History of India, as Told by its own Historians: The Muhammadan Period - The History of India, Volume 3

CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

APPENDIX.

PREFACE.

THIS third volume carries the history of India on from the death of Násiru-d dín, in 1260 A.D., to the inroad of Tímúr the Tátár, in 1398 A.D. It comprises some matter relating to periods not included within these dates; but on the other hand, it is deficient in the history of the reigns intervening between the death of Fíroz Sháh and the irruption of Tímúr. This portion remains to be supplied, in the succeeding volume, from works of a somewhat later date. The period here traversed is not a very long one, but it is illustrated by works of more than usual interest and importance.

Of the first five works included in the present volume, three were noticed in the old volume published by Sir H. Elliot himself. The other two, the Táríkh-i Wassáf, and the Táríkh-i 'Aláí of Amír Khusrú, are now first made accessible to English readers. Part of the History of Wassáf has appeared in a German translation, from the pen of Hammer-Purgstall, but the portions relating to India are now published for the first time. The Táríkh-i 'Aláí is more of a poem than a history, but it bears the celebrated name of Amír Khusrú, and it enters into details which the student of history cannot pass over, however diligently and cautiously he may weigh and sift them.

Far different from these are the two Táríkhs bearing the title Fíroz-Sháhí. Sir H. Elliot was strongly impressed with the value of these histories, and his design was to publish a full translation of both. For the translation of the work of Zíáu-d dín Barní, he had enlisted the services of an eminent member of the Bengal Civil Service; for that of Shams-i Siráj's history, he trusted to a munshí. Advancement in the service, and the increasing cares of office, arrested the translation of Barní's work, and the munshí's partial translation of that of Shams-i Siráj proved to be entirely useless. Thus there was a complete deficiency of these two important works. Determined to prevent the publication from coming to a standstill, the Editor took in hand the translation of Shams-i Siráj's work, and caused renewed inquiries to be made in India for that of Barní. He completed the former, and still no promise was received of the latter; so he again set to work, and he had all but completed the translation of Barní, when Sir H. Elliot's friend, loyal to his promise, transmitted from India the translations of two reigns, made by friends in whom he had confidence. Unfortunately they arrived too late. The annals of these particular reigns had already been completed; so, without any undue partiality for his own work, the Editor declined using them; for a translation by one hand seemed preferable to one made up of the work of three different persons.

Barní's work approaches more nearly to the European idea of a history than any one which has yet come under notice. Narrow-minded and bigoted, like Muhammadans in general, he yet has a care for matters besides the interests of his religion and the warlike exploits of the sovereign representatives of his faith. He freely criticizes the actions and characters of the kings and great men of the time, dealing out his praises and censures in no uncertain terms. His style has been criticized as being occasionally tarnished by Hindí idioms, and this is no doubt true, not only of him, but of other historians who wrote in Persian, but whose native language was Hindí. Persian was familiar to them, still it was a foreign language, and their writings could hardly fail of receiving a tinge from the more ready and familiar expressions of their mother-tongue. To Europeans this blemish is of no importance, few can detect it in the original, and it entirely disappears in translation. As a vigorous plainspoken writer, he may unhesitatingly be indicated as the one most acceptable to a general reader, one whose pages may be read without that feeling of weariness and oppression which the writings of his fellows too commonly produce. The Editor's translation adheres strictly to the text, without being literal; for, as the author has no pretensions to beauty of style or felicity of diction, a clear representation of his meaning is of more importance than an exact reproduction of his words. So the object aimed at has been to make the translation an accurate but a free and readable version of the original text.^0-8

Shams-i Siráj, the author of the other Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, is a writer of a very different character. A painstaking and laborious chronicler, he enters into details of little moment to the general reader, but of importance to the historian and archæologist. Valuable as a recorder of facts and details, he is not an author who will be read for the interest of his narrative, or the excellence of his style.

The short but interesting work of the Sultán Fíroz Sháh, almost as rare in India as in Europe, is now first brought to notice. The Editor has made the translation from a unique copy belonging to Mr. E. Thomas.

Tímúr's irruption into India is fully represented by the extracts from his own memoirs, and from the work of his panegyrist, Sharafu-d dín Yazdí; but there is more matter in store upon this period from other writers.

In the Appendix there is a careful and exhaustive analysis by Sir H. Elliot of several of the poetical works of Amír Khusrú, from which he has culled all the passages which, in his judgment, have an historical bearing. He has performed the same office for a far inferior poet, Badr Chách. The two succeeding articles are the work of the Editor. The first is taken from an article in the Notices et Extraits des MSS.; the other from the Travels of Ibn Batúta. The former is but little known, and in India is almost inaccessible. Both these works were published in French. They afford many curious and interesting illustrations of the period covered by this volume; so to bring them to the knowledge of the many Indian readers who are conversant with our own tongue, copious extracts, translated into English, have been here introduced.

The following is a statement of the various articles in this volume, with the names of their respective authors, and to this the reader is referred if he desires to ascertain the authority for any article or passage. It will be seen that somewhat more than two-thirds of the contents have been supplied by the Editor, and this has made it undesirable to keep up throughout the use of the brackets [ ] to mark the Editor's additions. Where this table shows a translation to have been made by the Editor, the whole of it, notes and all, are to be considered his, and no brackets are used. Sir H. M. Elliot had made preparation, more or less, for all the bibliographical notices: in these, and in those translations which the table shows to have been made by Sir H. Elliot, or by his coadjutors, the brackets indicate the Editor's additions.

X.—Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh—A munshí revised by Editor.
XI.—Táríkh-i Wassáf—Part by Sir H. M. Elliot and part by
a munshí, revised by him.
XII.—Táríkh-i Binákití—A few lines by Editor.
XIII.—Táríkh-i Guzída—Revised by Editor.
XIV.—Táríkh-i 'Aláí.—Sir H. M. Elliot.
XV.—Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Zíáu-d dín Barní—Editor.
XVI.—Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Shams-i Siráj—Editor.
XVII.—Futuhát-i Fíroz Sháhí.—Editor.
XVIII.—Malfúzát-i Tímúrí—Page 394 to 421 by Mr. C. E. Chapman,
B.C.S.; page 422 to 477 by Editor.
XIX.—Zafar-náma—Editor.

APPENDIX.

A.—Poems of Amír Khusrú—Sir H. M. Elliot.
B.—Poems of Badr Chách—Sir H. M. Elliot.
C.—Masáliku-l Absár—Editor.
D.—Travels of Ibn Batúta.—Editor.
E.—Notes on the Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí—Editor.

The Editor much regrets the length of time which the printing of this Volume has occupied. The delay has, in some degree, arisen from causes over which he had no control, but principally from his having had to supply so large a portion of the matter from his own pen. When the extent of this is taken into consideration, the time engaged may not appear excessive.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 121, five lines from bottom, omit “(Pilibhit).”
Page 146, omit the note: “Jháín must be Ujjáín.”
Page 158, Gold Stars. See note of Sir Walter Elliot in Thomas's Coins of the
Pathán Sultáns, new edition, page 169.
Page 303, para. 3, line 11, omit the word “silver.”
Page 311, line 16, to the word “Torábánd,” add a note, “Possibly this is a pun on
the words Terá banda, ‘thy slave.’”
Page 400, line 4, for “1408,” read “1398.”
Page 421, to the word “Rudanah,” add a note, “See note in page 488.”
Page 427, to the word “Sarsúti,” add “Sirsah.”
Page 430, to note 1, add, “This is Fíroz Sháh's bridge.”
Page 468, line 7, to “jins (specie),” add a note, “See note in Appendix, p. 626.”

HISTORIANS OF INDIA.

X.

THE JÁMI'U-T-TAWÁRÍKH RASHÍDÍ was completed in A.H. 710 —A.D. 1310. The author Fazlu-llah Rashíd, or Rashídu-d dín ibn 'Imádu-d daula Abú-l Khair ibn Muwáfiku-d daula,¹ was born in A.H. 645—A.D. 1247, in the city of Hamadán.^1a His practice of the medical art brought him into notice at the court of the Mongol Sultáns of Persia. He passed part of his life in the service of Abáká Khán, the Tartar king of Persia, and one of the descendants of Húlákú Khán. At a subsequent period, Gházán Khán, who was a friend to literature and the sciences, and who appreciated the merits of Rashídu-d dín at their proper value, appointed him to the post of Wazír in A.H. 697—A.D. 1297, in conjunction with Sa'du-d dín. Rashídu-d dín was maintained in his office by Uljáítú, surnamed Khudá-banda, the brother and successor of Gházán Khán, and was treated by him with great consideration and rewarded with the utmost liberality. The author himself admits that no sovereign ever lavished upon a subject such enormous sums as he had received from Uljáítú Khán.

Rashídu-d dín and his successive colleagues did not manage to conduct the administration with unanimity; but this seems to have arisen less from any infirmity of our author's temper than from the envy and malice which actuated his enemies. In his first rupture with Sa'du-d dín he was compelled, in self-defence, to denounce him, and to cause him to be put to death. 'Alí Sháh Jabalán, a person of low origin, who had managed by his talents and intrigues to raise himself into consideration, was appointed Sa'du-d dín's successor at Rashídu-d dín's request, but with him he had shortly so serious a misunderstanding, that the Sultán was compelled to divide their jurisdiction, assigning the care of the Western provinces to 'Alí Sháh, and the Eastern to Rashídu-d dín.

Notwithstanding this arrangement, the two Wazírs continued at enmity, and shortly after the death of Uljáítú, who was succeeded by his son Abú Sa'íd, 'Alí Sháh so far succeeded in prejudicing the Sultan against the old minister² that he was, after many years' faithful service, removed from the Wazárat in A.H. 717—A.D. 1317. A short time afterwards he was recalled, in order to remedy the mal-administration which was occasioned by his absence, but it was not long before he again lost favour at court, and was accused of causing the death of his patron Uljáítú Khán. It was charged against him that he had recommended a purgative medicine to be administered to the deceased chief, in opposition to the advice of another physician, and that under its effects the king had expired. Rashídu-d dín was condemned to death, and his family were, after the usual Asiatic fashion, involved in his destruction. His son Ibráhím, the chief butler, who was only sixteen years old, and by whose hands the potion was said to have been given to the chief, was put to death before the eyes of his parent, who was immediately afterwards cloven in twain by the executioner. Rashídu-d dín was 73 years³ old when he died, and his death occurred in A.H. 718—A.D. 1318. His head was borne through the streets of Tabríz, and proclaimed by the public crier as the head of a Jew, his children and relatives had their property confiscated, and the Rab'a Rash-ídí, a suburb which he had built at an enormous expense, was given up to pillage, His eldest son, Ghiyásu-d dín, was subsequently raised to the same dignities as his father, and met with an equally tragical death.

“The body of the murdered Wazír was buried near the mosque which he had constructed in Tabríz, but it was not destined to repose quietly in its last asylum. Nearly a century after his death, the government of Tabríz, together with that of the whole province of Ázarbáíján, was given by Tímúr Lang to his son Mírán Sháh. The young prince, naturally of a mild disposition, had become partially deranged, in consequence of an injury of the head occasioned by a fall from his horse, and one day, during a temporary access of madness, he caused the bones of Rashídu-d dín to be exhumed, and they were finally deposited in the cemetery of the Jews,—a renewal of the insult offered by his enemies during his life and at the time of his death, in order to render his name odious amongst Musulmáns.”^3a

“Almost all those who had conspired to ruin Rashídu-d dín perished in the course of the following year. 'Alí Sháh, the one most deserving of punishment, alone survived to enjoy the fruits of his crime. He continued by his address to maintain his high honours and the favour of his master for the space of six years, when he died, being the only Wazír, since the establishment of the Mongol monarchy, who had not met with a violent death.”

Rashídu-d dín was endowed with a wonderful degree of ability and industry. “Few men, even of those who have devoted their lives to research, could hope to attain the knowledge acquired by him; and when we recollect that from his youth upwards he was involved in the intrigues and tumults of the court, and that he bore the principal weight of the administration of an immense empire under three successive Sultáns, we cannot but feel the highest respect for his talents. Besides medicine, together with those sciences which are immediately connected with it, he had cultivated with success agriculture, architecture, and metaphysics, and had rendered himself conversant with the most abstruse points of Musulmán controversy and doctrine. He was also an accomplished linguist, being acquainted with the Persian, Arabic, Mongolian, Turkish, and Hebrew languages, and, as it seems from his works, with the Chinese also. Amongst his great natural powers, we may reckon as the most important, the talent of writing with extreme facility; this is attested by the voluminous extent of his works, and by a passage in one of his writings, in which he asserts that he composed three of his greatest works, viz.: the Kitábu-t tauzíhát, the Miftáhu-t tafásír, and the Risálatu-s Sultáníat, in the short space of eleven months, and this not by giving up his whole time to his literary labours, but in the midst of the cares of government, and without reckoning numerous other treatises on various intricate subjects, which were written by him during the same period,” such as a book on Rural Economy, and works on Theology, Medicine, and Musulmán Theology.

“It was not till somewhat late in life that Rashídu-d dín turned his thoughts to authorship, and until his master, Gházán Khán, ordered him to compose a history of the Mongols, he had not ventured to commit the results of his learning and meditations to the judgment of the world.” This history occupies the first volume of the Jámi'u-t-Tawáríkh, and has received the highest commendations from European scholars.

“The work was on the point of completion when Gházán Khán died, A.H. 703—A.D. 1303. Uljáítú Khán, his successor, not only approved of the plan which our author had followed, and the manner in which he had executed his task, but enjoined him to complete it, and to add thereto a general account of all the people known to the Mongols, and a description of all the countries of the globe. Rashídu-d dín undertook this laborious work, and a few years sufficed for its accomplishment, for we find that in A.H. 710—A.D. 1310, the entire history was written, bound, and deposited in the mosque constructed by the author at Tabríz. It is true that the author of the Táríkh-i Wassáf affirms, that Rashídu-d dín continued his work till A.H. 712, but this, probably, only applies to that portion of it which gives the history of Uljáítú. Haidar Rází, in his General History, says, that the portion relating to India was completed in A.H. 703, the period when our author received orders to commence his researches.” Still it is evident that he copied from Wassáf, who wrote upon his Indian history down to 710 A.H.

The entire work, when completed, received from its author the title of Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, or “Collection of Histories,” a very appropriate name, for it is not a general consecutive history, but consists of several independent works, arranged and bound up together in different order according to the fancy of the copyist. Thus the first volume is often considered as a history by itself, and as such is called the Táríkh-i Gházání, after the Prince by whose orders it was composed, and to whom it was dedicated.

[The value of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh is unquestionable, but Rashídu-d dín must be ranked as a compiler, or copyist, rather than among historians. He borrows by wholesale from his predecessors, appropriating their productions, with all their errors, and without any critical examination or judgment of his own. It is to his credit, however, that he fairly and openly acknowledges the sources from which he has borrowed; and he occasionally makes additions which may be his own, or which may have been derived from other unknown sources. For the geographical account of India⁶ he is avowedly indebted to Bírúní, though he adds some passages in continuation.^6a In his account of the Ghaznivides “he follows 'Utbí implicitly as far as the Yamíní extends, taking out not only the facts, but giving a literal translation even to the images and similes.” He makes no attempt to improve or supplement that work, his account of the Ghazni-vides closes where that closes, and so he omits all notice of the famous expedition to Somnát.^6b The Táríkh-i Jahán-Kushá has also been laid under contribution. D'Ohsson finds that he often copied it word for word, but he adds, “the history of the Wazír Rashíd is the most complete, and that in which the best order and method prevail; his style also has that noble simplicity suitable to historical writings.”^6c Wassáf, a contemporary of Rashídu-d dín, is another of those from whom he copied; and further investigation will probably reveal more of the sources of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh.^6d]

It seems to have been doubted whether the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh was originally written in Arabic or Persian. Most authors who have mentioned the work consider it to have been written in Persian, and translated, under the author's direction, into Arabic;^6e but it is certain that no Persian copies were very generally available in Akbar's time, for 'Abdu-l Kádir Badáúní states, under the transactions of A.H. 1000, that he was directed by the Emperor to translate the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh from Arabic into Persian. It does not exactly appear from the text whether this was an abridgment or a translation, but the portion which was completed by 'Abdu-l Kádir is distinctly said to have been translated from the Arabic. It is curious that an interlinear translation of a part of the history, executed under the orders of Colonel Francklin, and presented by him to the Royal Asiatic Society, should also bear the name of 'Abdu-l Kádir, who thus appears to have executed a second time what his namesake had done before him more than 250 years ago.

A portion of the Táríkh-i Gházání has been admirably translated by M. Quatremère in the first volume of the Collection Orientale, and we are indebted to him for a full account of our author's biography and his literary merits. M. Erdmann promised an edition of the complete text of the Jámi'⁷ [which has never appeared, but he has given a short extract therefrom upon “Barkiarok's Regierung” in the Zeitschrift des Deutschen Mor-genländischen Gesellschaft (vol. IX. 800)].

The following account of the contents of the entire Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, is taken from a notice in Arabic, by Rashídu-d dín himself, prefixed to a MS. of his theological works, in the Royal Library at Paris.

“The book called the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, comprises four volumes, the first of which contains a preface, an account of the origin of the nations of the Turks, the number of their tribes, and an account of the Kings, Kháns, Amírs, and great men who have sprung from each tribe; also of the ancestors of Changíz Khán, the history of that monarch's actions, and of his children and descendants, who have occupied the throne down to the time of Uljáítú Sultan. To the life of each prince is added his genealogy, an account of his character, and of his wives and children, a notice of the Khalífas, Kings, Sultáns, and Atábaks, who were contemporary with him, and a history of the remarkable events that occurred during his reign.

“The second volume contains an introduction and a history of the life of Uljáítú from the time of his birth to the present day; to this portion of the second volume will be added a supplement, comprising an account of the daily actions of this prince, written by me, and afterwards continued by the court historians. This second volume also contains a concise history of the Prophets, Sultáns, and Kings of the universe, from the days of Adam to the present time, together with a detailed account of many people, of whom historians have, till now, given little or no description. All that I have said respecting them I have taken from their own books, and from the mouths of the learned men of each nation; it also gives the history of the People of the Book, viz., the Jews and the Christians, and the histories of the Sultáns and most celebrated Princes of each country; also an account of the Ismaílís, and many curious and instructive particulars.

“The third volume gives, after the preface, a detailed account of the descent of the Prophets, Kings, Khalífas, the Arab tribes, the companions of the Prophet Muhammad, etc., from the time of Adam to the end of the dynasty of the Baní 'Abbás; the genealogy of the ancestors of Muhammad, and of the tribes descended from them; the series of Prophets who have appeared amongst the Baní Isráíl, the Kings of the latter, and an enumeration of their different tribes; the genealogies of the Kaisers and others of the Christian princes, with their names and the number of years of their respective reigns. All these details have been faithfully extracted from the chronicles of these people, and arranged in systematic order.

“The fourth volume comprises a preface and a circumstantial account of the limits of each of the seven climates, the division and extent of the vast countries of the globe, the geographical position and description of the greater part of the cities, seas, lakes, valleys, and mountains, with their longitudes and latitudes. In writing this portion of our work, we have not been satisfied merely with extracts from the most esteemed geographical works, but we have, besides, made inquiries from the most learned men, and those who have themselves visited the countries described; we have inserted in our relation, particulars obtained from the learned men of Hind, Chín, Máchín, the countries of the Franks, etc., and others which have been faithfully extracted from works written in the languages of those different countries.”

This is the account given by our author himself of his work; it must, however, be remarked, that in the preface to the Táríkh-i Gházání and in many other passages, he speaks of three volumes only, writing, under the head of the second, the matters which here form the contents of the second and third. The easiest way of accounting for this contradiction is to suppose that he subsequently divided this second volume into two portions, on account of its great bulk and disproportion in size to the others.

In the preface to the Táríkh-i Gházání the work is divided, as mentioned above, into three volumes, according to the following distribution:—

The contents of the first volume are the same as given in the preceding description, and it is dedicated to Gházán Khán. It comprises two books and several sections.

The second volume contains the history of Uljáítú Sultán (to whom it was dedicated), from his birth to the time when our author wrote; this forms the first division of the volume. The second division comprises two parts, the first of which is again sub-divided into two sections. The first section contains an abridged history of all the Prophets, Khalífas, and of the different races of men, to the year of the Flight, 700. The second section comprises a detailed chronicle of all the inhabitants of the earth, according to their races, extracted from their various writings, and from the mouths of natives of the different countries. The second part is filled with the remaining portion of the history of Uljáítú, “the Sultán of Islám,” as he is styled, and was destined to be continued in chronological order to the time of his death. “The historians who are, or may be, servants of the court, will take care to write this, and add it as a supplement to this second volume.”

The third volume comprises the description of the Geographical charts, and the various routes from one place to another, taken from the sources already mentioned. “The author has, as far as was in his power, multiplied and verified his researches from all that was previously known on the subject in this country, whether described in books or drawn in charts. To this he has added all that, during this fortunate epoch, the philosophers and wise men of Hind, Chín, Máchín, Farang, and other countries have written, and has entered it all in this third volume, after having fully ascertained its authority.”

The extended notice which is here given to Rashídu-d dín and the Jámi'u-t-Tawáríkh, is not only due to his merits and to the curious sources of his information on Indian subjects, but to the interest which was excited some years ago by the discovery, under very peculiar circumstances, of a large portion of the work which, up to that time, was supposed to be lost.

A full account of this curious discovery is given in the sixth volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Mr. W. Morley, while engaged in making a catalogue of the Society's MSS., met with an imperfect Arabic MS., which proved to be a portion of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh. It was written in a beautiful and very old Naskhí hand, with many pictures very creditably executed. He addressed a letter to the Society, giving an account of his discovery, and before the letter was published Professor Forbes accidentally fell in with a much larger portion of the same MS., comprising one half the original volume, of which the Society's fragment formed about one-fifth. The two fragments proved to be parts of the same original, and were thus brought together after many years, perhaps centuries, of separation. This larger portion of the MS. of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh belonged to Colonel John Baillie, an eminent orientalist. Shortly after his death, his MSS. and books were prepared for transmission to the family seat in Inverness-shire, but before they were actually despatched Professor Forbes obtained a sight of them. He there picked out a fine large historical MS. on the back of which was written, in a distinct Persian hand, “Táríkh-i Tabarí,” and as if this were not sufficient, there was a note written in Persian, on a blank page, folio 154, of which the following is a literal translation. “The name of this book is The Táríkh-i Tabarí, (the History or Chronicle of Tabarí), the author's autograph. The whole number of leaves, when complete, amounted to 303; now, however, some one has stolen and carried off one half of it, or about 150 leaves. It was written by the author's own hand, in the year of the Hijra 706 (A.D. 1306-7.”) This description of the MS. as being the work of Tabarí was, from the date alone, very suspicious and unsatisfactory, and Professor Forbes, in his enquiries, was eventually led to examine the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, when the two MSS. proved to be indubitably portions of one and the same book.

These discoveries were communicated to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and a request was made that the Society would interest itself in searching for manuscripts of the work. A circular was in consequence issued to many of the native chiefs and literati of India, but no satisfactory reply was received. Upon that occasion I pointed out to the Society that the work was probably in their own library, for that an anonymous volume purporting to contain precisely the same matter, was brought by Sir J. Malcolm from Persia, and presented to the College of Fort William, as appeared from a notice at the end of Stewart's Catalogue of Típú Sultán's Library. The work was searched for and discovered, in consequence of this information, among those which were transferred from the College to the Asiatic Society.¹¹

It was not till some years afterwards that I had the satisfaction of reading the superb French publication, entitled Collection Orientale, in the preface to the first volume of which I found that the very same enquiry had been suggested by M. Quatremère, in the following passage: “au nombre des MSS. apportés de Perse par le Major Malcolm et offerts par lui au Collége du Fort William, je trouve un ouvrage ayant pour titre Djami-altawarikh-kadim. Ce livre ferait-il partie du travail de Rashideldin? C'est ce que je n'ai pu vérifier.”¹² Had this enquiry then attracted the attention of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, it would have resulted in an earlier discovery of the missing volume; but when at last it was drawn forth from their library, it had become of comparatively little importance, for, in the mean time, a manuscript of the Persian original had been found in the library of the East India House, of which a full description was shortly after given by Mr. Morley in the seventh volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, from which the following extract is taken:—

“The MS. in question is of a large folio size, and contains in all 1189 pages; but as numerous spaces have been left for the insertion of paintings, the actual volume of the work is not equal to its apparent extent; the character is a small and tolerably clear Nast'alík; the transcriber was evidently both careless and ignorant, and the text abounds with errors,—this is particularly conspicuous in the spelling of the names of places and individuals, the same name being frequently written in two or three different ways in the same page; many considerable omissions also occur in the body of the work, the original from which our MS. was transcribed being, in all probability, damaged or defective in those parts.

“The Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh consists of a collection of histories (as its name imports), each distinct from the other and complete in itself. Those contained in our MS. occur in the following order:—

“I. A general history of Persia and Arabia, from the earliest times to the fall of the Khiláfat; this history comprises a preface and two sections. The preface contains an account of Adam and his children, of Núh and his posterity, of the reign of Kaiúmars, the first of the kings of Fárs, and of the tribes of the Arabs, to the time of the prophet Muhammad. This preface mentions that the history was composed in the year of the Flight 700, from various traditional and written authorities.

“Section 1 contains a history of the kings of Fárs, and of the events that occurred in their respective reigns; also accounts of the prophets from the time of Kaiúmars until that of Yazdajird, the last of the kings of 'Ajam.

“Section 2 contains a copious and detailed history of the prophet Muhammad and his Khalífas to the time of Al Mustasim bi-llah. This history, which in our MS. comprises 364 pages, was transcribed in the month of Shawwál, in the year of the Flight 1081. It is contained entire in the MS. of Colonel Baillie, with the absence of forty-six leaves, seven of which are, however, to be found in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.

“II. A concise history of the Sultán Mahmúd Subuktigín, the Ghaznivides, the Sámánides, the Buwaihides, and some others, to the time of Abú-l Fath Maudúd bin Mas'úd, and the year of his death, viz., the 547th of the Flight. This history comprises fifty-six pages, and was transcribed in the month Zi'l hijja, and the 1031st year of the Flight. This is also in Colonel Baillie's MS., of which it forms the third portion.

“III. A history of the Saljúkí kings and of the Atábaks, to the time of Tughril bin Muhammad bin Malik Sháh, the last of the Saljúks, who was slain in the year of Flight 589. It comprises forty-two pages.

“To this history is added a supplement, composed by Abú Hámid Ibn Ibráhím, in the year of the Flight 599; it contains an account of the fall of the Saljúks, and the history of the kings of Khwárizm, to the time of Jalálu-d din, the last of that dynasty. This supplement comprises twenty-five pages, and apparently formed part of the original Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, as Professor Forbes mentions two leaves existing at the end of Colonel Baillie's MS., which are occupied with the history of Khwárizm.

“IV. A history of Úghúz, and of the other Sultáns and Kings of the Turks; it comprises twenty-two pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be followed by that of the Kháns of Chín and Máchín.

“V. A history of Khitá, and of the Kings of Chín and Máchín, to the time of the conquest by the Mongols. It comprises forty-six pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be succeeded by that of the Baní Isráíl. The concluding part of this account of Khitá is contained in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.

“VI. A history of the children of Israel, comprising forty-eight pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be followed by that of the Franks, and the date of transcription is said to be the month Safar, in the year of the Flight 1082. The first portion of this history occurs in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.

“VII. A history of the Franks, from the creation of Adam to the time when the author wrote, viz., 705th year of the Flight, giving a short account of the various Emperors and Popes, amounting to little more than a list of mis-spelt names. It comprises 122 pages, and bears the date of Rabi'u-l-awwal, in the year of the Flight 1082.

“VIII. A history of the Sultáns of Hind and of the Hindús. It comprises 58 pages. This history exists in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, supplying the lacuna in that M.S, where about six pages are wanting.

“IX. A treatise on metempsychosis, extracted from the Tauzi-hát-i Rashídí by Rashídu-d dín. This treatise comprises 12 pages. The date of transcription is Rabí'u-l-awwal, in the 1082 year of the Flight; the name of the scribe is also here given, viz., Táhir Ibn Al Bákí Aláyí.

“X. The general preface and contents of the whole volume, headed, ‘This is the book of the collection of histories.’ This preface comprises eight pages. It has been published, with a translation by M. Quatremère, in the first volume of the Collection Orientale.

“XI. The first volume of the Jámi'u-l Tawáríkh, entitled the Táríkh-i Gházání, and containing an account of the Turks and Mongols to the time of Uljáítú Khudá-banda, who reigned when the author completed his work. This history comprises 386 pages, and was transcribed in the mouth Sha'bán, and the year of the Flight 1082.”

By comparing this table of contents with the one above given by Rashídu-d dín himself, it will be seen that the India-House Manuscript does not contain the entire work; the parts deficient being the first division of the second volume, containing the life of Uljáítú Sultán, with the supplementary journal, and the whole of the third volume, containing the geography.

It is, however, very probable that the last volume was never written, for we nowhere find any mention amongst Eastern authors of Rashídu-d dín as a writer on geography; and what gives greater colour to this probability is that he intersperses some of his narratives with geographical details, which, in many instances, might be considered to supersede the necessity of any further notice in a separate volume. This may be observed in the case of the Geography of India, his account of which has been printed in Vol. I. of this work. In that brief account he exhausts all that was then known to the Western Asiatics of the geography of India, and he could therefore merely have repeated in the third, what he had already given in the second volume.¹⁵

It does not appear that these successive discoveries of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh in English collections have been followed by others on the Continent of Europe. None have been announced from Paris, or Leyden, and two passages in the preface to the Geschichte der Goldenen Horde (p. xv. and xxi.) show that, up to 1840, no copy had been discovered in Germany.^15a

Mr. Morley perhaps attached a little too much importance to his discovery, for he entertained the same opinion as M. Quatre-mère, that the second portion of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh was altogether lost. To him is certainly due the credit of having rescued it from oblivion, but the work is by no means so much unknown as they had been led to suppose. Not only do Mírk-hond and the author of the Kímyá-i Sa'ádat, notice it, as observed by Professor Forbes, but Sádik Isfahání quotes it under the article “Máchín” in his Tahkíku-l I'ráb, Muslihu-d din-al-Lárí quotes it in his Mir-átu-l Adwár, Hamdulla Mustaufí in his Táríkh-i Guzída, Táhir in the Rauzatu-t Táhirín, Ahmad-al-Ghaffárí in his Nigáristán, and Haidár Rází confesses to have extracted from it no less than 40,000 lines, if bait may be so translated, when referring to an historical work in prose.

In the library of the British Museum there is a very valuable copy of the Persian original (No. 7628, Addit.) written by different transcribers as early as A.D. 1314, four years before the author's death. This copy was noticed by Dr. Bernhard Dorn in the preface to his “History of the Afgháns,” before the appearance of the articles above mentioned. It is supposed to have belonged to Uljáítú Khán, and to have come subsequently into the possession of Sháh Rukh, the son of Tímúr. It would indeed have been surprising had the work been so little known as is supposed, for we are informed in the Táríkh-i Wassáf and Rauzatu-s Safá, that the author expended no less than 60,000 dínárs in the transcription and binding of his own writings. Every precaution was taken by him to secure his labours from destruction, and considerable revenues were set aside for the purpose of copying and disseminating them, both in Arabic and Persian, throughout the most considerable cities of the Muhammadan world.

I know of no copy in India, except the Asiatic Society's volume, which will shortly receive more particular notice; but an exceedingly valuable portion of the Persian version, comprising the account of India, exists in the Royal Library at Lucknow, under the wrong title of Táríkh-i Subuktigín. It includes portions of three different books, for it begins with the history of Mahmúd Subuktigín and the dynasty of the Ghaznivides, and contains the history of the Kings of Khwárizm, the Saljúkians, the Buwaihides, and part of the history of the Khalifs. It is embellished with paintings which are beyond the average degree of Asiatic merit, and the text is written in a clear naskh character, comprising one hundred and five folios, with thirty-five lines to a page. It would be useful for the purpose of collation, although in many parts it is written very incorrectly, especially in the names of places, where accuracy is particularly desirable. I know of two copies of the Táríkh-i Gházání, but they contain no portion which has not already been made familiar to the public by the French edition of M. Quatremère noticed above.¹⁷

In inquiries after this work care must be taken not to confound the Jámi'u-r Rashídí with the Táríkh-i Rashídí, which is common in Hindústán, and derives its name of Rashídí chiefly (though other reasons are assigned) from being dedicated to the reigning Khán of the Mughals, 'Abdu-r-Rashíd Khán, by its author, Mírza Haidar Dúghlát Gúrgán. It contains nothing respecting the History of India. There is also a Turkish work of the name of Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, of which there is an account in Von Hammer's Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs (Vol. ix. p. 180), and which the same author quotes as one of his authorities in his Geschichte der Assassinen. It was composed A.D. 1574, and is said to be compiled chiefly from the Nizámu-t Tawáríkh of Baizáwí, and Bahjatu-t Tawáríkh of Shukru-lla. There is also an Arabic History, which, from similarity of name, may be mistaken for it, the Mukhtasar Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, by Ibnu-l-Wárdí, a valuable general History from 1097 to 1543 A.D.

I will now proceed to describe the volume in the Asiatic Society's library, premising that it was copied A.H. 1098, and is written in a clear nasta'lík character:—

I. A history of the Saljúkí kings, to the last of the dynasty, Abú Tálib Tughril, son of Arslán. This extends to p. 44, where a continuation by Abú Hamid Muhammad, son of Ibráhím, commences, comprising also the history of the Sultáns of Khwárizm, extending from pp. 44 to 64.

II. A history of Úghúz and the Turks. From pp. 65 to 77. The epigraph states that it is followed by a history of China.

III. A history of the kháns and kings of Chín and Máchín, and of the capital called Khitá. The portraits in this book almost all represent the kings with two tails below their caps. At the end it is stated that this chapter is followed by an account of the Baní Isráíl. This history extends from pp. 78 to 114.

IV. A history of the children of Isráíl, said to be succeeded by a history of the Franks and Kaisers. From pp. 115 to 156.

V. This book is divided into two chapters and several sections.

Chapter 1st. Adam and his descendants.—Núh and his descendants.—Ibráhím and his descendants to the Virgin Mary.— Moses.—The kings of Persia.—The Greeks.— The Arabs.— Muhammad.—The Mughals.—The Khalífas to the close of the 'Abbáside dynasty.

Chapter 2nd. On the belief of Christians.—The country of Armenia.—The country, seas, and islands of the Franks.—The birth of the Messiah.—The Emperors of Rúm.—The Popes and Kaisers, with fancy portraits intended to represent each of these two last.

The proper sequence is interrupted by some mistake of the binder, but the whole of this unconnected book extends from pp. 157 to 467.

VI. A history of Sultán Mahmúd Subuktigín.—The Ghazni-vides, Sámánides, and Buwaihides. The subdivisions of this book are as follows:—

Respecting the victory of Bust.—The victory of Kuzdár.— Account of Sístán. — Regarding Kábús and Fakhru-d daula.— Concerning the restoration of Fakhru-d daula to his government, and his friendship with Hisámu-d daula Tásh. — Respecting Abú-l Hasan, son of Símhúr, and his administration in Khu-rásán, to the time of his death, and the succession of his son Abú 'Alí.—Regarding Fáík, and his condition after his defeat at Marv.—Retirement of Núh, son of Mansúr, from Bokhárá, and the arrival of Bughrá Khán at Bokhárá.—Regarding Abú-l Kásim, son of Símhúr and brother of Abú 'Alí, and his condition after his separation from his brother.—The Amíru-l Múminín Al Kádir Bi-llah confers a robe of honour on Sultán Yamínu-d Daula.—The return of 'Abdu-l Malik.—Abú Ibráhím Isma'íl and the occurrences between him, Ílak Khán, and Amír Nasr, son of Násiru-d dín.—Regarding the Sámání Amírs, and the occurrences of their reigns.—Relating to the friendship and enmity between Násiru-d dín Subuktigín, and Khalaf, son of Ahmad, and the assumption of the reins of government by the Sultán.—Respecting Shamsu-l Ma'álí Kábús, and his return to his country. The friendship and subsequent enmity between the Sultán and Ílak Khán.—Relating to the sacred war of Bhátiyah. —Respecting the capture of the fort of Bhím.—Regarding the family of the khalif Al Kádir Bi-llah, and his government.—His attachment to the Sultán and Baháu-d Daula, son of 'Azdu-d Daula.—An account of Baháu-d Daula.—Respecting the affair at Nárdín.—Relating to the sacred war of Ghor.—Regarding the traitors after their return from Máwaráu-n Nahr.—Relating to the retirement of Bughrá Khán from Bokhárá, and the return of Núh, son of Mansúr, to his home.—Respecting the Afgháns.— Amír Nasru-d dín, son of Násiru-d dín Subuktigín.—The reign of Muhammad, son of Mahmúd.—The reign of Abú-l Fath Maudúd, son of Mas'úd, son of Mahmúd. From pp. 468 to 523.

VII. On Hind and Sind and Shákmúní, divided into the following chapters and sections:—

Chapter 1st. On eras and revolutions.—The measurement of the earth.—On the four júgs.—The hills and waters of Hind. —On its countries, cities, and towns.—On the islands.—The Sultáns of Dehli.—The birth of Básdeo, and the kings of India preceding Mahmúd.—On Kashmír, its hills, waters, and cities.— An account of the kings of the Trítá júg.—The kings of the Dwápar júg.—The kings of the Kal júg.

Chapter 2nd. An account of the prophets of the Hindús, of whom there are six of the highest class, Shákmúní being the sixth.—On the birth of Shákmúní.—On the properties and signs of a perfect man.—On the character, conduct, and sayings of Shákmúní.—On the austerities of Shákmúní, and his incorporation with the divine essence.—Further proceedings of Shákmúní. —On his appearance in various forms.—On the knowledge of certain prayers addressed to God.—On the different degrees of metempsychosis, and the number of hells.—How a man can become a god.—How a man can escape from the form of a beast. —How a man can escape from the form of another man.—On the difference between men and angels.—On the questions put to Shákmúní by the angels.—On the information given by Shákmúní respecting another prophet.—On the rewards of paradise and the punishments of hell, and the injunctions and prohibitions of Shákmúní.—On the establishment of his religion in Hind and Kashmír.—On the death of Shákmúní, and the events which followed. From pp. 524 to 572.

VIII. An essay in refutation of the doctrine of transmigration, extracted from the Tauzíhát-i Rashídí. From pp. 572 to 581.

SIZE—Large folio, containing 581 pages, of 30 lines to a page.

It appears, therefore, that this volume comprises the same matter as the East India House MS., with the exception of the Táríkh-i Gházání, of which that MS. contains the first portion. The arrangement, however, of the several books is very different, as will be evident to any one who feels disposed to compare them.

[The portion of the Jámi' which relates to the geography of India has been printed in Vol. I. of this work (page 42); and that which describes the conflict of Jalálu-d dín Khwárizm Sháh with Changíz Khán, upon the banks of the Indus, will be found in the Appendix to Vol. II. (page 550). The following extract is taken from the commencement of the history of the Ghaznivides (Chap. II. MS. E. I. L. Chap. IV. MS. As. Soc. of Bengal).]

EXTRACT.

It has been before mentioned in the history of Ughúz, son of Díb Yáwaghúí,²¹ that his sons and descendants were all kings in succession down to the time of the mission of the chief of the apostles and seal of the prophets — Muhammad, the chosen, (may God bless him and his descendants!)

Tughril ruled in the city of Marv for twenty years, and after his death Túkák sat in his place; he reigned seven years, and was contemporary with the companions of the prophet. When he died, Dúkúz Yáwaghúí was raised to the throne and reigned twelve entire years. After his death, Sámán (or the noble born) was exalted to the sovereignty in the country of Máwaráu-n nahr, and he it is whom the Tázíks (Turks) call Sámán Jadá, since he was the ancestor of all the Sámánians. After him the sovereignty was given to Ughum Yáwaghúí. He was succeeded by Kúkam Yáwaghúí, who was a mere boy near the age of puberty. The nobles managed the administration of the kingdom and the appointment of its governors.

All at once an enemy, by name Faráshíb,^21a brought an army from all parts of the country against him, and oppressed both Turks and Arabs.^21b After some hard fighting the army of Kúkam Yáwaghúí was overcome and put to flight. The enemy plundered his house and took his infant brother a prisoner and endeavoured to capture Úljáí.

The forces of Kúkam Yáwaghúí again collected and recovered strength. With a feeling of honour and pride they all, men, women, and children, pursued Faráshíb. They slew and scattered his followers, and, returning victorious and triumphant, occupied themselves in managing the affairs of their government. After a few years the infant brother of Kúkam, whom they called Sarang, and who was kept in abject captivity, when he attained the age of manhood, sent to his brother Kúkam and asked him to despatch an army for his succour. Kúkam Yáwaghúí sent a thousand brave men of war and warriors against Faráshíb. When the two armies confronted each other, Sarang went over and joined his brother's army. A great conflict ensued. At last the battle ceased, and both parties retired to their respective camps. Sarang related his whole story before his brother, and said the enemy had given him the office of Sarhang²² and porter. Kúkam Yáwaghúí said: “Let this treatment here recoil upon him.^22a”

Kúkam ruled twenty years, when he died suddenly. Sarang kept his brother in a coffin in his house for a whole year, and pretended that he was lying sick. He himself managed and carried on the affairs of government. After the lapse of a year the nobles assembled and told Sarang that he should show his brother to them if living, and if dead he should no longer conceal the fact, but seat himself upon the throne. Sarang wept and confessed that his brother had been dead a year past, but as he had numerous enemies, he had kept his death concealed. After this he brought out the corpse of his brother and buried it. He then mounted the throne and ruled for ten years.

When he died his son²³ Subuktigín was named king. He was a Turk, in whom the signs of generosity and courage were apparent, and whose actions and sayings gave proofs of his future prosperity. He was a descendant of Díb Yáwaghúí, who belonged to the house of Ughúz.^23a

In the reign of Mansúr bin Núh Sámání, during the chamberlainship of Abú Is'hak, Alptigín was appointed commander of the army of Khurásán, and the management of all the affairs (of that country), and the control of all the servants, officers, and troops were entrusted to his care. Afterwards he was sent to Ghazna, and the government of that place was conferred on him. When Abú Is'hak came to Ghazna, after a short time he died, and as there was no one of his family fitted for the sovereignty, all the nobles^23b assembled and, with one accord and by the general voice, consented to the chiefship and sovereignty of Násiru-d dín Su-buktigín.

XI.

[The author of this history, 'Abdu-llah, son of Fazlu-llah, of Shíráz, is commonly known by his literary name Wassáf, the Panegyrist. The title which he has given to his work, “A Ramble through the Regions and the Passing of Ages,” is quite in keeping with its florid style. Different readings of the title are common, and, for simplicity's sake, the work is often called Táríkh-i Wassáf. The date of the work, as given in the preface, is the last day of Sha'bán 699 (March 1300), and the first four volumes were published about that time, for Rashídu-d dín borrowed from them, as has been already stated. But Wassáf subsequently resumed his labours, and, adding another volume to his history, brought the work down to the year 728 (1328 A.D.)

Rashídu-d dín, the wazír of Uljáítú and author of the Jámi'u-t Tawáríkh, was, as we have seen, more of a compiler than an author, but he had a just appreciation of those from whom he had borrowed, and was ready to acknowledge and requite his obligations. He extended his patronage to 'Abdu-llah, the author of the history before us, and under his auspices the author presented his work to the Sultán Uljáítú on the 24 Muharram 712 (June, 1312). This introduction had been long desired by 'Abdu-llah, and when he obtained it he recited an ode on the succession of the Sultán, and another in praise of his city of Sultániya. These productions were so full of metaphors that the sovereign was many times obliged to ask for explanations, but in the end he was so gratified that he conferred on the writer a robe of honour and the title “Wassáfu-l Hazrat, Panegyrist of his Majesty.” In one of his chapters the writer dilates upon this incident with much self-complacency.

This work takes up the history at the point where the Jahán Kushá closes, and was designed as a continuation of that work, of which Wassáf expresses the highest opinion, and on which he expends a laboured panegyric. The facts recorded in the work the author professes to have gathered from the oral accounts of trustworthy persons.

The history opens with the death of Mangú Khán and the accession of Kublai Khán. In the third and fourth volumes it gives some notices of India, from which the following extracts are taken. The fourth volume closes with a summary retrospect of the reigns of Changíz Khán and his immediate successors. The fifth volume, subsequently written, is principally occupied with the reign of Abú Sa'íd. As a history of the Mongol dynasty the work is held in the highest estimation. There is not much in the work directly relating to India, and the extracts which follow this give all that is of importance in respect of that country.

D'Ohsson has made great use of this work in his History of the Mongols, in which he often refers to it and quotes it. Hammer-Purgstall made it the object of his especial attention, and has noticed it in several of his writings. He says “the history of Wassáf, so far as regards style, holds the same position in Persian as the Makámát of Harírí in Arabic, being an unapproachable model of rhetoric, and also, in the opinion of the Persians of historic art.” He describes and dilates upon its difficulties, but is enthusiastic upon its merits as a literary composition, rating it above Harírí, “because Wassáf has decked the highly-embellished pages of his historical narrative with the choicest flowers of Arabic and Persian poetry, and has worked with equal labour and accuracy on the limited subject of geography and in the wide field of history.” Sir H. Elliot, while admitting the style of Wassáf to be highly elaborated, considers Hammer's description of it to be rather overdrawn.] He says Hammer, in his notice of Aibak's reign, makes Wassáf to exceed the Táju-l Ma-ásir in ornateness, but this is not possible. In the extracts which follow, and which do not amount to one-fortieth part of Wassáf, there is more real matter on India than in a far greater extent of the Táj, though the latter work is specially devoted to that country.

Wassáf's reflections and opinions are judicious and appropriate, as where he speaks of 'Aláu-d dín slaying the ambassadors. He was partial to introducing Arabic words and phrases into his history; indeed some whole chapters are written in Arabic. The extract, for instance, which is given below, respecting the conquest of Somnát, is in Arabic, avowedly in imitation of 'Utbí. The first extract respecting Java has the Arabic words in italics in order to show their prevalence in his ordinary style. Some of the extracts are literal and some are abstract translations, with the omission of all superfluous words; but Wassáf is so full of useful historical matter that, after divesting his volume of all redundancies we should reduce them to only half their size, whereas, were the Táju-l Ma-ásir subjected to a similar process, not more than one-hundredth part of it would remain.

[An edition of Wassáf in lithograph, with a vocabulary of difficult words, was published at Bombay in 1853, and in 1856 Hammer-Purgstall published the first book of the text with a German translation, most beautifully printed in the Imperial printing office at Vienna. The further publication of the work has been interrupted by the death of the veteran and hardworking orientalist.

[In Sir H. Elliot's library there is only the 4th book of Wassáf, and some loose leaves containing the text of the extracts printed below, very badly copied. The work is not rare in Europe, for several libraries contain copies.]²⁷

EXTRACTS.^27a

Conquest of the Island of Múl Jáva.^27b

Among the easy conquests during the time of the reign of Kublái Khán was that of the island of Múl Jáva, one of the countries of Hind, in the months of the year 691 H. Having appointed “a leader of an army who was a seeker of battle,” he despatched him with extreme splendour and immense preparations “upon ships traversing the waves of the sea.” When the men of the expedition had brought their ships to anchor at the shore of their desire, they brought under the bondage of their acquisition , through fear of the attack of their swords, an island which could scarcely be called an island, as it was no less than two hundred parasangs long and one hundred and twenty broad.

The ruler of that country, Srí Rám, intended to pay his respects to his majesty with offerings and humble representations, but predestined death did not grant him the power of moving from that place. Afterwards his son came to the foot of the sublime throne and acquired abundant good fortune by the bestowal of favours and kindnesses without stint; and his majesty, after fixing an annual tribute in gold and the pearls of that country, confirmed him in the possession of it.

The true account of that country is, that it is a portion of the portions of the ocean full of accumulated curiosities and abundant wealth, with plenty of all kinds of treasures and precious jewels, and charming products of ingenuity, and honourable gifts of merchandise , displaying the contrivances of the incomparable one. That country and all around it is fragrant with the odours of aloe-wood and cloves, and plains and precincts are vocal with the notes of parrots, saying, “I am a garden, the shrubs of which are envied by the freshness of the garden of Paradise,” etc., and so forth.

* * * * *

Eulogium upon the Countries of Hind.

India, according to the concurrent opinion of all writers, is the most agreeable abode on the earth, and the most pleasant quarter of the world. Its dust is purer than air, and its air purer than purity itself; its delightful plains resemble the garden of Paradise, and the particles of its earth are like rubies and corals.²⁸

Some commentators upon the Kurán, in the explanation of the account of Adam—(Peace be to him!)—have stated, that when our first father, having received the order to “go down,” was about to descend from the gardens pleasant to the soul and delightful to the eye, to the wretched world below, the all-embracing grace of God made some of the mountains of the Isle of Ceylon to be the place of his descent.²⁹ This land is distinguished from all parts of the globe by its extreme temperateness, and by the purity of its water and air. If he had fallen at once from the best to the worst, the change would have caused the annihilation of his health and the destruction of his limbs. Indeed, the charms of the country and the softness of the air, together with the variety of its wealth, precious metals, stones, and other abundant productions, are beyond description. The leaves, the bark, and the exudations of the trees, the grass, and the woods of that country are cloves, spikenard, aloe-wood, sandal, camphor, and the fragrant wood of Mandal. White amber is the dregs of its sea, and its indigo and red Bakham wood are cosmetics and rouge for the face; the thorns and wormwoods of its fields are regulators of the source of life, and are useful electuaries in the art of healing for the throes of adverse fortune; its icy water is a ball of múmiya for the fractures of the world; and the benefits of its commerce display the peculiarities of alchemy; the hedges of its fields refresh the heart like the influence of the stars; and the margins and edges of its regions are bed-fellows of loveliness; its myrobalans impart the blackness of youthful hair; and its peppercorns put the mole of the face of beauty on the fire of envy; its rubies and cor-nelians are like the lips and cheeks of charming girls; its light-shedding recesses are all mines of coined gold; and its treasuries and depositories are like oceans full of polished gems; its trees are in continual freshness and verdure; and the zephyrs of its air are pure and odoriferous; the various birds of its boughs are sweet-singing parrots; and the pheasants of its gardens are all like graceful peacocks,—

“If it is asserted that Paradise is in India,
Be not surprised because Paradise itself is not comparable to it.”

If any one suppose that these selected epithets exceed all bounds, and think the author indulges in exaggeration and hyperbole, let him, after a deep reflection on this matter, ask his own heart whether, since the days of Adam till the present, from East to West or from North to South, there has ever been a country, to which people export gold, silver, commodities, and curiosities, and from which, in exchange, they bring away only thorns, dregs, dust, pebbles, and various aromatic roots, and from which money has never been sent to any place for the purchase of goods. If, by the will of God, he still deems my narrative to be overcharged with hyperbole, still he must admit these praises to be deservedly and justly applied. With all its diverse qualities and properties, it is reported that the extent of that territory is equal to the breadth of heaven.

Before proceeding further in this matter, I am anxious to give an account of the seven climates, and of the shape of the habitable part of the earth, the measure of the surface of which having been ascertained by geometrical demonstration and the figures of Euclid, has been recorded in the books of that philosopher. Although it has no great connection with this book, yet my desire is that my readers may be acquainted with the extent of these regions and the countries of that inhabited quarter of the world. The whole surface of the planisphere of the earth is divided into four equal parts by the intersection of two great circles, one proceeding east and one west, and the other the meridian, which crosses it at right angles. Two of the quarters lie to the north, one eastern, the other western; and two to the south, one eastern, and one western. Of these four quarters the north-eastern quarter is habitable, and contains the climates; and even within this quarter the high northern latitude, on account of extreme cold, is not habitable by animals, and the southern hemi-planisphere is also not habitable on account of excessive heat. The area of the whole globe (sea and land) is 132,416,400 míls, and the area of the habitable part is 8,143,300 parasangs, which is equal to 24,429,900 míls.³⁰

³¹ It is related by sufficient informants, experienced travellers, who have long fixed their staff in the country of Hind and raised the standards of enquiry and research, that the length, breadth, and the number of its most celebrated provinces are as follows:— Málibár, from the borders of Khor^31a to the country of Kúlam, is about 300 parasangs; that Búla,^31b from the beginning of Kambáyat to the borders of Málibár, is more than 400 parasangs; that Sawálik contains 125,000 cities and villages; and Málwá 1,893,000 towns and villages. And it may be about thirty years previous to my laying the foundation of this book that the king of Málwá died, and dissension arose between his son and minister. After long hostilities and much slaughter, each of them acquired possession of a part of that country. In consequence of these disturbances, every year incursions are made into it from most parts of Hind, much property and wealth, and captives, and fine linen (kirbás) are carried off, and as yet no change (for the better) has taken place.

Gújarát, which is commonly called Kambáyat, contains 70,000 villages and towns, all populous, and the people abound in wealth and luxuries. In the course of the four seasons of the year seventy different species of beautiful flowers grow within that province. “The purity of its air is so great that if the picture of an animal is drawn with the pen, it is life-like. And it is another matter of wonder that many plants and herbs are found wild and uncultivated there. You may always see the ground full of tulips even in the winter season. The air is healthy and the earth picturesque, neither too warm nor too cool, but in perpetual spring.” The winter cultivation is brought about only through the moistness of dew, called bárasí. When that harvest is over they begin summer cultivation, which is dependent upon the influence of the rain. The vineyards in this country bring forth blue grapes twice a year; and the strength of the soil is so great that the cotton plants spread their branches like willows and plane trees, and yield produce for several years successively.

Had the author full leisure to express fully the circumstances of that country, and to ascertain them from trustworthy men and historians, and to devote a long period of his life to explain them, still he would not be able to record even a portion of the marvels and excellences of that country.

* * * * *

Ma'bar extends in length from Kúlam to Níláwar (Nellore), nearly three hundred parasangs along the sea-coast, and in the language of that country the king is called Dewar, which signifies the Lord of Empire. The curiosities of Chín and Máchín, and the beautiful products of Hind and Sind, laden on large ships (which they call junks), sailing like mountains with the wings of the winds on the surface of the water, are always arriving there. The wealth of the Isles of the Persian Gulf in particular, and in part the beauty and adornment of other countries, from 'Irák and Khurásán as far as Rúm and Europe, are derived from Ma'bar, which is so situated as to be the key of Hind.³²

A few years since the Dewar was Sundar Pandí,^32a who had three brothers, each of whom established himself in independence in some different country. The eminent prince, the margrave (marzbán) of Hind, Takíu-d dín 'Abdu-r Rahmán, son of Mu-hammadu-t Tíbí, whose virtues and accomplishments have for a long time been the theme of praise and admiration among the chief inhabitants of that beautiful country, was the Dewar's deputy, minister, and adviser, and was a man of sound judgment. Fitan, Malí Fitan and Kábil^32b were made over to his possession, for he is still worthy (kábil) of having the Khutba read in his name, and, notwithstanding these high dignities, is not worthy of seditions (fitna).

It was a matter of agreement that Maliku-l Islám Jamálu-d dín and the merchants should embark every year from the island of Kais and land at Ma'bar 1,400 horses of his own breed, and of such generous origin that, in comparison with them the most celebrated horses of antiquity, such as the Rukhs of Rustam, etc., should be as worthless as the horse of the chess-board. It was also agreed that he should embark as many as he could procure from all the isles of Persia, such as Katíf, Lahsá, Bahrein, Hurmúz and Kulhátú. The price of each horse was fixed from of old at 220 dínárs of red gold, on this condition, that if any horses should sustain any injury during the voyage, or should happen to die, the value of them should be paid from the royal treasury. It is related by authentic writers, that in the reign of Atábak Abú Bakr, 10,000 horses were annually exported from these places to Ma'bar, Kambáyat, and other ports in their neighbourhood, and the sum total of their value amounted to 2,200,000 dínárs, which was paid out of the overflowing revenues of the estates and endowments belonging to the Hindú temples, and from the tax upon courtezans attached to them, and no charge was incurred by the public treasury. It is a strange thing that when those horses arrive there, instead of giving them raw barley they give them roasted barley and grain dressed with butter, and boiled cow's milk to drink.

Who gives sugar to an owl or crow?
Or who feeds a parrot with a carcase?
A crow should be fed with a dead body,
And a parrot with candy and sugar.
Who loads jewels on the back of an ass?
Or who would approve of giving dressed almonds to a cow?

They bind them for forty days in a stable with ropes and pegs, in order that they may get fat; and afterwards, without taking measures for training, and without stirrups and other appurtenances of riding, the Indian soldiers ride upon them like demons. They are equal to Burák in celerity, and are employed either in war or exercise. In a short time the most strong, swift, fresh, and active horses become weak, slow, useless, and stupid. In short, they all become wretched and good for nothing. In this climate these powerful horses which fly swiftly without a whip (for whips are required for horses, especially if they are to go any distance), should they happen to cover, become exceedingly weak and altogether worn out and unfit for riding. There is, therefore, a constant necessity of getting new horses annually, and, consequently, the merchants of Muhammadan countries bring them to Ma'bar.³⁴ Their loss is not without its attendant advantage, for it is a providential ordinance of God that the western should continue in want of eastern products, and the eastern world of western products, and that the north should with labour procure the goods of the south, and the south be furnished in like manner with commodities brought in ships from the north. Consequently, the means of easy communication are always kept up between these different quarters, as the social nature of human beings necessarily requires and profits by.

Thou wert called a man because thou wert endowed with love.

In the months of the year 692 H. the above-mentioned Dewar, the ruler of Ma'bar, died, and left behind him much wealth and treasure. It is related by Maliku-l Islám Jamálu-d dín, that out of that treasure 7,000 oxen, laden with precious stones, and pure gold and silver, fell to the share of the brother who succeeded him. Malik-i a'zam Takíu-d dín continued prime minister as before, and, in fact, ruler of that kingdom, and his glory and magnificence were raised a thousand times higher.³⁵

Notwithstanding the immense wealth acquired by trade, he gave orders that whatever commodities and goods were imported from the remotest parts of China and Hind into Ma'bar, his agents and factors should be allowed the first selection, until which no one else was allowed to purchase. When he had selected his goods he despatched them on his own ships, or delivered them to merchants and ship owners to carry to the island of Kais. There also it was not permitted to any merchant to contract a bargain until the factors of Maliku-l Islám had selected what they required, and after that the merchants were allowed to buy whatever was suited to the wants of Ma'bar. The remnants were exported on ships and beasts of burden to the isles of the sea, and the countries of the east and west, and with the prices obtained by their sale such goods were purchased as were suitable for the home market; and the trade was so managed that the produce of the remotest China was consumed in the farthest west. No one has seen the like of it in the world.

Nobility arises from danger, for the interest is ten in forty;
If merchants dread risk they can derive no profit.

As the eminent dignity and great power of Malik-i a'zam Takíu-d dín, and Maliku-l Islám, and Jamálu-d dín were celebrated in most parts of Hind to even a greater extent than in Ma'bar, the rulers of distant countries have cultivated and been strengthened by their friendship, and continually kept up a correspondence with them, expressing their solicitations and desires. The correspondence, in Arabic, between Jamálu-d dín and Sultán 'Alí bin Huzabbaru-d dín Muwaiyid, will show the consideration in which he was held by contemporary princes.

* * * * *

Brief history of the Sultans of Dehli.

From Book III. of the MS.

Dehli is one of the southern countries, and in honour and in position is like the heart within the body, its provinces being placed around like the limbs and extremities. Its inhabitants are all Musulmáns, and ready for the prosecution of holy war. Its soil is odoriferous, its air temperate, its water pure, its gardens charming, and its plains spacious. Its disciplined armies exceed the number of 300,000 men.

The following are the most celebrated cities and tracts which lie between Khurásán and Hindustán, according to the testimony of eye-witnesses. After crossing the Panjáb, or five rivers, namely, Sind, Jelam, the river of Loháwar, Satlút³⁶ and Bíyah, there are Banian of the Júd Hills, Sodra, Jálandhar, the Kokar country, Multán, Uchh, Jásí, Sarsutí, Kaithal, Sanám, Tabar-hindh, ^36a Banadrí, Sámána, Hajnír, Kahrám and Nagor.

On travelling from Dehli to the province of Hind you proceed in this wise—'Iwaz (Oudh), Badáún, Karra Manikpúr, Behár, Silhet, Lakhnautí. Each of these places comprises several subordinate villages, and there are strong forts and towns and other inhabited spots, which cannot be noticed in this narrative on account of their great number.^36b

In the year 512 H. (1118 A.D.) Bahrám Sháh, a descendant of Mahmúd Subuktígín, became Sultán of Ghaznín, and after some time 'Aláu-d dín Husain bin Hasan, the first king of the Ghorians, attacked him and took his country, and seated his nephew on the throne of Ghaznín, after which he again returned to Dehli. When Bahrám Sháh saw his hereditary country freed from the lions of Ghor, he again rose in arms and took the nephew of 'Aláu-d dín prisoner, and disgraced him by seating him on a cow and parading him round the walls of Ghaznín.

When 'Aláu-d dín heard this intelligence, he again marched to repel him, but before his arrival Bahrám Sháh had died, having received the order of God, and his son Khusrú had placed the royal crown upon his head, but not being able to oppose 'Aláu-d dín, he fled towards the country of Hind. 'Aláu-d dín plundered and massacred in Ghaznín, and after depopulating the country he took up his abode at Dehli. Khusrú Sháh died in the year 555 H. (1160 A.D.) and the dynasty of the Ghaznivides became extinct.

'Aláu-d dín Husain appointed (to the government of Ghaznín) his nephews, the sons of Sám, son of Hasan, namely Ghiyásu-d dín Abú-l fath Muhammad and Shahábu-d dín Abú-l Muzaffar. When Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín died, the government devolved alone upon Sultán Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, who was slain by some Hindú devotees in the year 602 H. (1205 A.D.)

As he had no son, Kutbu-d dín Aibak, his slave, succeeded him, and several important holy wars were undertaken by him. When he died, leaving no male child, a slave, by name Altamsh, ascended the throne under the name of Shamsu-d dín. He also engaged in many holy wars and conquests. He reigned for a long time in splendour and prosperity.

When he died he left two sons and one daughter, namely, Jalálu-d dín, Násiru-d dín, and Raziya. His slaves, Ulugh Khán, Katlagh Khán, Sankez Khán, Aibak Khitáí, Núr Beg, and Murád Beg 'Ajamí, forgot their gratitude to their old master, attacked Jalálu-d din, and aspired to independence. Jalálu-d dín fled in the year 651 H. (1253 A.D.), and sought the protection of Mangú Káán. Katlagh Khán and Sankez Khán, taking alarm at Ulugh Khán's proceedings, also followed Jalálu-d dín to the same court, upon which Ulugh Khán placed the virtuous Sultán Raziya, the sister of Jalálu-d dín, upon the throne, and himself became administrator, guide, counsellor, and ruler.

Mangú Káán treated Jalálu-d dín with great kindness, and ordered Sálí Bahádur to afford all the assistance which the Mughal army on the border was able to render; to escort him to his hereditary country, and cleanse his garden from the rubbish of the enmity of the slaves, who had realized the proverb of “flies have become rulers.”

Jalálu-d dín returned, accompanied by Sálí Bahádur and his army, and reached as far as Hajnír (Ajmír) on the borders of Dehli, but beyond that they were not able to advance, and, therefore, retreated. Jalálu-d dín then took possession of the hills and the passes which led to them and Sodra, which were then in the occupation of the Mughals, and was there compelled to content himself with a small portion of the whole.

After some time, Ulugh Khán slew Sultán Raziya, and his son-in-law Násiru-d dín assumed the crown. After two or three years, during which Násiru-d dín held the name of king, while all substantial power was wielded by Ulugh Khán, he perfidiously cut off his son-in-law. When Ulugh Khán had cleared the country of his opponents, he himself placed his foot upon the throne, and assumed the title of Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín. He took possession of the treasures, and brought the army into subjection to his orders. He flattered himself that the whole world of disobedience would be repressed during his time, and that the country would find security under his protection; but suddenly death, the exposer of ambushes, attacked him and gave a reply to all the schemes which he had contemplated against others, for the arrow of destruction was discharged at him from the hand of one whose power cannot be resisted. His death occurred in the year 686 H. (1287 A.D.)

He was succeeded by his grandson, Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-kobád, the son of Bughrá Khán. Meanwhile Hulákú Khán issued an order to Famlak,³⁸ who was the ruler of Sind, to bring Násiru-d dín, the son (of Ghiyásu-d dín) into his presence; and on his arrival, Shamsu-d dín Kart and Prince Barghandí trumped up some accusation against him, and exposed the impurity of his conduct with such exaggeration, that he, as well as some of his chiefs and adherents, were brought to capital punishment under the law.

On receiving this intelligence, Malik Fíroz, who was governor of Khilj on the part of Násiru-d din, alarmed by his suspicions, went to Dehli, and entered into the service of Kai-kobád, whom he found in occupation of the throne, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself in his favour by the performance of many useful services. As many signs of wisdom and courage were observed in him, he was appointed to the government of Múltán, which is on the frontier of the kingdom, in order that he might preclude the possibility of any invasion by the Mughals. After he had been employed for some time, he was, according to the usual practice of the envious and inimical, accused of entering into a truce with the Mughals. In consequence of this he was recalled from his government, but refused to return, as he was apprehensive of the Sultán's anger.

Notwithstanding the frequent orders he received he made excuses and delayed his return. The Wazír became angry at his dilatoriness and opposition, and by orders of the Sultán, marched with a few followers towards Múltán to enforce his attendance. They met each other on the road, and as the Wazír addressed to him several harsh enquiries respecting the reason of his delay, Malik Fíroz answered his insolence by the tongue of his sharp sword, and slew the Wazír. He then hastened to the capital of the kingdom. The royal servants were alarmed at his approach, and the Sultán himself was disabled by sickness. The opportunity was favourable for Malik Fíroz, so he entered the royal apartments and slew the king. This happened on the night preceding the eighth of Shawwál 689 H. (October, 1290 A.D.).

In order to gratify the people, and silence the opposition of the army, he placed nominally upon the throne an infant son of the late king, by name Shamsu-d dín Kaiomars, and thus satisfied the army; but a few days afterwards he sent the son to follow the father, and Malik Fíroz ascended an inauspicious throne on Friday, 25th Zí'l hijja (December) of the same year. He sufficiently provided for the defence of the frontier, and married his brother's son, 'Aláu-d dín Muhammad, whom he had himself brought up, to one of the princesses, and bestowed upon him the government of Oudh and Badáún. There 'Aláu-d dín remained for a long time, and, by degrees, collected a large army. It was reported to him that the Ráí of Hind, whose capital was Deogir, had immense treasures in money and jewels, and he therefore conceived an intense desire of securing them for himself, as well as of conquering the country. He appointed spies to ascertain when the Ráí's army was engaged in warfare, and then he advanced and took the country without the means which other kings think necessary for conquest. The prudent Ráí, in order to save his life, gave his daughter to the Sultán, and made over to him his treasures and jewels.

'Aláu-d dín Muhammad, having laden all the beasts he could procure with his spoils, and giving thanks to God, returned to his own province. When Malik Fíroz heard of this, he sent an envoy to communicate the expression of his pleasure and congratulations at the victory, and invited him to the presence. These invitations were frequently repeated, and as often declined, till a suspicion of his rebellion arose, and induced Malik Fíroz to advance against him with an army.

When 'Aláu-d dín learnt his uncle's intentions, he began to entertain evil designs, and went with a few personal attendants to have an interview with him at Dehli; and the two parties met on the banks of the Jumna. Malik Fíroz, abandoning the course which prudence dictated, and relying upon the terror which his frontier and power inspired, as well as the natural affection which he supposed his nephew to entertain towards him, crossed the river with only five attendants, and went to the camp of 'Aláu-d dín.

When news was received of the approach of Malik Fíroz, 'Aláu-d dín advanced to receive him; and when he neared the river he went bare-footed, and, as usual, kissed the earth in the presence of his uncle, assuming a deportment of humility instead of his previous opposition, and behaving towards him as a son does towards a father. They then sat down and held a conversation together, and after a time Malik Fíroz took Sultán 'Aláu-d dín's hand and invited him to come to his camp. When they reached the bank of the river Malik Fíroz wished to enter the boat first, 'Aláu-d dín following him. Two of 'Aláu-d dín's servants, Ikhtiyáru-d dín and Mahmúd Sálim, went behind him and waited their opportunity. As Malik Fíroz had placed one foot on the boat, and was about to lift the other upon it, Ikhtiyáru-d dín struck at him with a sword and wounded his hand. Malik Fíroz, in alarm, tried to throw himself into the boat, but Mahmúd Sálim came up and dealt him such a blow that his head fell into the water and his trunk into the boat. This happened on the 18th Ramazán 695 H. (June 1296 A.D.). The period of his reign was nearly six years.

When the army of Malik Fíroz witnessed these transactions from the opposite bank, they were greatly excited, and to appease them 'Aláu-d dín distributed gold amongst the nobles and officers and thus gained their goodwill. Everyone felt himself compelled to proffer his allegiance, so they all returned to Dehli in company with him, and in the month of Zí-l ka'da 695 H. he arrived at the palace.

The garrison of the fort refused to open the gates, upon which 'Aláu-d dín placed bags filled with gold in his mangonels and discharged them into the fort, which had the effect of persuading them to abandon their resistance.

Two sons of Malik Fíroz, Kadar Khán and Arkalí Khán, who were at Múltán, were brought to Dehli and deprived of their eyes. So it is, that in this world the wise are depressed and the unworthy raised to honour and prosperity.

Sultán 'Aláu-d dín then ascended the throne in perfect security, and protected all the provinces of the empire by his great power. Towards the beginning of his reign, Prince Katlagh Khwája, son of Dúá,⁴² advanced with a large army, like drops of rain, towards Dehli, in order to conquer, massacre, and plunder. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín advanced against him at the head of a large army for the purpose of carrying on a holy war, actuated by pure faith, sincere intentions, the hope of resurrection, and the determination to bring destruction on the infidels. Without placing his troops in array, he attacked the enemy, and put many to the sword; and the remnant, in sorrow, loss, and disappointment, returned to their native country. Pardon go with them!

The rest of the transactions of 'Aláu-d dín's reign shall be recorded in their proper place for the information of my readers. Praise be to God, who hath poured his blessings upon the good, and from whose worship advantages are derived!

* * * * * *

The Conquest of Somnát.^42a

From Book IV. of the MS.

When Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, the Sultán of Dehli, was well established in the centre of his dominion, and had cut off the heads of his enemies and slain them, and had imparted rest to his subjects from the fountain of his kindness and justice, the vein of the zeal of religion beat high for the subjection of infidelity and destruction of idols, and in the month of Zí'l-hijja 698 H. (1298 A D.) his brother Malik Mu'izzu-d dín⁴³ and Nusrat Khán, the chief pillar of the state and the leader of his armies, a generous and intelligent warrior, were sent to Kambáyat, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and wealth. Its air is pure, its water clear, and the circumjacent country beautiful and charming both in scenery and buildings. With a view to holy war, and not for the lust of conquest, he enlisted under their banners about 14,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, which, in their language, are called dakk.”^43a

They went by daily marches through the hills, from stage to stage, and when they arrived at their destination at early dawn they surrounded Kambáyat, and the idolaters were awakened from their sleepy state of carelessness and were taken by surprise, not knowing where to go, and mothers forgot their children and dropped them from their embrace. The Muhammadan forces began to “kill and slaughter on the right and on the left unmercifully, throughout the impure land, for the sake of Islám,” and blood flowed in torrents. They plundered gold and silver to an extent greater than can be conceived, and an immense number of brilliant precious stones, such as pearls, diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, etc., as well as a great variety of cloths, both silk and cotton, stamped, embroidered, and coloured.

They took captive a great number of handsome and elegant maidens, amounting to 20,000, and children of both sexes, “more than the pen can enumerate,” and thirteen enormous elephants, whose motions would put the earth in tremor.” In short, the Muhammadan army brought the country to utter ruin, and destroyed the lives of the inhabitants, and plundered the cities, and captured their offspring, so that many temples were deserted and the idols were broken and trodden under foot, the largest of which was one called Somnát, fixed upon stone, polished like a mirror, of charming shape and admirable workmanship. It stood seven yards high. Its position was such as if it was about to move, and its expression such as if it was about to speak. If the introducer of idolatry were to look on it he would become enamoured of its beauty. The infidels objected to people going near it. Its head was adorned with a crown set with gold and rubies and pearls and other precious stones, so that it was impossible for the eyes to trace the redness of the gold on account of the excessive lustre of the jewels, and a necklace of large shining pearls, like the belt of Orion, depended from the shoulder towards the side of the body.

The Muhammadan soldiers plundered all those jewels and rapidly set themselves to demolish the idol. The surviving infidels were deeply affected with grief, and they engaged “to pay a thousand thousand pieces of gold” as a ransom for the idol, but they were indignantly rejected, and the idol was destroyed, and “its limbs, which were anointed with ambergris and perfumed, were cut off. The fragments were conveyed to Dehli, and the entrance of the Jámi' Masjid was paved with them, that people might remember and talk of this brilliant victory.” “Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds. Amen!”

After some time, among the ruins of the temples, a most beautiful jasper-coloured stone was discovered, on which one of the merchants had designed some beautiful figures of fighting men and other ornamental figures of globes, lamps, etc., and on the margin of it were sculptured verses from the Kurán. This stone was sent as an offering to the shrine of the pole of saints, Shaikh Murshid Abú Is'hák Ibráhím bin Shahriár. At that time they were building a lofty octagonal dome to the tomb. The stone was placed at the right of the entrance. “At this time, that is, in the year 707 H. (1307 A.D.), 'Aláu-d dín is the acknowledged Sultán of this country. On all its borders there are infidels, whom it is his duty to attack in the prosecution of a holy war, and return laden with countless booty.”

* * * * *

An Account of some Contemporary Princes.

When Sultán Úljáítú was fully established upon the throne, Shaikhu-l Islám Jamálu-d dín, towards the close of the year 703 H. (1303 A.D.), came to the court of the Protector of the world, and was received with distinguished honours and kindness. He was nominated to the government of Fárs, but declined the appointment, and returned to his independent principality of Kais.

In the beginning of this year, the Malik-i 'Azam, Margrave of Hind, Takíu-d dín 'Abdu-r rahmánu-t Tíbí, who was endowed with great power and dignity, departed from the country of Hind to the passage (ma'bar) of corruption.⁴⁵ The king of Ma'bar was anxious to obtain his property and wealth, but Malik Mu'azzam Siráju-d dín, son of the deceased, having secured his goodwill by the payment of two hundred thousand dínárs, not only obtained the wealth, but the rank also of his father.

Embassy to China.

Malik Mu'azzam Fakhru-d dín Ahmad and Búká Elchí were, by order of the just king, Gházán, appointed, in the year 697 H., as ambassadors to Tímúr Káán,^45a with presents of cloths, jewels, costly garments, and hunting leopards, worthy of his royal acceptance, and ten túmáns (one hundred thousand pieces) of gold were given to him from the chief treasury, to be employed as capital in trade. Fakhru-d dín laid in a supply of necessaries for his voyage by ships and junks, and laded them with his own merchandize and immense jewels and pearls, and other commodities suited to Tímúr Khán's country, belonging to his friends and relations, and to Shaikh-l Islám Jamálu-d dín. He was accompanied on the voyage by an army of expert archers, Turkí and Persian.

The actual distance of the voyage was much augmented by the constant dangers to which their lives and property were exposed on the sea. When, at last, they arrived at the port of the Chinese frontier they were conducted stage by stage, by the deputies and officers of that country according to the Káání institutes, were furnished with supplies and tents, and were not troubled for the payment of any duties. In this manner they reached the Urdú, or Imperial Camp, at Táídú, near Khánbálígh.

The Khán was at that time indisposed, but the four principal ministers and other nobles⁴⁶ were present in the assembly and sat beyond the royal carpet on golden seats, with great pomp and dignity. Búká, on his first introduction, considered a salám sufficient, and did not kneel down, to which want of respect they raised objections. Búká, who was a shrewd and eloquent Turk, replied, “It is the royal order, that until I behold the blessed countenance of the Khán, the very abstract of the book of prosperity, I should not look upon any pillars of the state or nobles of his majesty.” They were then admitted to a personal interview, and presented the rarities entrusted to them, which were most graciously received. The merchandize also was brought forward and approved. The Khán then presented a cup of wine with his royal hand, and issued orders that the ambassadors, during their stay, should be furnished with residences, food, clothes, and servants appropriate to the four seasons; and forty-five horses were placed at their disposal. * * *

The ambassadors remained four years in China and were dismissed with honour, and a daughter of one of the nobles was bestowed upon Fakhru-d dín. A friendly reply was written to Gházán Khán, and presents were sent in return, together with some valuable silk stuffs, which had fallen to the share of Hulákú Khán, but had remained in China since the time of Mangú Khán. An ambassador took charge of them on a separate junk, and he was commissioned to deliver expressions of friendship and regard.

Malik Fakhru-d dín departed, much gratified at his reception, accompanied by the embassies and twenty-three junks, and other vessels laden with valuable property. The ambassador of the Khán died on the voyage * * * and when they were only two days distant from Ma'bar, Malik Fakhru-d dín also died. * * * His tomb is in Ma'bar, near that of his uncle. His death occurred towards the close of the year of 704 H.⁴⁷ (1305 A.D.). * * *

In the middle of the year 705 H. Shaikhu-l Islam Jamálu-d dín was summoned from the principality of Kais to the capital of Shíráz, the government of which place was conferred upon him. He accepted the office in obedience to the command, although he was ill at the time. * * * He died in the year 706 H. (1306 A.D.) to the great regret of the inhabitants of Shíráz, who raised a handsome tomb over his remains, and composed an elegy upon his death. * * * The author also, in consideration of certain obligations conferred upon him by the deceased, gave vent to his feelings in the following poem.

The History of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín (continued).

When Sultán 'Aláu-d dín had fully established himself in the empire of Dehli, and his conquests and holy wars had proclaimed him universally as the greatest champion of the Muhammadan religion, it happened, that in the year 708, 'Alí Beg Gúrgán, with an army consisting of three túmáns, marched to Hindú-stán, and pitched his camp in the vicinity of 'Iwaz (Oudh) and Badáún, expecting to make an easy conquest of that country. The Sultan despatched his general Hazár-Dínárí, who was called Malik Kafúr,⁴⁸ with 80,000 formidable and veteran cavalry to expel them; and when the army of Islám was within the distance of a day's journey from the enemy, it made suddenly a night attack on their camp, which was left quite unguarded, and the greater part of the Mughal armies received their retribution ('iwaz) from the empire of Dehli, where they met with the silent tomb of entire annihilation. Having surrounded the remnant on the field of battle they deprived them of their arms,” and 'Alí Beg and other officers of the Mughals were carried captive to Dehli.

“Sultán 'Aláu-d dín gave orders that the sword of menace and the declaration of unity should be offered to them; when, as they they could not help themselves, they placed their heads on the line of Islám,” and repeated the profession of the Muhammadan creed. * * * “'Aláu-d dín honoured and gave preferment to 'Alí Beg, and made him one of his nobles, and the Mughal army was provided for amongst the armies of Islám. After the battle an order was issued by 'Aláu-d dín to gather together the heads of those who had been slain. This matter was specially made over to the Hindús. On counting them after they were thrown at the feet of the holy warrior they were found to amount to 60,000, and, as was done with the Nigúdarí^48a Mughals, a pillar was constructed of these heads before the Badáún gate, in order that it might be a warning and spectacle to future generations. The good tidings of this happy conquest were published throughout all the countries and provinces both of the faithful and the idolatrous.

Conquest of Telingána.

In the year 709 (1309 A.D.),—the year arrived in prosperity and the time was propitious,—the lofty mind of the king greatly inclined towards the conquest of the whole of Hindústán, and the subjection of the infidels. Previous to this, Málwa had been conquered; he, therefore despatched Malik Nabú, Zafar Khán, and Nának Hindí,⁴⁹ with an army consisting of one hundred thousand horse and foot,—

Oh thou for whom there is an army that obtains victory,—

to conquer the province of Telingána. When they arrived on its frontier, the Ráí of that province adopted a prudent resolution, submitted to the Muhammadans, and agreed to pay an annual tribute and receive the royal collectors, and that populous territory, replete with every kind of wealth—

As the cheek of your friend full of excellence,
In which are all desires you are in search of,—

containing more than 30,000 tracts of country, was added to the Muhammadan empire. It is related that 6,000 kharwárs, or loads, of gold were despatched to Dehli,—

Much yellow gold was in the large sacks,—

and in consequence of the abundance of diamonds obtained by plunder, they became so cheap that, one weighing a miskál, could be purchased for three dínárs.

The Conquest of Dúr Samundar.

The royal army marched from this place towards the country of Dúr Samun. Ráí Pandyá offered opposition, and begged the assistance of an army from Ma'bar. At that time enmity prevailed between the two brothers, Sundar Pandí and Tíra Pandí, after the murder of their father. The latter sent to his assistance an army of horse and foot. Subsequently, the Ráí, turning to the right rank, declined a contest, and, having proffered his submission, he was left in possession of his country without the necessity of fighting. He delivered up to Malik Kafúr the country of 'Aríkanna, as a proof of his allegiance, and treasure beyond what imagination can conceive, together with 55 large elephants, which were worthy of carrying the great and fortunate heroes of the time, so that the country was restored to him, and, instead of shell-blowing, pyrolatry, and idol-worship, the true faith and the five daily prayers were established. On account of these transactions the fame of the first holy wars which opened Hind under Mahmúd Subuktigín was erased from the page of history.

At the present time the imperial army consists of 475,000 Muhammadan disciplined holy warriors, whose names are recorded by the imperial muster-master, and whose pay and rations are entered in the regulations of the deputy-victualler. They are most obedient to the orders they receive, and are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the especial sake of their religion. Four hundred war elephants * * * are kept in the royal stables, and forty swift camels * * * are employed to convey daily reports, with the greatest expedition, from and to the distant provinces of the empire. * * *

Invasion of Ma'bar.

In the month of Rajab of the year 710 H. (1310 A.D.) the appointed leaders, accompanied by a select army, were dispatched to conquer Ma'bar, and some of the towns were obtained through the animosity which has lately arisen between the two brothers; when at last a large army, attended by numerous elephants of war, was sent out to oppose the Muhammadans. Malik Nabú, who thought himself a very Saturn, was obliged to retreat, and bring back his army.

Uljáítú Sultán sends an Embassy to 'Aláu-d dín.

About that period the king of the world, Úljáítú⁵¹ Sultán,— May his empire last for ever!—sent two ambassadors, named Khálúya and Muhammad Sháh, to the court of Dehli, with a royal mandate to the following purport, that as the rulers of that quarter, both in the reign of the Emperor Changíz Khán, the conqueror of the world, and the most generous Úktáí Khán, had tendered their friendship and homage, and, through the language of the ambassadors, had occasionally offered their sentiments of goodwill, it is, therefore, strange that, since the imperial throne has been adorned by our auspicious accession, and the sun of the kingdom of Islám has shed its light over the world, Sultán 'Aláu-d dín has never opened the road of ancient friendship by means of an ambassador to our regal court, nor sent a message conveying tidings of himself or congratulations to us; it is, therefore, expected that he will henceforth be willing to apply himself to strengthen the foundations of regard and free intercourse. In connection with this embassy it was also intimated that the Emperor asked in marriage one of the Princesses from behind the veil of the kingdom of Dehli.^51a

Sultán 'Aláu-d dín, notwithstanding all his bravery and conquests, and abundant treasures and obedient armies, combining in himself all personal accomplishments and worldly advantages, was a tyrant, and never used to hesitate at slaughter, burning, restricting the privileges of the army, or reducing the allowances of his servants, and was quite overcome by his disposition towards temerity and oppression. As a proof of this he ordered the ambassadors to be imprisoned, and several⁵² of their attendants to be trodden under the feet of elephants, and thus he submerged the jewel of his good fame; for to bring trouble on an ambassador is, under every system of religious faith, altogether opposed to the principles of law, social observance, and common sense. With respect to law, an ambassador receives his credentials without even the suspicion of criminality; with respect to social observance, the oppressor and the oppressed, friend and foe, peace and war, are all equally in need of embassies and communications: with respect to common sense, it is abundantly evident that the killing of one man, or even ten, entails no infirmity or injury on a kingdom. Inasmuch, therefore, as 'Aláu-d dín, free to do as he chose, was guilty of a deed from which danger might have resulted, and without any cause exhibited his enmity, he must be considered to have acted contrary to what a peaceful policy and sound prudence dictated.

Continuation of the history of the Kings of Ma'bar.

Kales Dewar, the ruler of Ma'bar, enjoyed a highly prosperous life, extending to forty and odd years, during which time neither any foreign enemy entered his country, nor any severe malady confined him to bed. His coffers were replete with wealth, inasmuch that in the treasury of the city of Mardí there were 1,200 crores of gold deposited, every crore being equal to a thousand^52a laks, and every lak to one hundred thousand dínárs. Besides this there was an accumulation of precious stones, such as pearls, rubies, turquoises, and emeralds,—more than is in the power of language to express. (Here follows a long string of reflections upon the instability of worldly wealth and grandeur.)

This fortunate and happy sovereign had two sons, the elder named Sundar Pandí, who was legitimate, his mother being joined to the Dewar by lawful marriage, and the younger named Tíra Pandí, was illegitimate, his mother being one of the mistresses who continually attended the king in his banquet of pleasure; for it was customary with the rulers of that country that, when the daily affairs of the administration were over, and the crowds that attended the court had gone to their respective homes, a thousand beautiful courtezans used to attend the king in his pleasure. They used to perform the several duties prescribed to each of them; some were appointed as chamberlains, some as interpreters, some as cup-bearers, and day and night both the sexes kept promiscuous intercourse together; and it was usual for the king to invite to his bed that girl upon whom the lot should happen to fall. I have mentioned this in illustration of their customs.

As Tíra Pandí was remarkable for his shrewdness and intrepidity, the ruler nominated him as his successor. His brother Sundar Pandí, being enraged at this supercession, killed his father, in a moment of rashness and undutifulness, towards the close of the year 709 H. (1310 A.D.), and placed the crown on his head in the city of Márdí.⁵³ He induced the troops who were there to support his interests, and conveyed some of the roval treasures which were deposited there to the city of Mankúl,^53a and he himself accompanied, marching on, attended in royal pomp, with the elephants, horses, and treasures. Upon this his brother Tíra Pandí, being resolved on avenging his father's blood, followed to give him battle, and on the margin of a lake which, in their language, they call Taláchí, the opponents came to action. Both the brothers, each ignorant of the fate of the other, fled away; but Tíra Pandí being unfortunate (tíra bakht), and having been wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy, and seven elephant-loads of gold also fell to the lot of the army of Sundar Pandí.

It is a saying of philosophers, that ingratitude will, sooner or later, meet its punishment, and this was proved in the sequel, for Manár Barmúl, the son of the daughter of Kales Dewar, who espoused the cause of Tíra Pandí, being at that time at Karám-hattí, near Kálúl,⁵⁴ sent him assistance, both in men and money, which was attended with a most fortunate result. Sundar Pandí had taken possession of the kingdom, and the army and the treasure were his own; but, as in every religion and faith, evil deeds produce a life of insecurity, a matter which it is unnecessary to expatiate upon, he, notwithstanding all his treasures and the goodwill of the army, was far from being happy and prosperous, entertaining crude notions, and never awaking from his dream of pride, and at last he met with the chastisement due to his ingratitude, for in the middle of the year 710 (1310 A.D.) Tíra Pandí, having collected an army, advanced to oppose him, and Sundar Pandí, trembling and alarmed, fled from his native country, and took refuge under the protection of 'Aláu-d dín, of Dehli, and Tíra Pandí became firmly established in his hereditary kingdom.

While I was engaged in writing this passage, one of my friends said to me: “The kings of Hind are celebrated for their penetration and wisdom; why then did Kales Dewar, during his lifetime, nominate his younger and illegitimate son as his successor; to the rejection of the elder, who was of pure blood, by which he introduced distraction into a kingdom which had been adorned like a bride.”

XII.

This is the same work as is called Biná-Gety by Mr. James Fraser, in his “Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts;” and Bina-i-Gety by General Briggs, in his translation of the Preface of Firishta, which would seem to imply that the title was considered by them to bear the meaning of “History of the Foundation of the World.” It certainly is so understood by native transcribers, for I have seen no copy of Firishta, not even the lithograph edition, in which it is not so written, and it has been so translated by some Continental scholars. Its correct name at full length is “Rauzat úluu-l Albáb fí Tawáríkhu-l Akábir wa-ul Ansáb,” “the garden of the learned in the histories of great men and genealogies.” It is chiefly an abridgment, as the author himself states, of the Jámí'u-t Tawáríkh of Rashídu-d dín, and was compiled only seven years after that work, in A.H. 717 (A.D. 1317), by Abú-Sulaimán Dáúd, bin Abú-l Fazl, bin Muhammad Fakhr⁵⁵ Binákití. He is commonly called Fakhru-d dín Binákití from his having been born at Binákit, or Finákit, a town in Transoxiana, afterwards called Sháhrukhía. He copies Rashídu-d dín closely, without, however, adopting his arrangement, and dedicates his work to Sultán Abú Sa'id, the ninth Mongol king of Persia.

The author was a poet as well as an historian, and was appointed by Sultán Gházán, poet laureate of his Court. Till the discovery of the lost portions of the Jami'u-t Tawáríkh, Binákití's work ranked very high both in Europe and Asia, but it must now take its place as a mere abridgment, and can be considered of no value as an original composition. Several good copies of the work exist in European libraries, as in the Rich collection, Nos. 7626, 7627, of the British Museum; in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society; in the Leyden library; and in Hammer-Purgstall's private collection. The work is not common in India. The best copy I know is in the possession of a native gentleman at Lucknow.

The 8th Book of this work is already known to the European public, though ascribed to a different author. In the year 1677, Andreas Müller published at Berlin a small work in Persian, with a Latin translation, under the title of Abdallæ Beidavæi Historia Sinensis, ascribing the original to the Nizámu-t Tawá-ríkh of Baizáwí. It was reprinted by his son in 1689, and Brunet⁵⁶ tells us that Stephen Weston published fifty copies of an English translation in 1820. M. Quatremère had the ingenuity to guess, for several reasons which he states in detail, that this was in reality an extract from the History of Binákití, and not from Baizáwí; and by comparing the passage he has given from Müller's printed work with Binákití, of which a copy was not available to M. Quatremère, it proves to be verbatim the 2nd Chapter of the 8th Book of Binákití; and as the same result has been obtained by comparing it with the copy in the British Museum, there can no longer be any doubt on this point, and the Historia Sinensis must henceforth be attributed to Binákití.