Now that the narrative has come so far, we cannot avoid giving some account of the beginning of this auspicious victory. As the victorious heroes were so rapid in getting into the fort of Māndū and in performing prodigies of valour there, no authentic news of their success emerged in the early morning. When two hours of day had elapsed his Majesty Jahānbānī heard of the entry, &c., and mounting his horse proceeded towards the fort and entered by the Dihlī gate.*

Ṣadr Khān and his men were meanwhile fighting at the entrance to his house, and though he was wounded he continued firm. At last, the nobles seized his rein and conducted him to Sungad. Many people went with him and took refuge there, and among them was Sulān ‘Ālam. The victorious soldiers plundered the houses of the enemy for three days, and then an order was issued for restraining the spoilers. Reliable persons were sent to Ṣadr Khān and Sulān ‘Ālam, who inspired them with confidence. After long parleys of little moment, they gave the besieged quarter and brought them out, but as Sulān ‘Ālam had several times committed sedition and rebel­lion, he was hamstrung* and let go. To Ṣadr Khān royal favours were shown. Three days after this victory, his Majesty came down from the fort and proceeded by forced marches to Gujrāt, accompanied by 30,000 chosen horsemen, while the camp was ordered to follow stage by stage.

When the victorious troops came near Cāmpānīr they halted, and drew up by the side of the Piplī Gate near the tank of ‘Imādu-l-mulk which is three kōs in circumference. When Sulān Bahādur heard of this, he strengthened the fort and went out by another gate, on the side of the Shukr tank, and fled to Cambay. By his instruc­tions the town (Cāmpānīr) was set on fire, but when his Majesty Jahānbānī arrived, he directed the flames to be extinguished. Leaving Mīr Hindū Bēg and the rest in Cāmpānīr he took about a thousand horse and set off rapidly in pursuit of Sulān Bahādur. As soon as the Sulān came to Cambay he hastened to Diu, after setting fire to a hundred warships (Gharāb), which he had prepared against the Portu­guese, lest the soldiers of the sublime army should embark on them and pursue him. On the same day that he left for Diu, his Majesty Jahānbānī reached Cambay and encamped by the seaside. From thence he despatched a force in pursuit of Sulān Bahādur. When the Sulān reached Diu, the victorious soldiers returned from its neigh­bourhood with abundance of booty. By the favours of heaven were Māndū and Gujrāt conquered in 942 (1535). Whoever is stayed upon God and whose standard is a good intention, will assuredly have his desire placed within his bosom.*

In the beginning of Sh‘abān of this year, (25th January, 1536), Mīrzā Kāmrān marched from Lābōr to Kābul, and after a great battle won a victory over Sām Mīrzā,* the brother of Shāh ahmāsp Ṣafavī. The short account of this is as follows. Sām Mīrzā came to Qaudahār with a large body of Qizilbāshīs (Persians). Khwāja Kilān Bēg had strengthened Qandahār and defended it for eight months. Meanwhile Mīrzā Kāmrān marched from Lāhōr with a full equipment. A great battle took place between him and Sām Mīrzā. Aghzīwār Khān, one of the great officers of the Qizilbāshīs and Sām Mīrzā's tutor, was taken prisoner and put to death, and many of the Qizilbāshīs perished.* Mīrzā Kāmrān returned victorious to Lāhōr, and the disturbance caused by Mīrzā Muḥammad Zamān was put down. The explanation of this is briefly this. It has been already mentioned that after the defeat of Sulān Bahādur, M. Muḥammad Zamān marched against Lāhōr with the idea of stirring up strife there. When he came to the borders of Sind, Shāh Ḥusain, the son of Shāh Bēg Arghūn and the ruler of Sind, did not give him a place in his own territory, but pointed out Lāhōr to him as M. Kāmrān had gone towards Qandahār, and suggested that as such a rich country was unprotected he should go there. The ill-fated Mīrzā came to Lāhōr, thinking he had got an open field, and besieged it. Meanwhile M. Kāmrān arrived near Lāhōr and beat the drum of superiority. M. Muḥammad Zamān was dis­concerted, and saw no resource except to return to Gujrāt. Driven out and abandoned, he went there. In this year Mīrzā Ḥaidar Gūrgān came from Kāshghar* viâ Badakhshān and joined M. Kāmrān in Lāhōr. Next spring Shāh ahmāsp came in person to the district of Qandahār, and Khwāja Kilān Bēg put all the wardrobes, pantries and other offices in order and sent the keys of the store-houses and of the fort to the Shāh, saying that he had no means of holding the fort and was unable to give battle, and that it was inconsistent with loyalty and his duties as a servant to his master that he should come and do homage to the Shāh. Hence he thought it proper to set his houses in order and to make them over to his guest and for himself to withdraw. He then went by way of Tatta and Ucc* to Lāhōr. M. Kāmrān for a month would not allow him to pay his respects, saying “Why could you not have waited till I arrived?” After various transactions M. Kāmrān made his prepara­tions and marched against Qandahār for the second time, leaving M. Ḥaidar in charge of Lāhōr. Before this Shāh ahmāsp had put Bidāgh Khān Qajār,* one of the great officers, in charge of Qandahār and had departed. M. Kāmrān arrived and laid siege to Qandahār, and Bidāgh Khān capitulated and retreated. The Mīrzā got posses­sion of Qandahār, and after putting it into a condition of defence returned to Lāhōr.

Whither have my words strayed? It is certainly better that I withdraw my hand from these affairs and attach myself to the thread of my design.

When his Majesty Jahānbānī was encamped at Cambay with a small force Malik Aḥmad Lāḍ and Rukn Dāūd who were officers of Sulān Bahādur, and leading men in Kōlīwāra, arranged with the Kōlīs and Gawārs* of that country that as there were few men with his Majesty Jahānbānī there was a suitable opportunity for making a night attack. They accordingly made preparations. By good for­tune an old woman who had heard of this came to the royal enclosure and told one of the attendants that she had urgent business and wished to have a personal interview. As she was very impor­tunate and appeared to be honest she was admitted to the presence, and communicated the plot of the night attack. His Majesty said “Whence comes this well-wishing of yours.” She replied “My son has been confined by one of your servants and I want him released as a reward for this well-wishing. If I have spoken falsely, punish both me and my son.” In accordance with orders, her son was produced, and a guard placed over them both. As a measure of precaution the troops were got into readiness and drawn off. Near dawn 5 or 6,000 Bhīls and Gawārs fell upon the royal enclosures, his Majesty Jahānbānī and the troops having retired to a rising ground. The Gawāns came and proceeded to plunder, and many rare books, which were real companions and were always kept in his Majesty's personal possession, were lost. Among these was the Tīmūr-nāma,* transcribed by Mullā Sulān ‘Alī and illustrated by Ustād Bihzād, and which is now in the Shāhinshāh's library. To sum up in a short space of time the breeze of salvation's morn breathed from fortune's ascension, and the brave warriors turned upon that mob and discomfited and scattered those hapless wretches by discharges* of arrows. That old woman's face was brightened, and she gained her desire. The majesty of the royal wrath, and the onslaught of o'ermastering rage boiled over and an order was issued for plundering and burning Cambay.* After that the pursuit of Sulān Bahādur was abandoned, and the army returned to Cāmpānīr. The fortress* was besieged for four months. Ikhtiyār Khān, who was sprung from a family of Qāẓīs in Narīād* which is a town in that country, and who was, for his justice and ability one of the Sulān's, confidants brought great exer­tions to bear on the defence of the fort.* In addition to all these protections and precautions it happened that from time to time sundry mountaineering (kūh-naward) woodcutters entered by ravines, which from the density of trees and jungle were difficult for foot passengers to traverse, and of course impracticable for traffic, and for the sake of gain brought corn and ghee to the foot of the fort in order to sell them at a high price, while men in the fort let down money by ropes and drew up the goods.