The short account of this is as follows: When Shēr Khān arrived in the neighbourhood of Rohtās, which is a very strong fort, he sent messengers to Rājā Cintāman,* a brahman, the owner of the fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and dependants into the fort, and thus make him (Shēr Khān) pledged to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the simple-minded Rājā was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He, a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed on every side of the litters. By this stratagem* he introduced his soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to Bengal.

His Majesty Jahānbānī found the climate of Bengal agreeable and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country gathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindāl was led by evil companions and authors of strife to entertain wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with­out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were sent to him they were without effect. After some days he arrived at the capital and arranged his seditious plans. In the inner-chamber of his brain, which was void of the divine halo, he concocted the desire of sovereignty. Shēr Khān, seeing the pro­pitiousness of the time, extended his strife and sedition. He came and besieged Benares; he soon took it and put to death Mīr Faẓlī the governor. From there he went to Jaunpūr which was held by Bābā Bēg Jalāir, the father of Shāham Khān, he having been appointed after the death of Hindū Bēg. Bābā Bēg brought Jaunpūr under discipline and sedulously strengthened it. Yūsuf Bēg, son of Ibrāhīm Bēg Cābūq, was marching from Oudh to Bengal. He joined Bābā Bēg, but was always scouring the country with an advanced guard and was ever in quest of an engagement. Jalāl Khān got news of this, and made a rapid march with 2,000 or 3,000 men. Yūsuf Bēg saw the dust of the army and was eager to fight. Though his comrades pointed out to him the largeness of the enemy and the smallness of his own force, it was of no avail, and he bravely drank the last draught in the neighbourhood of Jaunpūr. Next day the enemy invested Jaunpūr. Bābā Khān Jalāir gave proof of courage and skill in defending it, and sent off reports to the Mīrzās and officers. He also made repeated representations to the Court (at Gaur). Mīr Faqr ‘Alī came from Dihlī to Agra, and proffered sound advice to M. Hindāl. After much discussion he brought away the Mīrzā from Agra to the other side of the river. He also appointed Muḥammad Bakhshī to give what help the time allowed of, in des­patching Mīrzā Hindāl quickly to Jaunpūr. Mīr Faqr ‘Alī then went off from there to Kālpī to get Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā equipped for the army, and to arrange for a meeting of the Mīrzās in the territory of Karra,* and for a march onwards from there. At this time Khusrau Bēg Kōkaltāsh, Ḥājī Muḥammad (son of) Bābā Qushqa, Zāhid Bēg, Mīrzā Naar and many others, out of crookedness and strife-mongering absconded from Bengal and came to M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad who had been left in Kanauj. The Mīrzā reported their arrival to M. Hindāl, and requested that they should be personally received. M. Hindāl sent friendly letters to them by Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī,* who was one of the Mīrzā's confidants. He also wrote explanations of their arrival to Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī. The officers who were with M. Nūru-d-din Muḥammad, did not wait for an answer but came on to Kūl (‘Alīgarh) which was in Zāhid Bēg's fief. Hindāl's messenger heard of this on his way and hastened to join them. These short-sighted disloyalists opened their raving mouths and plainly said, “Henceforth we do not serve the king; if you, as you have already purposed, will have the khuba read in your own name, we will enter into your service and render you faithful allegiance; otherwise we shall go to Mīrzā Kāmrān where happiness and a wel­come are waiting for us (lit. are in our bosom).” Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī returned and secretly delivered the officers' message and said, that one of two things was inevitable. Either Hindāl must have the khuba read in his own name and send for and caress the officers, or they must be laid hold of by stratagem and be confined. M. Hindāl, whose head was always itching after folly, looked upon this opinion as a valuable find, and with promises of kind treatment sent for those irreflecting traitors and spoke soothingly to them, and confirmed them in their evil imaginings.

When the alienation of Benares and Jaunpūr was reported to his Majesty Jahānbānī and the deceitful designs of M. Hindāl became known to him, he despatched Shaikh Buhlūl who was one of the great Shaikhs of India and the recipient of royal favours, from Bengal that he might proceed quickly to the capital, and by sage advice restrain the Mīrzā from evil thoughts and induce him to act with one accord in extirpating the Afghāns. The Shaikh arrived post-haste, just when the officers were propounding their wicked schemes and were near drawing M. Hindāl away from the straight path. M. Hindāl went out to welcome him and brought him with honour and respect to his own house. The Shaikh's weighty words strengthened M. Hindāl in the intention of serving with which he had gone forth. Next day Muḥammad Bakhshī was brought in order that all the preparations for the army—gold, camels, horses, accoutrements—might be made. Muḥammad Bakhshī represented that there was no money for the soldiers, but that there was abundance of materials and stores, and that he would carry out everything as was desired. Four or five days had not passed since this conversation when M. Nūru-d-dīn came in haste from Qanauj. And apparently all that the officers had plotted together was strengthened by his coming. Muḥammad Ghāzī Tūghbāī was sent a second time to the officers and they reiterated what they had said before, and made this condition, that, as an indication that their proposals had been accepted, Shaikh Buhlūl, who was the king's envoy and was confounding their schemes, should be publicly put to death, so that everyone might be assured that M. Hindāl had separated himself from the king, and that they (the officers) might serve him with minds at ease. The Shaikh was engaged in arranging for the march of the army, and was looking after the ordering of the accoutrements, when the messenger* returned. In accord with M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad the unbecoming proposal was ratified, and M. Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad seized the Shaikh, by M. Hindāl's orders, in his house and taking him across the river, ordered him to be beheaded* in a sandy spot near the Royal Garden. The aban­doned officers came and did homage to the Mīrzā, and in an inaus­picious hour and in a time of confusion the khuba was read in M. Hindāl's name. The troops then marched* on. Though the chaste Dildār Āghāca Bēgam, M. Hindāl's venerable mother, and the other Bēgams counselled him, it was absolutely of no avail. The tongue of his actions uttered this verse.

“Advice of man is wind in mine ear,
But 'tis a wind that fans my fire.”

When M. Hindāl had the khuba read in his name and came before his mother, that cupola of chastity had a blue* cloth over her breast. The Mīrzā said, “What kind of dress is that you have donned at such a time of rejoicing?” That cupola of chastity replied, out of her foresight, “Why do you regard me? I am wearing mourning for you; you are young (he was only 19) and have, from the instigation of irreflecting sedition-mongers, lost the true way; you have girded your loins for your own destruction.” Muḥammad Bakhshī* came and said, “You have killed the Shaikh; why do you delay about me?” The Mīrzā treated him kindly and took him with him. When Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī heard of this bad business they made a rapid march from Kālpī viâ Gwālyār, and coming to Dihlī took measures to strengthen the city and to provide for the fort. The Mīrzā had reached Ḥamīdpūr, near Fīrōzābād* when the news came that Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī had arrived at Dihlī. The Mīrzā and the officers consulted together and proceeded to invest Dihlī. Many of the petty jāgīrdārs round about came and did homage to the Mīrzā, and he made march after march and besieged Dihlī. Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā and Mīr Faqr ‘Alī exerted themselves in holding the fort, and sent an account of affairs to M. Kāmrān and begged him to come and quell the sedition. He set out from Lāhor and when he came near Sōnpat,* M. Hindāl hurried off to the province of Agra without having accomplished his purpose. When M. Kāmrān approached Dihlī Mīr Faqr ‘Alī came and had an interview with him, while Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā continued to hold the fort as before. Mīr Faqr ‘Alī induced M. Kāmrān to proceed to Agra, and M. Hindāl not having the resolution to remain there went off to Alwar. M. Kāmrān, after he came to Agra, desired that cupola of chastity, Dildār Āghāca Bēgam to soothe M. Hindāl and to recall him to obedience. That matron (kadbānū), the pavilion of chastity, brought M. Hindāl from Alwar and introduced him to M. Kāmrān with his shroud (fūa) round his neck. The Mīrzā (Kāmrān) behaved with propriety, and next day he forgave the seditious officers and held a levee for them. The Mīrzās and officers joined together and crossed the Jumna in order to put down the rebellion of Shēr Khān. But as auspiciousness did not guide those highborn ones they did not obtain the blessing of such a glorious service.