Of a surety, a grandee who does not recognise the force of kind­ness and prestige, and takes the road of ingratitude, smites his own foot with a hatchet,* and of his own act falls into the hell of ruin. The story of the doings of Mīrzā ‘Askarī and the officers of Gujrāt is a proof of this, for owing to the smallness of their capacities a little success made them give way to rebellious thoughts. From immoderate living there arose the beginnings of mutual strife and their actions were darkened by the mist of dissimulation. Accordingly after about three months the enemy stirred up commotion. Khān Jahān of Shīrāz and Rūmī Khān, who had the name of Ṣafar and who is the builder of the fort of Surat, united and took possession of Nausārī which was held by ‘Abdullāh Khān, a relative of Qāsim Ḥusain Khān Ūzbēg. ‘Abdullāh Khān left that quarter and came to Broach. About this time they also took the port of Surat. Khān Jahān marched by land to Broach, while Rūmī Khān came there by sea with warships carrying guns and muskets. Qāsim Ḥusain Khān lost his head (lit. lost hands and feet), and hurried to Cāmpānīr, and then from there went on to Aḥmadābād to Mīrzā ‘Askarī and Hindū Bēg in search of help. Sayyid Isḥāq who had received from Sulān Bahādur the title of Shitāb Khān (the swift Khān) took possession of Cambay, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā went off from Pattan to Aḥmadābād at the summons of ‘Askarī Mīrza. Daryā Khān and Muḥāfi Khān set out from Rāīsīn and were going towards the Sulān at Diu, when finding Pattan empty (i.e., undefended), they took possession of it. From want of union and want of counsel things came to such a pass that one Ghaẓanfar* (the lion), a servant of Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā deserted with 300 horse and joined Sulān Bahādur. He invited the Sulān to come (to Aḥmadābād) and letters of loyalists followed in succession, so that Sulān Bahādur marched towards Aḥmadābād, and soon halted near Sarkēj. ‘Askarī Mīrzā, Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, Hindū Bēg, and Qāsim Ḥusain Khān pro­ceeded with nearly 20,000 horse and confronted the Sulān in the rear of Asāwal. They faced him for three days and nights, and then, as they were neither loyal to his Majesty Jahānbānī nor clear-headed they, out of a darkened understanding and evil thoughts, went off without fighting to Cāmpānīr. Much mischief ensued.

'Tis evident how far they carried the eating of the salt and the breaking the salt-cellar on the table-top* and how in the domain of thanksgiving they trod the arena of crime and the field of little service. Good God, I understand their lack of fidelity, which is a priceless jewel and of rare occurrence in this wicked world, but why should they drop from their hands the coin of common sense which is negotiable every where? In fine, Sulān Bahādur who had been in a thousand anxieties, grew bold and pursued them. Sayyid Mubārak of Bukhārā was at the head of the vanguard and came near the imperial army. Yādgar Nāṣir Mīrzā who commanded in the rear turned and fought bravely with the result that many of the Sulān's vanguard were killed, while the Mīrzā was wounded in the arm. The enemy halted at Maḥmūdābād, and the Mīrzā joined the main army. As M. ‘Askarī had lost heart he incontinently crossed the Mahindrī which was in front of him, and many of the soldiers lost their lives in its floods. The Sulān arrived at the edge of the river and the Mīrzā went on to Cāmpānīr. Tardī Bēg Khān made arrangements for their entertainment, and then went back to his post.

Next day the Mīrzās sent a treacherous message to Tardī Bēg Khān to the effect that they were in distress, and their army in evil case, and begged that he would send them by way of assistance a portion of the fort treasures in order that they might give it to their soldiers. When they had refreshed themselves, they would use diligence to attack the enemy. They were reporting to Māndū, where the imperial camp was, but it would take a courier six days to get there. Tardī Bēg Khān did not consent to this, and the Mīrzās plotted to seize him so that they might get hold of the whole of the treasure, and establish the sovereignty in the name of M. ‘Askarī. If they defeated Sulān Bahādur so much the better, but if not, as his Majesty Jahānbānī liked the Mālwā climate, and the territory of Agra, the capital, was undefended, they would go there. Tardī Bēg Khān came down from the fort and was going to wait upon the Mīrzās when he got wind of this plot. He hastened back to the fort and sent word to the Mīrzās that it was not fitting for them to remain there. They sent back a message that they were leaving, but asked him to come that they might discuss sundry matters with him and bid him farewell. He knew their design and returned a suitable answer, and next morning opened fire on them. The Mīrzās went off with evil intentions and proceeded by Ghāt Karjī* towards Agra. So long as the victorious (?) army was in the neighbourhood of Cāmpānīr the Sulān did not cross the Mahindrī which is 15 kōs from Cāmpānīr. But when news came that the Mīrzās had retreated and gone off towards Agra with evil designs, the Sulān crossed the river and came to attack Cāmpānīr. Tardī Bēg Khān, in spite of the strength of the fort, and the store of preparations there abandoned the fort and took the road of safety. He reached Māndū and had the honour of paying his respects. He made known to his Majesty the Mīrzās' evil intentions and his Majesty on being apprized thereof hastened by way of Cītōr so that the Mīrzās might not get to Agra before him. By good fortune he came up with them on the way, near Cītōr. The helpless Mīrzās submitted to his Majesty and he out of innate kindness and clemency did not regard their offences and made universal forgiveness, the intercessor for their faults. He made liberality to supplement forgiveness and distinguished them by princely gifts.

One of the evils of the time which were the cause* of his Majesty's returning from this country to Agra was that Muḥammad Sulān Mīrzā and his son Ulugh Mīrzā, who had deviated from the highway of obedience and become rebellious, as has been already mentioned, emerged at this time, owing to their constitutional worth­lessness, from the corner of contempt and raised the head of molesta­tion. Thus did those who had been appointed to blind him receive a lesson.* They now attacked pargana Bilgrām* and then proceeded to Qanauj. The sons of Khusrau Kōkaltāsh,* who were there asked quarter and yielded up Qanauj to them. M. Hindāl who was in Agra, went forth to quell this disturbance, and the two armies met after he had crossed the Ganges at Bilgrām. A battle ensued, and as the vogue of rebels and strife mongers is like a grass-fire the flames were extinguished in a moment by the blowing of Fortune's gale. The north* wind of victory blew and the victorious army pursued and came to Oudh.* There Ulugh Bēg M. and his sons had gathered an army and again offered battle. Meanwhile the news came of the arrival of the victorious army from Gujrāt to Agra. The wretched enemy again fought and were again defeated. Mīrzā Hindāl returned victorious and kissed the sublime threshold. When the grand army of his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived at Agra Bhūpāl Rāī, governor of Bījāgaḍa (in Nimār), finding the fort of Māndū undefended boldly entered it, and Qādir Shāh returned to Māndū, and also Mīrān Muḥammad Fārūqī came there from Burhānpūr. Sulān Bahādur after staying about two weeks in Cāmpānīr returned to Diu. When his Majesty Jahānbānī and the invincible fortune of his family had turned away from Bahādur with glories of power and majesty, an event* which he thought to be to his advantage became the cause of his ruin. For after being routed by the victorious army, and after beholding the impact of the majestic troops he sent persons with presents to the Feringhī Viceroy* who was the Warden of the Ports, and invited him to come to him. At the time when M. ‘Askarī went off from Gujrāt and the Sulān had come to Diu, the Viceroy arrived there by sea with ships and soldiers. When he learned the state of affairs he grew apprehensive, lest now that the Sulān was independent of his help he would act perfidiously after an interview. He therefore feigned illness and sent messengers to the Sulān to say that he had come in compliance with his request and would wait upon him as soon as he was better. The Sulān left the highway of caution and on 3 Ramaẓān 943 (13th February, 1537), at the close of the day, went by boat to inquire after the Viceroy's health. As soon as he arrived he saw that the illness was feigned, and reporting that he had come he immediately proceeded to return. The Feringhīs thought that “when such a prey has come into our grasp it will be well if we get some harbours out of him.” The Viceroy intercepted him and requested him to stay till some presents should be brought before him. The Sulān said “send them afterwards,” and saying this he hastily went towards his own vessel. The Feringhī Qāẓī* stopped him and bade him wait and the Sulān impatiently drew his sword and clove him to the waist. He then jumped from their vessel on to his own. The Portuguese boats which were round about closed in upon her and a fight began. The Sulān and Rūmī Khān* flung themselves into the sea. A Feringhī acquaintance of Rūmī Khān drew him out, but the Sulān was drowned,* and his attendants also perished. The chrono­gram is Faringiyān-i-Bahādur-kush* (943=1531). And some used to say that he (Bahādur) came to the surface and reached the shore in safety. And subsequently there were reports in Gujrāt and the Deccan of his having been seen by people. For instance, on one occasion a person appeared in the Deccan whom the Niāmu-l-Mulk acknowledged, and played Caugān (polo) with. A crowd gathered round him, and the Niām perceiving this resolved to put him to death. On that same night he disappeared from his tent, and people concluded that the Niām had destroyed him. One day Mīr Abū Turāb* who is one of the Gujrāt grandees, related that Mullā Qubu-d-dīn of Shīrāz, who was Sulān Bahādur's preceptor, was at that tlme in the Deccan and that he took an oath that the man was certainly Sulān Bahādur, and that he had spoken to him of certain matters only known to themselves, and had received intelligent replies. It cannot be said that in the wide kingdom of God's power such things are impossible.