And in the year 747 A.H. (1346 A.D.) at the time when the ^234. Sulān had made Sarkdawārī his camp, ‘Ainu-l-Mulk arrived at the Court, bringing from afarābād and Oudh much property and rarities of great value as presents; then the Sulān came to the con­clusion that it was advisable to recall Qutlugh Khān from the Dakkan, and send ‘Ainu-l-Mulk to replace him. ‘Ainu-l-Mulk got some idea into his head, and fled by night from Sarkdawārī and crossing the river Ganges made for Oudh, and his brothor Shahru-llāh laid hands upon certain of the elephants and horses* be­longing to the king, which had been left behind to graze, and carried them off. The Sulān went in pursuit of them as far as Qanauj, and ‘Ainu-l-Mulk, at the instigation of his brothers and a party of the followers of Malik Fīroz Nāib Barbak, who had been placed in charge of the elephants and horses, crossed the river Ganges and coming over to this side* attacked the army of the Sulān, and like the thieves and Gawārs (of India)* took to the woods and fought on foot, but not being ablo to stand against the elephants and archers of the king took to flight,* and Shahru-llah and his other brother together with the majority of the sirdārs of ‘Ainu-l-Mulk were drowned, and the remainder fell by the swords of the soldiers, and the fugitives were taken prisoners by the Gawārs, who having found ‘Ainu-l-Mulk alive took him on their shoulders* and brought him bareheaded* to the court and gave him a few days respite,* and the Sulān in consideration of his excellent services gave him his freedom, and in accordance with his former custom treated him well, and giving him a district sent him back to Dihlī; then he recalled Qutlugh Khān from the Dakkan, but inasmuch as Qutlugh Khān had reduced that country to excellent order and had gained the good will of the people, his recall was the cause of great discontent (and disaffection)* and ‘Azīz Khumār* who was one of the canaille, proceeding to Mālwa put to death many centurions (or Amīrs of a hundred) which is the meaning of the word Yūzbāshī* in accordance with the Sulān's orders, and thence arose many insurrections.

And in the year 748 A.H. (1347 A.D.) the captains of hundreds, ^235. stirred up rebellion and sedition in Gujrāt against Muqbil the servant of Khwāja-i-Jahān who was nāib-vazīr of Gujrāt, and was bringing treasure to the Court, and attacked him by night, getting possession of the treasure and horses and pro­perty belonging to the king. The Sulān arrived at Gujrāt with the object of quelling this rebellion, and sent some of the trust­worthy Amīrs as for instance Malik ‘Alī Sarjāndār, and Aḥmad Lāchīn to Daulatābād to bind the Amīrs of hundreds who were there and bring them to Court. As soon as Malīk Aḥmad Lāchīn arrived at the pass of Manikganj, the Amīrs of hundreds in their alarm* came to a common understanding, and put Malīk Aḥmad Lāchīn to death; Azīz Khumār who had gone from Gujrāt to oppose the Amīrs of hundreds of Dabho‘ī* and Baroda, on coming face to face with the insurgents lost his head,* fell from his horse and was taken prisoner. This news had reached the Sulān and had augmented his wrath considerably. And after the defeat of Muqbil and the murder of ‘Azīz, the Amīrs of hundreds waxed bold, and sent for their families and relations from all directions, and with one consent turned against the Sulān* and having captured the fortress of Daulatābād from the the governors of Malik ‘Alam took possession of it, and raising to the throne one Isma‘īl Fatḥ gave him the title of Sulān Nāṣiru-d-Dīn. After this the Amīrs of hundreds of Dabho'ī and Baroda over whom the Sulān had appointed other Amīrs, being defeated by the army opposed to them joined hands with the Amīrs of hundreds of Daulatābād. When the Sulān went to Daulatābād Isma‘īl Fatḥ prepared to give him battle, but being defeated shut himself up in the fortress of Dhārānagar by which is meant the citadel* of Daulatābād; many Muslims of Daulatābād were slain in this rebellion, or were made prisoners, and Malik* ‘Imādul Mulk Sartez was ordered to pursue* the ^236. fngitive Amīrs of hundreds towards Bīdar. In the meantime tidings arrived of the rebellion in Gujrāt of Malik Taghī, who, having put to death Malik Muaffar the governor of that place, had obtained possession* of a large number of horses and much property. Thereupon the Sulān leaving in Dhārānagar Malik Jauhar and Khudāwandzāda Qiwāmu-d-Dīn and Shaikh Burhānu-d-Dīn Balārāmī* left to quell the rebellion of Taghī;* the army which had fled from Daulatābād under the leader­ship of Ḥasan Kāngū, coming out of hiding attacked* ‘Imādu-l-Mulk Sartez. ‘Imādu-l-Mulk was slain, and his army fled to Daulatābād and sought shelter there, and Malik Jauhar with Khudāwandzāda Qiwāmu-d-Dīn and the other Amīrs not being able to withstand Ḥasan in Daulatābād evacuated those districts and made for Dhārānagar. Ḥasan Kāngū pursued them and came to Daulatābād,* and having driven out Isma‘īl Fatḥ assumed the title of ‘Alāu-d-Dīn and usurped the government, and from that time forward the rule of the districts of Daulatābād and the sovereignty of that kingdom remained in his family. The history called Futūḥu-s-Salāīn* was written in his honour. And Taghī the rebel, after the arrival of the Sulān at Gujrāt, ventured a second time to fight with him and was again defeated, and giving himself up to brigandage roamed about from place to place, the Sulān however continued to pursue him and followed him wherever he went. And in this expedition the Sulān having sent for Malik Fīroz from Dihlī attached him to his Court; and* in this year Malik Gīr the son of Malik Qabūl Khālīfatī, to whom the Sulān had delegated the control of all his important affairs, and on whose behalf he had written a letter expressing submis- ^237. sion to the Egyptian Khalīfah, and had sent it by the hand of Hājī Barqa‘ī, died, and Aḥmad Aiyāz, who is also called Khwāja-i-Jahān, and Malik Qabūl Qiwāmu-l-Mulk were carrying on the government in Dihlī. Towards the end of the reign of Muḥam-mad, disaffection and rebellion, mischief and sedition became increasedly evident day by day,* so that if he turned his atten­tion to curing one evil, another was not wanting to supply its place,* and matters were past all remedy,* and the glory* of the kingdom, and prosperity* of the country was entirely subverted. Tyranny supplanted equity, and infidelity flourished in place of Islām. There were many reasons for this, which by their co­operation led to ruin and dissension, and the decline of the king­dom. These causes are given in detail in the original history* the Firozshāhī, and also in the Mubārakshāhī. The results are here given in brief arranged under seven heads. Firstly.—The greater part of the people and inhabitauts of the towns and districts were ruined by the rapine of Tarma Shīrīn, and never again recovered their prosperity. Secondly.—The tribute to be paid by the inha­bitants of the Doāb, which district comprises some of the chief towns of Hindustān, was increased from ten per cent. to twenty per cent., besides which there was the numbering of the cattle, and the house-census, and other taxes* over and above these, and* in this way the more needy portion of the people left their pro­perty and cattle and attached themselves* to the richer folk, while the wealthier subjects plotted rebellion and sedition and took to highway robbery, and pillaged the country in all directions* so that from all these causes the revenue of the country began to dwindle.* Thirdly.—An universal famine, and (consequent) dearness of grain, for it so happened that for seven whole years not a single drop of rain fell from heaven. It should be remem­bered that this statement has been copied as it stands from the Mubārakshāhī, but I cannot say whether the author of that work has been guilty of exaggeration or if in reality the facts were as ^238. stated.* Fourthly.—the desertion of Dihlī, and the population of Daulatābād, because after Dihlī was laid waste they brought people from the towns and other places into that city and populated it, and then again removed them thence to Daulatābād, so that all their hereditary estates and family holdings, and all the property and effects* they possessed were wasted and dissipated, so that they never saw anything more of them. Fifthly.—The massacre of the eighty thousand cavalry in a body in the hills of Himāchal, and the consequent desolation of their families. Sixthly.—The daily occurrence of rebellion and mutiny in every place where people were in dread of their lives, some of them fell in battle but the greater number were put to death with their families upon false charges, so that in every way that wretched country was being ruined. Seventhly.—The blood thirsti­ness of the Sulān, and his system of Government of his people, which made Saiyyids, ‘Ulamā, Shaikhs, ragamuffins and scoun­drels, artisans,* peasants,* and soldiers, all alike in his eyes. Moreover there was constantly in front of his royal pavilion and his Civil Court a mound of dead bodies and a heap of corpses, while the sweepers and executioners were wearied out with their work of dragging (the wretched victims) and putting them to death in crowds. So that* the people were never tired of rebel­ling nor the king of punishing (the rebels).* At last the Sulān was at his wit's end what to do, but for all this he did not keep his foot out of the stirrup, nor did his sword rest from punishment, but all to no purpose, till the flood of sedition waxed violent, and the nobles of the kingdom by degrees grew* feeble, at length disease overcame him, and the Sulān was freed from his people and the people from their Sulān.