AT this date of 953,* Abdur Rashid, the most excellent son of Sultán Said Khán, is on the throne of the Kháns, and I (your most despicable slave), Muhammad Haidar, have inscribed and adorned my history with his glorious name. This book, beginning with an account of Tughluk Timur Khán (who was the first among the Moghul Khákáns to be converted to Islám), down to Sultán Yunus Khan, is compiled from oral tradition and contemporary accounts, when they have not been found contradictory. Conflicting traditions have been omitted, on account of their probable inaccuracy. The history, from Yunus Khán down to the end of the reign of Sultán Said Khán, has been fully treated of in Part II. But in Part I. I have only given this portion of the history in epitome, as it is long, and much repetition would not embellish my work.
As, however, there is no account of Abdur Rashid Khán in Part II., it is fitting to give it in this place.
At the time when the Khán [Sultán Said] was in Moghulistán with his brother Sultán Khalil Sultán, Mansur Khán also entered that country, and a battle was fought between them at Chárun Chálák, in which the two brothers were put to flight. After being routed, they found that they could no longer remain in Moghulistán, so they retired in distress to Andiján, where the Khán was put into confinement. But he managed to escape, and went to Kábul, where his cousin Bábar Pádisháh was. (All of this is related in Part II.) The mother of Abdur Rashid Khán was one of those tribes-people whom his father had married, while they were in his service. She was with the Khán when he was thrown into prison in Andiján, but the malignant Uzbeg had separated her from the Khán, by whom she was seven months with child, of this same Abdur Rashid Khán. When the Khán joined Bábar Pádisháh at Kábul, news reached him that his servant was delivered of a son. The Khán told this news to the Pádisháh, who said to him: “Call this boy Abdur Rashid, because it rhymes with Sultán Said Khán.” And this is the origin of the name of Abdur Rashid, who was his father's successor.
When my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, went to Farghána and attacked the Uzbeg under Jáni Beg Sultán, he cleared the country entirely of Uzbeg impurities, and sent a messenger to the Pádisháh in Kunduz, who brought him back Sultán Said Khán. Abdur Rashid Khán had fallen into the unclean hands of the Uzbeg, but in consequence of these successes, he recovered his liberty and joined his noble father. When my sister, Habiba Sultán Khánish, came from Samarkand, the Khán married her, and entrusted Abdur Rashid Sultán to her care. She reared him with motherly attention and love, and Amir Ghuri Barlás was appointed his governor [Atábeg]. He was at that time three years of age. Two years later Amir Ghuri Barlás died, and according to the Moghul usage, his office was given to his uncle, Ali Mirák Barlás Khán. Thus Ali Mirák Barlás was appointed Atábeg to Abdur Rashid Sultán, and the charge of his education was given to Mauláná Muhammad Shirázi, a learned and noble-minded man, who passed all his valuable life in the service of the Moghul Khákáns. He was chief judge [Sadr-i-Sudur] at the court of Sultán Said Khán, where he exercised great influence.
This Mauláná was in truth the Atábeg of Rashid Sultán, while Ali Mirák Barlás held the office only nominally.
Rashid Sultán was born in the year 915 [1509-10]. In 928, when he was thirteen years of age, the Khán brought him into Moghulistán.
When Khalil Sultán was killed by Jáni Beg Sultán at Akhsi, his son Bábá Sultán was still at the breast, and like Rashid Sultán, was kept a prisoner by Jáni Beg Sultán. At the time when Farghána was subdued, he was brought to the Khán, who came to love this nephew more dearly than he loved his own children. He gave the child in charge to Khwája Ali Bahádur, who had formerly rendered great services to Sultán Said Khán, and appointed the Khwája, Atábeg to Bábá Sultán. The Khwája was a Moghul, and had spent most of his life in Moghulistán; he was very devoted to that country, and was always longing to be there. For this reason he begged the Khán to give Moghulistán and the Kirghiz country to Bábá Sultán, saying that he himself would take [the boy] to Moghulistán, and would arrange the affairs of the Kirghiz and of Moghulistán. The Khán consented to this, and wished to send [them] off. My uncle, since he was father-in-law to Bábá Sultán, did not overstep the bounds of loyalty, but as he disapproved of the plan, he represented [to the Khán] that the Moghuls had an unbounded love for Moghulistán. If Bábá Sultán were once established in that country, all the Moghuls would want to live in Moghulistán; if the Khán forbade the undertaking, Bábá Sultán would be offended; while if he did not forbid it, the departure of the people for Moghulistán would be a source of injury to the Khán; much anxiety would be caused, and the situation would give rise to many difficulties. “But if, [he went on to say] Rashid Sultán takes him there, he is your son, and it can do you no harm for the people to follow him. Even if evil should result, you have only to control him—a course which cannot injure him. Although Rashid Sultán is very young, it is advisable that he should go into Moghulistán.”
No one supported my uncle's opinion. Mirzá Ali Taghái in particular supported the side of Bábá Sultán.
In the meanwhile, Khwája Ali Bahádur died (a natural death), so that the proposal was entirely abandoned, and the Khán's attention was turned to Rashid Sultán, but heated discussions constantly arose concerning that matter. My uncle did his utmost to settle the affairs of Rashid Sultán quietly, and represented [to the Khán] that the right course to take was to release Muhammad Kirghiz from prison, where he had now been for a long time. He should [my uncle said] be brought out; a selection should be made from among the Moghuls who had flocks and herds and were desirous of returning to Moghulistán, and these, accompanied by some of the great Amirs, should all be sent off [to Moghulistán] together.
Finally the Khán approved my uncle's plan, and carried it out as had been suggested.
Having created Mirzá Ali Taghái commander-in-chief, and appointed Muhammad Kirghiz, Amir of the Kirghiz, he sent them away. Just at this time Ali Mirák Barlás died, and was succeeded in the service of Rashid Sultán, by his son Muhammadi bin Ali Mirák Barlás; he also accompanied the expedition.
Finally, at the insistence of my uncle, the Khán gave to Rashid Sultán one-third of all his regal possessions, whether in men, soldiers, money, tents, or felt dwellings [khargáh], and despatched him into Moghulistán. On the day of the departure of Rashid Sultán, [the Khán] sent to the haram for all his accoutrements, and said to me: “Fasten on his sword and quiver for him, and help him to mount his horse; it may be a good omen, and in the art of war he shall be your pupil.” I performed this service, and the Khán himself, having stood up, repeated several times the Fátiha,* and then said: “Do not forget that it was Mirzá Haidar who first fastened on your sword for you, and that you are his pupil; should any one ask you, whose pupil are you in the art of war, what answer will you make?” Rashid Sultán replied: “[I shall say] that I am the pupil of such a one.” The Khán said: “He is my pupil.” Having repeated this several times, and having once more recited the Fátiha, the Khán sent the party off.
On the arrival of Rashid Sultán in Moghulistán, Muhammad Kirghiz brought together all the Kirghiz and entirely subdued Moghulistán, where at that time there was a large army. It would take too long to recount the details. However, in consequence of the opposition which Rashid Sultán and his followers and allies met with from the Uzbeg Kazák, and also because of the hostility of the Kirghiz, he was obliged to return to Káshghar. Then followed those incidents in connection with Bábá Sultán and Sháh Muhammad Sultán which I have given in Part II. Muhammadi Barlás was also concerned in these matters, for it was to him they entreated the Khán to give the heritage of Sháh Muhammad Sultán, by way of retaliation. My uncle and I, however, opposed this plan.
In short, in the winter of that year, 934 [1528], the Khán sent me with Rashid Sultán to Balur, and in Balur I managed all the affairs of the army. Rashid Sultán was then eighteen years of age. He had no cultured men in his service, and had never had practice in conversation [kasb-i-muhávara]. Those about him were all a sect of Muhammadans, who, though men in form, were but brutes in their manners, and what could he learn from the brutal ways of those people? In spite of my own want of power and capacity [istitáat], I was superior to these people, and I passed my time with Rashid Sultán. So that when we returned, some little time after, the Khán found his son quite another person, and he said several times, both before me and in my absence, to Rashid Sultán, that he was delighted [mastwar] with me. I had made Rashid Sultán a son to him, in that he had won many victories with this army; and [he added] “thanks be to God, my son has come so near to being what my heart would desire him to be.”
Meanwhile news came of the revolt of Aiman Khwája Sultán who was at Aksu, and in spite of my own and my uncle's efforts, we were unable to quell it. The account of this, and of the execrable proceedings of Mirzá Ali Taghái, will be found in Part II.
Finally, I was sent, together with Rashid Sultán, to Aksu. When we reached that town the whole population came out to receive us. Aiman Khwája Sultán presented himself before the Khán. I remained six months in Aksu, where I conducted satisfactorily all military and civil affairs. Before this, one day in Moghulistán, the Khán was eating almonds; he broke one with his (blessed) teeth, and found that it had two kernels. He thereupon sent for Rashid Sultán and myself, and gave one kernel to each of us, saying: “It is an excellent and significant custom that when two men wish to become friends, each should eat one of the kernels from a double almond, and then become friends to one another. Thus, like the two kernels in one shell, nothing will separate them, and though two in appearance, they will really be one. I have told you to do this that you may be friends.” Both of us then respectfully kissed the ground, and drew our horses close together. The outcome of which was that, while we were in Aksu, we lived in great concord. Our affection, our unity, our mutual regard and confidence were beyond description, and our friendship was confirmed by sworn covenants. If I were to write down a description of our friendship and concord, the reader would certainly doubt whether such a state of things really existed, and would attribute it to mere rhetoric. In a word, after six months we parted with a hundred regrets at separation, but in hope of meeting again, and I returned to wait on the Khán. At the hour of bidding farewell I extemporised an ode [ghazal], of which I here give four verses. [Verses] …
The year after my returning to his service, the Khán entered on a holy war in Tibet, sending me on in advance, so that before the Khán joined me, I had achieved a great deal in that country. An army of 5000 men was now in Tibet—a number that the country was unable to support. So I was obliged to retire to Kashmir, with Iskandar Sultán, younger brother of Rashid Sultán. Having passed the winter in Kashmir, I returned to the Khán the following spring. This I have related [elsewhere], so there is no object in stating [details] here. While with the Khán in Tibet, he sent me to destroy the Idol-Temple of Ursáng, while he himself returned to Yárkand. I made a journey of four months; but the Khán died on his way home. The Amirs who were with him at the time, sent express messengers to Rashid Sultán to acquaint him with the event. They also sent the news to my uncle, who came to be present at the Khán's funeral, and to take part in the lamentations [azá]. On the 10th of Moharram, 940 [2nd August, 1533], Rashid Sultán arrived, when my uncle, having raised lamentations [by way of condolence], entered the presence of Rashid Sultán and was immediately put to death, together with Ali Sayyid, who was the sworn friend of my uncle. To commemorate the date of the martyrdom of these two men, the chronogram “Kutilá fi(á)l-moharram” [940] was invented [meaning: the two men were killed in the month of Moharram.]
It is the practice of the humane and the usage of the generous (and of these two qualities kings make boast) that when a person at any time renders them some particular service, they reward that person with various presents and favours. My uncle was the son of the daughter of Yunus Khán, and for generations [his family] had been at the head of the affairs of the Moghul Sultáns and Khákáns. I have explained the prerogatives of the office of Ulusbegi, in Part II. My uncle was one of the most distinguished men in the service of Rashid Sultán's father, so much so that no one was more valued or prized than he; for he had rendered some most important services to Sultán Said Khán. The first was the conquest of Andiján, which became the keystone of the Khán's dominions.
His second service was on the expedition against Káshghar, where he made such exertions, that had he not been of the party, all hope of taking Káshghar would have been relinquished. The Khán was in consequence grateful for his services, and rewarded him with favours in proportion. If my uncle had never been of service to Rashid Khán—nay, had he even committed offences against him, his faults ought to have been overlooked. But in addition to this, his invasion of Andiján delivered Rashid Khán out of the hands of the Uzbeg. It was, moreover, owing to the efforts of my uncle that Rashid Khán subdued Moghulistán—an event which was the cause of enhancing his dignity, and the commencement of his prosperity. For had the advice of Mirzá Ali Taghái and Khwája Ali Bahádur been followed, Bábá Sultán would have been sent to Moghulistán instead of Rashid Khán. He had always endeavoured to represent Rashid Sultán in a good light to the Khán. Aiman Khwája Sultán had married his daughter, and by her had five sons, who were my uncle's grandsons; yet, notwithstanding this, when it was suggested that Rashid Sultán should be set up in the place of Aiman Khwája Sultán, and that this latter should be driven away, he made no objection, but rather exerted himself to the utmost to further the plan. It is not worth while here to detail his services.
It was most astounding that all this should have been ignored, and that he should, though innocent, have been put to death. It is therefore all the more fitting that his story should not be told more fully; what God willed came to pass. Moreover, the retribution for this act is in His power; and we should read and remember the verse, “Verily we belong to God, and unto God we return.” It is the more strange that those very mischief-makers who had caused a rupture in the affairs of Rashid Sultán, were those whom he raised to high dignities. In short, Mirzá Ali Taghái was appointed successor to my uncle, and was sent to Káshghar, where, on his arrival, he omitted no act of cruelty, such as putting to death my uncle's children and relatives…*
In a word, the accession of Rashid Khán was characterised by the shedding of innocent blood, and by an absence of humanity. [Verses…] In the sight of the wise and pious, it is not right to shed blood, even for the kingdom of the whole world. After the murder of these faithful men, Rashid Khán established himself upon the throne of the Khánate. When the news of the death of the Khán reached Mansur Khán, he marched against Aksu, and Rashid Khán went out to meet him. Mansur Khán returned without achieving his object, and Rashid Sultán likewise returned to his seat of government. The attempt was afterwards repeated by Mansur Khán; Rashid Khán also marched out again, and returned with success and spoil. The Amirs in the service of the Khán became apprehensive, on account of my uncle having been put to death without cause. On this account they lost all confidence, and Mirzá Ali Taghái fled towards Karatigin. [Verses…]
When Mirzá Ali Taghái fled from that execrable devil,* he was joined by the rest of the Amirs; and having seized some of the Khán's children, they all made off to Khotan and rose in open rebellion. Rashid Khán then went after them; all the people [of Khotan] came out to receive him, except a few of the Amirs who remained in the fort. These [Amirs] were all bound and brought before Rashid Khán, who spared their lives, but ordered them all to be banished. Thus he did not kill these men who had committed a crime and were deserving of death, and whose neglect of duty had been proved, though, on the other hand, he had publicly murdered my uncle, in spite of his near relationship, his countless services, his innocence of all offence, and his strong protestations of loyalty.
| [Verses.] | No one can comprehend the ways of this lower world, |
| The Godhead seems always to be upside-down, | |
| All faithful men come to a bad end, and the wicked triumph over them. |
After he had finished this affair of the Amirs, he banished all his paternal aunts and sisters and mothers; among the rest Zainab Sultán Khánim, who had been the favourite wife of Sultán Said Khán. He next contracted an intimacy and friendship with the Uzbeg-Shaibán, who had been old enemies (as has been already related), and did his best to exterminate the Uzbeg-Kazák, who were old friends; and to the Uzbeg of both sides [tribes] Rashid Khán gave his own sisters in marriage. As the Uzbeg-Shaibán were old enemies, Rashid Khán put an end to this [enmity] by giving his sister [in marriage], which was a base action. In short, having allied himself with the Shaibán, he entirely crushed the Uzbeg-Kazák. Still if we leave aside all consideration of the ancient covenant, the overthrowing of the Uzbeg-Kazák was, in truth, a mighty achievement. Since the time when Sultán Yunus Khán defeated Buruj Oghlán at Kará Tukái (in the year 877) up to this date, there have been many battles between the Uzbeg and the Moghuls, and the Uzbeg have always been victorious; for during all this time the Moghuls had never gained a single success over the Uzbeg. But Rashid Khán did gain a victory over them, and this exploit of his was a really great one. For although his grandfather, Sultán Ahmad Khán, overcame the Uzbeg (as has been related), yet it was only in plundering forays; he never won a victory over them in a real pitched battle. Rashid Sultán defeated their troops in order of battle.
Up to this point I have heard the story of Rashid Sultán from reliable sources in Hindustán and Kashmir, and have committed it to writing. After his victory over the Uzbeg he marched on Andiján and Turfán. But the sources from which I derived the details of this matter not being trustworthy, I have not thought fit to enter them, and have therefore drawn in the reins of my pen from [writing] of these things.
All those unworthy acts with which people have reproached Rashid Khán, were committed either for the sake, or through the efforts, of Muhammadi Barlás. The origin of this man's influence is not evident, for neither had he rendered such service as to merit elevation in rank, nor had he ever displayed such great bravery or good qualities, as to gain for himself distinction.
Rashid Khán was led, mounted, [murtakib] by him in all his affairs. If I were to relate all, the reader, who has not himself witnessed these things, would regard them as incredible. The epithet of “Himár” [Ass] which is applied to the tribe of Barlás, was, indeed, fully applicable to that particular Barlás. It would be quite out of place for me to relate how he urged Rashid Khán on to kill, or banish, his uncles and mothers and Amirs, and to change his haram; therefore I have thought it better to avoid this matter altogether.
At the present time the Most High God has delivered Abdur Rashid Khán from that calamity, and has carried off the ass [himár] with the drunkenness [khimár] of death. It is to be hoped that, this time, the reins of power may become united in the hands of intelligence, and that trouble may be kept at a distance. Also that the Khán may follow in the approved ways of his honoured father and distinguished ancestors; that his mind may be enlightened, and that he may not, for the sake of an ass, engage in the extirpation of meritorious persons.
May the Most High God, of His gracious favour, cause justice to issue from the throne of the Khánate for many years to come! May the Khán avoid all that is displeasing in the sight of God and His Prophet, and may he repent him of his former deeds! Amen! Oh Lord of the worlds!
Though Abdur Rashid Khán's powers of discrimination were faulty, he was strong of body, sound of limb, and without an equal in the art of conversation. Excepting his father, I have rarely seen an archer like him. He was brave even to rashness. In elegant conversation he was as a peerless pearl; and he had also written several letters to a great personage. He played several instruments to perfection, and had great aptitude for all arts and crafts. Once, for example, he cut a tree out of paper, and painted all the branches, the leaves, and the trunk in their proper colours; he did it so skilfully that even the masters of that craft were astounded. Since the time of my absence has been protracted, I cannot answer for all his acquirements. But in those arts which I was myself cognisant of, I know him to have excelled. Not being a musician, I cannot praise his performance on instruments with justice,* nor can I say anything of what he acquired during my absence. He was, besides, a good Musulmán and inclined to justice and equity. But, by allowing himself to be influenced by the violent Muhammadi, he performed many unjust acts. Please God that he may now persist in the path of justice!