Page 15, line 7 from foot. The figure 1 should be placed at Sulānun-nisā Begam.
p. 24, l. 5. For my read his. With reference to n. 2, p. 120, l. 13, shows that the father meant is Shāhrukh.
p. 34, l. 2 of verse. Solomon's greatness depended on the possession of a ring. When that was lost his power departed. See the story of its loss and recovery in Mīr Khwānd (Rehatsek's translation, pt. i, 100). Probably then the line should be rendered ‘Call him the ring-wearing Solomon.’
p. 38, near foot. The words ‘the news,’ etc., are not a verse, and Naar-jīvī should be Naar Chūlī, i.e. the Naar who accompanied Humāyūn through the desert (chūl). See Akbar-nāma translation, i, 657, n. 3.
p. 39, l. 2. For near Lahore read a dependency of Lahore. Kalānūr is the Kalanaur of the maps, and is 15 miles west of Gurdāspūr (I.G., new ed., xiv, 297).
p. 43, note. For lithograph read text.
p. 46, l. 8. For Mīrzā read Mīrān.
p. 50, l. 1, and note 1. I.O. MSS. seem to have Tanam Bahādur. The reference to Ma'āiru-l-umarā is ii, 140. The name of Muaffar Gujarātī's son was Bahādur.
p. 54, n. 1. For Price, p. 6 read Price, p. 68. The Iqbāl-nāma and Khulāatu-t-tawārīkh say he was put in charge of Ihtimäm Kotwāl.
p. 58, n. 2. It is Nīlera in I.O. MS. No. 181.
p. 60, l. 6. The meaning is that ‘Ābidīn was the son of ‘Abdu-llah Khān's spiritual adviser. ‘Ābidīn is called ‘Ābidī in Akbar-nāma, iii, 832. He came to India in 1013 (1604–5), and Akbar gave him the rank of 1,000 and 500 horse (iii, 834).
p. 65, l. 11. For know read knew.
p. 66, l. 7. The MSS. seem to have Jaihāl.
p. 66, last line. Kilīn means ‘daughter-in-law’ in Turkī. Perhaps Kīlan here is a synonym for ‘son-in-law.’
p. 67, l. 8. The words ‘which in Hindustani is called ballī’ are not in the I.O. MSS. I do not know the word ballī as meaning a pole. Perhaps it is a mistake for laggī.
p. 76, l. 3 from foot. Omit the words ‘who is one of the khānazādas of the State.’
p. 79, l. 6. For and cash read in cash.
p. 81, n. 1. Delete question mark and the words ‘near Multān.’ Nandanpur, i.e. Nandana (I.G., xviii, 349), and Girjhāk are in the Jhelam district. The Rām Dās garden was some place near Lahore, where Jahāngīr took up his residence on the way to the hunting-ground. He spent 3 1/2 months in hunting.
p. 84, l. 19. For ‘Abdu-r-Raḥīm read ‘Abdu-r-Raḥmān.
p. 87, l. 21. Firishta in his account of Bābar says the Daulat Khān of that time was descended from the Daulat Khān who in 816 A.H. (1413–14) was Sultan of Delhi. See Flliot, iv, 45.
p. 90, l. 4 from foot. Jahāngīrpūr is mentioned in account of 15th year, p. 317, last line (text). It is the Shekhopura of the maps, and is 22 miles from Ḥāfiābād and 18 miles west of Lahore. It was called Shaikhūpūra in allusion to Jahāngīr's pet name of Shaikhū Bābā, and also in honour of Shaikh Salīm. See Khulāṣa T. in account of Jahāngīr's reign. The I.G., xxii, 270, wrongly ascribes its origin to Dārā Shukūh. Mullā Ḥusain Kashmīrī, mentioned on p. 91, died in 1037 (1627–8), Rieu, ii, 7756. The minaret is still standing. See Eastwick's “Panjab Handbook,” 200. Instead of ‘the gravestone in the shape of an antelope’ we should render, I think, ‘a stone tomb with the figure of an antelope (engraved upon it).’ The I.O. MSS. have Marrāj as the name of the antelope. Perhaps we should read Manorāj ‘mind's lord.’
p. 99, l. 3 from foot. I.O. MSS. have bahūr
p. 109, n. 1. Delete note. The rang is the ibex.
p. 110, n. 1. See J.A.S.B. for February, 1908, p. 39.
p. 117. The Iqbāl-nāma mentions in connection with the story of the mummified saint that many Sabzawār saints lived in Bāmiyān. See also Kāmgār Ḥusainī.
p. 120, l. 1. Delete word ‘Georgians.’ I.O. MS. No. 181 has ghurja.
p. 122, l. 10. Insert ‘and’ after ‘sheep.’
p. 125, l. 13. For garden read gardens.
p. 133, l. 4. For £ read rupees.
p. 134, l. 15. For he died on the 29th read he died in his ninth decade (i.e. between 80 and 90). The Ma'āiru-l-umarā, ii, 143, says he was 82 when he died.
p. 134, l. 13 from foot. Instead of ‘he went off alone’ the MSS. have ‘carrying off his life’ (i.e. escaping) with difficulty.
p. 136, n. 1. The opinion expressed in this note is proved to be wrong by General Cunningham's Report, Arch. S., xiv, p. 58. The tombs are those of a musician and his pupil.
p. 140, l. 8. Delete Sylvia olivacea.
p. 143, l. 7. Apparently there were twelve balls, or at least objects, ten being as large as an orange, another being a citron, and the twelfth a surkh. So instead of ‘one to a citron’ we should read, perhaps, ‘a citron and a surkh.’
p. 143, l. 3 from foot. For Ilf read Alf.
p. 147, l. 4 from foot. Delete the word ‘Egyptian’ and also n. 1. It appears from the Ghiyāu-l-loghāt that a Qubī ruby is a broad ruby suitable for a ring (signet?).
p. 153, l. 13 from foot. For Hamazānī read Hamadānī.
p. 156. According to Terry, Jahāndār was called Sultan Takht because born when Jahāngīr first sat on his throne.
p. 158, l. 9. Perhaps Yūzī = Yūz-bāshī, i.e. centurion. But I.O. 181 has not the word, only saying ‘Shāh Beg Khān,’ and No. 305 has Shāh Beg Khān Būrī (?).
p. 158, l. 10. The passage is wrongly translated. No elephant was
presented to Salāmu-llah. The sentence should end on l. 9 after the
word ‘panther-keeper,’ which word is probably a mistranslation. Then
this new sentence should come, i.e. ‘Salāmu-llah ‘Arab, who is a young
man of a distinguished Arabian family (kih az jawānān-i-qarār-dāda-i-
p. 158, n. 3, and p. 162, n. 1. Both notes are wrong. The place meant by Jahāngīr is Dizfūl, a town in the Khūzistān province of Persia, and Jūyza is evidently a copyist's error for Khūz or Khūza, another name for Khūzistān. Dizfūl is an ancient name, and according to Yāqūt, Barbier de Meynard's translation, p. 231, the proper spelling is Dizpūl, i.e. ‘the Bridge of the Citadel,’ the town being named after a famou bridge built over the river. For Khūz see B. de Meynard, 216.
p. 160, l. 12 from foot. Qabūlah was a town in the Bet Jālandhar Dū'āb.
p. 163, l. 9. It is 2,000 rupees in I.O. MSS.
p. 163, l. 12. It is not Qāchā Dakhanī in I.O. MSS., but I am not sure what the clause, as given by them, means. No. 181 seems to have bafatāhāīgī for ‘assistance’ (?). Two B.M. MSS. have apparently bafatāhāī kapī, but Add. 26,215 has the Arabic ḥa, while Or. 3276 has the ordinary h, so that the words possibly mean ‘the young of the monkey’ (kapī).
p. 166, l. 2. Ḥusāmu-d-dīn was married to Abū-l-faẓl's sister, Blochmann, 441.
p. 167, l. 16. The word rojh in brackets is wrong. The MSS. have qarā-quyragh and qarā-quyrāgh. P. de Courteille gives quyrūgh as meaning a tail, so perhaps qarā-qūyrūgh means a black-tailed sheep or deer. See p. 129, l. 17, where the qarā-qūyrūgh is said to be the chikāra.
p. 168, last line. The MSS. has ḥabs-i-mazīd, which does not necessarily mean imprisonment for life.
p. 170, n. 2. For Akbar's wives read Jahāngīr's wives.
p. 172, l. 21 seq. Is this the story referred to by Hawkins (Purchas), about Muqarrab having taken a Banian's daughter?
p. 177, note. For one-third of an inch read one and a third inches.
p. 183, l. 8. This is the annular eclipse entered in Dr. R. Schramm's Tables, Sewell's Indian Calendar, as having occurred on 5th December, 1610, which corresponds to 28th Ramaẓan, 1019.
p. 185, n. 3. Persian text, p. 309, l. 11, has the phrase majrā girifta ātash dādand, ‘took aim and fired’ (a cannon).
p. 188, l. 7 from foot. For Naīrī, see Rieu, ii, 807b, and Blochmann, 579. He died in 1622 (1613).
p. 191, l. 10. For dhīk (?) read dhīk, i.e. adjutant bird.
p. 191, l. 8. Pātal means ‘red’ or ‘rose-coloured’ in Sanskrit. Query ‘red deer.’
p. 192, l. 2. Add year 1020.
p. 195, last line. The passage is rather obscure, but the meaning seems to be that though formalities are not regarded by the wise, yet weak persons (qāwāṣir, which apparently is a plural of qāṣir), regard externals as the means of paying the dues of friendship (and so we must attend to them). Hence when at this auspicious time a province which had gone out of my (‘Abbās's) possession has been settled by the exertions of angelic servants in accordance with the hopes of well-wishers, I (‘Abbās) have returned to the capital, and have despatched Kamālu-d-dīn, etc.
p. 197, l. 7. For Khankhānān read Khān.
p. 197, l. 12. The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. They say nothing about three ratis. What they say is, “At this time I had made some inorease in the amounts of weights and measures. For instance, I added one-fourth (siwā'ī) to the weight of the muhrs and rupees.” The sih ratī of text is a mistake for siwā'ī.
p. 197, l. 12 from foot. I.O. MSS. have ‘Sunday in Ṣafar,’ but they wrongly have 1022.
p. 197, l. 9 from foot. Both I.O. MSS. have ‘Neknahar’ instead of ‘in the interior.’
p. 198, l. 11. Or Lohgar.
p. 205, l. 14. I do not think that the translation ‘should not force Islam on anyone,’ or the version in Elliot, vi, 325, ‘Not to forcibly impose Musulman burdens on anyone,’ gives the full force of the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī bar kasī nakunand. I think the reference clearly is to circumcision, and that the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī should be rendered ‘the Muhammadan ceremonial,’ This explains why the injunction comes in immediately after the prohibitions against blinding and mutilation. It has been said, and I believe with truth, that the members of the Delhi royal family never were circumcised. Probably one reason for this was that in many instances they had Hindu mothers. As pointed out in Elliot, the passage is omitted in the Iqbāl-nāma. It also does not occur in the version given in ‘Alī Muḥammad's “History of Gujarat,” vol. i, p. 200 of lithograph.
p. 214, verse. For red read a river.
p. 216. See picture of a turkey in Havell's “Indian Sculpture,” pp. 214–15.
p. 218, l. 10 from foot. About Shāpūr see Ma'āsiru-l-umarā, i, 180.
p. 224, n. 1. For infra read supra, pp. 27 and 30, note.
p. 229, ll. 9 and 14. For Patna read Tatta.
p. 229, note. For brother read brother's son.
p. 231, l. 14 from foot. For Nihālpūr substitute Thālner as in the MSS. The news of the death seems to have reached Agra very quickly.
p. 232, l. 1. Insert the word ‘and’ before ‘allowed.’
p. 234, l. 2 from foot. The word translated ‘cranes’ is kārwānak, and probably means ‘a little crane.’ In Blochmann, 63, karwānak is rendered by ‘stone-curlew.’
p. 234, l. 5 from foot. The word seems to be kunjishk, ‘sparrow,’ in the MSS., but probably it should be kunjak, ‘a curiosity, a rarity.’
p. 235, l. 2. It is Thursday, the 28th, in the MSS., and instead of ‘night’ we should read ‘eve.’ The English date corresponding to 28th Muḥarram is 10th March, 1613.
p. 237, l. 8. It is 1,000 in the MSS., and this is probably correct, though B.M. MS. 1645 has changed the word for 1,000 into one for 100. The ordinary kaukab-i-āli‘ was 100 tolas in weight, see p. 11. At p. 406 two kaukab-i-tali‘s are mentioned of 500 tolas each. It is a mistake, I think, to regard the word muhr as always implying gold. The ordinary kaukab-i-tali‘ was of silver, and these large muhrs were no doubt also of silver. The note 1 to Elliott, vi, 355, is probably incorrect.
p. 237, l. 10. ‘The feast went off well,’ etc. The passage is obscure, but probably the translation should be ‘There was a splendid assemblage (majis shigufta gasht), and after it was over I ordered that they should arrange an illumination.’ The words in text, p. 116, l. 3, are ḥukm kardam kih asbāb u āyin bār kunand. The MSS. have asbāb-i-āyīn rā. No. 181 seems to have bāz kunand, and so has B.M. MS. 1645, but No. 305 has bār kunand, as in text. It may be that the meaning is that Jahāngīr told the servants they might appropriate the decorations, but I rather think the order was to make an illumination. It may also simply mean that he ordered the decorations to be taken down. Bāz kunand ordinarily means ‘to open out,’ bār kunand ‘to load.’