After Nadyr-shah’s departure, the scene that had been dull for sometime in the capital as well as in all the provinces, now became interesting in Bengal. Shudjah-qhan, whom we have seen Viceroy of Bengal, and Azim-abad, and Oressa, departed this life and repaired to the mansions of divine mercy about the time when Nadyr-shah arrived at Shah-djehan-abad. It would be difficult to mention all the good qualities of that worthy man, Admirable character of Shudjah-qhan Viceroy of Bengal. and still more difficult to describe even a few of them in this book. For there was not a man in his service whom he had not essentially obliged by some personal favours, and finding his dissolution at hand, he made a present of two month’s wages to every nobleman, every man, Civil and Military, and to every soldier or trooper in his service, without excepting the servants of his household, or even the women that attended as menial servants in his seraglio; and a few days before his decease he sent to ask pardon from every one of them, entreating their forgiveness. His benevolence was such, that whoever had once chanced to have been of his acquaintance, was sure of receiving some favour, and even the old women he had seen at Burhan-poor, the place of his nativity, or which he remembered to have heard of, did not fail to experience his munificence, every one of them receiving a fruitable pension. He was so impartial an observer of justice, and a judge of so much benignity, that the poorest suitor was sure of being in his presence upon a footing with his very son; and the fearful sparrow, certain of finding in his bosom a shelter against the hawk’s pursuit, flew towards him with a perfect reliance on his goodness. So that people acquainted with history, thought they lived in Nö8-shirvan’s reign.* He was of so beneficent a temper, that whenever any person endowed with some little capacity, or even with the air and language of a gentleman, appeared in Moorshoodabad, he immediately received information of his arrival and of the subject of his coming, and he in general waited three or four days until he heard of the man’s having some friend in his capital, upon whose application, he always granted the whole or part of the stranger’s demand; else, if he observed that the man had neither acquaintances nor friends, he assembled his Court, and after having mentioned the man’s arrival and his errand, he would observe: “That to all appearance not one man of the company knew any thing of the stranger; otherwise,” added he, “I suppose I should have received some application on his behalf already.” After these few words he would pause a little to give time to some one present to take shame to himself, and to apply, in which case he always gave a favourable answer; else, he sent to enquire of the man himself, and to inform him that, since he had come from so far, he ought to have given him some notice of his circumstances, and also have paid him a visit. After this he sent him underhand a supply of money. Nor was any of his servants daring enough to impose upon him in these matters; nor was such a custom in his household, as has taken so deep a root* and is practised everywhere and upon all occasions. I mean that the servants or chopdars, on carrying a thing from their masters to any one, should plague him for a gratuity, and in case of refusal, should very cavalierly right themselves: a vile practice which from becoming natural to such low-minded people, has spread amongst some others of the better sort, who are not ashamed to imitate them. Such exactions, if at any time put in practice, never failed to come to his knowledge, and the guilty was sure of being dismissed the service; whilst the informer received a further bounty. Hence such shameful practices were unknown in his household and Government. It is true that the people of his household itself were so generously used, that they never cast the eye of covetousness upon what was bestowed on others, and that living contented and in ease, they were little inclined to descend to supplications. Sometimes having got information of the stranger’s necessities, he used to send for him, and if he perceived that he intended to take service with him, he admitted him with condescension and honour; and on his going home, he would immediately send him a sum of money with an apology in these few words: “In so very cheap a country as this, even so small a matter may suffice; but God, in case of need, can do a great deal more for you.” To every one of the persons in his service, whom he knew personally, he used to send Qhoans or trays full of a variety of exquisite victuals—to some every day, to others every other day, and to some twice a week—and whoever had once been complimented with such a piece of liberality, was certain of it for ever; nor is there an instance of its having ever been discontinued so much as once. Of all the persons personally known to him, whether gentlemen or others, he kept a note in a certain memorandum-book of his, made up of ivory-leaves, and it was his custom every night on his going to bed, to peruse it and to set down under some names such a sum of money, as he thought proper (and this was sometimes a large one); after which he sent for a Zemindar dilatory in his rents, or for his Agent, and he informed him that having appointed such an one to be Sezavul or enforcer of payment over him, he wished that such a sum might be his perquisite. This request was always complied with, and often with some addition from the Zemindar himself, who made it a point of honour to oblige a person so recommended. After sometime he always asked the Sezavul about what reception he had met with, and on a fair confession of his benefits, he used to hold the man in esteem and to increase his inclination to him; else, if he prevaricated, or concealed any thing, he from that moment ceased to repose any confidence in him. After having in this manner promoted the benefit of a certain number of persons, he effaced their names, and noted down another set; and this sacred practice of his he kept on foot during the whole course of his life. May God’s forgiveness rest upon him, and may His goodness assign him a place amongst his elects! Amen.
That excellent man, after his decease, was succeeded by his son, Ala-eddö8lah-ser-efraz-qhan*, who mounted the Mesned* and took possession of the three S8bahs; and it was he that received Nadyr-shah’s letter which had been originally written to Shudjah-qhan. But Aaly-verdy-qhan who had been promoted to the Deputyship of Azim-abad by the latter, and did not much trust his son, whilst he saw distinctly the distractions that would follow in the Empire after Nadyr-shah’s departure, paid little deference to his new master, being entirely engrossed by the thoughts of securing himself in his office. And with that view he was actually encamped on the frontiers of his new Government, not that he had much to fear from the new Viceroy of the three provinces. This proved to be only a pious man addicted to the practices of devotion, and extremely regular in his stated prayers. He fasted three full months besides the blessed month of the He is succeeded by his son Ser-efraz-qhan. Ramazan, and was scrupulous in the discharge of the several duties prescribed throughout the year; but at the same time he proved greatly deficient in that keenness of discernment, and that extent of mind, so indespensably necessary in a Sovereign Prince. His soul wholly engrossed by those little practices of religion, did not pay a sufficient attention to the affairs of State, and did not reach to those niceties and those qualifications so necessary in a man of his station and rank. It is true, he did not offer any injury to the Räy-räyan, Alum-chund, Divan to his father; nor did he molest either Djagat-seat or Hadji Ahmed, two men of great abilities and influence, who with the Räy-räyan had had the absolute direction of affairs in the late administration; but he had resigned his heart and the helm of Government into the hands of some men who had personal wrongs to revenge. These were Hadji L8tf-8llah, and Merdan-aaly-qhan, and Mir-m8rteza, and some others, who incensed from long-hand against Hadji Ahmed, depreciated him everywhere, and teased him with taunting expressions that would have exasperated* any man. These incensed noblemen, intent on giving vent to their enmity and hatred against Hadji Ahmed, were every day busy in drawing his portrait in the most odious colours, and they went so far as to have produced in Ser-efraz-qhan’s mind a total alteration on his account. This Prince took from him the seat of the Divanship, an office which the Hadji had enjoyed ever since Shudjah-qhan’s accession, and he bestowed it on Mir-m8rteza. He wanted also to deprive Ata-ollah-qhan, son-in-law to the Hadji, of the Fodjdary of Rajmahl, in order to give it to his own son-in-law, Hassen-mahmed-qhan. Hadji Ahmed intimidated by the influence Is soon dispossessed b Aaly-verdy-qhan. of his numerous enemies, and finding himself aimed at on all sides, used to write every thing to his brother Aaly-verdy-qhan, and always with such exaggerations as magnified every unity into a thousand; and as he had already formed his design, he, under the cloak of zeal and attachment, persuaded the new Viceroy to disband great part of his forces, and to contract his expenses: an advice which the other had the weakness to accept; whilst at the same time through a natural indolence, and probably out of mistrust and fear, he listened to the counsel given him by Manocher-qhan, who proposed to arrest and confine Hadji Ahmed’s two sons, namely, Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, who was coming from Azim-abad, and Sëyd-ahmed-qhan, who was arrived from his Fodjdary of Rungpore. But what strongly characterises the Viceroy’s inconsistency of mind is that, after having listened to such an advice, he had the weakness to disclose it himself to Hadji Ahmed, and to pretend to make a merit of this confidence, in order to dispel the old man’s apprehensions, and to regain his heart. But there was another strange absurdity in his management. After making such a confidence, he affronted him again in the most glaring manner. Hearing that Ata-ollah-qhan’s daughter, that is, Hadji Ahmed’s grand-daughter, had been betrothed to Mirza-mehmed,* grandson to the latter, who had been adopted by Aaly-verdy-qhan, he wanted to break the compact, and to marry the young bride to his own son; and not content with forming himself in his court a party against his own interests, he contrived to procure it strength and support. He set on foot an inquiry into the management of the public money at Azim-abad, and he recalled the troops that had been given by his father to Aaly-verdy-qhan, and which these many years had conceived an attachment for the latter; and on their seeming to hesitate about coming back, he set up a resumption of all the grants and favours which Shudjah-qhan had bestowed on them, and took care to discontent them thoroughly. All these matters were minutely recorded by Hadji Ahmed, and carefully transmitted to his brother, Aaly-verdy-qhan, with the usual exaggerations and additions of his own; and to give more credit to his assertions, he used to superadd the sanction of Sëyd-ahmed-qhan’s testimony and seal, who on that occasion submitted to the weight of paternal injunction. It was after such proceedings as these, that Ser-efraz-qhan expected to gain the hearts of Hadji Ahmed and of his sons.
“A strange policy indeed, and a strange plan of an impracticable design.” |