The poet tells how he came to hear the story of the death of Rustam, which is as follows:—Zál had by a female slave a son named Shaghád and, as his horoscope was pronounced to be an unfavourable one by the astrologers, sent him to be educated at Kábul. There he married the king of Kábul's daughter, in con­sequence of which event the king anticipated that Rustam would remit the yearly tribute due from Kábul, but as this did not prove to be the case, the king and Shaghád plot together to bring about the death of Rustam, who perishes accordingly with his brother Zawára. They are avenged by Rustam's son Farámarz. The Part concludes with the death of Gushtásp and the succession of Bahman as Sháh.

One might gather from Firdausí's account of the provenance of this story that he received it personally from the authority whom he calls Ázád Sarv, i.e. Noble Cypress. This, however, does not seem to be what the poet meant by his statement. He tells us that Ázád Sarv shed lustre on Sahl, son of Máhán, who was no doubt his patron, and that, after Sahl's death, we may presume, he occupied a similar position in relation to Sahl's son Ahmad.*

Ahmad was sometime lord of Marv, and died A.D. 919-920,*

about twenty years before Firdausí was born. Chronology therefore renders it highly improbable, though not impossible, that Firdausí and Ázád Sarv ever met. It is worth noting that the name of the king of Yaman, whose daughters married the sons of Farídún, was Sarv,*

which is clearly fictitious; also that when Núshírwán, whose reign will appear in a later volume of this translation, had on one occasion an unpleasant dream, and dispatched agents to various regions to find an interpreter, one of them was named Ázád Sarv, who went to Marv and was the means of introducing Búzurjmihr, the future chief minister, to the notice of the Sháh. It is not at all unlikely that Firdausí, having on the present occasion to refer to a tradition emanating from Marv, used Sarv, as a convenient rhyme word.*

The poet's meaning is that, instead of following on this occasion his usual authority—the modern Persian prose version of the Bástán-náma*

—he went elsewhere for his account. In the Bástán-náma, probably, Rustam remained alive till the next reign, and then was slain with all his house by Bahman.*

Tabarí tells us that Bahman, urged on by his mother, invaded Sístán to avenge on Rustam and his kin the death of Asfandiyár. Bahman killed Farámarz, Zál, and Zawára, but Rustam himself was already dead.*

Mas'údí says that Bahman made war on Rustam, and killed him and his father Zál.*

With two or more versions of Rustam's death before him, Firdausí evidently chose the most romantic. It was better for the great hero to perish by treachery than in the stricken field against such a puny antagonist as Bahman.*

Rustam and Zawára therefore are disposed of finally during the reign of Gushtásp and before Bahman's expedition to Sístán takes place.

We have had already several instances of the enmity between brothers so characteristic of Oriental life. We have seen how Purmáya and Kaiánúsh attempted the life of Farídún,*

how Salm and Túr slew Íraj,*

and we have probably another example in the case of Gurazm and Asfandiyár.*

Now we have the fatal enmity of Shaghád against Rustam. It is only fair to add, however, that there are signal instances of brothers dwelling together in unity —e.g. Rustam and Zawára,*

Gushtásp and Zarír,*

and Asfandiyár and Bishútan.*