And a number of disciples, who thought themselves something particular, he called Chelah, in accordance with the technical term of the Jogís. And another lot, consisting of wolves among the sheep, and hunters of the weak,* who were not admitted into the palace (P. 326), stood every morning opposite to the window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared that they had made vows not to rinse their mouth, nor to eat and drink, before they had seen the blessed countenance of the Emperor. And every evening there was a regular Court assembly of needy Hindús and Musalmáns, all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering and a most terrible crowd. No sooner had His Majesty finished saying the thousand and one names of the “Greater Luminary,” and stepped out into the balcony, than the whole crowd prostrated themselves. Cheating, thieving Brahmans collected an­other set of one thousand and one names of “His Majesty the Sun,” and told the Emperor that he was an incarnation, like Rám, Krishna, and other infidel kings; and though Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanscrit verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would honour Brahmans and cows, and govern the earth with justice. They also wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and showed it to the Emperor, who believed every word of it:—

“Every one to whom thou saidst, Welcome! was welcome.”

And some of these different bands, whichever they may be, they called Aḥadí, who will in the world of “Monotheism” obtain com­plete salvation, and in the deluge of water or fire will form an army that will sacrifice themselves:—

“O my heart do not make a boast of offering thyself,
Whenever the Beloved may happen to come.
The doings of every individual will be known,
When the time for action comes.”

In this year also in the State Hall of Fatḥpúr having filled the 100 square cubits of the Hanafís, and the Qullatain* of the Sháfi'ís and Shí'ahs, and drawn off the water, the quantity of the Hanafís (P. 327) was greater than that of the others.

His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnís should stand separately from the Shí'ahs, when the Hindústánís, without exception, went to the Sunní side, and the Persians to the Shí'ah side.

But, as we have often said, it is not possible for the most voluble historian to explain fully all the particulars, and minutiæ of his pro­ceedings, and therefore, giving up all idea of so doing, we must take our own course.

When I'timád Khán was appointed to the governorship of the province of Gujrát,* which was the ladder of his ambition, he went to Sáróhí* He severed that district from Sarnál, and entrusted it to Jakmál, brother of the Ráná. On the twelfth of the month of Sha'bán* of this year he arrived at Aḥmadábád together with the Amírs, who were appointed to accompany him.

Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, who was absolute ruler of that place and had repelled all calamities and quelled all disturbances, upon this came out of the town with the intention of proceeding to the Court, and encamped at Osmanpúr. Here his lords and attendants, who detested their supersession and removal, deserted him, and to­gether with other malcontents,* went to Káthíwár to seek Muzaffar bin Sulṭán Maḥmúd Gujrátí, who had fled from the Court, and taking refuge with his mother's relatives in the mountain districts, kept himself hid by day, and only dared to appear by night. Him they proclaimed Sulṭán.

I'timád Khán, although Shiháb-ud-dín had the means of quieting these people, would not accept his assistance, but said: “These men have sought their fate from God, and have tried to kill me. Now the matter has passed out of my power to pacify, as you and all the kingdom know.” So he retired to the town of Karí, which is twenty cosses from Aḥmadábád.

One or two persons on the part of I'timád Khán and Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad went, and tried to quiet those rebels, but without success.

On the twenty-seventh of Sha'bán Muzaffar with the people of Kát'híwár and the rebellious Muguls came to Dholqah, which is twelve cosses from Aḥmadábád.

Meanwhile I'timád Khán, and Nizám-ud-din Aḥmad abandoned the city,* and together (P. 328) went to Karí with the intention of bringing back Shiháb-ud-dín Aḥmad Khán, and appeased him by offer­ing to restore to him his old pargannahs as jágír on the same terms as before, and by giving him two lacs of rupees in ready-money as a sub­sidy. They left the care of the town of Karí in charge of Sher Khán, son of I'timád Khán, and left Mír Muḥamand Ma'çúm there with a strong force, in order that making that place the base of operations they might rally the scattered troops.

The next day Muzaffar moved from Dholqah, and some of the devotees of Sarkij,* which is three cosses from Aḥmadábád, took from the tombs of the late Sulṭán's an umbrella, which was ready to hand, and placed it over his head by way of omen, and congratulated him on his Sultanate. Thus, having heard good news from the unseen world, he entered Aḥmadábád.

Two* Amírs, imbecile in their actions, to whom the following verse applies:—

“I and my tutor are two poor old men,
Who want, the two of us, two good tutors.”

with twisted reins, and broken crupper:—

“Their body not strong, their heart not patient,
Their fortune not friendly, their intellect not their guide,”

rode by night from Karí with a few followers, and arrived in the morning at Osmánpúr. Muzaffar made his entrée without fear or shame, with his troops drawn up as an istiqbál,* and stood on the sandy shore of the river of Aḥmadábád. Meanwhile those two old men as a means of scattering the rebels, and with a view to re-encouraging the scattered royalists were occupied in collecting debts, and writing re­quisitions, and despatching letters! And when things became desperate, not having any confidence in their followers they did not dare to offer battle, but helpless as sheep for the slaughter fled to the town of Patan, which is the same as Nahrwálah, and situated four or five cosses from Aḥmadábád, which they reached in one day. All the goods and chattels of the army were looted, and the wives and families of the soldiers were made prisoners (P. 329). Muḥammad Sharíf, son of Nizám-ud-din Aḥmad with his soldiers abandoned the pro­tection of house and family, and managed to join his father. The fugitives, together with another body of Amírs, who had come to their assistance from Fatḥpúr, and amounted to one thousand horse, repaired the fortress of Patan, and made a stand there.

Muzaffar gave all sorts of grand titles to his worthless soldiery, and exciting their hopes of recovering the kingdom, grew so in dignity that, thanks to the power of God!* he who had been a Court menial with a monthly stipend of thirty rupees, is now lord of thirty thousand clients. And sending for Sher Khán Fíládí, who had been formerly governor of Patan, from the province of Súrát, where he had been in misfortune, sent him with 4,000 horse against Patan.

The leaders at Patan sent Zain-ud-dín Kambú, brother of Shah-báz Khán, to Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán requesting him to march on Aḥmadábád from one quarter; while they would do so from the other, and so surround Muzaffar. But Muzaffar was too quick for them, and advancing with his army gave battle to Quṭb­ud-dín Muḥammad Khán at Barodah. And that person of great hopes and little management, who in comparison with the energy of those two old men, was a paragon of the age:—

“There are two fortunate heavenly bodies, the Sun, and the Moon,
And time hath found thy fair cheek a third,”

made but little resistance, and was defeated and shut himself up in the fortress of Barodah. And the chief of his army, and his auxilia­ries with one consent went over to Muzaffar.

Before this incident Sher Khán* with 5,000 horse, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the village of Miyánah, fifteen cosses from Patan. And Shiháb-ud-din Aḥmad Khán and I'timád Khán after much hesitation and cowardice determined to flee towards Jálor. But by the exertions of Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad they were restrained and remained at Patan.

The rest of the leaders with some veterans, who did not number more than 2,000, all told, (P. 330) marched with Nízam-ud-dín Aḥmad, and a great battle took place between the two armies. The breeze of victory and success fanned the banners of Nizám-ud-dín Aḥmad, and Sher Khán fled and retreated in haste towards Aḥmadá-bád. But, however much Nizám-ud-dín Ahmad strove to impress on the Amírs the importance of following up the victory by proceeding against Aḥmadábád, they would not consent. And this was the very crisis of affairs, for they had not yet received news of the defeat of Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán. In this battle a greal deal of spoil fell into the hands of the Amírs, so that they went to Karí and waited there twelve days waiting for the soldiers, who had gone with the spoil to Patan. Meanwhile intelligence arrived, that Mu-zaffar had bombarded the fortress of Barodah, which has a wall old as the building of his age, and weak* as the sense of Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán. Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán, the foundations of whose life were even weaker than theirs, sent out Zain-ud-dín to Muzaffar to make terms of capitulation. Muzaffar at a moment's acquaintance treated Zain-ud-dín as if he had known him for a thousand years. To Khwájagí Muḥammad Çáliḥ, a former Çadr,* who had been appointed to accompany I'timád Khán, he from a feeling of generosity granted his life, and allowed him to go on a pilgrimage. And to Quṭb-ud-dín Muḥammad Khán, the eye of whose penetration was blinded by the injury of fate, and whose bark was fonndering through calamity, he gave quarter, and so enticed him out of the fortress. He, little suspecting the treachery of Muzaffar, came out with the greatest weakness, and when he saw him offered him boundless salutations:—