History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 7

EXTRACTS.

[Text, vol. i. p. 69.] The Emperor Jahángír^5a died on the 28th Safar, A.H. 1037 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty-eight years and one month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriyár, from his want of capacity and intelligence, had got the nickname of Ná-shudaní, “Good-for-nothing,” and was commonly known by that appellation. He now cast aside all honour and shame, and before Sháh Jahán had started (from the Dakhin), he repudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot haste to Lahore to advance his own interests. Núr Mahal, who had been the cause of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain idea of retaining the reins of government in her grasp, as she had held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote to Ná-shudaní, advising him to collect as many men as he could, and hasten to her.

Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán and Irádat Khán, who always acted together, determined that, as Sháh Jahán was far away from Ágra, it was necessary to take some steps to prevent disturbances in the city, and to get possession of the princes Muhammad Dárá Shukoh, Muhammad Sháh Shujá', and Muhammad Aurangzeb, who were in the female apartments with Núr Mahal. They therefore resolved that for some few days they would raise to the throne Bulákí, the son of Khusrú, who, by Núr Mahal's contrivance, had been placed with Ná-shudaní, but who had been put under the charge of Irádat Khán by Jahángír when Ná-shudaní returned to Lahore from Kashmír.

* * So they placed Bulákí on horseback, and, with a party of men in whom they had full confidence, they commenced their march, taking care to keep one day ahead of Núr Mahal. * * As the young princes were not safe with Núr Mahal, they removed her from the royal palace, and took the young princes under their own charge; but when Bulákí had been raised to the throne, they were placed in charge of Sádik Khán.

Accession of Sháh Jahán.

[Text, vol. i. p. 82.] Sháh Jahán ascended the throne at Ágra on the 18th Jumáda-s sání, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 1628), with the title of Abú-l Muzaffar Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sáhib Kirán-i sání.

Rebellion of Jajhár Singh.

[Text, vol. i. p. 238.] Jajhár Singh was son of Rájá Nar Singh Deo Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, the celebrated author of the Akbar-náma, when Jahángír was heir apparent. * In obedience to orders from the Emperor Akbar, the Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin with a small escort. Jahángír was jealous of the Shaikh's devotion to his father, and was apprehensive that his arrival would interfere with his own plans. * * So he incited Nar Singh Deo to kill him as he passed through his territory. This evil-minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force of horse and foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shaikh. The followers of the Shaikh advised him to fly and escape, but he refused, and fell in the year 1011 A.H. (1602 A.D.). After the accession of Jahángír to the throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction through this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to bear his prosperity, and towards the end of the reign of Jahángír he became disaffected, and oppressed all the zamíndárs in his neighbourhood. * * He died three or four months before Jahángír, and was succeeded by his son Jajhár Singh. The wealth and property which Nar Singh Deo had amassed without labour and without trouble unsettled the mind of his worthless successor Jajhár, and at the accession of Sháh Jahán, * * he left the capital Ágra, and proceeded to Úndcha, his stronghold, where he set about raising forces, strengthening the forts, providing munitions of war and closing the roads. A force was accordingly sent against him, under the command of Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán. [The Imperial forces converged upon Úndcha, and] Jajhár Singh, having no hope of escape, waited upon Khán-khánán and made his submission. Just at this time intelligence arrived that 'Abdu-lla Khán had taken the fortress of Írich,⁷ which had been in the possession of Jajhár Singh.

[Text, vol. i. p. 272.] The anniversary of the accession was on the 1st of Jumáda-s sání. After the death of Jahángír, and before the accession of Sháh Jahán, Khán-Jahán Lodí entered upon a dangerous and disloyal course. * * He formed an alliance with Nizámu-l Mulk, and gave up to him the Bálághát in the Dakhin,^7a the revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krors of dáms. But Sipahdár Khán, who held Ahmadnagar, bravely and loyally refused to surrender that city. Khán-Jahán summoned to his presence all the Imperial servants who were in those parts. He left a small force at Burhánpúr under the command of Sikandar Dotání, who was related to him, while he himself marched with a large force to Mándú, with the intention of taking possession of Málwa, which province was then under the government of Mír 'Abdu-r Razzák, who had received the title of Muzaffar Khán. Sháh Jahán proceeded from Ahmadábád by way of Ajmír to Ágra, and there ascended the throne. * * The news of this event awakened Khán-Jahán and brought him to a sense of his folly and wickedness. Rájá Gaj Singh, Rájá Jáí Singh, and other distinguished Rájpúts who had accompanied him to Mándú, parted from him when they heard of Sháh Jahán having arrived at Ajmír. Thereupon Khán-Jahán wrote a letter of contrition and obedience, in the hope of obtaining forgiveness.

A royal farmán was sent in answer, informing him that he was confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, and directing him to return at once to Burhánpúr. He then retired from Málwa to Burhánpúr, and engaged in the duties of his office. But when it was reported to the Emperor that the country of Bálághát, which Khán-Jahán had given to Nizámu-l Mulk, still remained in his possession, and had not been recovered, the Emperor appointed Mahábat Khán to the governorship of the Dakhin. Khán-Jahán then returned to Court. The Emperor paid little heed to the reports and observations about his improper conduct, and for eight months passed no rebuke upon him. He still continued moody and discontented, and ready to listen to the incitements and suggestions of mischievous men. * * One night Lashkarí, son of Mukhlis Khán, in a malicious, mischief-making spirit, told the son of Khán-Jahán that he and his father were to be made prisoners on the following day or the next. * * The son told his father, whose apprehensions were instantly aroused by this malicious report, and he kept close to his quarters with two thousand Afghán followers. His Majesty asked Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán the reason why Khán-Jahán did not attend the darbár, and after inquiry had been made, it was ascertained that he had fears and suspicions, and he begged for a letter under the Emperor's signature, forgiving him all his offences, and relieving him from all his fears. * * The Emperor graciously acceded to his request, and sent him a kind letter under his own hand. He then came to Court and paid his respects. But Fortune was aggrieved with him, and so his perverse temper prevented him from appreciating the Emperor's kindness.

On the night of Safar 26, the men of Yamínu-d daula brought in the intelligence that Khán-Jahán meditated flight, and he sent to inform the Emperor. * * After the first watch of the night, Khán-Jahán, with his nephew Bahádur and other relations and adherents, began his flight. As soon as the Emperor was informed of it, he sent Khwája Abú-l Hasan and * * in pursuit of the fugitive. Unmindful of the smallness of their own force and the numbers of the Afgháns, they followed them and overtook them in the vicinity of Dholpúr.⁹ The fugitives saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters of the Chambal were before them and the fire of the avenging sword behind. So they posted themselves in the rugged and difficult ground on the bank of the river, and, fearing to perish in the waters, they resolved upon battle. * * [After many were killed and wounded], Khán-Jahán, with his two sons and several followers, resolved to hazard the passage of the Chambal, although the water was running high. He and his followers, wounded and unwounded, in great peril and with great exertion, succeeded in crossing over, thus escaping from the fire of battle and the waters of the stream. Many horses and much baggage fell into the hands of the royal forces. * * A party gathered to follow up the fugitives, but on reaching the bank of the river, it was found that it could not be crossed without boats, and an endeavour was made to collect some. Khwája Abú-l Hasan came up when one pahar of the day remained, and after consultation it was resolved to stay there for the night, and rest the horses, which had made a long and fatiguing march. Boats were collected, and the whole force passed over before noon next day, and recommenced the chase. But the fugitives pressed forward with all haste, and threw themselves into the jungles of Jajhár Singh Bundela.

When the traitor (Khán-Jahán) entered the territory of Jajhár Singh Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the Dakhin; but his eldest son Bikramájít was at home, and sent the rebel out of the territory by unfrequented roads. If Birkramájít had not thus favoured his escape, he would have been either taken prisoner or killed. He proceeded to Gondwána, and after staying there some time in disappointment and obscurity, he proceeded by way of Birár to the country of Burhán Nizámu-l Mulk.

THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1039 A.H. (1629 A.D.).

[Text, vol. i. p. 300.] On the 21st Ramazán Khwája Abú-l Hasan and * * * altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to effect the conquest of Násik and Trimbak¹⁰ and Sangamnír. It was settled that the Khwája was to stay at some suitable position near the fort of Alang^10a during the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khán from the province of Gujarát with his provincial levies. After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglána, and, taking with him some of the zamíndárs of the country, make his way to Násik. The Khwája marched from Burhánpúr, and in eight days reached the village of Dholiya,^10b near the fort of Alang, and there halted until the rains should cease. * * Sher Khán, Súbadár of Gujarát, joined with 26,000 men, and the Khwája sent him to attack the fort of Bátora, in the vicinity of Chándor, near Násik and Trimbak. Sher Khán ravaged the country, and returned with great spoil.

Murder of Jádú Ráí.

[Text, vol. i. p. 308.] Jádú Ráí, with his sons, grandsons, and other relations, held altogether from the Imperial Government mansabs amounting to 24,000 (personal), and 15,000 horse. He also had sundry jágírs in the Dakhin as tankhwáh, so that he lived in wealth and comfort. But he was fickle and unfaithful, and went with his sons and relations to join the Nizám. But the Nizám well knew his perfidy, and resolved to put him in confinement. For this purpose the Nizám arranged with some of his servants to seize Jádú Ráí, and he summoned him to his presence. Accordingly Jádú attended the Court with his family. The armed men who were in concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him, his two sons Ujlá and Raghu, and his grandson Baswant. His brother Jagdeo Ráí, with Bahádur-jí his son, his wife and the others who escaped, fled from Daulatábád to Sindghar, near Jálnapúr,¹¹ in their native country.

Campaign against Nizám Sháh and Khán-Jahán.

[Text, vol. i. p. 316.] 7th Rabí'u-l awwal. When the rains were over, 'Azam Khán and the great nobles who were with him left Dewalgánw,^11a where they had rested during the rainy season, and marched against the rebel Afgháns. * *

At the conclusion of the rains, Khwája Abú-l Hasan also, according to orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of Alang by way of Baglána towards Násik and Trimbak. When he reached Baglána, the zamíndár of that country, by name Bahar-jí, met him with four hundred horse. * * The Khwája entered the enemy's country by way of the ghát of Jaráhí. He found that the revenue officers and raiyats had left their villages, and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the country was desolate, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army were in want of necessaries. The Khwája then sent detached forces into the hills, and also into the inhabited country, and they returned from each raid with abundance of corn and other necessaries, having killed or taken prisoners many of the enemy. The Be-Nizám¹² now appointed Mahaldár Khán with a party of horse and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also directed to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder, and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could get a chance. Sháh-nawáz Khán was sent against these assailants, and he, making a forced march of twenty kos, attacked them and put them to flight, and returned with great plunder. The Khwája next sent Khán-zamán to attack the enemy's camp at Sangamnír. This force made forced marches, and reached the camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the fort of Chándor. * *

At the close of the rains, the royal army left its quarters in Dewalgánw, and marched forth against the Nizám-Sháhís and the Afgháns. On hearing of this, Mukarrab Khán and the other rebels left Jálnapúr, where they had passed the rainy season, and retreated towards Páthrí.^12a 'Azam Khán, being informed of their retreat, followed them march by march. When he reached the village of Rámbhúrí, on the Bán-ganga river, he learnt that the Nizám-Sháhís had ascended the Bálághát at Dhárúr,^12b and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, while Khán-Jahán had not yet left his quarters at Bír.^12c Khán-Jahán, having been informed of the movements of the Imperial army, called in a detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in the dependencies of Bír, and awaited the arrival of reinforcements from Mukarrab Khán, who was at Dhárúr. 'Azam Khán conceived the design of attacking the forces of the rebel Khán before the reinforcements could reach him; so he marched from Rámbhúrí to Mahgánw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Khán Razwí, commandant of the fort of Bír, informing him that Khán-Jahán was at Rájaurí, twenty-four kos from Machhlí-gánw, employed in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had obtained by plundering the merchants at Kehún and Kíoráí. Several detachments which had been sent out to make collections had rejoined him, and as he had heard of the arrival of the Imperial army at Páthrí, he had made up his mind to move off as soon as it came nearer to Bír.

'Azam Khán left a detachment in charge of his camp at Machhlí-gánw to follow him quietly while he marched off after night-fall to attack the rebels. Four gharis of night remained when he reached Pípalnír, six kos from Bír, when he directed Saf-shikan Khán to make a demonstration with his force on Khán-Jahán's flank, so that he might think this small force to be the whole of the royal army, and refrain from moving away. Saf-shikan Khán accordingly drew out his force upon a ridge about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken post at the foot of the hills about four kos from Bír. 'Azíz, son of Khán-Jahán, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father's troops, and at this juncture 'Azam Khán came up with the main body of the royal army, and 'Azíz was compelled to fall back in disorder to his father, whom he informed that the force which had first shown itself was Saf-shikan Khán's division, and that the whole of the royal army was coming up with all possible haste.

Khán-Jahán, when he found that his retreat was cut off, determined to fight it out. * * But the royal troops forced their way to the top of the hill. Khán-Jahán sent away the elephant litter with his women to Síú-gánw,¹³ and then rallied his troops for a struggle. He sent his nephew Bahádur, in whose courage and daring he had great confidence, against Bahádur Khán and some others of the royal army, who, being few in number, were very hard pressed. They dismounted, and, resolving to sell their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate struggle, and slew many of the enemy. Bahádur Khán received two wounds from arrows, one in his face, the other in his side, and several of his comrades were slain.^13a Narhar Dás also and many Rájpúts fell. Sipahdár Khán and others, who had mounted the hill on the right, seeing the state of the battle, took shelter behind a stone wall, and kept up a discharge of arrows. Rájá Bihár Singh Bundela now came up from the right wing to support Bahádur Khán. He joined valiantly in the struggle, and many of his men were killed. Rájá Jáí Singh and other rájás who were on another part of the hill, also joined in the fight. 'Azam Khán next came up in haste, and ordered a part of the left wing to advance. At this time, when many of the Imperial officers had fallen, and the result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven fell upon the royal forces. The ill-starred Bahádur, observing the successive arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries, lost heart, and turned to flee with his Afgháns. His father also fled. As the discomfited rebels hurried down the hill, they were harassed by showers of arrows and bullets. A ball struck Bahádur Khán, and he was unable to continue his flight. Paras Rám, a servant of Rájá Bihár Singh's, came up and despatched him with his dagger; then he cut off his head, and sent it with his ring, horse and weapons, to Rájá Bihár Singh, who forwarded them to 'Azam Khán. The Khán gave the horse to the man who had slain Bahádur, the ring he sent to the Emperor, and the head he caused to be set up as a warning over the gate of Bír.

The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, and put many of them to the sword. But as the victors had been in the saddle from the first watch in the evening of one day to the third watch of the next day, and had marched more than thirty kos, men and beasts were both worn out, and were unable to go further. 'Azam Khán then called a halt, to allow of a little rest, and to give stragglers time to come up.

Khán-Jahán and his followers, whose horses were fresh, took advantage of this to improve their distance; but 'Azam Khán sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bír to maintain the pursuit, and he himself, after a brief interval, followed with the main force. When Khán-Jahán learnt that the victors were in full pursuit, he removed his ladies from the howda in which they had been carried by a female elephant, and mounting them on horses rode away with them. Darwesh Muhammad, with a party of pursuers, captured the elephant and howda, and made a number of Afgháns and their women prisoners. Most of Khán-Jahán's men who escaped were wounded, and in their panic they were able to carry off nothing but the clothes they wore and the horses they rode. Khán-Jahán, with a few faithful followers, escaped into the hill-country. * * 'Azam Khán halted at Bír, to give his army a little rest. * * Khán-Jahán then proceeded from Síú-gánw to Bízápúr¹⁵ and Bhonsla, in the Nizám-Sháhí territory, with the design of going to Daulatábád. On hearing of this movement, 'Azam Khán marched from Bír towards Síú-gánw with 20,000 horse.

At this time, Sáhú-jí Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jádú Ráí, the Hindu commander of Nizám Sháh's army, came in and joined 'Azam Khán. After the murder of Jádú Ráí, which has been mentioned above, Sáhú-jí broke off his connexion with Nizám Sháh, and, retiring to the districts of Púna and Chákna, he wrote to 'Azam Khán, proposing to make his submission upon receiving a promise of protection. 'Azam Khán wrote to Court, and received orders to accept the proposal. Sáhú-jí then came and joined him with two thousand horse. He received a mansab of 5000,^15a a khil'at, a gift of two lacs of rupees, and other presents. His brother Mína-jí received a robe and a mansab of 3000 personal and 1500 horse. Sámájí son of Sáhú-jí, also received a robe and a mansab of 2000 personal and 1000 horse. Several of their relations and dependents also obtained gifts and marks of distinction.

Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán, when they heard of the march of the Imperial forces towards Síú-gánw, quitted Bízápúr and Bhonsla, and went to the village of Lásúr, ten kos from Daulatábád. Nizám Sháh also, on being informed of this advance, withdrew from Nizámábád, which he had built outside of the fort of Daulatábád, and around which his adherents had built various houses and edifices, and entered into the fort itself. Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán, no longer deeming it safe to remain at Lásúr, went to Ír-Kahtala, half a kos from Daulatábád, and a few days later Khán-Jahán removed his family to Aubásh-darra, a place within cover of Daulatábád. Daryá Khán, with a thousand Afgháns, separated from Khán-Jahán, marched towards Chándor, and the ghát of Chálís-gánw,¹⁶ with the intention of attacking Andol and Dharan-gánw.

This movement being reported to the Emperor, * * he appointed 'Abdu-lla Khán, whom he had summoned from the Bálághát, to act against Daryá Khán, and sent him off on the 10th Jumáda-l awwal. Daryá Khán had ravaged Andol, Dharan-gánw, and sundry other places of the Páyín-ghát of Chálís-gánw; but on hearing of the approach of 'Abdu-lla Khán, he turned back to the Bálághát. Want of rain and the ravages of the Nizám-Sháhís and Afgháns, had made provisions very scarce about Daulatábád; so 'Azam Khán did not deem it prudent to advance in that direction, but thought it preferable to march against Mukarrab Khán and Bahlol, who were at Dhárúr and Amba-jogáí, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter from Yamínu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he marched towards the ghát by way of Mánik-dúdh. (After some fighting) the royal forces ascended the ghát and took the village of Dámangánw, twenty kos from Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched to Jamkhír,^16a in the Nizám-Sháhí territories. * * Leaving a force there, he next day proceeded to Tilangí. The garrison of the fort there had set it in order, and opened fire upon him. * * But in the course of one watch he took it by assault, put many of the defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred prisoners, and captured all the munitions of the fort. When the royal forces reached the banks of the Wanjara,^16b twelve kos from the fort of Dhárúr, they found that Mukarrab Khán and his confederates had passed down the pass of Anjan-dúdh, and had gone to the neighbourhood of Bír. 'Azam Khán then sent Sáhú-jí Bhonsla to take possession of the districts around Junír and Sangamnír, whilst he himself, with the main force, went through the pass of Ailam to the town of Bír, and proceeded from thence to Partúr, on the bank of the river Dúdna. The enemy then fled towards Daulatábád. But 'Azam Khán learnt that scarcity of provisions prevented them from remaining in that vicinity, and that they had moved off towards the Bálághát, by way of Dhárúr. He then determined to intercept and attack them. But he found that the enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage in the fort of Dhárúr, had the design of descending the Páyín-ghát. So he went through the pass of Anjan-dúdh, and encamped three kos from Dhárúr.

Capture of the Fort of Mansúr-garh.

[Text, vol. i. p. 332.] In the course of the past year, Bákir Khán had proceeded to the pass of Kherá-pára, two kos from Chhatar-dawár. This is a very narrow pass, between the territories of Kutbu-l Mulk and Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and archers might hold it in security. He ravaged the country round, but when the rains set in, he retired without making any attempt upon the fort of Mansúr-garh, which a slave of Kutbu-l Mulk's, named Mansúr, had built about four kos from Kherá-pára. After the rains, under the royal orders, he again marched to Kherá-pára. Sher Muhammad, and other officers of Kutbu-l Mulk, had collected about 3000 horse and 10,000 foot, and having strengthened the fort with guns, muskets, and other implements of warfare, they made ready for battle. * * On the 8th Jumáda-l awwal, Bákir Khán arrived in the vicinity of Mansúr-garh, and found the enemy drawn up in a plain north-east of the fort. * * The enemy were unable to withstand the assault of the royal forces, but broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bákir Khán resolved to attack the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy fire of cannons and muskets, he advanced to the base of the walls, planted his scaling-ladders, and began to ascend. The garrison being dismayed, took grass between their teeth, as is the manner of that country, and begged for quarter. Bákir Khán allowed them to march out in safety, and then placed a garrison of his own in the fort.

Flight of Khán-Jahán.

[Text, vol. i. p. 334.] The territories of Nizámu-l Mulk, had suffered severely from the inroads of the Imperial forces in pursuit of Khán-Jahán, and mistrust and differences had arisen between the Nizám and Khán-Jahán; so the latter, in concert with Daryá Khán, his chief adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to retire to the Panjáb, in order to seek the means of carrying on his insurrection among the disaffected Afgháns of that country. So he left Daulatábád and proceeded towards Málwa. The Emperor, by his sagacity and foresight, had anticipated such a movement, and had sent 'Abdu-alla Khán to Málwa, in order to chastise Daryá Khán. After Daryá had returned to the Bálághát, 'Abdu-lla Khán was directed to wait at the Páyín-ghát, and to hasten after Daryá Khán, wherever he might hear of him. Having got intelligence of his movements, 'Abdu-lla Khán went after him, and reported the facts to Court.

On the 24th Jumáda-l awwal, the Emperor * * appointed Saiyid Muzaffar Khán to support 'Abdu-lla Khán, * * * and on the 25th Rabí'u-l awwal, he marched towards Málwa. He was directed to proceed by way of Bíjágarh, and to cross the Nerbadda near Mándú. * * If he found 'Abdu-lla Khán there, he was directed to join him. He marched with all speed, and crossed the Nerbadda at Akbarpúr. 'Abdu-lla Khán having heard that Khán-Jahán had crossed at Dharampúr,¹⁸ he crossed the river at the same ford, and encamped at Loníhara. There he ascertained that on the 28th Jumáda-l awwal, Khán-Jahán had moved off. He then proceeded to Dípálpúr,¹⁹ where he learnt that the rebels were plundering the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and he marched to Núláhí^19a in search of them.

[Text, vol. i. p. 338.] On the 4th, 'Abdu-lla Khán reached Núláhí, and Saiyid Muzaffar Khán, having left Dípálpúr, reached Mankod on the 5th, on his way to Mandisor, when he learnt that the rebels had turned off to the right. On the 6th, he again marched, and came to Tál-gánw, and on that day 'Abdu-lla Khán came up from the rear and joined him. There they heard that the rebels were ten kos distant the day before, and had moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in pursuit. On the 10th they encamped at Khiljípúr, and ascertained that the rebels were moving towards Sironj. The royal forces reached Sironj on the 14th, and found that the rebels had come there two days previously. Khwája Bábá-e Áftáb got into the city just before their arrival, and joining Khwája 'Abdu-l Hádí, who was in the place, beat off the rebels, who only succeeded in carrying off fifty of the royal elephants.

Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán now found the roads closed on all sides against them. Every day that came they looked upon as their last, so in their despair they proceeded on the right from Sironj, and entered the country of the Bundela, intending to push on to Kálpí. Jajhár Singh Bundela had incurred the royal censure because his son Bikramájít had allowed Khán-Jahán on his flight from Ágra to pass through his territory and so reach the Dakhin. Bikramájít, to atone for his fault, and to remove the disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of the fugitives, and on the 17th came up with the rear-guard under Daryá Khán, and attacked it with great vigour. That doomed one, under the intoxication of temerity or of wine, disdained to fly, and in his turn attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and his son was also killed. The Bundelas attacked him under the impression that he was Khán-Jahán, but that crafty one hastened from the field in another direction. Bikramájít cut off the head of Daryá Khán, and also of his son, and sent them to Court, thus atoning for his former fault. Nearly four hundred Afgháns and two hundred Bundelas were slain in the fight. For this service Bikramájít received the title of Jag-ráj, and was advanced to the dignity of 2000 personal and 2000 horse.

Capture of the Fort of Dhárúr.

[Text, vol. i. p. 339.] 'Azam Khán, having ascended the pass of Anjan-dúdh, encamped three kos from Dhárúr. He then directed Multafit Khán and others to make an attack upon the town of Dhárúr and its petta, where once a week people from all parts, far and near, were accustomed to meet for buying and selling. The fort of Dhárúr was celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the top of a ridge, and deep rivers of difficult passage ran on two sides of it. It was so secure that any effort upon it by the royal army was likely to prove unsuccessful; so Marhamat Khán was directed to plunder the town and petta, but not to make any attempt upon the fortress. * * * The garrison became disheartened, and remiss in their duty. * * On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání Marhamat Khán made his way in with a party of men, and opened the wicket. 'Azam Khán then entered with all his officers, and nearly two thousand men scaled the walls and got into the fort. All the vast munitions, the jewels, etc., became spoil of war.

Death of Khán-Jahán Lodí.

[p. 348.] The unhappy Khán-Jahán was greatly distressed and dismayed by the death of Daryá Khán. Having no hope except in evasion, he fled and sought obscurity; but the royal forces pursued him closely. On the 28th Jumáda-s sání, on arriving at the village of Nímí, in the country of Bhánder,²¹ the royal army learned that Khán-Jahán was about eight kos from that place. The long march they had made, and the company of many men who had been wounded in Jag-ráj's action, prevented the royal forces from marching very early, but they drew near to the rebel.

Khán-Jahán, on hearing of their approach, sent off some of his Afgháns, whose horses were knocked up, with the little baggage that was left; while he himself, with nearly a thousand horse, prepared to encounter Muzaffar Khán. The fight was sharp, great valour was exhibited, and many fell on both sides. * * Khán-Jahán was wounded, his son Mahmúd was killed with many of his followers, and further resistance was useless; so he again fled. Being hard pressed, he was every now and then obliged to abandon an elephant, so that before reaching Kálinjar twenty elephants had fallen into the hands of the pursuers, and some were caught by Rájá Amar Singh of Bándher. When Khán-Jahán approached Kálinjar, Saiyid Ahmad, the commandant of that fortress, came out to attack him. He killed several men, and took some prisoners. Hasan, another son of Khán-Jahán, was made prisoner; with him were captured twenty-two of the royal elephants, which Khán-Jahán had taken at Sironj. Khán-Jahán lost his tugh and banner, and fled with a handful of followers. By great exertion he travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the borders of Sahenda,^21a where he was to end his mortal life. 'Abdu-lla Khán Bahádur and Saiyid Muzaffar Khán pursued him closely with their forces in array.

Khán-Jahán was much afflicted at the loss of his sons and faithful followers. All hope of escape was cut off; so he told his followers that he was weary of life, that he had reached the end of his career, and there was no longer any means of deliverance for him; he desired, therefore, that every man should make off as best he could. A few determined to stand by him to the last, but many fled. The advanced forces of the royal army under Mádhú Singh now came up. Khán-Jahán, with his son 'Azíz, who was the dearest of all, and Aimal, and the Afgháns who remained constant, placed their two remaining elephants in front, and advanced to meet Muzaffar Khán. They made their charge, and when Khán-Jahán found that they were determined to take him, he alighted from his horse and fought desperately. In the midst of the struggle Mádhú Singh pierced him with a spear, and before Muzaffar Khán could come up the brave fellows cut Khán-Jahán, his dear son 'Azíz and Aimal, to pieces. About a hundred of his adherents fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped. A grandson of Saiyid Muzaffar Khán and twenty-seven other royalists were slain. The heads of Khán-Jahán, 'Azíz, and Aimal were sent to the Imperial Court. Faríd, a son of Khán-Jahán, was taken and placed in confinement. Another son, named Ján-i Jahán, had fled and taken refuge in Sahenda with the mother of Bahádur Khán. 'Abdu-lla Khán sent for him, and then despatched him in custody to Court. * * * The heads of the rebels were placed over the gate of the fort. After their victory, 'Abdu-lla Khán and Saiyid Muzaffar Khán came to Court, and received many marks of favour. The former was advanced to a mansab of 6000 and 6000 horse, and he received the title Fíroz-Jang. Saiyid Muzaffar Khán was promoted to a mansab of 5000 and 5000 horse. He received the title Khán-Jahán.

Attack on Parenda.

[Text, vol. i. p. 356.] 'Azam Khán was in the neighbourhood of Parenda,²² intent upon the reduction of that fortress, and the capture of the elephants and stores which had been sent there. * * He sent Rájá Jáí Singh with a detachment to ravage the town and petta. The Rájá first plundered the petta, which was about a kos distant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the town, which was surrounded by a mud (khám) wall five gaz high and three gaz thick, and by a ditch of three cubits (sih zará') broad (?). He broke through the walls by means of his elephants, and the musketeers of the garrison then fled into the ditch of the fort. The town was plundered. 'Azam Khán then arrived, * * * and entered the town, to secure the elephants belonging to the enemy, which had been taken into the ditch of the fortress. Seven elephants were seized and brought out, and much other booty was secured. * * 'Azam Khán pressed the siege, and the troops drove zigzags²³ up to the edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of the fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He then pushed his zigzags to the very edge of the moat, and there raised a battery, to which the men in the Sher-Hájí^23a found it very difficult to reply.

It now became evident that 'Ádil Khán, through his tender years, had no real power, but that the reins of government were in the hands of a slave named Daulat, who had been originally a minstrel (kuláwant), and whom the King's father, Ibráhím 'Ádil, had ennobled with the title of Daulat Khán, and had placed in command of the fortress of Bíjápúr. This ungrateful infamous fellow, after the death of Ibráhím, assumed the title “Khawáss Khán,” and delivered the government over to a mischievous turbulent bráhman, named Murárí Pandit. This same Daulat put out the eyes of Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibráhím 'Ádil Khán by the daughter of Kutbu-l Mulk, and demanded his daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name and honour of his indulgent patron. The 'Ádil-Khánís and the Nizám-Sháhís had now made common cause and were united.

The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. Provender had throughout been difficult to procure, and now no grass was to be found within twenty kos. So 'Azam Khán was obliged to raise the siege, and to go to Dhárúr. ^{* * *} The 'Ádil-Khánís retreated before 'Azam Khán, and he encamped on the banks of the Wanjira. Next day he captured the town and fort of Bální, which the inhabitants defended in the hope of receiving assistance. After plundering the place, he marched to Mándú,²⁴ and from Mándú to Dhárúr.

Famine in the Dakhin and Gujarát.

[Text, vol. i. p. 362.] During the past year no rain had fallen in the territories of the Bálághát, and the drought had been especially severe about Daulatábád. In the present year also there had been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhin and Gujarát. The inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf,^24a but none would buy; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which had always trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness. ^{* * *} The Emperor in his gracious kindness and bounty directed the officials of Burhánpúr, Ahmadábád, and the country of Súrat, to establish soup kitchens, or alms-houses, such as are called langar in the language of Hindústán, for the benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day sufficient soup and bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at Burhánpúr 5000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as the day of the Emperor's accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one lac of rupees was given away in charity. Ahmadábád had suffered more severely than any other place, and so His Majesty ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want of rain and dearness of grain had caused great distress in many other countries. So under the directions of the wise and generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were remitted by the revenue officers—a sum amounting to nearly eighty krors of dáms, and amounting to one-eleventh part of the whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who held jágírs and mansabs.

Capture of the Fort of Sitúnda.

[Text, vol. i. p. 370.] Sipahdár Khán, after obtaining possession of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the garrison), laid siege to Sitúnda²⁵ by command of the Emperor, and pressed the place very hard. Sídí Jamál, the governor, offered to surrender on terms which were agreed to; so he and his family came out, and the fort passed into the possession of the Imperialists.

Capture of Kandahár.

[p. 374.] Nasírí Khán had been placed in command of a force, with instructions to conquer the kingdom of Telingána. He resolved upon reducing the fort of Kandahár,^25a which was exceedingly strong, and the most famous one of that country. It was under the command of Sádik, the son of Yákút Khudáwand Khán, and was in full state of preparation. On the 23rd Jumáda-l awwal he encamped one kos from the fortress. Next day he prepared to attack the town of Kandahár; but before reaching the place he was opposed by Sarfaráz Khán, the general commanding in that country, who had taken up a position between the fort and the town, and having covered his front with artillery, awaited the attack. He was protected also by the guns and muskets of the fortress. The royal army attacked with great vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaráz Khán with a few followers fled to the Nizám-Sháhís. After this Nasírí Khán pushed on the siege. ^{* * *} Randaula, Mukarrab Khán, and others, with a united force of 'Ádil-Khánís and Nizám-Sháhís, came up to attack him in his trenches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his assailants; and although he had also to bear the fire of the guns and muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable loss, and compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos.

Out of twenty-one mines which had been opened, six were complete; three were charged with powder, and three were kept in reserve. 'Azam Khán, who had marched to support Nasírí Khán, now approached, and Nasírí Khán went forth to meet him, and to bring him to see the springing of the mines and the assault upon the fortress. The match was applied to the three mines; one failed, but the other two brought down the wall of the Sher-Hájí with half a bastion. The garrison kept up a discharge of rockets, mortars, stones and grenades, but the storming parties pressed on. The conflict raged from mid-day till sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not sufficiently levelled, and the defenders kept up such a heavy fire that the assailants were forced to retire. At night the trenches were carried forward, and preparations were made for firing the other mines. The garrison saw that the place must fall, and ^{* * *} made offers of surrender, which were accepted, and the Imperial troops took possession of the fortress. ^{* *} The siege had lasted four months and nineteen days, and the place fell on the 15th Shawwál.

Death of the Queen 'Aliyá Begam.

[Text, vol. i. p. 384.] On the 17th Zí-l ka'da, 1040, died Nawab 'Aliyá Begam,²⁷ in the fortieth year of her age, to the great grief of her husband the Emperor. ^{* * *} She had borne him eight sons and six daughters. The third child and eldest son was Muhammad Dárá Shukoh, the fourth Muhammád Sháh Shujá', the sixth Muhammad Aurangzeb, the tenth Murád Bakhsh.

Nizám Sháh.

[p. 395.] A letter from Sipahdár Khán informed the Emperor how Fath Khán, feeling that his release from confinement by Nizám Sháh had been a matter of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again as soon as his master's mind was at ease, he had resolved to be beforehand with him, and had placed Nizám Sháh in confinement, as his father Malik 'Ambar had done before. ^{* * *} Fath Khán then addressed a letter to Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán, informing him that he had placed Nizám Sháh in confinement on account of his evil character and his enmity to the Imperial throne, for which act he hoped to receive some mark of favour. In answer he was told that if he wished to prove his sincerity, he should rid the world of such a worthless and wicked being. On receiving this direction, Fath Khán secretly made away with Nizám Sháh, but gave out that he had died a natural death. He placed Nizám Sháh's son Husain, a lad of ten years old, on the throne as his successor. He reported these facts to the Imperial Court, and was directed to send the jewels and valuables of the late king, and his own eldest son as a hostage.

Operations against 'Ádil Khán.

[Text, vol. i. p. 404.] Muhammad 'Ádil Khán (of Bíjápúr), through youth, inexperience, and evil counsellors, especially a slave named Daulat (who had assumed the title of Khawáss Khán), had shown himself unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless of the allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán to arouse him from his negligence and disregard of his duty. Ásaf Khán was empowered to demand from him a return to obedience and the payment of tribute.²⁸ If he agreed to these terms, he was to be left alone; if not, as much as possible of his territory was to be conquered, and the rest laid waste.

[p. 411.] Ásaf Khán proceeded on his expedition, and arrived at Nánder, where he remained two days. There he left the main part of his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandahár, which he inspected. One stage further on he came to the fort of Bhálkí.^{28a * * *} Orders were given for the reduction of the place, and entrenchments were commenced, but it was resolved to attempt the capture of the place by escalade at night. The garrison got notice of this, and evacuated the place under cover of darkness. ^{* * *} Ásaf Khán then marched towards Kalánor, a flourishing place belonging to 'Ádil Khán. When he arrived at Sultánpúr, near the city of Kulbarga, the general in command had taken the principal inhabitants into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns, muskets, and other instruments of war. Next day 'Azam Khán, under the directions of Ásaf Khán, made an attack upon the town, and carried it, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the fort. The victors plundered whatever they could lay their hands on, and captured many horses in the ditch of the fortress. Ásaf Khán did not deem it expedient to attempt the reduction of the fortress, as it would have been a difficult undertaking and a cause of delay; so he retired, and encamped near the river Nahnúrá. Then he advanced to the vicinity of Bíjápúr, and encamped on the borders of a tank between Nauras-púr²⁹ and Sháhpúr. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain, and there was a warm interchange of rockets, arrows, and musketry. But although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire from the fortifications, they were regularly driven back to the shelter of the walls.

Ásaf Khán used to take every precaution for the safety of the detachments which went out every day to collect fodder, but the army was large and the animals numerous, so this was no easy matter.

The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck whenever they got an opportunity. ^{* * *} At the beginning a man named Shaikh Dabír, one of the confidants of Khawáss Khán, came out with overtures of peace and offers of tribute; but as they were not worthy of trust, they were rejected. Afterwards Mustafá Khán, son-in-law of Mullá Muhammad Lahorí, kept up a secret correspondence with Ásaf Khán, expressing his devotion and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the fortress. ^{* * *} After much negociation, it was agreed that Mustafá Khán and Khairiyat Khán Habshí, uncle of Randaula, should come to Ásaf Khán and arrange for the transmission of tribute and the settlement of the terms of peace. Accordingly both came out of Bíjápúr, ^{* * *} and it was finally agreed that 'Ádil Khán should send tribute to the value of forty lacs of rupees in jewels, valuables, elephants, and money, and that he should ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in these terms was accordingly drawn up. ^{* * *} The two negociators returned to Bíjápúr, and Shaikh 'Abdu-r Rahím Khairábádí went in with them to obtain 'Ádil Khán's signature to the treaty.

On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message that they would send out their own wakíls with the treaty. Next day they came out with certain propositions that Ásaf Khán considered reasonable, and he accepted them. It was agreed that the treaty should be sent out next day. As they were about to depart, one of the wakíls, who was a confidant of Mustafá Khán, dropped a letter of his before Ásaf Khán, without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that Khawáss Khán was well aware that provender was very scarce in the Imperial army; that the fetching of grass and fuel from long distances was a work of great toil to man and beast; and that in consequence it would be impossible for the Imperial army to maintain its position more than a few days longer. Khawáss Khán had therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and procrastination, in the expectation that Ásaf Khán would be obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled.

The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that time no corn had reached the army, and before its arrival the enemy had laid waste all the country round, and carried off the grain to distant places. The provisions which the army had brought with it were all exhausted, and grain had risen to the price of one rupee per sir. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was resolved, after consultation, that the royal army should remove from Bíjápúr into some better supplied part of the enemy's country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the territory of the enemy be wasted at the same time. With this intention the royal army marched along the bank of the Kishan Gang³⁰ to Rai-bágh and Míraj,^30a two of the richest places in that country. Wherever they found supplies they rested, and parties were sent out to plunder in all directions. On whatever road they went they killed and made prisoners, and ravaged and laid waste on both sides. From the time of their entering the territories to the time of their departure they kept up this devastation and plunder. The best part of the country was trodden under, and so, as the forces had recovered strength and the rains were near, the royal army passed by the fort of Sholapúr, and descended by the passes into the Imperial territories. 15,000 men of the enemy, who had followed them to Sholapúr, then turned back to Bíjápúr.

Return of the Court from Burhánpúr to Ágra.

[Text, vol. i. p. 421.] The Emperor being tired of his residence at Burhánpúr, resolved to return to the capital; so he set out on the 24th Ramazán, ^{* *} and arrived there on the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1241 A.H.

Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they ought to have been by 'Azam Khán; so a mandate was sent to Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán, informing him that the government of Khándesh and the Dakhin had been conferred upon him, and he was directed to make the necessary preparations as quickly as possible, and start from Dehlí to meet the Emperor and receive instructions. Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán, with 'Azam Khán and other nobles under his command, were directed to return to Court.

Capture of the Port of Húglí.

[p. 434.] Under the rule of the Bengálís (dar 'ahd i Bangálí-yán ) a party of Frank merchants, who are inhabitants of Súndíp, came trading to Sátgánw. One kos above that place, they occupied some ground on the bank of the estuary.³¹ Under the pretence that a building was necessary for their transactions in buying and selling, they erected several houses in the Bengalí style. In course of time, through the ignorance and negligence of the rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in number, and erected large substantial buildings, which they fortified with cannons, muskets, and other implements of war. In due course, a considerable place grew up, which was known by the name of the Port of Húglí. On one side of it was the river, and on the other three sides was a ditch filled from the river. European ships used to go up to the port, and a trade was established there. The markets of Sátgánw declined and lost their prosperity. The villages and districts of Húglí were on both sides of the river, and these the Europeans got possession of at a low rent. Some of the inhabitants by force, and more by hopes of gain, they infected with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality of an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with the profits of their trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of the cultivators. These hateful practices were not confined to the lands they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one they could lay their hands upon along the sides of the river.

These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor before his accession, ^{* *} and he resolved to put an end to them if ever he ascended the throne, that the coinage might always bear the stamp of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be graced with its khutba. After his accession, he appointed Kásim Khán to the government of Bengal, and ^{* *} impressed upon him the duty of overthrowing these mischievous people. He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the necessary duties of his extensive province, to set about the extermination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both by water and land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and easily accomplished.

Kásim Khán set about making his preparations, and at the close of the cold season, in Sha'bán, 1240 A.H., he sent his son 'Ináyatu-ulla with Alláh Yár Khán, who was to be the real commander of the army, and several other nobles, to effect the conquest of Húglí. He also sent Bahádur Kambú, an active and intelligent servant of his, with the force under his command, under the pretence of taking possession of the Khálisa lands at Makhsús-ábád, but really to join Alláh Yár Khán at the proper time. Under the apprehension that the infidels, upon getting intelligence of the march of the armies, would put their families on board ships, and so escape from destruction to the disappointment of the warriors of Islám, it was given out that the forces were marching to attack Hijlí. Accordingly it was arranged that Alláh Yár Khán should halt at Bardwán, which lies in the direction of Hijlí, until he received intelligence of Khwája Sher and others, who had been ordered to proceed in boats from Srípúr³³ to cut off the retreat of the Firingís. When the flotilla arrived at Mohána, which is a dahna^33a of the Húglí, Alláh Yár Khán was to march with all expedition from Bardwán to Húglí, and fall upon the infidels. Upon being informed that Khwája Sher and his companions had arrived at the dahna, Alláh Yár Kḥán made a forced march from Bardwán, and in a night and day reached the village of Haldipúr, between Sátgánw and Húglí. At the same time he was joined by Bahádur Kambú, who arrived from Makhsús-ábád, with 500 horse and a large force of infantry. Then he hastened to the place where Khwája Sher had brought the boats, and between Húglí and the sea, in a narrow part of the river, he formed a bridge of boats, so that ships could not get down to the sea; thus the flight of the enemy was prevented.

On the 2nd Zí-l hijja, 1241, the attack was made on the Firingís by the boatmen on the river, and by the forces on land. An inhabited place outside of the ditch was taken and plundered, and the occupants were slain. Detachments were then ordered to the villages and places on both sides of the river, so that all the Christians found there might be sent to hell. Having killed or captured all the infidels, the warriors carried off the families of their boatmen, who were all Bengalís. Four thousand boatmen, whom the Bengalís called ghrábí, then left the Firingís and joined the victorious army. This was a great discouragement to the Christians.

The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought, sometimes they made overtures of peace, protracting the time in hopes of succour from their countrymen. With base treachery they pretended to make proposals of peace, and sent nearly a lac of rupees as tribute, while at the same time they ordered 7000 musketeers who were in their service to open fire. So heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove in which a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of their branches and leaves.

At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the ditch, just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as elsewhere. There they dug channels and drew off the water. Mines were then driven on from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by the enemy and counteracted. The centre mine was carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger than all the other buildings, and where a large number of Firingís were stationed. This was charged and tamped. On the 14th Rabí'u-l awwal the besieger's forces were drawn up in front of this building, in order to allure the enemy to that part. When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was opened, and the mine was fired. The building was blown up, and the many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into the air. The warriors of Islám rushed to the assault. Some of the infidels found their way to hell by the water, but some thousands succeeded in making their way to the ships. At this juncture Khwája Sher came up with the boats, and killed many of the fugitives.

These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large ship, which had nearly two thousand men and women and much property on board, should fall into the hands of the Muhammadans; so they fired the magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on board the ghrábs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces towards hell. Out of the sixty-four large díngas, fifty-seven ghrábs and 200 jaliyas, one ghráb and two jaliyas escaped, in consequence of some fire from the burning ships having fallen upon some boats laden with oil, which burnt a way through (the bridge of boats). Whoever escaped from the water and fire became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to the conclusion, men and women, old and young, altogether nearly 10,000 of the enemy were killed, being either blown up with powder, drowned in water, or burnt by fire. Nearly 1000 brave warriors of the Imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom. 4400 Christians of both sexes were taken prisoners, and nearly 10,000 inhabitants of the neighbouring country who had been kept in confinement by these tyrants were set at liberty.

Surrender of the Fort of Gálna.

[Text, vol. i. p. 442.] After Fath Khán, son of Malik 'Ambar, had put Nizám Sháh to death, Mahmúd Khán, the commandant of the fort of Gálna, repudiated his authority, and put the fortress in a state of defence, intending to deliver it over to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla, who, unmindful of the favours he had received from the Imperial throne, had strayed from the path of obedience, and had possessed himself of Násik, Trimbak, Sangamnír and Junír, as far as the country of the Kokan. He had got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nízám Sháh, who had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He (Mahmud Khán)³⁵ wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khán-zamán, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government of the Dakhin, Birár and Khándesh, when he was informed of Mahmúd Khán's proceedings, wrote to Mír Kásim Khán Harawí, commandant of the fort of Alang, which is near to Gálna. He directed him to endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to win him over, and prevent the surrender of the fortress to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Mír Kásim communicated with Mahmúd Khán on the subject, and the latter invited the Mír to come to him. After a good deal of talk, Mahmúd Khán assented to the proposition, and in the hope of a great reward delivered over the fort to the representatives of the Emperor.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1042 A.H. (1632 A.D.).

[Text, vol. i. p. 449.] Bhágírat Bhíl, chief of the disaffected in the province of Málwa, relying on the number of his followers and the strength of his fort of Khátákhírí,³⁶ had refused obedience to the governors of Málwa. He ventured to show his disaffection to Nusrat Khán, when he was governor, and the Khán marched from Sárangpúr to chastise him. The Khán's fame as a soldier had its effect. The rebel gave up all hope of resistance, and, seeking an introduction to Nusrat Khán through Sangrám, Zamíndár of Kanúr, he surrendered his fortress.

Destruction of Hindu Temples.

[p. 449.] It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahábád that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares.

Conquest of Daulatábád.

[p. 496.] Fath Khán, son of 'Ambar Habshí, conceiving his interest to lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his son, 'Abdu-r Rusúl, with a suitable offering to the foot of the Imperial throne, professing obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graciously bestowed upon him some districts which had formerly belonged to him, but had been since given to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request of Fath Khán, they were restored to him. This gave great offence to the turbulent Sáhú-jí, who went and joined the Bíjapúrís, and induced 'Ádil Khán to place him in command of a force for wresting the fortress of Daulatábád from the hands of Fath Khán. The latter was much incensed against the Nizám-Sháhís, and had no faith in them; so he wrote to Khán-khánán Mahábat Khán, informing him that Sáhú-jí Bhonsla was preparing to bring a force from Bíjápúr against him, and that, as the fortress was ill provisioned, there was great probability of its being taken, unless Mahábat Khán came to his assistance. If the Khán came quickly, he would surrender the fortress, and would himself proceed to the Imperial Court. The Khán-khánán accordingly sent forward his son, Khán-zamán, with an advanced force, and he himself followed on the 9th Jumáda-s sání. [Khán-zamán defeats a covering army of Bíjápúr.]

The Bíjápúrís were discouraged by the chastisement they had received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrangement to Fath Khán. They offered to leave the fortress in his possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to throw provisions into the fort. That ill-starred foolish fellow, allured by these promises, broke his former engagement, and entered into an alliance with them. Most of the animals in the fortress had died from want of provender, and the Bíjápúrís now, at the instance of Fath Khán, exerted themselves in getting provisions. When Khán-khánán, who was at Zafarnagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote to Khán-zamán directing him to make every exertion for the reduction of the fortress, and for the punishment of the traitor and the Bíjápúrís. [Skirmishes in the vicinity.]

Khán-khánán, on being informed of the state of affairs, marched from Zafarnagar to Daulatábád, and reached there on the last day of Sha'bán. Next morning he rode out with his son, Khán-zamán, to reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house belonging to Nizám Sháh at Nizámpúr, near the fortress. [Disposition of his forces.] He placed the artillery and siege material under the direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should be kept up from a high hill which governs the fortress, and upon which Kághziwára stands. He also ordered Khán-zamán to be constantly on the alert with 5000 cavalry, and ready to render assistance wherever it might be required in the trenches. The Imperial army having thus invested the place, and formed trenches, pushed on the siege, running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling ladders.

Fath Khán placed the son of Nizám Sháh in the Kálá-kot (black fort), which was considered impregnable. He himself took post in the Mahá-kot (great fort), and the body of the forces were stationed in the outer works called 'Ambar-kot, because they had been raised by Malik 'Ambar to protect the place against the advance of the Imperial power. [Defeat of many attempts to victual and relieve the fortress from without, and of sorties from within.]

On the 9th Shawwál a mine which had been formed from the trenches of Khán-zamán was charged, and the forces having been named for the assault, were ordered to assemble in the trenches before break of day. The mine was to be fired at the first appearance of dawn, and upon the walls being blown down, the stormers were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was fired an hour before dawn, and before the storming parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls and twelve gaz of the bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was made. But the troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The defenders rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows, bullets, and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take refuge in the trenches. Then they exerted themselves to stop the breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the Imperial army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but Nasírí Khán urged that it was against all the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief to act in such a way. He himself would lead the storming party, trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the Emperor. Khán-khánán directed Mahes Dás Ráthor and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed to the breach, and the defenders made a desperate resistance; but Nasírí Khán, although wounded, forced his way in upon the right, and Rájá Bihár Singh and other Hindus upon the left. They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Khán Bíjápúrí and others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and drove the defenders into the ditch of the Mahá-kot for shelter. Great numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the victors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik 'Ambar, which were fourteen gaz in height and ten gaz in thickness, and well furnished with guns and all kinds of defences. The Imperial commander having thus achieved a great success, proceeded with Nasírí Khán to inspect the works, and immediately took steps for attacking the Mahá-kot. [Diversion made by the enemy in the direction of Birár. Another attempt by Randaula and Sáhú-jí to relieve the fortress.]

With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under the Mahá-kot, and Fath Khán was so much alarmed that he sent his wives and family into the Kálá-kot. He himself, with Khairiyat Khán, uncle of Randaula, and some other Bíjápúrís, remained in the Mahá-kot. The Bíjápúrís being greatly depressed by the scarcity of food and the progress of the Imperial arms, sought permission through Málú-jí to be allowed to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khán-khánán sent a written consent, and by kind words encouraged their drooping spirits. Nearly two hundred of them after night-fall descended by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Khán-khánán sent for them, and consoled them with kind words and presents. [Several more attempts to relieve the fortress.]

On the 25th Zí-l ka'da, the commander-in-chief visited the trenches. He went to Saiyid 'Aláwal, whose post was near the mine of the Sher-Hájí of the Mahá-kot, and determined that the mine should be blown up. Fath Khán got notice of this, and in the extremity of his fear he sent his wakíl to Khán-khánán, and with great humility represented that he had bound himself to the 'Ádil-Khánís by the most solemn compact not to make peace without their approval. He therefore wished to send one of his followers to Murárí Pandit, to let him know how destitute the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed by the besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakíls to settle with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. He therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be deferred for that day, so that there might be time for an answer to come from Murárí Pandit. Khán-khánán knew very well that there was no sincerity in his proposal, and that he only wanted to gain a day by artifice; so he replied that if Fath Khán wished to delay the explosion for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a hostage.

When it had become evident that Fath Khán did not intend to send his son out, the mine was exploded. A bastion and fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. The brave men who awaited the explosion rushed forward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms which fell upon them from the top of the Mahá-kot, they made their way in. The commander-in-chief now directed that Saiyid 'Aláwal and others who held the trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-Hájí, should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in the interior. [Defeat of a demonstration made by Murárí Pandit. Surrender of the fort of Nabátí near Gálna.]

Fath Khán now woke up from his sleep of heedlessness and security. He saw that Daulatábád could not resist the Imperial arms and the vigour of the Imperial commander. To save the honour of his own and Nizám Sháh's women, he sent his eldest son 'Abdu-r Rusúl to Khán-khánán [laying the blame of his conduct on Sáhú-jí and the 'Ádil-Khánis]. He begged for forgiveness and for a week's delay, to enable him to remove his and Nizám Sháh's family from the fortress, while his son remained as a hostage in Khán-khánán's power. Khán-khánán had compassion on his fallen condition, granted him safety, and kept his son as a hostage. Fath Khán asked to be supplied with the means of carrying out his family and property, and with money for expenses. Khán-khánán sent him his own elephants and camels and several litters, also ten lacs and fifty thousand rupees in cash, belonging to the State, and demanded the surrender of the fortress. Fath Khán sent the keys to Khán-khánán, and set about preparing for his own departure. Khán-khánán then placed trusty guards over the gates.

On the 19th Zí-l hijja Fath Khán came out of the fortress and delivered it up. The fortress consisted of nine different works, five upon the low ground, and four upon the top of the hill. These with the guns and all the munitions of war were surrendered. ^{* * *} Khán-khánán went into the fortress, and had the khutba read in the Emperor's name.

The old name of the fortress of Daulatábád was Deo-gír, or Dhárágar. It stands upon a rock which towers to the sky. In circumference it measures 5000 legal gaz, and the rock all round is scarped so carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of the water, that a snake or an ant would ascend it with difficulty. Around it there is a moat forty legal yards (zara') in width, and thirty in depth, cut into the solid rock. In the heart of the rock there is a dark and tortuous passage, like the ascent of a minaret, and a light is required there in broad daylight. The steps are cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is closed by an iron gate. It is by this road and way that the fortress is entered. By the passage a large iron brazier had been constructed, which, when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent all progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by mines, sábáts, etc., are of no avail against it. ^{* * *}

Khán-khánán desired to leave a garrison in the captured fortress, and to go to Burhánpúr, taking Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán with him. The Imperial army had endured many hardships and privations during the siege. They had continually to contend against 20,000 horse of Bíjápúr and Nizámu-l Mulk, and to struggle hard for supplies. Nasírí Khán (who had been created Khán-daurán) was always ready for service, and he offered to take the command of the fortress. So Khán-khánán left him and some other officers in charge, and marched with his army to Zafarnagar. ^{* * *} After reaching that place, Murárí Pandit and the Bíjápúrís sent Farhád, the father of Randaula, to treat for peace; but Khán-khánán knew their artfulness and perfidy, and sent him back again. The Bíjápúrís, in despair and recklessness, now turned back to Daulatábád. They knew that provisions were very scarce and the garrison small. The entrenchments which the besiegers had raised were not thrown down, so the Bíjápúrís took possession of them, invested the fortress and fought against it. Khán-daurán, without waiting for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and attacked them repeatedly. By kind treatment he had conciliated the raiyats of the neighbourhood, and they supplied him with provisions, so that he was in no want. As soon as Khán-khánán heard of these proceedings, he marched for Daulatábád. The enemy finding that they could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they heard of the approach of Khán-khánán, and then retreated by Násik and Trimbak.

Christian Prisoners.

[Text, vol. i. p. 534.] On the 11th Muharram, [1043 A.H.], Kásim Khán and Bahádur Kambú brought ^{* * *} 400 Christian prisoners, male and female, young and old, with the idols of their worship, to the presence of the faith-defending Emperor. He ordered that the principles of the Muhammadan religion should be explained to them, and that they should be called upon to adopt it. A few appreciated the honour offered to them and embraced the faith: they experienced the kindness of the Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the amírs, who were directed to keep these despicable wretches in rigorous confinement. When any one of them accepted the true faith, a report was to be made to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for him. Those who refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So it came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such of their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown into the Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces.

Last of the Nizám Sháhs.

[Text, vol. i. p. 540.] Islám Khán returned to Court, bringing with him the captive Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán, whom Khán-khánán Mahábat Khán had sent together with the plunder taken at Daulatábád. Nizám Sháh was placed in the custody of Khán-Jahan, in the fort of Gwálior. ^{* * *} The crimes of Fath Khán were mercifully pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial service, and received a khil'at and a grant of two lacs of rupees per annum. His property also was relinquished to him, but that of Nizám Sháh was confiscated.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1043 A.H. (1633 A.D.).

[p. 545.] The Emperor had never visited Lahore, one of his chief cities, since his accession. He now determined to proceed thither, and also to pay a visit to the peerless vale of Kashmír. Accordingly he set out from Ágra on the 3rd Sha'bán, 1043 H. ^{* * *} His Majesty's sense of justice and consideration for his subjects induced him to order that the Bakhshí of the ahadís with his archers should take charge of one side of the road, and the Mír-átish with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so that the growing crops should not be trampled under foot by the followers of the royal train. As, however, damage might be caused, dároghas, mushrifs and amíns were appointed to examine and report on the extent of the mischief, so that raiyats, and jágírdárs under 1000, might be compensated for the individual loss they had sustained.

March of Prince Sháh Shujá' against Parenda.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 33.] The fortress of Parenda, belonging to Nizám Sháh, was formerly besieged by 'Azam Khán, but, as before related, certain obstacles compelled him to raise the siege. 'Ádil Khán [by cajolery and bribery] got the fort into his possession. ^{* * *} The reduction of this fortress had long been a favourite object with Khán-khánán, and, when Prince Sháh Shujá' came near to Burhánpúr with a fine army, ^{* * *} Khán-khánán waited upon him, and advised him to undertake the reduction of Parenda. So the Prince, without entering Burhánpúr, turned off and marched against that fortress. ^{* * *} On arriving at Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a kos distant, which is the only water to be found in the vicinity. Then he allotted the work of constructing the trenches, and placed the general direction of the siege works in the hands of Alla Vardí Khán. [Many conflicts and skirmishes in the neighbourhood.]

The efforts of the besiegers in the construction of mines were not attended with much success. The enemy broke into some and destroyed them, and water burst into others. One, constructed by Alla Vardí, in front of the Sher-Hájí, was fired by the Prince himself, who went to it by the covered way. It blew up a bastion, but did not make a practicable breach. Moreover, great ill feeling had sprung up between Khán-khánán and Khán-daurán, because the latter was continually repeating that he had saved Khán-khánán's life [in one of the engagements]. All the nobles and officers also were aggrieved at the petulance and discourtesy of Khán-khánán. Through this the enemy got information about Khán-khánán's plans, and were able to foil them, so that he made no progress in the reduction of the place. He therefore represented to the Prince that, although provisions were abundant, there was no grass or fuel within ten or twelve kos of the camp, so that every foraging party had to travel more than twenty kos. This was very distressing to the army. The rainy season also was at hand. So he advised a retreat to Burhánpúr. As the Prince had been ordered to act upon the advice of Khán-khánán, the army retreated on the 3rd Zí-l hijja.

Death of Khán-khánán.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 59.] On the 14th Jumáda-l awwal intelligence arrived of the death of Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán, who died of fistula, with which he had long been afflicted.

[p. 62.] In the course of years many valuable gems had come into the Imperial jewel-house, each one of which might serve as an ear-drop for Venus, or would adorn the girdle of the Sun. Upon the accession of the Emperor, it occurred to his mind that, in the opinion of far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and the keeping of such wonderful brilliants can only render one service, that of adorning the throne of empire. They ought therefore, to be put to such a use, that beholders might share in and benefit by their splendour, and that Majesty might shine with increased brilliancy. It was accordingly ordered that, in addition to the jewels in the Imperial jewel-house, rubies, garnets, diamonds, rich pearls and emeralds, to the value of 200 lacs of rupees, should be brought for the inspection of the Emperor, and that they, with some exquisite jewels of great weight, exceeding 50,000 miskáls, and worth eighty-six lacs of rupees, having been carefully selected, should be handed over to Be-badal Khán, the superintendent of the goldsmith's department. There was also to be given to him one lac of tolas of pure gold, equal to 250,000 miskáls in weight and fourteen lacs of rupees in value. The throne was to be three gaz in length, two and a half in breadth, and five in height, and was to be set with the above-mentioned jewels. The outside of the canopy was to be of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was to be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other jewels, and it was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. On the top of each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick set with gems, and between each two peacocks a tree set with rubies and diamonds, emeralds and pearls. The ascent was to consist of three steps set with jewels of fine water. This throne was completed in the course of seven years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees. Of the eleven jewelled recesses (takhta) formed around it for cushions, the middle one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, cost ten lacs of rupees. Among the jewels set in this recess was a ruby worth a lac of rupees, which Sháh 'Abbás, the King of Írán, had presented to the late Emperor Jahángír, who sent it to his present Majesty, the Sáhib Kirán-i sání, when he accomplished the conquest of the Dakhin. On it were engraved the names of Sáhib-kirán (Tímúr), Mír Sháh Rukh, and Mirzá Ulugh Beg. When in course of time it came into the possession of Sháh 'Abbás, his name was added; and when Jahángir obtained it, he added the name of himself and of his father.⁴⁶ Now it received the addition of the name of his most gracious Majesty Sháh Jahán. By command of the Emperor, the following masnawí, by Hájí Muhammad Ján, the final verse of which contains the date, was placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green enamel. ^{* * *}

On his return to Ágra, the Emperor held a court, and sat for the first time on his throne. ^{* *} Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán was promoted to the dignity of Khán-khánán. [Conquest by Najábat Khán of several forts belonging to the zamíndárs of Srinagar, and his subsequent enforced retreat.]

Rebellion of Jajhár Singh Bundela and his son Bikramájít.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 94.] His Majesty in the second year of his reign pardoned the misdeeds of this turbulent man, and sent him on service to the Dakhin. After a while he took leave of Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his own country, leaving behind him his son Bikramájít, entitled Jag-ráj, and his contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked Bím Naráín, Zamíndár of Garha, and induced him by a treaty and promise to surrender the fort of Chaurágarh.⁴⁷ Afterwards, in violation of his engagement, he put Bím Naráín and a number of his followers to death, and took possession of the fort, with all the money and valuables it contained. Bím Naráín's son accompanied Khán-daurán to Court from Málwa, taking with him an offering, and he made known to the Emperor what had happened. A farmán was then sent to Jajhár Singh, charging him with having killed Bím Naráín, and taking possession of Garha, without the authority of the Emperor, and directing him to surrender the territory to the officers of the Crown, or else to give up the jágírs he held in his own country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out of the money which had belonged to Bím Naráín. He got notice of this farmán from his wakíls before it arrived, and being resolved to resist, he directed his son Bikramájít to escape with his troops from the Bálághát, whither he had gone with Khán-daurán, and to make the best of his way home. The son acted accordingly, ^{* *} but he was attacked at Ashta^47a in Málwa by Khán-zamán, Názim of the Páyín-ghát, when many of his men were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped; ^{* *} but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads through the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the pargana of Dhámúní.^47b [20,000 men sent against the rebel under the nominal command of Prince Aurangzeb.]

The different divisions of the Imperial army united at Bhander, and prepared for the reduction of the fortress of Úndcha. On arriving within three kos of Úndcha, where the forest territory of Jajhár commences, the forces were constantly occupied in cutting down trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little advance. Jajhár had with him in Úndcha nearly 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, and was resolved to contest the passage through the woods. Every day he sent out cavalry and infantry to keep under the cover of the trees, and to annoy the royal forces with muskets and arrows. But the Imperial army killed some of them every day, and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmar-wálí, one kos from Úndcha, where the rebels were determined to fight.

Rájá Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khán-daurán, pressed forward and took the little hill of Kahmar-wálí from Jajhár's men. Notwithstanding the density and strength of his forests, Jajhár was alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces, and removed his family, his cattle and money, from Úndcha to the fort of Dhámúní, which his father had built. On the east, north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which prevent the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. On the west side a deep ditch had been dug twenty imperial yards wide, stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving a force to garrison Úndcha, he himself, with Bikramájít, and all their connexions, went off to Dhámúní. This flight encouraged the royal forces, and on the 2nd Jumáda-s sání [they took Úndcha by escalade], and the garrison fled.

After resting one day at Úndcha, the royal army crossed the river Satdhára, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of the rebels. On the 14th it was three kos from Dhámúní, when intelligence came in that Jajhár had fled with his family and property to the fort of Chaurágarh, on the security of which he had great reliance. ^{* *} Before leaving he blew up the buildings round the fort of Dhámúní, and left one of his officers and a body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort. ^{* *} The Imperial army was engaged two days in felling trees and clearing a passage, and then reached the fortress. They pushed their trenches to the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The fort kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when, alarmed at the progress of the besiegers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way out, and hid in the jungles. ^{* *} The Imperial forces then entered the place, and began to sack it. ^{* *} A cry arose that a party of the enemy still held possession of a bastion. ^{* *} 'Alí Asghar and the men under him carried the tower; but while they were engaged in plundering, a spark from a torch fell upon a heap of gunpowder, which blew up the bastion with eighty yards of the wall on both sides, although it was ten yards thick. 'Alí Asghar and his followers all perished. ^{* *} Nearly 300 men and 200 horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. ^{* *}

Jajhár, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial forces, destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Chaurágarh), burnt all the property he had there, blew up the dwellings which Bím Naráín had built within the fort, and then went off with his family and such goods as he could carry to the Dakhin. ^{* *} The Imperial army then took possession of the fortress. A chaudharí brought in information that Jajhár had with him nearly 2000 horse and 4000 foot. He had also sixty elephants, some of which were loaded with gold and silver money and gold and silver vessels, others carried the members of his family. He travelled at the rate of four Gondi kos, that is, nearly eight ordinary kos per diem. Although he had got fifteen days' start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit, and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and wealth, the pursuers hurried on at the rate of ten Gondi kos a day. [Long and exciting chase.] When pressed hard by the pursuers, Jajhár and Bikramájít put to death several women whose horses were worn out, and then turned upon their pursuers. ^{* *} Although they fought desperately, they were beaten, and fled into the woods. ^{* *} Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhár had sent off his family and treasure towards Golkonda, intending to follow them himself. ^{* *} The royal forces consequently steadily pursued their course to Golkonda. ^{* *}

At length the pursuers came in sight of the rebels. Khán-daurán then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some other officers with 500 horse, to advance with all speed against them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels no time to perform the rite of Jauhar, which is one of the benighted practices of Hindústán. In their despair they inflicted two wounds with a dagger on Rání Párbatí, the chief wife of Rájá Nar Singh Deo, and having stabbed the other women and children with swords and daggers, they were about to make off, when the pursuers came up and put many of them to the sword. Khán-daurán then arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring to escape. Durgbahán, son of Jajhár, and Durjan Sál, son of Bikramájít, were made prisoners. Udbahán, and his brother Siyám Dawá, sons of Jajhár, who had fled towards Golkonda, were soon afterwards taken. Under the direction of Khán-daurán, Rání Párbatí and the other wounded women were raised from the ground and carried to Fíroz Jang. The royal army then encamped on the edge of a tank. ^{* *} While they rested there, information was brought that Jajhár and Bikramájít, ^{* *} after escaping from the bloody conflict, had fled to hide themselves in the wilds, where they were killed with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit that country. ^{* *} Khán-daurán rode forth to seek their bodies, and having found them, cut off their heads and sent them to Court. ^{* *} When they arrived, the Emperor ordered them to be hung up over the gate of Sehúr.

On arriving at Chándá, the Imperial commanders resolved to take tribute from Kípá, chief zamíndár of Gondwáná, ^{* *} and he consented to pay five lacs of rupees as tribute to the government, and one lac of rupees in cash and goods to the Imperial commanders. ^{* *}

On the 13th Jumáda-s sání the Emperor proceeded on his journey to Úndcha, and on the 21st intelligence arrived of the capture of the fort of Jhánsí, one of the strongest in the Bundela country.

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1045 A.H. (1635 A.D.).

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 125.] An officer was sent to Bíjápúr to 'Ádil Khán, with a khil'at, etc., and he was directed to require that 'Ádil Khán should be faithful in his allegiance and regular in the payment of his tribute, that he should surrender to the Imperial officers the territories he had taken from Nizámu-l Mulk, and that he should expel the evil-minded Sáhú and other adherents of the Nizámu-l Mulk from his dominions. [Text of the farmán.]

Farmán to Kutbu-l Mulk (of Golkonda).

[It stipulates for the allegiance of Kutbu-l Mulk to the Imperial throne, for the khutba being read in the name of the Emperor, and for the payment of tribute, etc.]

[p. 133.] On the 15th Sha'bán Khán-daurán came from Chándá to wait upon the Emperor. He presented ^{* *} the wives of the wretched Jajhár, Durgbahán his son, and Durjan Sál, his grandson. By the Emperor's order they were made Musalmáns by the names of Islám Kulí, and 'Alí Kulí, and they were both placed in the charge of Fíroz Khán Názir. Rání Párbatí, being severely wounded, was passed over; the other women were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial palace.

[p. 135.] Nizámu-l Mulk was in confinement in the fort of Gwálior, but the evil-minded Sáhú, and other turbulent Nizámu-l Mulkís, had found a boy of the Nizám's family, to whom they gave the title of Nizámu-l Mulk. They had got possession of some of the Nizám's territories, and were acting in opposition to the Imperial government. Now that the Emperor was near Daulatábád, he determined to send Khán-daurán, Khán-zamán, and Sháyista Khán, at the head of three different divisions, to punish these rebels, and in the event of 'Ádil Khán failing to cooperate with them, they were ordered to attack and ravage his territories. ^{* *} Khán-daurán's force consisted of about 20,000 horse, and he was sent towards Kandahár and Nánder, which join the territories of Golkonda and Bíjápúr, with directions to ravage the country and to besiege the forts of Údgír⁵² and Úsa, two of the strongest forts in those parts. ^{* *} Khán-zamán's force also consisted of about 20,000 men. He was directed to proceed to Ahmadnagar, and subdue the native territory of Sáhú, which lies in Chamár-gonda^52a and Ashtí near to Ahmadnagar. After that he was to release the Kokan from the grasp of Sáhú, and upon receipt of instructions he was to attack and lay waste the country of 'Ádil Khán. ^{* *} The force under Sháyista Khán consisted of about 8000 horse, and was sent against the forts of Junír, San-gamnír, Násik and Trimbak. On the 8th Ramazán they were sent on their respective expeditions. ^{* *} On the 5th Shawwál Sháyista Khán reported the capture of the fort of Masíj.

Udbihán, the son of Jajhár, and his younger brother, Siyám Dawá,^52b who had fled to Golkonda, were made prisoners by Kutbu-l Mulk, and were sent in custody to the Emperor. They arrived on the 7th Shawwál. The young boy was ordered to be made a Musulmán, and to be placed in charge of Fíroz Khán Názir, along with the son of Bikramájít. Udbihán and Siyám Dawá, who were of full age, were offered the alternative of Islám or death. They chose the latter, and were sent to hell.

It now became known that 'Ádil Khán, misled by evil counsels, and unmindful of his allegiance, had secretly sent money to the commandant of forts Údgír and Úsa. He had also sent Khairiyat Khán with a force to protect those two forts, and had commissioned Randaula to support Sáhú. Incensed with these acts, the Emperor sent a force of about 10,000 men under Saiyid Khán-jahán, ^{* *} to chastise him. Orders were given that he and Khán-daurán and Khán-zamán should march into the Bíjápúr territories in three different directions, to prevent Randaula from joining Sáhú, and to ravage the country from end to end. If 'Ádil Khán should awake from his heedless stupidity, and should pay proper obedience, they were to hold their hands; if not, they were to make every exertion to crush him. On the 11th a letter arrived from Sháyista Khán, reporting that Sálih Beg, the Nizámu-l Mulkí commander of the fort of Kher-darak, had confined all Sáhú's men who were in the fort, and had surrendered it and its dependencies to the Imperial commanders.

Mír Abú-l Hasan and Kází Abú Sa'íd, whom 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr had sent to the Emperor after being aroused from his negligence by the despatch of the Imperial forces to ravage his dominions, now arrived and presented tribute and presents.

Mukarramat Khán, the Imperial envoy, approached Bíjápúr, and 'Ádil Khán, fearing the consequences of showing disobedience, came forth from the city five kos to meet him, and made great show of submission and respect. ^{* *} But the envoy soon discovered that, although he made all these outward demonstrations through fear, he was really desirous of exciting disturbances and offering opposition. He made a report to this effect, and upon his arrival, the Imperial order was given to kill and ravage as much as possible in the Bíjápúr territories.

When 'Abdu-l Latíf, the envoy to Golkonda, approached the city, Kutbu-l Mulk came forth five kos to receive him, and conducted him to the city with great honour. ^{* *} He had the khutba read aloud in the name of the Emperor; he several times attended when the khutba was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader, and he had coins struck in the Emperor's name, and sent specimens of them to Court.

[Conquest of the fort of Chándor. Surrender of the hill fort of Anjaráí, and of the hill forts of Kánjna and Mánjna, Rola, Jola, Ahúnat, Kol, Búsrá, Achlágar, and others. Conquest of the fort of the Rájá of Bír after two months' siege. Surrender of the fort of Dharab to Alláh Verdí Khán.]

[Sháyista Khán takes Sangamnír and the town of Junír from Sáhú. Sáhú's son attempts the recovery of Junír.]

Campaign against Bíjápúr.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 151.] On the 8th Shawwál, a royal order reached Khán-daurán near Údgír, informing him that 'Ádil Khán had been remiss in his obedience and payment of tribute; that Khán-jahán had been directed to invade his territory by way of Sholapúr, Khán-zamán by way of Índápúr;⁵⁴ and that he, Khan-daurán, must march against him by way of Bidar, and lay waste his country. Khán-daurán accordingly left his baggage on the banks of the Wanjira, in charge of a party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the beginning of New Year's night he set forth, and at five o'clock reached Kalyán, the most flourishing place in that country. The inhabitants were quite unprepared, and near 2000 of them fell under his attack. Many were taken prisoners, and great booty was secured. [Naráínpúr, Bhálkí, and Maknáth,^54a taken in succession and plundered. 2000 of the enemy defeated near Bidar.]

From Bhálkí Khán-daurán marched to Deoní, three kos from Údgír, and from thence towards Bíjápúr, plundering and laying waste all the country. He then attacked and sacked the two great towns of Sultánpúr and Hírápúr. From Hírápúr he advanced to the river Bhúnrá.^54b A party of the enemy then drew near and threatened him, ^{* *} but was defeated. After this, Khán-daurán marched to Fírozábád, twelve kos from Bíjápúr. A letter then arrived from Mukarramat Khán, informing him that the Bíjápúrís had broken down the tank of Sháhpúr, and had taken all the inhabitants of the country round Bíjápúr into that city, and that no water or food was to be found in the country. ^{* * *} A letter from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect that 'Ádil Khán had sent two envoys to make some representations about the forts of Úsa and Údgír; but as these belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, the Emperor would not present them to him. A report received subsequently from Mukarramat Khán stated that 'Ádil Khán had abandoned his claim to these forts, and had returned to his obedience. Khán-daurán was therefore directed to desist from ravaging the Bíjápúr territories, and to lay siege to Úsa and Údgír. On the 23rd Muharram Khán-daurán marched against Údgír.

Campaign of Khán-Jahán.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.] [Capture of Sarádhún, Dhárásíyún, Kántí six kos from Sholápúr, and the town of Deogánw. Victories over the Bíjápúrís, commanded by Randaula.] Water and provisions were now difficult to obtain, so the royal army fell back to Dhárásíyún,⁵⁵ intending to leave their baggage at Sarádhún, and passing between Úsa and Naldrug, to make a raid into the flourishing country about Kulbarga, to plunder and lay waste. On the 1st Zí-l hijja, the enemy made his appearance while the Imperial army was encamped about two kos from Úsa, and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants. Next day they attacked the Imperial army as it was about to march, ^{* *} but were defeated and driven back. After returning from the battle-field, Saiyid Khán-jahán, considering that the country was devastated, and the rains were at hand, determined to fall back to Bír, ^{* *} and await the Imperial directions as to where the rainy season should be passed. On the 11th Zí-l hijja, about eight kos from Sarádhún, the enemy again appeared in the rear [and after a hard fight fell back defeated]. The royal army then continued its march to Sarádhún, and along the banks of the Wanjira to Dhárúr.

Campaign of Khán-zamán.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 160.] After receiving his orders, Khán-zamán marched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provisioning his force, ^{* *} he went on towards Junír. Six kos from Ahmad-nagar, he learnt that the villain Sáhú had made terms with Mínají Bhonsla, and had obtained from him the fort of Máhúlí. Having taken Mínají along with him to Junír, Sáhú was about to proceed by way of Párgánw to Parenda. Khán-zamán marched after him, ^{* *} but Sáhú passed the river Bhúnrá, and proceeded to Lohgánw, a dependency of Púna in the Bíjápúr territories. Here Khán-zamán halted, because his orders were not to follow Sáhú into 'Ádil Khán's country. [Capture of the fort of Chamár-gonda by a detachment.] On receiving orders from Court, he entered the Bíjápúr territories, and plundered and destroyed every inhabited place he came to. On the 27th Shawwál he reached the pass of Dúdbáí, where he halted. ^{* *} Next morning he ascended the pass. In eight days he arrived at Kolapúr, and invested the fortress and town. Notwithstanding a brave defence, he quickly took the place. [Successful skirmishes with Sáhú and the Bíjápúrís.] Khán-zamán next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the Bíjápúr dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six days' march to Rai-bágh, a very ancient town in that country, where he obtained great booty. After remaining there ten days, he fell back, and the enemy had the audacity to hang upon his rear and harass him with rockets. Eight days' march from Miraj the army encamped on the bank of a river. A party was sent out to forage, and a force was ordered to support it. The enemy attacked this force, and a sharp fight ensued; but the assailants were repulsed and pursued for two kos. While the army was resting on the banks of the river Bhúnrá, an Imperial farmán arrived, directing Khán-zamán to return to the royal presence, to receive instructions for the reduction of the fort of Junír and the punishment of Sáhú. The reason for this was that 'Ádil Khán had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute equivalent to twenty lacs in jewels, elephants, etc., and engaged that if Sáhú returned and surrendered Junír and the other forts in the Nizám-Sháhí territory to the Imperial officers, he would take him into his service; but if Sáhú did not do so, he would assist the Imperial forces in reducing the forts and punishing Sáhú.

[Capture by Khán-khánán of the forts of Ankí and Tankí, Alka and Pálka, eighteen kos from Daulatábád.]

[Farmán containing the terms of peace with 'Ádil Khán, and letter of the latter in acknowledgment. Letter of homage from Kutbu-l Mulk. Summary of Sháh Jahán's two expeditions to the Dakhin, the first in his father's lifetime, the second after his own accession.]

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 202.] While the Emperor was still thinking about the reduction of the forts of the Dakhin, 'Ádil Khán, being disturbed by the prolonged stay of the Imperial Court, wrote a letter to the Emperor, representing that the affairs of that country were now all settled, and that he would be answerable for the surrender of the forts held by Sáhú and others. There was therefore no reason for the Emperor's staying any longer, and it would be a great favour if he would proceed to the capital, so that the raiyats and people of Bíjápúr might return peacefully to their avocations. The Emperor graciously consented, and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at Mándú. 'Ádil Khán's tribute, consisting of ^{* *}, arrived, and was accepted. The Emperor confirmed to him the territory of Bíjápúr and the fortress of Parenda, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, but which the commandant had surrendered to 'Ádil Khán for a bribe. He also confirmed to him all the country of Kokan on the sea-shore, which had been formerly held half by him and half by Nizámu-l Mulk. [Copy of the treaty.]

Prince Aurangzeb, Governor of the Dakhin.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 205.] On the 3rd Zí-l hijja the Emperor appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the Dakhin. This country contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of which are situated on hills, the remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into four súbas. 1. Daulatábád, with Ahmadnagar and other districts, which they call the súba of the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards Daulatábád. 2. Telingána. This is situated in the súba of the Bálághát.⁵⁸ 3. Khándes. The fortress of this province is Asír, and the capital is Burhánpúr, situated four kos from Asír. 4. Birár. The capital of this province is Elichpúr, and its famous fortress is called Gáwíl. It is built on the top of a hill, and is noted above all the fortresses in that country for strength and security. The whole of the third province and a part of the fourth is in the Páyín-ghát. The jama', or total revenue of the four provinces is two arbs of dáms, equivalent to five crores of rupees.

[Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latter.]

[Khán-daurán besieges Údgír and Úsa, and both forts are eventually surrendered.]

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 225.] When Khán-zamán returned from the Emperor to his army, he learnt that Sáhú had declined entering into the service of 'Ádil Khán, and refused to surrender Junír and the other fortresses to the Imperial officers. 'Ádil Khán therefore sent his forces, under the command of Randaula, to co-operate with the Imperial army in the destruction of Sáhú, and the reduction of his fortresses. Khán-zamán hastened to Junír, ^{* * *} and invested the fortress. Being satisfied with the arrangements for the siege, he determined to march against Sáhú, who was in the neighbourhood of Púna. When he reached the Khorandí, he was detained on its banks for a month by the heavy rains and the inundations. As soon as the waters abated, he crossed the river, and encamped on the banks of the Índán, near Lohgánw, and Sáhú, who was seventeen kos distant, then made into the mountains of Gondhána and Núrand. There were were three large swollen rivers, the Índán, the Mol, and the Mota,⁵⁹ between Khán-zamán and Sáhú. ^{* *} The Khán therefore sent an officer to consult with Randaula. The opinion of that commander coincided with Khán-zamán's in favour of the pursuit, and the latter began his march. ^{* *} Sáhú then fled with great haste by the pass of Kombha,^59a and entered the Kokan. ^{* *} Finding no support there, he returned by the pass of Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered the Kokan by the same pass, and Randaula also was closing up. Sáhú then went off to Máhúlí, ^{* *} and from thence to the fort of Múranjan,^59b situated between the hills and the jungle. Khán-zamán followed. ^{* * *} On discovering the approach of his pursuers, Sáhú hastily sent off a portion of his baggage, and abandoned the rest. ^{* * *} The pursuers having come up, put many of the rebels to the sword. ^{* *} Being still pursued, Sáhú went again to Máhúlí, hoping to get away by Trimbak and Tringalwárí;^59c but, fearing lest he should encounter the royal forces, he halted at Máhúlí. He retained a party of his adherents, who had long followed him, and the rest of his men he disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would. Then, with his son and a portion of his baggage, he went into the fort, resolved to stand a siege.

Khán-zamán got intelligence of this when he was twelve kos from Máhúlí, and, notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, he reached the fort in one day. ^{* *} He immediately opened his trenches and made approaches. ^{* *} A few days after, Randaula came up, and joined in the siege. ^{* *} When the place was hard pressed, Sáhú wrote repeatedly to Khán-zamán, offering to surrender the fortress on condition of being received into the Imperial service. He was informed that if he wished to save his life, he must come to terms with 'Ádil Khán, for such was the Emperor's command. He was also advised to be quick in doing so, if he wished to escape from the swords of the besiegers. So he was compelled to make his submission to 'Ádil Khán, and he besought that a treaty might be made with him. After the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd inadmissible demands, and withdrew from the agreement he had made. But the siege was pressed on, and the final attack drew near, when Sáhú came out of the fort and met Randaula half way down the hill, and surrendered himself with the young Nizám. He agreed to enter the service of 'Ádil Khán, and to surrender the fortress of Junír and the other forts to the Imperial generals. ^{* * *} Accordingly the forts of Junír, Trimbak, Tringalwárí, Harís, Júdhan, Júnd, and Harsirá, were delivered over to Khán-zamán. ^{* *} Randaula, under the orders of 'Ádil Khán, placed the young Nizám in the hands of Khán-zamán, and then went to Bíjápúr, accompanied by Sáhú.

[Khán-daurán takes possession of the forts of Kataljahr, and Ashta, and besieges and storms the fort of Nágpúr.]

Nizámu-l Mulk.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 256.] On the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1046 A.H., Prince Murád Bakhsh, Yamínu-d daula Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang,⁶⁰ and others went forth to meet Prince Aurangzeb, who had returned to Court from the Dakhin. ^{* *} He brought with him the member of Nizámu-l Mulk's family⁶¹ whom the disaffected of the Dakhin had made use of for their rebellious purposes, and to whom they had given the title of Nizámu-l Mulk. He was placed under the charge of Saiyid Khán-Jahán, to be kept in the fort of Gwálior, where there were two other of the Nizáms—one of whom was made prisoner at the capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Jahángír, and the other at the downfall of Daulatábád in the present reign. ^{* *} On the 4th, the news came that Khán-zamán had died at Daulatábád from a complication of diseases of long standing. ^{* *} Sháyista Khán was appointed to succeed him in his command.

The Bundelas.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 270.] The Bundelas are a turbulent troublesome race. Notwithstanding that Jajhár, their chief, had been slain, the rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no warning, but had set up a child of his named Pirthí Ráj, who had been carried off alive from the field of battle, and they had again broken out in rebellion. ^{* *} Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to proceed to his government in Málwá.

Storm at Thatta.

[p. 276.] On the 23rd Rabí'u-l awwal letters were received from Thatta, reporting that rain had fallen incessantly for thirty-six hours in all the towns and places near the sea-shore. Many houses and buildings were destroyed, and great numbers of men and beasts of all kinds were drowned. The wind blew so furiously that huge trees were torn up by their roots, and the waves of the sea cast numbers of fishes on to the shore. Nearly a thousand ships, laden and unladen, went down from the violence of the sea, and heavy losses fell upon the ship-owners. The land also, over which the waves were driven, became impregnated with salt, and unfit for cultivation.

Conquest of Tibet.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 281.] The late Emperor Jahángír long entertained the design of conquering Tibet, and in the course of his reign Háshim Khán, son of Kásim Khán Mír-bahr, governor of Kashmír, under the orders of the Emperor, invaded the country with a large force of horse and foot and local zamíndárs. But although he entered the country, and did his best, he met with no success, and was obliged to retreat with great loss and with much difficulty. ^{* *} The Imperial order was now given that Zafar Khán, governor of Kashmír, should assemble the forces under his command, and effect the conquest of that country. Accordingly he collected nearly eight thousand horse and foot, composed of Imperial forces, men of his own, and retainers of the marzbáns of his province. He marched by the difficult route of Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month he reached the district of Shkardú, the first place of importance in Tibet, and on this side of the Níláb (Indus). 'Alí Ráí, father of Abdál, the present Marzbán of Tibet, had built upon the summits of two high mountains two strong forts—the higher of which was called Kaharphúcha, and the other Kahchana. Each of them had a road of access “like the neck of a reed, and the curve of a talon.” The road of communication between the two was on the top of the mountain. Abdál shut himself up in the fort of Kaharphúcha. He placed his minister and general manager in the fort of Kahchana, and he sent his family and property to the fort of Shakar, which stands upon a high mountain on the other side of the Níláb.

Zafar Khán, after examining the height and strength of the fortresses, was of opinion that it was inexpedient to invest and attack them; but he saw that the military and the peasantry of Tibet were much distressed by the harsh rule of Abdál, and he resolved to win them over by kindness. Then he sent a detachment to subdue the fort of Shakar, and to make prisoners of the family of Abdál. The whole time which the army could keep the field in this country was two months; for if it remained longer, it would be snowed up. It was for this reason that he sent Mír Fakhru-d dín, ^{* *} with four thousand men, against the fort of Shakar, while he himself watched the fort in which Abdál was. He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abdál, with some other men of Tibet, who had entered into the Imperial service, and some zamíndárs of Kashmír, who had friendly relations with the people of the country, to endeavour by persuasion and promises to gain over the people. ^{* *} Mír Fakhr passed over the river Níláb, and laid siege to the fort. Daulat, son of Abdál, of about fifteen years of age, was in charge of the fort. He sallied out to attack the besiegers, ^{* *} but was driven back with loss. ^{* *} The besiegers then advanced, and opened their trenches against the gate on the Shkardú side. The son of Abdál was so frightened by these proceedings, that, regardless of his father's family (in the fort), he packed up the gold, silver, and what was portable, and escaped in the night by the Káshghar gate. Mír Fakhru-d dín, being apprised of his flight, entered the fort. He could not restrain his followers from plundering; but he took charge of Abdál's family. A force was sent in pursuit of the son, which could not overtake him, but returned with some gold and silver he had thrown away on the road.

On hearing of this victory, Zafar Khán pressed on the siege of Kaharphúcha and Kahchana. ^{* *} The governor and garrison of the latter surrendered. ^{* *} Abdál, in despair at the progress made by the invaders, and at the loss of his wives and children, opened negociations and surrendered the fort of Kaharphúcha. ^{* *} Zafar Khán was apprehensive that the snow would fall and close the passes, and that, at the instigation of Abdál, he might be attacked from the side of Kashmír. So, without making any settlement of the country, and without searching after Abdál's property, he set out on his return, taking with him Abdál, his family, and some of the leading men of the enemy. He left Muhammad Murád, Abdál's vakíl, in charge of the country.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 24.] The strong fortress of Kandahár was annexed to the Imperial dominions in the fortieth year of the Emperor Akbar. ^{* *} Sháh Safí of Persia, was desirous of recovering it. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Jahángír, Prince Sháh Jahán was sent to arrange the affairs of the Dakhin, ^{* *} and the Sháh of Persia seized the opportunity to make an attempt to recover the place. He invested it, and after a siege of forty-five days reduced the fortress in the seventeenth year of Jahángír. ^{* *} After a time, 'Alí Mardán Khán was appointed governor of Kandahár, ^{* * *} and Sháh Jahán, being desirous of recovering the place, directed his governor of Kábul to send an able emissary to 'Alí Mardán Khán, who was to learn what he could about the fortress and its garrison, and to make overtures to 'Alí Mardán Khán. ^{* *} The envoy was received very graciously, ^{* *} and friendly relations were established between 'Alí Mardán Khán and the governor of Kábul, ^{* *} so that the Khán at length wrote, expressing his desire to surrender the place to Sháh Jahán. ^{* *} On the approach of the Imperial forces, 'Alí Mardán Khán conducted them into the fortress, and gave it up to them. ^{* *} The governor of Kábul was directed to proceed to Kandahár, and to present a lac of rupees to 'Alí Mardán Khán. He was then to take the Khán to Kábul, and to send him under escort to the Imperial Court, with all his family and dependents. ^{* *} The Emperor sent 'Alí Mardán Khán a khil'at [and many other fine presents. Engagement between Sa'íd Khán, governor of Kábul, and the Persians, and defeat of the latter. Capture by siege of the forts of Bust, Zamíndáwar, and Girishk.] All the country of Kandahár with its fortresses [enumerated in detail] were re-annexed to the Imperial dominions.

Rebellion in Kúch-Hájú.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 64.] On the north of the country of Bengal there are two countries: Kúch-Hájú, a cultivated country, which lies on the banks of the Brahmaputra, a large river, two kos in width, which flows from the country of Áshám (Assam) into Bengal. From thence to Jahángír-nagar (Dacca) is one month's journey. The other country is Kúch-Bihár, which is far away from the river, and is twenty days' journey from Jahángír-nagar. These two countries belonged to local rulers (marzbán), and at the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Jahángír, the country of Kúch-Hájú was under the rule of Paríchhit, and Kúch-Bihár under Lachhmí Naráín, brother of the grandfather of Paríchhit. In the eighth year of the reign, Sháh Jahán gave the government of Bengal to Shaikh 'Aláu-d dín Fathpúrí, who had received the title of Islám Khán. Raghunáth, Zamíndár of Susang, came to him, complaining that Paríchhit had tyrannically and violently placed his wives and children in prison. His allegations appeared to be true. At the same time, Lachhmí Naráín repeatedly represented his devotion to the Imperial government, and incited Islám Khán to effect the conquest of Kúch-Hájú. He accordingly sent a force to punish Paríchhit, and to subjugate the country. [Long details of the operations.] When the victorious army reached the river Kajlí, some men were sent over first in boats, who in a short time defeated and put to flight the guard of the place. The whole force then crossed and destroyed some old forts. A strong fort was then constructed on each side of the Kajlí, and ^{* *} garrisons were placed in them to check and keep down the turbulent landholders. The army then proceeded to Koh-hatah, towards Útarkol, between Sri-ghát and the Kajlí, there to pass the rains.

Conquest of Baglána.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 105.] The territory of Baglána contains nine forts, thirty-four parganas, and one thousand and one villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction (marzbání) for one thousand four hundred years, and its present ruler is named Bharjí. It is famous for its temperate climate, its numerous streams and the abundance of its trees and fruits. In length it is a hundred kos, and in breadth eighty. On the east is Chándor, a dependency of Daulatábád; on the west the port of Surat and the sea; on the north Sultánpúr and Nandurbár; and on the south Násik and Trimbak. ^{* *} The strongest of its forts are Sálhír and Múlhír.⁶⁶ Sálhír is placed upon a hill. ^{* *} Múlhír also stands upon a hill. ^{* *} When Prince Aurangzeb was sent to the government of the Dakhin, he was directed to subjugate this country. On the 8th Sha'bán, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637), he sent an army against it, ^{* *} which advanced and laid siege to Múlhír. The trenches were opened and the garrison was pressed so hard that, on the 10th Shawwál, Bharjí sent out his mother and his vakíl with the keys of his eight forts, offering to enrol himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on condition of receiving the pargana of Sultánpúr. ^{* *} When this proposal reached the Emperor, he granted Bharjí a mansab of three thousand personal and 2500 horse, and Sultánpúr was conferred upon him for his home.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 123.] On the 13th Rajab, the Imperial train reached Lahore, ^{* *} and 'Alí Mardán Khán, who had come from Kandahár, was received with great ceremony. He was presented with [numerous rich gifts], and his mansab was increased from 5000 to 6000 personal and 6000 horse. ^{* *} Before the end of the month he was appointed governor of Kashmír, ^{* *} and shortly afterwards he was presented with five lacs of rupees and ten parcels of the choice fabrics of the looms of Bengal. The Emperor afterwards did him the honour of paying him a visit at his house. [The Imperial progress from Lahore to Kábul and back again.]

Little Tibet.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 159.] The conquest of Little Tibet, the captivity of its ruler Abdál, and the appointment of Ádam Khán to be governor, have been previously mentioned. Ádam Khán now wrote to 'Alí Mardán Khán, the new governor of Kashmír, informing him that Sangí Bamkhal, the holder of Great Tibet, ^{* *} had seized upon Búrag in Little Tibet, and meditated further aggression. 'Alí Mardán Khán sent a force against him under the command of Husain Beg. ^{* *} On the meeting of the two forces, Sangí's men were put to flight. ^{* *} He then sued for forgiveness, and offered to pay tribute.

THIRTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 163.] On the 21st Jumáda-s sání, the Emperor arrived at Lahore. ^{* *} 'Alí Mardán Khán came down from Kashmír. ^{* *} His mansab was increased to 7000 personal and 7000 horse, ^{* *} and the government of the Panjáb was given to him in addition to that of Kashmír. ^{* *} On the 6th Rajab, Islám Khán came according to summons from Bengal, and was appointed to the office of Financial Minister (díwání-kull).

'Alí Mardán's Lahore Canal.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 168.] 'Alí Mardán Khán represented to His Majesty that one of his followers was an adept in the forming of canals, and would undertake to construct a canal from the place where the river Ráví descends from the hills into the plains, and to conduct the waters to Lahore, benefiting the cultivation of the country through which it should pass. The Emperor ^{* *} gave to the Khán one lac of rupees, a sum at which experts estimated the expense, and the Khán then entrusted its formation to one of his trusted servants.

[Advance of an army from Sístán against Kandahár.—Occupation and abandonment of the fort of Khanshí, near Bust.]

[Great fire at the residence of Prince Shujá' in Ágra.—Royal visit to Kashmír.]

In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that Pirthi Ráj, son of Jajhár Bundela, had been taken prisoner. ^{* *} Orders were given for his confinement in the fort of Gwálior.

FOURTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1050 A.H. (1640 A.D.).

[Chastisement of the Kolís and Káthís in Gujarát.—Payment of tribute by the Jám of Káthíwár.]

[Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son of Rájá Bású of Kángra.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] On the 17th Sha'bán Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán Khán-khánán, commander-in-chief, departed this life; ^{* *} and on receiving the intelligence, His Majesty was much affected, and gave orders that he should be buried on the west side of the tomb of the late Emperor Jahángír, and that a lofty dome should be raised over his grave. ^{* *} He had risen to a rank and dignity which no servant of the State had ever before attained. By the munificent favour of the Emperor, his mansab was nine thousand personal and nine thousand horse, do-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted to sixteen krors and twenty lacs of dáms. When these had all received their pay, a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was left for himself. ^{* *} Besides the mansion which he had built in Lahore, and on which he expended twenty lacs of rupees, he left money and valuables to the amount of two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. There were 30 lacs of rupees in jewels, three lacs of ashrafís equal to 42 lacs of rupees, one kror and 25 lacs in rupees, 30 lacs in gold and silver utensils, and 23 lacs in miscellaneous articles.

[Campaign in Jagat Singh's territory. Capture of Mú, Núrpúr, and other forts. Surrender of Tárágarh, and submission of Jagat Singh.]

[Text, vol. ii. p. 376.] At the beginning of Rabí'u-s sání, it was made known to the Emperor that Prince Aurangzeb, under the influence of ill-advised, short-sighted companions, had determined to withdraw from worldly occupations, and to pass his days in retirement. His Majesty disapproved of this, and took from the Prince his mansab and his jágír, and dismissed him from the office of Governor-General of the Dakhin. Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang was appointed to succeed him.

EIGHTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1054 A.H. (1644 A.D.).

['Alí Mardán Khán Amíru-l Umará sent to chastise Tardí 'Alí Katghán of Balkh.—Successful result.]

[p. 385.] On the 29th Zí-l hijja, Prince Aurangzeb was appointed Governor of Gujarát. ^{* *}

NINETEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.).

[Affairs of Nazar Muhammad Khán of Balkh—Operations in Kábul.]

[p. 411.] On the 29th Shawwál, 1055, died Núr Jahán Begam, widow of the late Emperor Jahángír. After her marriage with the Emperor, she obtained such an ascendency over him, and exercised such absolute control over civil and revenue matters, that it would be unseemly to dilate upon it here. After the accession of the Emperor Sháh Jahán, he settled an annual allowance of two lacs of rupees upon her.⁷⁰

Campaign against Balkh and Badakhshán.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 482.] Ever since the beginning of his reign, the Emperor's heart had been set upon the conquest of Balkh and Badakhshán, which were hereditary territories of his house, and were the keys to the acquisition of Samarkand, the home and capital of his great ancestor Tímúr Sáhib-Kirán. He was more especially intent on this because Nazar Muhammad Khán had had the presumption to attack Kábul, from whence he had been driven back in disgrace. The prosecution of the Emperor's cherished enterprise had been hitherto prevented by various obstacles; ^{* *} but now the foundations of the authority of Nazar Muhammad were shaken, and his authority in Balkh was precarious. ^{* *} So the Emperor determined to send his son Murád Bakhsh with fifty thousand horse, and ten thousand musketeers, rocket-men and gunners, to effect the conquest of that country. ^{* *} On the last day of Zí-l hijja, 1055 H., the Emperor gave his farewell to Prince Murád Bakhsh, to Amíru-l Umará ('Alí Mardán Khán),^70a and the other officers sent on this service. [Plan of campaign. ^{* *} Progress of the Emperor to Kábul.—Details of the campaign.—Capture of the fort of Kahmard and the stronghold of Ghorí.—Conquest of Kunduz and Balkh, and flight of Nazar Muhammad.—Revenues of Nazar Muhammad.]

TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1056 A.H. (1646 A.D.).

[Prince Murád Bakhsh desires to retire from Balkh.—Displeasure of the Emperor expressed in a despatch.—The Prince persists.] Many of the amírs and mansabdárs who were with the prince concurred in this unreasonable desire. Natural love of home, a preference for the ways and customs of Hindustán, a dislike of the people and the manners of Balkh, and the rigours of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This resolution became a cause of distress among the raiyats, of despondency among the soldiery, and of hesitation among the men who were coming into Balkh from all quarters. The soldiers, seeing this vacillation, began to plunder and oppress the people. So, when the Prince's desire was repeatedly expressed, the Emperor's anger was increased. He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took from him his tuyúl of Multán. Under these circumstances, to settle the confusion in Balkh, the Emperor found it necessary to send there a trustworthy and able manager; so he selected Sa'du-lla Khán, his prime minister. [Fighting in Badakhshán.—Settlement of Balkh.] Sa'du-lla Khán returned on the 5th Sha'bán, 1056 H., having settled the affairs of Balkh, and restored order and tranquillity among the soldiers and people, and rescued the country from wretchedness. He had most effectually carried out the orders of the Emperor, and was rewarded with a khil'at, and a thousand increase to his mansab. [Prince Murád Bakhsh restored to his mansab of 12,000.—Much fighting near Balkh and Shaburghán.]⁷¹

Aurangzeb sent to Balkh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 627.] On the 24th Zí-l hijja, 1056, the Emperor bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakhshán on Aurangzeb, and increased his mansab to 15,000 personal and ten thousand horse, eight thousand being do-aspahs or sih-aspahs. ^{* *} He was directed to proceed to Pesháwar, and on the arrival of spring to march to Balkh, in company with Amíru-l Umará 'Alí Mardán Khán, and a body of Rájpúts, who had left Balkh and Badakhshán in disgust, and had come to Pesháwar, where they were stopped by an Imperial order directing the officers at Atak not to allow them to cross the Indus.

The Emperor proceeds to Kábul.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 637.] By the reports of the commanders in Balkh and Badakhshán, the Emperor was informed that 'Abdu-l 'Azíz Khán, governor of Turán, ^{* *} intended to invade Balkh at the beginning of spring. On the 15th Muharram Prince Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh with a body of Imperial soldiers, and the Emperor himself determined to leave Lahore and go to Kábul for the third time.

[Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshán, ending abruptly with a statement of the errors made on the Imperial side.]

[MUHAMMAD TÁHIR, who received the title of 'Ináyat Khán, and was poetically named 'Ashná, was son of Zafar Khán bin Khwája Abú-l Hasan.

Zafar Khán, the author's father, was wazír of Jahángír. In the reign of Sháh Jahán, he was at one time ruler of Kábul, and afterwards of Kashmír, during which latter government he effected the conquest of Tibet recorded in the foregoing pages (p. 62). At a later period he was appointed to the administration of Thatta. “He was celebrated as a poet, as a patron of letters, and as a just and moderate ruler.”

'Inayat Khán's maternal grandfather, Saif Khán, was governor of Ágra, and when Prince Shujá' was appointed ruler of Bengal, Saif Khán was sent thither to conduct the administration until the arrival of the prince.

The author, it appears, was born in the year that Sháh Jahán came to the throne. In the seventh year of his age he received, as he informs us, “a suitable mansab.” He was sent to join his father in Kashmír while he was governor there. He was afterwards daroghá-i dágh, and subsequently employed in a more congenial office in the Imperial Library. “He inherited his father's talents and good qualities, and is said even to have surpassed him in ability. He was witty and of agreeable manners, and was one of the intimate friends of Sháh Jahán. Latterly he retired from office, and settled in Kashmír, where he died in A.H. 1077 (A.D. 1666). In addition to the history of Sháh Jahán's reign, he was author of a Díwán and three Masnawís.”⁷⁴

The sources of the first part of this Sháh Jahán-náma are plainly acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years are in entire agreement with the Bádsháh-náma, but are written in a more simple style. The history comes down to 1068 A.H. (1657-8 A.D.), the year in which Aurangzeb was declared Emperor, but of this event he takes no notice. The author does not inform us whether he used any other work after the Bádsháh-náma as the basis of his own, or whether the history of the last ten years is his own independent work.

The following is the author's own account of his work translated from his Preface:

“The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad Táhir, commonly known as Ashná, but bearing the title of 'Ináyat Khán bin Muzaffar Khán bin Khwája Abú-l Hasan, represents to the attention of men of intelligence, and acumen that in Rabí'u-l awwal, in the 31st year of the reign of the Emperor Sháh Jahán [six lines of titles and phrases], corresponding to 1068 H., he was appointed superintendent of the Royal Library, and there he found three series of the Bádsháh-náma, written by Shaikh 'Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí and others, each series of which comprised the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The whole of these memoirs completed one karn, which is an expression signifying thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were written after his death by others. The author desires to observe that the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his simple mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abú-l Fazl was ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of his reign, yet Khwája Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshí wrote a distinct history of that reign, which he called the Tabakát-i Akbar-sháhí. Jannat-makání Nuru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, imitating the example of his ancestor the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar, himself wrote a history of his own reign; yet Mu'tamad Khán Bakhshí wrote a history of that reign, to which he gave the title of Ikbál-náma-i Jahángírí. Ghairat Khán Nakshabandí also brought together the chief events of that reign in a book which he called Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí. (With these examples before him), it seemed to the writer of these pages that, as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of the Imperial dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the reign of Sháh Jahán in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the contents of the three volumes of Shaikh 'Abdu-l Hamíd in plain language and in a condensed form. Such a work (he thought) would not be superfluous, but rather a gain. So he set about his work, and the Almighty gave him leisure, so that in a short time he completed it. The history from the fourth to the tenth year is based on the Pádsháh-náma of Muhammad Amín Kazwíní, commonly known as Amínáí Munshí, which is written in a more simple style. And as only a selection has been made of the events recorded, this work is styled Mulakhkhas.”

The title Mulakhkhas “Abridgment,” which the author gave to his work, was too indefinite to last, and it is commonly known as Sháh Jahán-náma.

MSS. of this work seem to be common. Sir H. M. Elliot has three borrowed copies. There are three in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the Asiatic Society. A copy belonging to the Rájá of Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 inches × 8 1/2, and contains 360 leaves of 19 lines to the page. The whole of this work, from the beginning of the third year of the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb, with which it closes, was translated by the late Major Fuller. It fills 561 folio pages of close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot's Library. The following Extracts are taken from that translation.]

In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty about this time, through the representations of the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur, was the following:— Nazar Muhammad Khán, who, after abandoning the siege of fort Maimanah, had stood fast at Nílchirágh,⁷⁶ continued watching, both day and night, the efforts of 'Abdu-l 'Azíz Khán and his other sons, who were gone to oppose the royal army with all the Uzbek forces of Máwaráu-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhshán, anxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers in the desert of failure, owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the royalists, finding his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an apologizing letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the throne of royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the farmán's arrival, and the Khán's letter, which His Royal Highness had forwarded to Court in the original, with some remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the auspicious perusal. As it happened, from the commencement of his invasion of Balkh, this very design had been buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after clearing the kingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshán from the thorny briers of turbulence and anarchy, he should restore them in safety to Nazar Muhammad Khán. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of prudence, hastened to Írán; but finding his affairs did not progress there to his satisfaction, he turned back, and at the suggestion of the Kalmáks and other associates, came and besieged the fort of Maimanah, in order that he might seek shelter within its walls, and so set his mind at rest. In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond his reach, he departed without effecting his object, and moved to Nílchirágh, all which occurrences have been already fully detailed in their proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, it was further made known to his world-adorning understanding, that notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the peasantry in Balkh and Badakhshán by giving them seed, and assisting them to plough and till their fields: yet, owing to the inroads of the Almáns, most of the grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, and the chiefs of the soldiery, owing to the dearth of provisions and the scarcity of grain, were extremely disgusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the country. From the contents of the Prince's letter, moreover, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned. Taking all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued, directing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshán to Nazar Muhammad Khán, provided the latter would come and have an interview with him, and then set out with all the victorious forces for Hindustán, the type of Paradise.

* * * On the 4th of the month of Ramazán, early in the morning, which was the time selected for Nazar Muhammad Khán's interview, news came in that he had sent his grandson Muhammad Kásim, son of Khusrú Sultán, in company with Kafsh Kalmák and several chiefs, and that they had all advanced two kos beyond the bridge of Khatab. The Prince, appreciating the gradations of rank, deputed his son, Muhammad Sultán, along with Bahádur Khán and some other nobles, to go and meet him; and that early fruit of the orchard of royalty having dutifully obeyed the command, brought the individual in question into his noble father's presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded Muhammad Kásim in a fond embrace, and placed him in an adjoining seat; after which, Kafsh Kalmák delivered the Khán's letter, full of apologies for not having come in consequence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that the Khán, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an interview, had sent Muhammad Kásim as his representative, with a view to remove all suspicion of his having wilfully broken his promise.

After dismissing Muhammad Kásim, the Prince addressed the commanders of the army in that country, viz. * * saying, his instructions were, to deliver over Balkh and Badakhshán to Nazar Muhammad Khán, after the interview; but now that the latter had only sent his grandson, excusing himself on the pretended plea of sickness, he could not carry out this measure without a distinct order. He told them to take into consideration, however, that the country was desolated, winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the winter, and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement season, and asked them what was their opinion on the subject. The principal chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindú Koh were just about to be covered by snow, when the road would be blocked up; so that, if he reported the matter, and waited the arrival of instructions, the opportunity would slip through his hands. They therefore came to the unanimous conclusion, that His Royal Highness should recall all the governors of forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh.

As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzbeks and Almáns, had crossed the river Jíhún, and spread themselves over those regions, and wherever they saw a concourse of people, took the first opportunity of assailing them, Rájá Jai Singh was despatched to Turmuz to fetch Sa'ádat Khán. The Prince was also on the point of starting off Bahádur Khán to bring back Rustam Khán from Andkhod, and Shád Khán from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in safety. In the interim, however, a letter arrived from Rustam Khán, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khán, he had set out from Andkhod to Maimanah, with the intention of taking Shád Khán from thence in company with him, and proceeding towards Kábul by way of San-chárík. The Prince then marched with all the royal forces from the neighbourhood of Faizábád, and encamped at Chalkai, which lies contiguous to the city of Balkh; where, having ceded the country to Nazar Muhammad Khán, he delivered up the town and citadel of Balkh to Muhammad Kásim and Kafsh Kalmák. He presented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden trappings, and 50,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. He also committed to his charge, among the stores contained in the fort and city, 50,000 mans of grain belonging to His Majesty, which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth five lacs of rupees; and besides this, all the granaries of the other forts. At this stage, Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh returned from Turmuz, accompanied by Sa'ádat Khán, and joined the army. From the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and Badakhshán till the end, when those conquered territories were ceded to Nazar Muhammad Khán, there was expended out of the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking, the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent to seven lacs of the túmáns current in Irák.

To be brief. On the 14th of the aforesaid month of Ramazán, the Prince started from Chalkai with all the royal forces for Kábul. He appointed Amíru-l Umará with a party to form the left wing; Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh with his, the right; and Bahádur Khán the rear-guard; whilst he sent on Mu'tamad Khán, the Mír-i átish, with the whole of the royal artillerymen, and Pirthi Ráj Ráthor, as a vanguard; so that the bands of Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not be able to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the army, whilst winding through the narrow defiles and passes. As it was an arduous task for the whole army to cross the pass of 'Arbang in one day, the victorious Prince himself having marched through it safely, waited on the further side with Amíru-l Umará, till the entire army was over; and by His Royal Highness's order, Bahádur Khán halted at the mouth of the above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage through. He was also in the habit of sending some of the troops every day to protect the party who went out to fetch grass and firewood. One day, when the turn for this duty came to Shamsher Khán, Khushhál Beg Káshgharí, and others of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the party to be a small one, advanced, to the number of about 5000 horsemen, and one moiety of them having encompassed Shamsher Khán and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a position on the summit of some eminences. Bahádur Khán, having received intimation of this, went to his support, and having made several of those marauders a prey to the sword of vengeance, put the remainder to flight; whilst out of the royal troops some few were wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the rest of the army were crossing the pass of 'Arbang, a body of Almáns made their appearance; whereupon Nazar Bahádur Khán, Kheshjí Ratan son of Muhesh Dás, and some others, charged them on one side, and on the other Mu'tamad Khán with the artillerymen, and a number of the Prince's retainers. The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and fled, closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and wounded a few of them.

The day they had to march from Ghorí by way of Khwája Zaid, as the road to the next stage, which had been selected on the banks of the Surkháb, was extremely difficult, and there was a great likelihood of an attack from the Uzbeks and Hazáras, the Prince left Amíru-l Umará at the top of the aforesaid pass, to protect the men who used to follow in rear of the army. As there was an interval of two kos between Amíru-l Umará, Bahádur Khán, and the left wing of the army, a portion of the baggage, whilst threading the road, was plundered by the Hazáras. A vast body of them also fell upon the treasure; but Zú-l Kadar Khán, and the rest who were with it, firmly held their ground, and the battle was warmly contested till some part of the night was spent. Amíru-l Umará, having been informed of the circumstance, sent a detachment of his own men to their assistance; whereupon the enemy retreated in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond Shaburghán, during the march to Nek Bihár and to Chár-chashma, some injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of the hill off the path by some of the people who had lost their way. When they started from Chár-chashma for the foot of the Hindú Koh range, it was resolved, for the greater convenience of the troops, that the Prince should first cross the pass, and at the expiration of a day Amíru-l Umará should follow; that after him should come the royal treasure, kár-khána (wardrobe) and artillery, with all His Royal Highness's establishment; and in this way, a party having gradually crossed every day, Bahádur Khán, who occupied the rear of the victorious army, should follow last of all. The illustrious Prince, having reached the foot of the pass that day, passed over the Hindú Koh on the next, and though the weather was not intensely cold, yet as snow had fallen previously, and there was a hard frost, the men got over with considerable difficulty.

On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he marched during the night into Kábul. When Amíru-l Umará, who followed one day's march in rear, was encamped at the foot of the pass, at midnight it began to snow, and continued doing so without intermission till morning; after which the weather became fair, and the Amír having got through the pass with his force, entered Kábul two days after His Royal Highness. As for Rájá Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched from Surkháb, had stayed behind by the Prince's orders at that place, on account of the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he passed Chár-chashma, the snow commenced falling, and never once ceased all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road. After arriving at the pass of the Hindú Koh, till crossing over it, the snow kept falling for three more days and nights; and Zú-l Kadar Khán, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, seeing, when four kos distant from the Hindú Koh, that a snowstorm was coming on, started at once in the hope of getting the treasure through the pass, before it could have time to stop up the road. It chanced, however, that the snow gradually accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels tumbled down, and nearly half of them were rendered quite unserviceable, so that the Khán in question, despite his utmost exertions, was unable to cross that day. In consequence of the intense cold, his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, and saving a few servants of the crown, no one remained with him; nevertheless he stayed on the summit of the ridge, to guard the treasure, notwithstanding the snow-storm. In the morning, having laden a portion of it on such of the camels as were capable of travelling, he started it off in advance to Ghorband, escorted by some of the horsemen; whilst he himself with a few others occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and spent seven days and nights on the top of the Hindú Koh in the midst of snow and intense cold, and with but a scanty supply of provisions, waiting for Bahádur Khán's arrival, who was behind. The fortunes of the latter were as follows. As soon as he reached the pass of Nek Bihár, which is two marches from the Hindú Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the snow began to fall, and continued coming down all night till twelve o'clock next day. Owing to the difficulties of the pass, which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, he only got the rest of the camp and army through with immense labour. At this juncture, the malicious Hazáras, in their eager desire for plunder, assaulted the camp followers more desperately than ever; but Bahádur Khán each time inflicted summary chastisement on the freebooters, and drove them off. After reaching the foot of the Hindú Koh pass, and halting there for a day, he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as they were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent the night on the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult roads, and the intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened by the deep snow and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle that were worn out and infirm perished. Accordingly, from the first commencement of the army's crossing to the end, about 5000 men, and a similar number of animals, such as horses, elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were destroyed, and a vast deal of property remained buried in the snow. When Bahádur Khán came to the top of the pass, and Zú-l Kadar Khán explained the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in company with Ikhlás Khán, and some other nobles and mansabdárs who still stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning, having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed the rest among the horses and camels belonging to the troops. Just as he was on the point of starting, a body of Hazáras came up in the rear, and seeing the paucity of his detachment, resolved upon making an assault, for the sake of carrying off the treasure. Bahádur Khán, however, faced about, and made some of the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then set out with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with his comrades, after an interval of fourteen days from the time of the Prince's arrival there.

Despatch of a Candlestick to the Glorious City.

Among the events of this year was the despatch of a candlestick studded with gems to the revered tomb of the Prophet (on whom be the greatest favours, and blessings!) an account of which is here given. Some time previous to this it was represented that a wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territory of Golkonda had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-l Mulk; whereupon an order was issued, directing him to forward the same to Court; when its estimated value would be taken into account, as part of the two lacs of huns (pagodas), which was the stipulated amount of his annual tribute. He accordingly sent the diamond in question, which weighed in its rough state 180 ratís, to Court; and after His Majesty's own lapidaries had cut away as much of the outer surface as was requisite to disclose all its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratís weight, valued by the jewellers at one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the threshold, resembling the Elysian abode, since his accession to the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with the best intention, and the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a vow to send it to the pure sepulchre of the last of the Prophets (on whom be peace!). Having therefore selected out of the amber candlesticks that he had amongst his private property the largest of them all, which weighed 700 tolas, and was worth 10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should be covered with a network of gold, ornamented on all sides with flowers, and studded with gems, among which that valuable diamond should also be included.

In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs and 50,000 rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diamond, and the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold, together with the original candlestick. Mír Saiyid Ahmad Sa'íd Bahárí, who had once before conveyed charitable presents to the two sacred cities, was then deputed to take charge of this precious offering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect, that the revenue collectors of the province of Gujarát should purchase a lac and 60,000 rupees worth of goods for the sacred fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he might take it along with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed to present 50,000 rupees worth to the Sharíf of Mecca; to sell 60,000 rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any profit that might accrue, amongst the indigent of that sacred city; and the remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those of the glorious Medína. The above-named Saiyid, who was only in receipt of a daily stipend, was promoted to a suitable mansab, and having been munificently presented with a dress of honour and a donation of 12,000 rupees, received his dismissal.

The following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid fort in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling Paradise, which was constructed in the environs of the city of Dehlí, on the banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the omniscient mind that he should select on the banks of the aforesaid river some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate, where he might found a splendid fort and delightful edifices, agreeably to the promptings of his generous heart, through which streams of water should be made to flow, and the terraces of which should overlook the river. When, after a long search, a piece of ground outside of the city of Dehlí, lying between the most distant suburbs and Núrgarh, commonly called Salímgarh, was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the night of Friday, the 25th of Zí-l hijja, in the twelfth year of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., being the time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked out with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in the august presence. Active labourers were then employed in digging the foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.), the foundation-stone of that noble structure was laid. Throughout the Imperial dominions, wherever artificers could be found, whether plain stone-cutters, ornamental sculptors, masons, or carpenters, by the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers were employed in the work. It was ultimately completed on the 24th of Rabí'u-l awwal, in the twenty-first year of his reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 lacs of rupees, after taking nine years three months and some days in building.

Fíroz Sháh's Canal.

The canal that Sultán Fíroz Sháh Khiljí, during the time he reigned at Dehlí, had made to branch off from the river Jumna, in the vicinity of pargana Khizrábád, whence he brought it in a channel 30 Imperial kos long to the confines of pargana Safídún, which was his hunting-seat, and had only a scanty supply of water, had, after the Sultán's death, become in the course of time ruinous. Whilst Shahábu-d dín Ahmad Khán held the government of Dehlí, during the reign of the Emperor Akbar, he put it in repair and set it flowing again, with a view to fertilize the places in his jágír, and hence it was called Nahr-i Shaháb; but for want of repairs, however, it again stopped flowing. At the time when the sublime attention was turned to the building of this fort and palace, it was commanded that the aforesaid canal from Khizrábád to Safídún should be repaired, and a new channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal residence, which also is a distance of 30 Imperial kos. After it was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i Bihisht.

On the 22nd of the month of Ramazán, when the standards of prosperity, after their return from Safídún, were planted at His Majesty's private hunting-seat, it reached the ear of royalty, through the representations of Daulat Khán, ruler of Kandahár, and Purdil Khán, governor of fort Bust,⁸⁷ that Sháh 'Abbás the Second, having come to the sacred city of Tús^87a (Mashhad-i Mukaddas), with intent to rescue the kingdom of Kandahár, had proceeded towards the confines of Khurásán, with all his match-lockmen ^87b and pioneers. It was, besides, reported that he had despatched men to Faráh, Sístán, and other places, to collect supplies of grain, and having sent on a party in advance to Hirát, was doing his utmost to block up the road on this side; being well aware that, during the winter, owing to the quantity of snow on the ground, the arrival of reinforcements from Hindústán by way of Kábul and Multán was impracticable, he proposed advancing in this direction during that inclement season, and had despatched Sháh Kulí Beg, son of Maksúd Beg, his wazir, as expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court, and further that the individual in question had reached Kandahár, and, without halting more than three days, had resumed his journey to the august presence.

His Majesty, after hearing this intelligence, having summoned 'Allámí Sa'du-lla Khán from the metropolis, commanded him to write farmáns to all the nobles and mansabdárs who were at their respective estates, jágírs, and homes, directing them to set out with all speed for Court. It was likewise ordered that the astrologers should determine the proper moment for the departure of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the capitals Lahore and Kábul.

As soon as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Khán's representations, that on the 10th of Zí-l hijja, the Sháh had arrived outside the fortress of Kandahár, and besieged it, the ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur was appointed to proceed thither with 'Allámí Sa'du-lla Khán, and some of the chief officers of State, such as Bahádur Khán, Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh, Rustam Khán, Rájá Bithaldás, and Kalích Khán. Besides these, there were upwards of fifty individuals from amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mansabdárs, ahadí archers, and matchlockmen—the whole number of whom, under the regulation requiring them to bring one-fifth of their respective tallies of fighting men into the field, would amount to 50,000 horsemen, and according to the rule enforcing a fourth, to 60,000— as well as 10,000 infantry, matchlock and rocket men, etc. It was ordered that subsidiary grants of money out of the State exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansabdárs holding jágírs, who were appointed to serve in this expedition, at the rate of 100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be a lac for every hundred; that to those who drew pecuniary stipends in place of holding jágírs, three months' pay in advance should be disbursed; and in like manner also to the ahadís and matchlockmen, who numbered 5000 horse, should a similar advance be made; so that they might not suffer any privations during the campaign from want of funds to meet their current expenses.

On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortunate moment, 'Allámí was dismissed along with the nobles who were present in His Majesty's fortunate train, and farmáns were issued to those who were staying in the province of Kábul and other places, to join the royal forces at once. Various marks of favour and regard were manifested towards 'Allámí and his associates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal of khil'ats, jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants on them, according to their different grades of rank. He also forwarded by the hands of 'Allámí for the gallant Prince—to whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him to start instantly from Multán and overtake the royal forces at Bhimbhar—a handsome khil'at. * * * It was further commanded that the ever-victorious army should hasten to Kábul viâ Bangash-i bálá and Bangash-i páyín, as they were the shortest routes, and thence proceed by way of Ghazní towards Kandahár.

Loss of Kandahár.

On the 8th of Rabí'u-l awwal, when the victorious camp started from Jahángírábád, intelligence reached the Court that the servants of the crown had lost possession of the fortresses of Kandahár and Bust, and all the rest in that country; a detailed account of which events is here given. When Sháh 'Abbás came from Tús to Hirát, he proceeded from thence to Faráh; where, having halted some days, he marched upon Kandahár, having, however, first despatched Mihráb Khán with some of his nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, etc., amounting altogether to about 8000 horsemen, to besiege the fortress of Bust, and Sáz Khán Baligh with five or six thousand composed of Kazalbáshís and the troops of Karkí and Naksarí,⁸⁹ to subdue Zamíndáwar. On reaching that place, he fixed his head-quarters in the garden of Ganj Kulí Khán, whilst Daulat Khán, who had shut himself up in the fortress, having committed the interior of the stronghold to the charge of trusty persons, appointed a party of the royal matchlock-men and a portion of his own men to occupy the summit of the Kambúl Hill. The defence of the towers he left to the care of Kákar Khán, to whom he also sent some of the matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrenchments below the Báshúrí and Khwája Khizr gates he entrusted to Núru-l Hasan, bakhshí of ahadís, with a body of the latter who were serving under him. He also appointed some of the household troops, and a number of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahár levies, to garrison the fortifications of Daulatábád and Mandaví, and having consigned the superintendence of them to Mírak Husain, bakhshí of Kandahár, came himself from the citadel to the former of these two forts, for the purpose of looking after the intrenchments. With a wanton disregard to the dictates of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence of the towers, that Kalích Khán, in the days of his administration, had constructed expressly for such an occasion, on the top of the hill of Chihal-Zínah (forty steps), whence guns and matchlocks could be fired with effect into the forts of Daulatábád and Mandaví. The Kazalbáshís, therefore, seeing those towers devoid of protection, despatched a number of matchlockmen to take post in them, and open a destructive fire. They also laid out intrenchments in two different quarters. * * *

At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost the little courage they possessed, and Shádí Uzbek having entered into a conspiracy with the Kazalbáshís, seduced Kipchák Khán from his duty. Though the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their families with them, through dread of losing their wealth, their lives, and their good repute, they would not let him follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. Some of the Mughal mansabdárs, ahadís, and matchlockmen too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and having come in front of the fort, declared that, in consequence of all the roads being closed, from the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the untiring efforts of the Kazalbáshís, that they would very shortly capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence, neither would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, nor of their offspring being saved from captivity. The wretched Daulat Khán, who ought instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition with the water of the sword, showed an utter want of spirit, by contenting himself with offering advice in reply. This, however, made no impression on the individuals in question, who got up, and departed to their respective homes, so that nought but a scanty force being left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbáshís entered the Sher-Hájí in several places. As for the party that forced an entrance on the side of the Bábáwalí gate, some of the household troops and Daulat Khán's followers, who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them, whereupon several were killed on both sides.

Meanwhile, the traitor Shádí sent a message to the governor of the fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that Muhammad Beg Bákí had come, bearing a letter and message from the Sháh, and accompanied by Sharafu-d dín Husain, a mansabdár who was dárogha of the buildings and magazines in the fort of Bust. Daulat Khán, on this, despatched Mírak Husain Bakhshí, for the purpose of sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate; but as soon as the bakhshí reached the gate of Veskaran, he noticed Kipchák Khán, Shádí, and a number of the Mughal mansabdárs, sitting in the gateway, and perceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, and seated him in front of them, and that he had brought four letters, one addressed to Daulat Khán, and the other three to Shádí, Núru-l Hasan and Mírak Husain, and was saying that he had besides some verbal messages to deliver. Mírak Husain therefore turned back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khán; whereupon that worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar-navís (paymaster of the forces) to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipchák Khán and Shádí to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in conformity with their advice, he adopted the contemptible resolution of proceeding to an interview with Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters he brought. The Sháh also sent a message to the effect, that he should take warning from what had already befallen Purdil Khán, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the blood and sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-d dín Husain, whom Mihráb Khán had started off loaded with chains in advance of himself. To this Daulat Khán replied, that he would return an answer five days hence; and it having been stipulated that during this interval hostilities should not be engaged in on either side, Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned to his own camp.

On the 5th day 'Alí Kulí Khán, brother of Rustam Khán, the former commander-in-chief, having come to Shádí's intrenchment, and delivered a message, saying that the Sháh had commissioned him to ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khán, with most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and invited him in. The latter, after being introduced, stated, that as they had already offered as gallant and stubborn a resistance as it was possible to make, it was now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and, applying themselves to the preservation of their lives and property, should send an individual along with him to deliver their reply. The worthless Daulat Khán accordingly despatched 'Abdu-l Latíf, díwán of Kandahár, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company with the above individual, and on the following day he returned with the written agreement.

The villain Shádí, however, without waiting for the governor's evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in his charge, during the night to the Kazalbáshís, and hastened along with Kipchák Khán to the Sháh's camp. However much the miserable Daulat Khán exhorted his men to repair to the fort on the top of the hill, it was of no avail; though had he but taken shelter there with a detachment, he could have held out till the arrival of succour without suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansabdárs, ahadís, and matchlockmen, who were engaged in the defence of the gates of the new and old forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khán was left with Kákar Khán, the base Rájá Amar Singh, and some other mansabdárs, as well as a party of his own adherents, every spot was in the possession of the Kazalbáshís.

On the 9th of Safar, this year, 'Alí Kulí Khán came and said that any longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the disloyal Daulat Khán delivered up a place of refuge of that description, and having marched out with his goods and comrades, encamped at a distance of a kos. During the period of the siege, which extended over two months, nearly 2000 of the Kazalbásh army and 400 of the garrison were slain.

Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khán's dastardly evacuation of the fort, 'Alí Kulí Khán, Ísa' Khán, and his brother Jamshíd Khán, came to him, and intimated that the Sháh had sent for him, as well as for some of his chief officers and associates. The latter replied that it would be better for them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they were resolved upon taking him there, to manage so that there should be no delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by 'Alí Kulí Khán. The ill-fated Daulat Khán accordingly proceeded with Kákar Khán and Núru-l Hasan, in company with the above-named nobles, to wait upon the Sháh, and having received his dismissal after a few moments, returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month of Safar set out with a world of shame and ignominy for Hindústán.

The Sháh, in consequence of the horses with his army having mostly perished for want of forage, in addition to which a scarcity of grain was experienced, appointed Mihráb Khán, with about 10,000 Kazalbáshís and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison Kandahár; and Dost 'Alí Uzbek with a detachment to guard the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurásán on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress of Bust is as follows. * *

Surrender of Bust.

From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife raged furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded on both sides; insomuch that during this period close upon 600 of the Kazalbáshís, and nearly half that number of Purdil Khán's followers, met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this year, the governor having begged for quarter, after entering into a strict agreement, had an interview with Mihráb Khán. The latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out of the 600 men, who had stood by the governor to the last, several persons, who, being averse to the surrender, had protracted the struggle; and having made that individual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adherents, and his family and children, brought them all to the Sháh at Kandahár.

In Zamíndáwar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as Sáz Khán Báligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid Bákar, sons of Saiyid Báyazíd Bukhárí, who were engaged in its defence, sent him a message, saying that the fort was a dependency of Kandahár, and without reducing the latter, its capture would be of no use; and it would therefore be better to suspend hostilities until the fate of Kandahár was ascertained, so that blood might not be shed fruitlessly. Sáz Khán, concurring in the reasonableness of this proposition, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and having written to inform the Sháh of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A messenger from the Sháh at length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detailing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahár; whereupon they surrendered the fort.

Advance of the Imperial Army to Kandahár.

The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that 'Allámí Sa'du-lla Khán crossed the Níláb with the royal forces, Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur having arrived from Multán, also effected his passage over that river; and the whole of the forces set out at once in His Royal Highness's train for Kohát. On reaching that place, he halted to await the receipt of intelligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter arrived from Khalíl Beg, who had been sent on in advance to level the road and construct bridges, to the effect that on the road through the hill-country along the Kohistán route the snow was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road would not probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-victorious Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding by that route, but started in the direction of Pesháwar, by way of the pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult road, and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the regular stages to Kábul. * * *

Sa'du-lla Khán having set out with his comrades at full speed, came and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of Shahr Safá. Having left Mubárak Khán Níází to guard that city, he marched thence, and in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahár, on the 12th of Jumáda-l awwal of this year; whence Kasádah Khwája, which is half a kos from the fortress, became the site of his camp. As the 14th of the above-named month was the time fixed upon for commencing the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the victorious Prince, and the advent of the appointed time for the siege, but rode out in company with the commanders of the royal forces, and made a reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed his head-quarters half a kos from the fortress. * * *

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1059 A.H. (1649 A.D.).

As it was represented that during the progress of the victorious forces towards Kandahár a great deal of the cultivation of Ghazní and its dependencies had been trodden under foot by the army, the merciful monarch, the cherisher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold mohurs, in charge of a trusty individual, with directions to inquire into the loss sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute it amongst them accordingly.

After the fortress of Kandahár had been besieged for three months and a half, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get scarce, notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful servants of the crown, owing to their having with them neither a siege train of battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the fortress seemed as distant as ever. For these reasons, and as the winter also was close at hand, a farmán was issued to the illustrious Prince, to the effect that, as the reduction of the fortress without the aid of heavy guns was impracticable, and there was not now sufficient time remaining for them to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more convenient opportunity, and start for Hindústán with the victorious troops. The Prince Buland Ikbál Dárá Shukoh was also ordered to tarry some time at Kábul, and directly he heard the news of the Kandahár army's arrival at Ghazní, to set out for the presence. * *

As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of Mihráb Khán, the kiladár, from a number of persons, who came out of the fortress, the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay any longer, but, in obedience to the mandate worthy of all attention, set out with the victorious forces from Kandahár on the 8th of the month of Ramazán this year for Hindústán. * *

As his most gracious Majesty had this year advanced in joy and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts sanctioning the non-observance of the fast came into force, the learned doctors and muftís, according to the glorious ordinances of the Kurán, by way of fulfilling the commandments of the law, decreed that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed person is the source of the administration of the world, to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fast. The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the deserving poor; and at his command, every night during the sacred month divers viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the Chihal-sitún in front of the balcony of public audience, with which famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be pursued during every month of Ramazán.

On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, which was the time fixed for entering Kashmír, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal apartments of the fort.

On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, which had been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the asylum of learning, Mullá Sháh Badakhshání, at a cost of 40,000 rupees, the requisite funds having been provided by Nawáb 'Aliya, and was surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of 20,000 rupees.

On the 12th of this month, Ádam Khán's munshí and his nephew Muhammad Murád, as well as the sons of Salím Beg Káshgharí, who ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the province of Kashmír, and had stood security for the two former individuals, were appointed to proceed to Tibet, with a number of zamíndárs, to exterminate a rebel named Mirzá Ján, and subdue the fort of Shkardú, together with the territory of Tibet, which had escaped out of the possession of the servants of the crown.

On the 27th of Sha'bán it reached the ear replete with all good, through Ádam Khán's representations, that the rebel Mirzá Ján had no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists, than he evacuated the fort of Shkardú, and became a wanderer in the desert of adversity; whereupon the fort in question, together with the territory of Tibet, came anew into the possession of the servants of the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded the aforesaid Khán with an addition to his mansab, and conferred the country of Tibet in jágír on the above-named Muhammad Murád, as his fixed abode.

Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain and tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that they even poured into the garden below the balcony of public audience, which became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming tide, and most of its trees were swamped. Just about this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose, which tore up many trees, principally poplars and planes, by the roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high all the blooming foliage of Kashmír. A longer sojourn in that region was consequently distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding that the sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmír on the 1st of Ramazán, and set out for the capital by way of Sháhábád.

On the night of Monday, the 18th of Rabí'u-l awwal, being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicious departure to Kábul, the royal train moved from the capital of Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen period, too, His Majesty despatched 'Allámí with the multitudinous forces (resembling the waves of the sea), amounting together with the army serving in Kábul to 50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of Kandahár, Bust and Zamíndáwar. He was further accompanied by ten large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and twenty light guns; the latter of which carried two and two and a half sír (four and five lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be advanced in front of the army; twenty elephants carrying hathnáls, and 100 camels with shuturnáls, besides a well-replenished treasury, and other suitable equipments. He was instructed to repair by way of Kábul and Ghazní to Kandahár, and about 3000 camels were employed in the transport of artillery stores, such as lead, powder and iron shot. * * *

On the 3rd of Jumáda-s sání, the first month this year, the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur, who had set out from Multán for Kandahár, reached his destination. 'Allámí, who had hastened thither by way of K bul, having joined His Royal Highness on the above date, delivered the kind and indulgent fárman. As it had been determined that the siege of the fortress should be commenced simultaneously with the arrival at Kandahár, the fortunate Prince, having finished marking out the positions that the royal forces were to occupy, invested the stronghold that very day. * * *

In short, for two months and eight days the flames of war burned fiercely, and on both sides numerous casualties occurred. On one occasion, when Muhammad Beg Topchí-báshí (Commandant of the Artillery), and five or six others of the garrison, had been destroyed by a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar, the Kazalbáshís sallied out of the fort and poured down upon the trenches; whereupon a desperate struggle ensued between the adverse hosts. Another time they fell on 'Allámí's trenches; but a party of his retainers firmly held their ground, and after putting a few of their antagonists to the sword, and wounding some others, manfully laid down their lives; and on the arrival of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within the fortifications.

To be brief, the royalists used the most strenuous exertions, and laboured with unremitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward the parallels and zigzags of attack, and demolishing the crest of the parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress possessed immense strength, and was filled with all the military weapons and stores required for an effective defence, their utmost efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot and shell that poured on them like a shower of rain from the fort, they were unable to advance their trenches beyond the spot they had already brought them to. In the interim, out of the seven guns which had accompanied the royal army, and were the most effectual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the Prince's trenches had cracked from constant firing, and had become quite unserviceable. As for the other five, which were in the trenches conducted by 'Allámí and Kásim Khán Mír-i átish, although they continued to be discharged, yet as they were not served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so effective as could be wished.

As soon as these particulars became known to His Majesty's world-adorning understanding, and he was informed that the capture of the fortress was at that period impracticable; and it also reached the royal ear that the Uzbeks and Almáns had come into the neighbourhood of Ghazní, and excited tumults, as already described, a farmán was issued to the illustrious Prince on the 4th of Sha'bán, to withdraw his forces from around the fortress, and, deferring its capture till some other period, to take his siege train along with him and set out for Court. * *

As the Prince Buland Ikbál, after the return of the army from Kandahár, had guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with this view the provinces of Kábul and Multán had been bestowed upon him, His Royal Highness, on reaching the capital, applied himself to the task of making the requisite arrangements for the campaign. In the course of three months and some days that he remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, that what could not have been otherwise accomplished in a year was effected in this short period. Among the siege train was a gun called Kishwar-kushá (clime-conquering), and another Garh-bhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron shot one man and eight sírs in weight (96 lbs.); and they were worked by the gunners under the direction of Kásim Khán.

There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried a shot of a man and sixteen sírs (1 cwt.), and was plied under the management of His Royal Highness's Mír-i átish, as well as 30,000 cannon-balls, small and great. He also got ready 5000 mans of gunpowder, and 2500 of lead, measuring by Imperial weight, and 14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected as many grain dealers as were procurable, he made arrangements for the army commissariat, and the safe arrival of supplies. He then despatched a letter to Court, representing that as the moment of starting was fixed for the 23rd of Rabí'u-l awwal, and the preliminary arrangements for the campaign had been completed, if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received their dismissal, he would set out for Kandahár. A mandate in the auspicious handwriting was therefore issued, directing His Royal Highness to start off at the predetermined moment by way of Multán, on which road provisions and forage were abundant. [Long details of the siege.]

Among the stirring incidents that occurred during the siege of Kandahár was the subjugation of the fortress of Bust by the laudable exertions of the servants of the crown, a concise account of which is as follows. * *

Siege of Kandahár raised.

Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond five months, the winter began to set in, all the lead, powder, and cannon-balls were expended, and neither was there any forage left in the meadows, nor provisions with the army. A farmán likewise was issued to this effect, that as the winter was close at hand, and they had already been long detained in Kandahár, if the reduction of the fortress could not be effected just at once, they might stay if necessary some short time longer; or otherwise return immediately. Rustam Khán, who had been recalled from Bust for the purpose of sharing in the assault, having dismantled that fortress, distributed the provisions among his men, and reached Kandahár with his comrades, bringing all the artillery stores, and property in the Kár-khána, that was there, along with him. With an eye therefore to the safety of the property mentioned above, he deemed it expedient to return, and not one of the royalist commanders proposed staying any longer. The Prince Buland Ikbál consequently, on the 15th Zí-l ka'da this year, set out from Kandahár for Hindústán.

On the 22nd Zí-l ka'da, at a chosen moment, the royal departure from the metropolis of Sháhjahánábád to the blessed city of Ájmír took place. On the same date, the Emperor despatched 'Allámí, with a large number of nobles and mansabdárs and 1500 musketeers, amounting altogether to 30,000, for the purpose of hurrying on in that direction, and demolishing the fort of Chitor, which was one of the gifts ('atáyá) that had been made by this Imperial dynasty. From the time of the late Emperor Jahángír, it had been settled that no one of the Ráná's posterity should ever fortify it; but Ráná Jagat Singh, the father of Rájá Jai Singh, having set about repairing it, had pulled down every part that was damaged, and built it up very strongly anew. He also directed him, if perchance the Ráná did not tender his obedience, to overrun his territory with the royal forces, and inflict suitable chastisement on him. The triumphant standards then moved on by the regular marches in the rear of the ever-victorious troops. On the 2nd of Zí-l hijja, when the world-subduing banners were planted at Khalílpúr, the Ráná's confidential vakíls waited on the Prince Buland Ikbál, and begged His Royal Highness to act as their intercessor. When, by his mediation, the penitence and humility expressed by the Ráná was reported at the threshold of might and majesty, an order was issued that His Royal Highness should send his Mír-i buyutát to wait upon the Ráná, and deliver the following message, viz. that if, with judicious forethought, he would despatch his eldest son, the Sáhib-i-tíka, to the presence, and a detachment of his people under the command of one of his relatives were stationed in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be employed in the royal service, he should be left in security, or otherwise he should be overwhelmed in adversity.

As the Ráná had again in these days humbly forwarded an address to the Prince Buland Ikbál, requesting him to send his díwán, in order that he might start off his sons to Court in company with that individual, His Royal Highness obtained permission from the Imperial threshold, and despatched Shaikh 'Abdu-l Karím, his own díwán, to the Ráná. * *

The exploits of the army that accompanied 'Allámí were as follows. On his arriving within twelve kos of Chitor, which is the frontier of the Ráná's territory, inasmuch as the latter's nego-ciations had not yet been satisfactorily terminated, he commenced plundering and devastating, and depasturing his cattle on the crops. On the 5th of Zí-l hijja, this year, having reached the environs of Chitor, he directed working parties with pickaxes and spades to overthrow that powerful stronghold. Accordingly, in the course of fourteen or fifteen days, they laid its towers and battlements in ruins, and having dug up and subverted both the old and the new walls, levelled the whole to the ground. The Ráná having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at the advent of the prosperous banners at Ájmír, the irresistible force of the royal arms, the dispersion of the peasantry, and the ruin of his territory, sent off a letter containing the humblest apologies to Court, along with his eldest son, who was in his sixth year, and a number of his principal retainers, in company with Shaikh 'Abdu-l Karím, the Prince Buland Ikbál's Mír-i buyutát. A farmán was then issued to Jamdatu-l Mulk ('Allámí), that since the fort had been demolished, and the Ráná had sent off his son to Court, the pen of forgiveness had been drawn through the register of his delinquencies at the Prince Buland Ikbál's solicitation, and that he should set out himself with the whole of the victorious army to the royal presence.

Marks of distinction bestowed on Prince Dárá Shukoh.

On the 8th of Rabí'u-s sání this year, being the expiration of the sixty-fifth lunar year of His Majesty's age, a festival was celebrated with exceeding splendour, and was attended with the usual ceremonies. In this sublime assembly the Emperor kindly conferred on the Prince Buland Ikbál a handsome khil'at with a gold-embroidered vest, studded with valuable diamonds round the collar; on both sleeves, and the skirts, pearls had been sewn, and it was worth 50,000 rupees; also a sarband composed of a single ruby of the purest water, and two magnificent pearls, of the value of a lac and 70,000 rupees, and a donation of thirty lacs besides. He also distinguished His Royal Highness by the lofty title of Sháh Buland Ikbál, which had been applied exclusively to himself during his late Majesty's reign; and since in the days of his Princehood a chair had been placed at that Emperor's suggestion opposite to the throne for him to sit on, he now in like manner directed His Royal Highness to seat himself on a golden chair, that had been placed near the sublime throne.

Among the incidents of the past year, the appointment and despatch of Khalílu-lla Khán during the return from Ájmír, with 8000 men, for the purpose of coercing the Zamíndár of Srínagar, and capturing the Dún, have been already detailed by the historic pen. The particulars of his advance and return are as follows. When the Khán in question set out with the royal forces, the Zamíndár of Sirmor, who had never felt disposed to ally himself with the servants of the crown, came under the guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was then rendered conspicuous among his compeers by the promulgation of an edict from the threshold of empire and sovereignty, investing him with the title of Rájá Sabhák Prakás.

Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new metropolis, measuring thirty kos in length, and twenty-five in breadth, in which ice-houses had been established for His Majesty's private use; whence, from the beginning of the month of Isfandiár (February) till the end of Mihr (September), an abundant supply of ice was constantly reaching the metropolis during the time that the royal standards were planted there. From these emporia porters used to carry loads of snow and ice on their backs as far as Dhamrás, the name of a place situated on the bank of the river Jumna at a distance of sixteen kos, but the road to which is extremely difficult. There it was packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to Daryápúr, one of the dependencies of pargana Khizrábád, which is also sixteen kos off from Dhamrás. From that point it was transported to the metropolis on board of boats in the course of three days and nights.

Khalílu-lla Khán, in company with the aforesaid Rájá and some other zamíndárs of those parts, having reached the Dún, which is a strip of country lying outside of Srínagar, twenty kos long and five broad, one extremity of its length being bounded by the river Jumna, and the other by the Ganges, which possesses many flourishing towns in various quarters, laid the foundation of a fieldwork close to Kílághar, and completed it in the course of a week. He then deputed one of the man-sabdárs to keep guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set out in advance with the whole of his comrades. On reaching Bahádur Khánpúr, which is a place belonging to the Dún, and lies between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, in consequence of the peasantry that dwelt in that neighbourhood having taken refuge in the hills and forests and defiles, and obstinately refusing to return, he despatched the ever-triumphant troops from every side to coerce them, who succeeded in inflicting suitable chastisement. A number of the rebels therefore fell by the sword of vengeance, and many more were taken prisoners; after which the remainder tendered their allegiance, and innumerable herds of cattle fell into the hands of the soldiery. Here, likewise, he threw up a fortified post, and left a confidential person with some mansabdárs, and 500 infantry and matchlockmen, to garrison it, so that the passage of travellers to and fro might remain uninterrupted. Having then set out himself from thence, he approached the town of Basantpúr, which is also a dependency of the Dún, and halted half-way up the hill. Opposite the above town, he constructed another redoubt, in which he posted one of the mansabdárs with 250 infantry matchlockmen. From thence he moved to Sahijpúr, a place abounding in streams and fountains, and clothed with flowers and verdure; where he erected a fort on the top of an embankment, measuring 1,000 yards in circumference, and fifteen in height, that had in former times been crowned by a stronghold, inasmuch as some traces of the ancient works were still visible; and he deputed a trusty individual to hold the post, backed by 250 musketeers. On reaching the banks of the Ganges, after crossing which one enters the hill-country, he sent a detachment with the royal artillery to the other side of the stream, with a view to their taking possession of the thána of Chándí, which is one of the dependencies of Srínagar, but lies outside the Dún of Kílághar.

Meanwhile, Bahádur Chand, Zamíndár of Kumáyún (Ku-maon), under the guidance of a fortunate destiny, espoused the royal cause, and came and joined the above-mentioned Khán. As soon as this fact was conveyed to the Imperial ear, the repository of all good, through the representations of Khalílu-lla Khán, a conciliatory farmán and a khil'at set with jewels were forwarded to him. As the season for prosecuting military operations in that region and the fitting period for an invasion of the hill-country had passed away, the rains being now at hand, and the Dún having been taken possession of, a mandate was issued to Khalílu-lla Khán, to defer the campaign in the hills for the present; and after delivering up the Dún to Chatur Bhúj, who had expressed an ardent desire for it, and confiding the thána of Chándí to Nágar Dás, the chief of Hardwár, to set out for Court. The Khán accordingly, having set his mind at rest by fulfilling these instructions, started for the presence.

Mír Jumla seeks protection.

Another incident was the flying for refuge of Mír Muhammad Sa'íd Ardastání, surnamed Mír Jumla,¹⁰⁸ to the Court, the asylum of mankind, an account of which event is as follows. The above individual, in whose hands was the entire administration of Kutbu-l Mulk's kingdom, had, after a severe struggle with the Karnátikís, brought under subjection, in addition to a powerful fort, a tract of country measuring 150 kos in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth, and yielding a revenue of forty lacs of rupees. It also contained mines teeming with diamonds, and no one of Kutbu-l Mulk's ancestors had ever been able to gain possession of any portion of it. Having destroyed several strong forts built by the Karnátikís, he had brought this country into his power; and in spite of long-standing usages, he had collected a considerable force, so that he had 5000 horse in his service. For these reasons, a faction who were at enmity with him caused Kutbu-l Mulk to be displeased with him, and strove to effect his ruin. He had been active in performing such meritorious services, and after contending against the zamíndárs of the Karnátik, had subdued so fine a territory, but he did not gain the object he sought; but, on the contrary, reaped disappointment. So, using Prince Mahammad Aurangzeb Bahádur as an intercessor, he sought refuge at the Court, the asylum of the world. After this circumstance had been disclosed to the world-adorning understanding through the representations of the illustrious Prince, a handsome khil'at was forwarded to him by the hand of one of the courtiers in the middle of this month, together with an indulgent farmán sanctioning the bestowal of a mansab of 5000 on him, and one of 2000 on his son, Mír Muhammad Amín; as well as a mandate accompanied by a superb dress of honour for Kutbu-l Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting him and his relations from coming.

Account of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb's March to Golkonda.¹⁰⁹

Among the important events that took place towards the close of this year was the march of the ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur to the territory of Golkonda, for the sake of coercing Kutbu-l Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary offering on behalf of His Majesty's private exchequer, and his uniting in marriage of the latter's daughter with his own eldest son, Muhammad Sultán, an abridged narrative of which is as follows. When Mír Jumla sought to ally himself to the Imperial throne, Kutbu-l Mulk, the instant he gained intelligence of the matter, imprisoned Mír Jumla's son, Mír Muhammad Amín, together with his connexions, and having confiscated whatever he possessed, both in live stock and goods, forwarded him and his relatives to Golkonda. This circumstance having soon reached the ear of the fortunate Prince, through the intervention of news-writers, His Royal Highness despatched a quiet letter to Kutbu-l Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and the restoration of Mír Muhammad Amín's goods and chattels. Having likewise reported the state of the case to the Imperial presence, he solicited authority, that in case Kutbu-l Mulk persisted in keeping Mír Jumla's son in confinement, he might be permitted to march against him in person, and endeavour to liberate the captives; as supineness in resorting to arms would be a source of additional lethargy to the opulent lords of the Dakhin. On the receipt of his report, a farmán was likewise forwarded with the utmost expedition to Kutbu-l Mulk, by the hands of some mace-bearers, respecting the surrender of Mír Jumla's son along with his relatives, and the infliction of the consequences of disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to the victorious Prince, instructing him to set out for his destination with the triumphant troops; and the ever-obeyed commands were issued to the governor of Málwa, and the mansabdárs serving in that province, to proceed and join His Royal Highness as quickly as possible.

In short, as Kutbu-l Mulk, under the influence of the fumes of arrogance, would not heed the contents of the letter, the Prince despatched his eldest son, Muhammad Sultán, thither on the 8th of Rabí'u-l awwal this year, along with a host of nobles and mansabdárs and his own followers. It was further determined that the army that was returning from Deogarh should halt in that vicinity, and unite itself to the illustrious Sultán; and that he himself should set out afterwards in the course of another month. About this time, the mansabdárs in whose charge the khil'ats and farmáns had been despatched for Kutbu-l Mulk and Mír Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been related in its proper place, came and waited on that ward of the divine vigilance. Although it was the realm-subduing Prince's opinion that Kutbu-l Mulk would release Mír Jumla's son from confinement previous to the arrival of Muhammad Sultán, “the tender sapling in the garden of prosperity and success,” at the frontier of the Golkonda territory, and that the campaign would not consequently be prolonged to any great extent, yet Kutbu-l Mulk, from excessive negligence and extreme pride, had not the good sense to adopt this measure, and hold the farmán in dread and fear. After the last communication the Prince gave orders,¹¹⁰ directing Muhammad Sultán to enter his territory with the Imperial troops. On receiving the above farmán with the alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sultán's approach at the head of the royal forces, Kutbu-l Mulk awoke from his deep sleep of arrogance and conceit, and sent off Mír Jumla's son, along with his mother and connexions. He also forwarded a letter to Court, intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and subservience, in charge of the mace-bearers who had brought the farmán. Mír Jumla's son having joined Muhammad Sultán twelve kos from Haidarábád, reposed in the cradle of peace and safety. Nevertheless as Kutbu-l Mulk, with grasping avarice, still retained the goods and property belonging to Mír Jumla and his son, and would not deliver them up, the illustrious Sultán set out for the city of Haidarábád. Kutbu-l Mulk, on learning this news, started off his children to Golkonda, which is situated at a distance of three kos from Haidarábád, and where, owing to the impregnability of the position, he was in the habit of depositing his secret hoards of treasure; and he followed them shortly after himself. Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles, and cash he possessed, he likewise removed to the fort of Golkonda; and other property, such as various kinds of carpets, porcelain, etc., he made over to the chief of his confidential servants, and deputed him to contend with the royal forces.

Next morning, corresponding to the 5th of Rabí'u-s sání this year, when Muhammad Sultán, having arrived at the environs of Haidarábád, was just about to encamp on the banks of the Husain Sájar lake, one of Kutbu-l Mulk's confidential retainers came and waited on him with a casket full of jewels that his master had forwarded by his hands. Meanwhile, Kutbu-l Mulk's forces made their appearance, and assumed a menacing attitude; but the ever-triumphant troops, having engaged in the deadly strife from right and left, enveloped the enemy with speed and promptitude in the midst of a galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty's daily-increasing good fortune, having gained the superiority, chased the routed fugitives up to the city walls. Many of the enemy were accordingly killed and wounded, and the survivors, from dread of the royalists' assaults, did not stay within the city walls, but fled into the fort. In short, as such an audacious act had been perpetrated by Kutbu-l Mulk, and the bearer of the casket of jewels was indicated as the originator of this hostile movement, Muhammad Sultán gave the order for his execution.

On the morrow, Muhammad Sultán took possession of the city of Haidarábád, and having encamped outside the walls, prohibited the soldiery from entering it, for fear of having Kutbu-l Mulk's property plundered, and the effects of the inhabitants carried off. He also despatched a confidential servant of his noble father to conciliate the residents of that city, so as to dissuade them from dispersing, and to endeavour to protect their wealth and property. This day Kutbu-l Mulk sent 200 more caskets full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two elephants with silver housings, and four horses with gold trappings, to the Sultán; and that fruitful plant of the gardens of prosperity and good fortune detained the bearer of these articles in his camp, as a hostage for the restoration of Mír Jumla's goods, which Kutbu-l Mulk still persisted in withholding. Five or six days afterwards, he sent eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other things belonging to Mír Jumla; and though, apparently having entered into amicable relations, he used to send numbers of people to Muhammad Sultán, and make professions of loyal obedience, yet he continued strengthening his fortifications, using tremendous exertions to complete the requisite preparations for standing a siege, and forwarded repeated letters to 'Ádil Khán by the hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid.

Arrival of the fortunate Prince at Golkonda.

The particulars regarding the ever-triumphant Prince's retinue are as follows. His Royal Highness having reached Golkonda from Aurangábád in eighteen days, pitched his camp on the 20th of the aforesaid Rabí'u-s sání a kos from the fort. He then went off the road for the purpose of marking out the intrenchments, and reconnoitring the defences of the place, and having gained intelligence of Kutbu-l Mulk's approach, commanded Muhammad Sultán to take post on the left-hand side with his force. At this juncture, five or six thousand cavalry and ten or twelve thousand infantry came opposite to the army, and kindled the flame of war by discharging rockets and matchlocks, whilst the garrison likewise fired off numerous cannons and rockets from the top of the ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince, however, with his habitual intrepidity, allowed no apprehensions to enter his mind, but urged on his riding elephant to the front; and the heroes of the arena of strife, having charged at full gallop in successive squadrons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish opponents' stability by their irresistible assaults, victory declared in favour of the servants of the crown. The ever-triumphant Prince, after returning to camp, crowned with glory and success, despatched the royalists to besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack against each front was committed to the vigilant superintendence of some trusty individual.

In short, the friends of Government began constructing intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches; and as Kutbu-l Mulk, from weakness of intellect, had been guilty of such highly improper behaviour, notwithstanding that he had again sent four more caskets of gems, three elephants with silver housings, and five horses with gold and silver trappings, in charge of an intimate friend, begging that he might he allowed to send his mother to wait upon His Royal Highness, for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences; the Prince, in token of his deep displeasure, would not listen to his request, nor grant his messenger an audience, but exhorted the besiegers to lavish still greater exertions in carrying on the attack with gallantry and vigour. After two or three days had elapsed in this manner, a vast force of the Kutbu-l Mulkís made their appearance on the northern side of the fort, and were about to pour down upon the intrenchment of Mirzá Khán, who was engaged in the defence of that quarter; when the latter, becoming aware of their hostile intention, made an application for reinforcements. The renowned and successful Prince immediately despatched some nobles with his own artillery to his support; and these reinforcements having arrived at full speed, took part at once in the affray. Under the magic influence of His Majesty's never-failing good fortune, the enemy took to flight; whereupon the ever-triumphant troops began putting the miscreants to the sword, and allowed hardly any of them to escape death or captivity. After chasing the vain wretches as far as the fort, they brought the prisoners, along with an elephant that had fallen into their hands, into His Royal Highness's presence.

On this date a trusty person was deputed to go and fetch Mír Jumla; and as it reached the Prince's auspicious ear that about six or seven thousand cavalry and nearly 20,000 infantry of Kutbu-l Mulk, consisting principally of matchlockmen, who had been repeatedly defeated and dispersed in the battles mentioned above, had collected together on the southern face of the fort, and were standing prepared for action, the illustrious Prince mounted and set out in person to exterminate the doomed wretches. As soon as he drew near, the miscreants had the foolhardiness to advance, and standing on the brink of a ravine that ran between them, fanned the flame of strife into a blaze by the discharge of matchlocks and rockets; whilst from the battlements of the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond number, played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, however, drawing the shield of divine Providence over their heads, pushed rapidly across the ravine; and a detachment of their vanguard, by the most spirited efforts, drove the villains two or three times to the foot of the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust of destruction, and capturing a number more. Several of the servants of the Crown perished in this conflict, and others were adorned with the cosmetic of wounds; whilst a number of the Prince's retainers also were either killed or wounded. His Royal Highness, deeming an additional force necessary for this quarter, stationed one there, and having taken possession of the commanding points, and appointed a party of matchlockmen to guard them, returned at night from the field of battle to his own tents.

Next day, at Muhammad Sultán's solicitation, he gave Kutbu-l Mulk's son-in-law permission to pay his respects, who had come two days before with some petitions and a slight tributary offering, but had not gained admittance. Having refused the jewelry that the latter had brought for him, he deferred its acceptance till the conclusion of negociations. About this time Sháyista Khán joined the army with the nobles of Málwá, whereupon the Prince altered the previous position of the trenches, and directed that they should throw up four, opposite each front of the fortifications. In these very days, too, an Imperial edict arrived, intimating the despatch of a handsome khil'at, and a jewelled dagger with phúl-katár, for the illustrious Prince, and a present of a fine dress of honour, and a mansab of 7000, with 2000 horse, for Muhammad Sultán, as well as a benevolent farmán to Kutbu-l Mulk's address, granting him a free pardon. By the untiring efforts of the servants of the Crown, however, affairs had come to such a pass, that Kutbu-l Mulk was all but annihilated, and every day a number of his followers used to turn the countenance of hope towards this prosperous threshold, and attain the honour of paying their respects. Alarmed at the irresistible superiority of the royal troops, moreover, he had sent two of his confidential servants with a tributary offering, and tendered his allegiance, consenting to pay all the stipulated tribute, due for several years up to Isfandiár of the 29th year of this reign, and begging that the amount of that for the present twelvemonth might be settled in addition to the former. The subject of his daughter's marriage with Muhammad Sultán had likewise been broached; and the illustrious Prince, consequently, deeming it inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon just now, kept it to himself. After a lapse of two or three days, Kutbu-l Mulk despatched, agreeably to orders, ten elephants and some jewelry, as an instalment of the tribute in arrears, together with two more elephants and other articles belonging to Mír Jumla's son. For the noble Muhammad Sultán, too, he sent a letter congratulating him on his mansab, two elephants, one of which bore silver housings, and a horse with gold saddle and jewelled trappings. The Prince then directed that they should mount two heavy guns that had been brought from fort Úsa, on the top of a mound situated in Kátalabí Khán's intrenchment, and point them against the fortress.

As Kutbu-l Mulk had repeatedly begged permission to send his mother for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences, and solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered that Muhammad Sultán and Sháyista Khán should despatch the customary passport. As soon as he received that warrant and security, he sent off his mother in the hope of gaining his other objects. Accordingly, on the 22nd of Jumáda-l awwal, several of His Royal Highness's intimate companions went out, at his suggestion, to meet her, and brought her from the road to Sháyista Khán's camp. The latter, having treated her with the deepest respect and attention, conducted her next day, agreeably to orders, into the illustrious presence; where she enjoyed an interview with Muhammad Sultán, and presented two horses. * * As Muhammad Sultán represented that she was anxious to be admitted to a personal audience, in order to detail her propositions, the Prince summoned her into his presence. That chaste matron then presented a thousand gold mohurs as nisár to His Royal Highness as well as * * .

That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, that Kutbu-l Mulk must pay down a kror of rupees in cash, jewelry, elephants, etc., and she having consented to obey this mandate, returned to the fortress for the purpose of collecting the above sum.

As a vast number of Kutbu-l Mulk's partisans, under the command of his kotwál, who had no intimation as yet of the armistice, had collected together about two kos from the fortress with hostile intentions, the Prince despatched several nobles and mansabdárs, with 200 mounted musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Sháyista Khán's retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host of matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops repaired with the utmost celerity to the menaced point, and encamped that day close to the enemy's position. On the succeeding one, the miscreants sent off their heavy baggage and property to a distance, and having formed up in line themselves, stood prepared for action. Although the royalists several times drove them off and dispersed them, yet the shameless wretches kept constantly rallying and renewing their assaults, in which they suffered numerous casualties, until night supervened; when the ill-fated villains, being incapable of further resistance, took to a precipitate flight. A few out of the victorious army were also killed and wounded; and the ever-successful troops, after spending the night on the ground where the enemy's tents had stood, returned in triumph on the morrow.

At this time, the news of Mír Jumla's arrival in the vicinity of Golkonda was made known; so the Prince forwarded to him the farmán and khil'at that had come for him from Court, by the hands of the bearer of it. The latter having been apprised of the fact, came out to meet the messenger, from his camp, which was pitched four kos the other side of the Husain Ságar lake, and after observing the usual marks of respect, received the farmán and khil'at from him on the banks of the above-named lake. As two days were wanting to the time fixed for his introduction to the victorious Prince, he returned for the present to his own camp. On the appointed day, the Prince sent out some nobles to fetch him, and he having set out with great pomp and splendour, enjoyed at a chosen moment the honour of paying his respects, and presented 3,000 Ibráhímís as nisár. That descendant of nobles was recompensed from the munificent threshold by the receipt of a superb dress of honour, a jewelled tarrah and dagger, two horses, one with a gold, the other with a silver saddle, and an elephant with silver housings, accompanied by a female one; and obtained permission to be seated in the presence. As peace had now been established on a firm basis, the fortunate and successful Prince evacuated the trenches encircling the fortress, on the last day of the aforesaid month, and summoned the party engaged in the siege to his presence.

On the 22nd Jumáda-s sání 'Allámí Sa'du-lla Khán, conformably to the sacred text, “When your time of death has arrived, see that ye defer not a moment, nor procrastinate,” returned the response of Labaiká to the herald of God, and migrated from this transitory sphere to the realms of immortality. For nearly four months he had been labouring under a severe and painful attack of cholic; during the first two months of which period, when he was not confined to his bed, he used to attend daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no exclamation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the disease by attending to Takarrub Khán's medical treatment; but after he became confined to his house from the acute agony he was suffering, the matter was disclosed to the royal ear; whereupon the skilful physicians in attendance at the foot of the sublime throne were commanded to effect his cure. As his appointed time of death, however, had come, all their remedies produced no effect, and the disease gradually gaining ground, put an end to his sufferings. The monarch, the appreciator of worth, expressed intense regret at the demise of that deserving object of kindness and consideration, and showered favours on his children and all his connexions.

Marriage of Muhammad Sultán with Kutbu-l Mulk's daughter.

The sequel to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as follows. As the moment for the celebration of Muhammad Sultán's nuptials had been fixed for the morning of the 18th of Jumáda-s sání in this happy-omened year, Prince Muhammad Aurang-zeb Bahádur sent his díwán, Muhammad Táhir, one day previously to Kutbu-l Mulk, together with the ecclesiastics, and forwarded a khil'at. * * Next day, the marriage service was read in a fortunate moment, and the hymeneal rites were duly observed. After a week's interval, the illustrious Prince again despatched his own díwán and the royal bakhshí into the fortress, with a view of fetching that chaste and fortunate damsel; and commanded several nobles to wait outside the fortifications, and accompany her from thence. These obedient vassals accordingly acted in conformity with his injunctions, and conducted her along with Kutbu-l Mulk's mother, who had accompanied her, to a pavilion that had been erected near His Royal Highness's. Kutbu-l Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees in gems and other articles by way of dowry. Next day the Prince forwarded the farmán and a superb khil'at, the delivery of which he had deferred, as has been alluded to in its proper place, to Kutbu-l Mulk, who went out to meet them, and received them with the deepest reverence.

[Return of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb from Golkonda, investiture of Mír Jumla with the title of Mu'azzam Khán, and bestowal of that of Khán-Jahán on Sháyista Khán.]

Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb to conduct the campaign of Bíjápúr, and dismissal of Mu'azzam Khán [Mír Jumla], etc., from the presence.

Among the events of this year was the appointment of the victorious Prince Aurangzeb Bahádur to conduct the campaign of Bíjápúr, and the dismissal of Mu'azzam Khán and the other nobles and mansabdárs from the sublime presence to share in the above campaign; a concise version of which is as follows. As it had been reported at the threshold of royalty, through the representations of the above-named Prince, that 'Ádil Khán had bid adieu to existence by a natural death, and his servants had constituted Majhúl Illáhí his successor, who professed to be his offspring, it was ordered, on the 18th of Safar, that His Royal Highness should hasten thither with the Dakhin forces, and bring the campaign to a conclusion, in such a way as he should deem expedient. An ever-obeyed mandate was also issued to Khán-Jahán, to repair expeditiously to Daulatábád, and remain in that city until the ever-successful Prince's return. Jamdatu-l Mulk Mu'azzam Khán, Sháh Nawáz Khán Safví, Mahábat Khán, Nijábat Khán, Rájá Ráí Singh, and a number more nobles and mansabdárs, whose total strength amounted to 20,000 horse, were appointed to serve under that ward of divine providence; some being despatched from the auspicious presence, and others from their respective homes and jágírs, along with a great many musketeers both horse and foot, and rocketmen. Among those who received their dismissal from the presence, Jamdatu-l Mulk was presented with a handsome khil'at, etc. * *

As Mu'azzam Khán had reported that he had sent several led horses, adorned with diamonds, rubies, and precious stones, and some other articles, that he had taken from the Zamíndár of the Karnátik, to 'Ádil Khán, the Sháh Buland Ikbál despatched by the hands of two confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to orders, to the latter, respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid articles. As 'Ádil Khán, however, departed this life very shortly after the receipt of the mandate, his servants forwarded to Court four out of the whole number of led horses, together with an epistle from his successor, in charge of the abovementioned slaves. They were accordingly presented on the 1st of Rabí'u-s sání this year, and their value was almost a lac of rupees.