroy found his honour wounded by it, and it shocked Mustapha-qhan likewise, who was always for fighting and killing, as the only way in which he knew how to support a character, and the only one which could raise the importance of the military in general, and his own in particular. Aaly-verdy-qhan resolves to fight the Marhattas. The Viceroy conscious of personal abilities and valour, and instigated also by his General, rejected the proposal with disdain, and he bid the enemy advance, if they dared. This answer having animated both parties, both parties for some days fell a skirmishing; but as such small engagements did not suit Aaly-verdy-qhan’s temper or interests, he resolved to leave his bag­gage, such as carts, wheel carriages, large tents and other such articles, in his camp, and with his troops thus disencumbered to rush upon the Marhatta horse and try what they could do in a day of battle. At day-break he mounted, after having published under severe penalties, that no one of the camp-followers or of the bag­gagemen should presume to mingle with the troops on their march; but his injunctions availed nothing, and hardly were the troops marched, when the camp-followers, afraid of the enemy, flung them­selves amongst the troops and encumbered them exceedingly. This was the opportunity which the enemy wished. In an instant the Marhattas made their appearance on all sides and attacked everywhere; but the Bengal army standing then ground, the business of killing and wounding went on briskly, and brave actions were performed on both sides. In this conflict Musaheb-qhan, eldest son to Umer-qhan, was surrounded and slain. This was a young man who joined to the bravery of his family, an heroical prowess of his own. He was already an officer of renown and character, and wanted to signalise himself in that trying day but having advanced too far through the thickest of the enemy, he succumbed under repeated wounds, and fell speechless, after having performed actions worthy of himself. Still the army was gaining ground on the enemy; when the day commencing to decline towards the evening, the Viceroy who conceived his rear to be Some of his Commanders lag behind. covered by Mustapha-qhan and Shimsher-qhan and Serdar-qhan, with their troops, observed with surprise that they lagged behind. As such a behaviour was so very different from their usual conduct, he concluded that they must be dissatisfied with him, and from that moment he suspected that the battle was going to put on a strange appearance; but as he was already far from his own camp, and still farther from the Marhatta main, and night was coming on, he perceived that he could not, for want of followers, either fall upon the enemy’s camp, nor indeed recover his own. Sensible of his impotence, but not dismayed, he stopped where he was, and it proved to be a bad spot, consisting of stiff clay, that had been rendered miry by a preceding rain; so that there was no fixing one’s foot anywhere, and unfortunately no conveniency was at hand, but three or four Palekies, and a small tent which was immediately pitched upon a higher plat of ground. It was at about six or seven cosses from Bardevan. That day the whole baggage with all the riches it contained, was seized and plundered by the Marhattas, who cut or wounded every one of the lag­gers; nor did any escape the massacre but such as found means to abscond in the neighbouring fields. As for the troops that remained yet with him, after the defection of the Afghans, they were surrounded in every direction by the Marhatta horse, who continued repeatedly their attacks until the dusk of the evening, at which time the two parties remained where they were. That night the people about the Viceroy were in such a confusion, and the cries of the distressed were so confused and afflicting, that these scenes seemed to give an image of the Day of Judgment. As for Mustapha-qhan, Shimshir-qhan, Serdar-qhan, and all the other Afghan Commanders, they seemed to herd together more than usual, had retired by themselves with downcast looks, and had shewn in these repeated engagements very little inclination to expose their persons or even to run any risk at all. The truth is, that they had several reasons for being discontented, and seemed evidently to hold councils amongst themselves. The principal of their subjects of discontent was this: That the levies made for the last two or three expeditions, had been disbanded as soon as the expedition, however short, had been over: an iniquitous practice that ruined many Commanders, discouraged every officer, and discontented the whole army. For it is observable that in the last expedition, which ended by delivering the Governor of Oressa from confinement, Mustapha-qhan had represented, “That His Highness had already more than once ordered new levies to be made under mighty promises, and so soon as the time of danger was over, had suddenly dismissed them again without the least regard to the wrong done to so many deserving officers, as well as to their men; and he added openly that as he spoke not only for himself, but also for others, he requested that at this time no infraction of agreement, nor breach of promise should take place.” Such a heavy complaint at the beginning of such a campaign had appeared ominous. Aaly-verdy-qhan had thought it expedient to stop their murmurs, and to regain Mustapha-qhan’s good will, as well as that of the others, by giving him his word that the subject of their complaint would not happen again; and nevertheless, so soon as the last expedition to Catec had been over, and the young Governor was rescued from his danger, all the new levies had been disbanded to a man: a proceeding which did not fail to break the hearts of the whole army, and highly discontented Mustapha-qhan and all the Afghans. Nor can it be denied, but that such a duplicity of behaviour, and such a glar­ing breach of promise, highly disparaged the Viceroy’s character, and shockingly tarnished the lustre of all his good qualities; nothing being uglier in a man of command, than to sophisticate his word, and nothing more dangerous in a Sovereign, than to let it transpire that there is no truth and no fidelity in his promises. An attachment to his word will at all times gain the hearts of his dependants and even of all mankind, will enforce his author­ity, and inspire the world with a respectful awe for his person. But this breach of promise in the Viceroy, odious as it was, was not the only grievance of which the Afghans had to complain; they also complained of the death of the Afghan Commander, Roshen-qhan, who for a very unadequate misdemeanour of his had been precipitately put to death by the young Viceroy of Azim-abad, although he was a military Commander of eminence, and a Fodjdar or military ruler of the province of Shah-abad, and of the whole country of Bodjp8r. So unjust, so hasty an execu­tion had been resented by all the Afghans in the service, and the general cry had been, that it was an ugly action that needed no commentary. But as if all these subjects of discontent had not sufficiently operated on their minds, the Viceroy had added another of late, which gave general offence, and in particular sunk deep in Mustapha-qhan’s mind. It was this: As the army in its late expedition to Oressa was passing through the posses­sions of the Radja of Mohur bendj, it had been exceedingly harassed by that Prince, who had vowed a personal attachment to Mirza-bakyr, and seemed ambitious to give proofs of it at this particular conjuncture. He had even been guilty, they say, of some excesses. A conduct so characterised could not fail to render him an object of wrath for the Viceroy, who on his side, resolved to make an example of him on his return from the expedi­tion. The Radja sensible now of his danger, had thrown him­self into the arms of Mustapha-qhan, who interceded vigorously for him. But this intercession of his had been taken so ill, that it had even produced some very severe looks, with a severe reprimand. A few moments after an order was given to Mir-djaa­fer to dispatch the man, the moment he should make his appear­ance in the hall of the audience; for the Radja finding his appli­cation to the General had produced nothing but further tokens of wrath, had resolved to risk a visit on his own bottom; and he came without a safe conduct. But the hall being already taken possession of by Mir-djaafer-qhan, who filled it with armed men, the Gentoo no sooner made his appearance, than he was set upon instantly, and hacked to pieces; whilst all his attendants were sought out and knocked down, as if it had been a hunting match. After this execution, his country had been thoroughly plundered and sacked to the great regret of the General, who conceived his honour deeply wounded in this whole management. All these transactions having taken place a few days before the arrival of All the Afghans in the army inclined to a defection. the Marhattas had discontented not only the General himself, but every one of the Afghan Commanders, who as well as their soldiers, looked out for a favourable moment for quitting the service, nor did they make any secret of their intentions; so that the Viceroy was soon informed of it, and he now accounted for their backwardness in the late engagements. He was appalled and confounded by such a general air of defection at so danger­ous a crisis. The General was not only his best friend, but also the boldest and most forward of his Commanders, and his personal influence over all his countrymen (which constituted one full half of his troops) was boundless. Such a general discontent was not of a nature to be remedied suddenly or with ease, and his situation was become so critical, that he was now pent up within a narrow circle from whence there was no coming out without being hacked to pieces by the enemy, and to which there was no coming near with anything like victuals or provisions. Become now fully sensible of the extreme danger of his situation, he resolved to leave no means untried for extricating himself, and, first of all, he sent underhand to the Marhatta camp an officer of character, called Mir-qhair-ollah-qhan, who was himself a Decani, or born in Decan, and now enjoyed the office of Pay­master to the Radja of Bardevan’s forces. He was entrusted, as from the Radja himself, with a message which advised the Marhatta General to give his preference to ways of pacification. This was Bha-sukur the Pandet, who had just plundered the whole baggage of the Bengal army, and of course knew all the extremities to which it must have been reduced. He received the message with much indifference, and he answered in these words:—Tell your master from me, that the Viceroy of Bengal is now stripped totally of his baggage, and totally surrounded by my troops; nor is there a possibility of his escaping. How then can you talk of a treaty and agreement? Still, as he is one of the greatest Sovereigns of India, I consent to spare him for the sake of his station. But let him pay down one corror directly, and surrender all his elephants; and then we shall open all our ranks, and allow him to pursue his journey to his capital. Such a message was highly disgraceful; but the Viceroy’s cir­cumstances were full as critical. Out of about three thousand five hundred horse that remained to him from the last engage­ment, most of them, on finding to what extremities he was reduced, were inclined to desert to the enemy, or at least to come to some terms with him; and it was after receiving such an intelligence, that the enemy’s answer came to hand. It was in the presence of Djankiram, a man of merit, who kept the accounts of the army, figured amongst the trustiest and most zealous of the Viceroy’s friends, and acted as his Prime Minister. On observing the Vice­roy’s silence, he took upon himself to speak first. He observed: “That the few men that remained to His Highness, were dis­heartened with their losses, and so surrounded by the enemy, that there was no possibility of any man’s escaping with life, or of any­one’s obtaining a single day’s subsistence; that the times required a compliance with the demands of the enemy; that ele­phants were no mighty objects in Bengal; that there were many better ones in His Highness’s offices at the capital, and as many more in the stables of his officers and servants; and after all, that there came yearly a whole herd of them from his own dominions. As to the coror of rupees, that the treasury could muster forty lacs instantly, and that he took upon himself to find the sixty others.” Aaly-verdy-qhan was highly shocked with the tenor of this advice. However, he contented himself with Aaly-verdy-qhan refuses toransom him­self out of the hands of the Marhattas. answering: That so long as his soul should stick to his body, he would never submit to such an infamy, and that he still hoped with the handful of men, now under his command, to give a good account of those freebooters, and to retrieve the honour of his arms. And why should he pay so much money to his enemy, and strengthen his hands by such an access of power? Would it not be much better to bestow it on those that had accompanied him in that expedition, and had at all times been ready to shed their blood in his cause? Here he paused awhile, and then turning to the Minister, he added, I am glad, sir, to hear that you have so many lacs by you. Then set apart ten of them; for I intend to distribute every rupee of them to my faithful officers, and to the bravest of my soldiers. Having said this with a deal of composure, he dismissed the Minister.