A. H. 727.
A. D. 1326.

revolutions as Hindoostan; for how could the people in the remote provinces re­ceive for money, the base representative of a treasury that so often changed its master?

From these evils the discontent became uni­versal, and the King was at length obliged to call in the copper currency. Such abuses had occurred in the mint, however, that, after the treasury was emptied, there still remained a heavy demand. This debt the King struck off, and thousands were ruined. The state, so far from gaining by this crude scheme, had exhausted its treasury; and the bankers, and some merchants, alone accumulated fortunes at the expence of their sovereign and the people. Mahomed Toghluk, at the representation of Ameer Nowroze Beg, a Mogul chief, who, with thousands of his tribe, had entered into the service, buoyed himself up with hopes of the facility of re­ducing both Persia and Tartary. But, before these projects could be put in execution, the troops were all in arrears. These, finding they could not subsist without pay, dispersed, and carried pillage, ruin, and death to every quarter. Such are the calamities comprehending the do­mestic transactions of many years. The public treasury thus exhausted by his former impolitic scheme, the King resolved to repair his losses by putting in execution a project equally absurd.

Having heard of the great wealth of China, Mahomed Toghluk conceived the idea of sub­duing that empire; but, in order to accomplish his design, it was found necessary first to conquer the country of Hemachul, * which lies between the borders of China and India. Accordingly, in the

A. H. 738.
A. D. 1337.

year 738, he ordered 100,000 horse, under the command of his sister's son, Khoosrow Mullik, to subdue this moun­tainous region, and to establish garrisons as far as the frontiers of China. When this should be effected, he proposed to advance in person with his whole army to invade that empire. The nobles and counsellors of state in vain assured him, that the troops of India never yet could, and never would advance a step within the limits of China, and that the whole scheme was visionary. The King insisted on making the experiment, and the army was accordingly put in motion. Having entered the mountains, small forts were built on the

A. H. 735.
A. D. 1337.

road, to secure a communication; and proceeding in this manner, the troops reached the Chinese boundary, where a numerous army appeared to oppose them. The numbers of the Indians were by this time greatly diminished, and being much inferior to the enemy, they were struck with dismay; which was only in­creased, when they considered their distance from home, the rugged country they had passed, the approach of the rainy season, and the scarcity of provisions, which now began to be severely felt. With these feelings, they commenced their retreat towards the foot of the range of hills, where the mountaineers, rushing down upon them, plundered their baggage, and the Chinese army also followed them closely. In this distressing situation the In­dian army remained for seven days, suffering the ex­treme of famine. At length, the rain began to fall in torrents; the cavalry were up to the bellies of their horses in water. The waters obliged the Chinese to remove their camp to a greater distance, and gave to Khoosrow Mullik some hopes of effect­ing his retreat; but he found the low country com­pletely inundated, and the mountains covered with impervious woods. The misfortunes of the army seemed to be at a crisis; no passage remained to them for retreat, but that by which they entered the hills, which was occupied by the mountaineers; so that in the short space of fifteen days the Indian army fell a prey to famine, and became the victims of the King's ambition. Scarcely a man returned to relate the particulars, excepting those who were left behind in the garrisons; and the few of those troops who evaded the enemy did not escape the more fatal vengeance of their King, who ordered them to be put to death on their return to Dehly.

Baha-ood-Deen, the King's nephew, a nobleman of high reputation, known more generally by his original name of Koorshasip, possessed a go­vernment in the Deccan called Sagur. * He began to turn his thoughts towards the throne, and gained over many of the nobles of his principality to his interest. Through the influence of these chiefs, and by the great riches he had acquired, the power of Koorshasip became so formidable, that he at­tacked some chiefs, who continued firm in their allegiance to the King, and obliged them to take refuge in the fort of Mando. The King having intelligence of this revolt, commanded Khwaja Jehan, with many other officers, and the whole of the Guzerat forces, to chastise the rebel chief. When the King's army arrived

A. H. 739.
A. D. 1338.

before Degwur, they found the troops of Koorshasip drawn up in order of battle to receive them. After a gallant contest, the rebel chieftain was defeated, owing to the defection of Khizr Bahram, one of his principal officers, who, with his whole division, went over to the royal army during the engagement. Koorshasip fled to Sagur; but not daring to remain there, he carried off his family and wealth to Kumpila†, * in the Carnatic, and took refuge in the dominions of the raja of that place, with whom he had maintained a friendly intercourse.

Mahomed Toghluk, in the mean time, took the field, and arriving soon after at Dewgur, sent from thence Khwaja Jehan with a force against Koorshasip, and the Raja of Kumpila. The royalists were twice defeated; but fresh rein­forcements arriving from Dewgur, Khwaja Jehan engaged the Raja a third time, and gained a vic­tory, in which the Raja of Kumpila was made prisoner, but Koorshasip fled to the court of Bilal Dew, * who, fearing to draw the same misfortunes upon himself as the neighbouring raja had done, seized Koorshasip, and sent him bound to Kwaja Jehan, and at the same time acknowledged the su­premacy of the King of Dehly. Khwaja Jehan immediately despatched the prisoner to court, when he was ordered to be flayed, and shown a horrid spectacle, all around the city, while the ex­ecutioner proclaimed aloud, “Thus shall all traitors “to their king perish.”

The King was so much pleased with the situ­ation and strength of Dewgur, and considered it so much more centrical than Dehly, that he de­termined to make it his capital. On proposing this subject to his ministers, the majority were of opinion, that Oojein was a more proper place for that purpose. The King, however, had previously formed his resolution; he, therefore, gave orders, that the city of Dehly, then the envy of the world, should be evacuated, and that men, women, and children, with all their effects and cattle, should migrate to Dewgur. To add importance to the event, he caused trees to be torn up by the roots, and planted in rows along the road, to yield the travellers shade; and required that all who had not money to defray the expense of their removal, should be fed on the journey at the public expense. He directed, also, that for the future Dewgur should be called Dowlutabad. He raised several fine buildings within it, and excavated a deep ditch round the fort, which he repaired and beautified. On the top of the hill whereon the citadel stood, he formed new reservoirs for water, and made a beautiful garden. These measures, however, greatly affected the King's popularity, and disgusted the people.

Mahomed Toghluk having effected this object, marched his army against the fort of Kondhana,* A. H. 741.
A. D. 1340.

near Joonere. Nag-nak, a Koly chief­tain, opposed him, with great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within his walls. As the place was built on the summit of a steep mountain, inaccessible but by one narrow pass cut through the rock, the King had no hopes of reducing it but by famine. He accordingly caused it to be closely blockaded, and at the same time made some attacks on the works, in which he was repulsed with heavy loss. The garrison, distressed for provisions, and having no hopes of the King's retreat, at length evacuated the fort, at the ex­piration of eight months, after which the King re­turned to Dowlutabad.

He had not been long in his capital, when he heard that his father's old friend, Mullik Beiram Abia, the viceroy of Mooltan, had rebelled, and was then reducing the Punjab. The cause of the revolt was this. Mahomed Toghluk having issued orders to all his officers to send their families to Dowlu-tabad, Ally the messenger, who was despatched to Mooltan, presuming too much upon the King's au­thority, had, on observing some hesitation on the part of Mullik Beiram, proceeded to impertinent threats; and one day even told Mullik Beiram's son-in-law, that he believed the viceroy meditated treason against the state. High words arose between them, which ended in blows; and the messenger's head was struck off by one of Mullik Beiram's servants. Mullik Beiram, knowing the violent temper of the King, foresaw that this disrespect to his authority would never be forgiven, and re­solved to take up arms. The King, on learning what had occurred, put his army in motion, towards Mooltan; and Mullik Beiram prepared to oppose it. The two armies, each eager for victory, engaged with resolution; and, after a considerable slaughter, on both sides, the troops of Mullik Beiram were defeated. The King then gave orders for a general massacre of the inhabitants of Mooltan, but the learned sheikh, Rookn-ood-Deen interceded for them, and prevented the effects of this cruel mandate. Mullik Beiram, being over-taken in the pursuit, was slain, and his head brought to the King, who returned towards Dehly.