To this machinery belonged, amongst other things, the office of Wazír (of which “Vizier” is the commoner, though Institution of the office of Wazír. less correct, form in English books), a word commonly derived from the Arabic root wizr “a burden,” because the Wazír bears the burden of administration, but probably identical in reality, as Darmesteter has shown,* with the Pahlawí vi-chír (from ví-chirá, “to decide”), gazír in the Talmud. Of the history of this office al-Fakhrí* gives the following account:—
“Before entering more fully into this matter, we must needs say a few prefatory words on this subject. I say, then, that the Wazír is Al-Fakhrí on the history of this office. one who is intermediate between the king and his subjects, so there must needs be in his nature one aspect which accords with the natures of kings, and another aspect which accords with the natures of the common folk, so that he may deal with both classes in such a manner as to secure for himself acceptance and affection; while trustworthiness and sincerity constitute his capital. It is said, ‘When the ambassador plays the traitor, policy avails naught;’ and it is also said, ‘The man belied hath no opinion;’* so it is important for him to be efficient and vigorous, and necessary that he should possess intelligence, wariness, cunning, and resolution. It is likewise needful that he should be generous and hospitable, that thereby he may incline men's necks to his yoke, and that his thanks may be on the tongues of all; nor can he dispense with gentleness, patience, stability in affairs, clemency, dignity, gravity, and an authoritative address… Now the rules of the Wazírate were not fixed, nor the laws which govern it set in order, before the dynasty of the 'Abbásids. Before that time its rules were indeterminate and its laws unsettled; nay, rather each king was surrounded by certain courtiers and retainers, and, when any important crisis arose, he took counsel of such as were most sagacious and wise in council, each of whom, therefore, acted as Wazír. But when the 'Abbásids came to the throne, the laws of the Wazírate were fixed, and the Wazír was named Wazír, having hitherto been entitled Secretary (Kátib), or Counsellor (Mushír). Lexicographers say that wazar means ‘a place of refuge,’ ‘an asylum,’ and that wizr means ‘burden,’ so that Wazír is either derived from wizr, in which case it means that he ‘bears the burden,’ or from wazar, in which case it means that the king has recourse to his judgment and counsel.”
But the office of Wazír, for all the power and dignity which
Perilous character of the office.
it carried with it, was a perilous one. Abú
Muslim, entitled Amínu Áli Muḥammad, “the
Trusted Agent of the Family of Muḥammad,” was,
as we have seen, treacherously murdered by al-Manṣúr (A.D.
754-755), after he himself had, by order of aṣ-Ṣaffáḥ, caused
Abú Salama, who first bore the title of Wazír, to be
assassinated (A.D. 749-750). Abu'l-Jahm, who succeeded
him, was poisoned by his master. Feeling the poison work
within him, he rose up to leave the room. “Whither away?”
asked the Caliph. “To where thou hast sent me,” answered
the unfortunate minister.*
His death coincided with the rise
The Barmecides.
to power of the great and noble Persian family
of the Barmecides, or descendants of Barmak,
who for fifty years (A.D. 752-804) so wisely directed the affairs
of the Caliphate, and, by their generous patronage of learning,
lavish hospitality, and wise administration, conferred such lustre
upon the reigns of the first five 'Abbásid Caliphs, till the insensate
jealousy of Hárúnu'r-Rashíd led him to destroy Ja'far
and al-Faḍl, the sons of Yaḥyá, the son of Khálid, the son of
Barmak, and many members of their family. Barmak, their
ancestor, was a Magian, and the high priest of the great Fire-
“He who exercised these functions was respected by the kings of this country, and administered the wealth offered to the temple. He was called Barmak, a name given to all those invested with this dignity, whence is derived the name of the Barmecides (Barmakí, pl. Barámika); for Khálid b. Barmak was the son of one of these great pontiffs.”
In support of this view that Barmak was really a title rather than a name we may also cite the words of the geographer al-Qazwíní (Átháru'l-Bilád, pp. 221-222, s.v., Balkh):—
“The Persians and Turks used to revere it [the Temple of Nawbahár] and perform pilgrimages to it, and present offerings to it. Its length was one hundred cubits, its breadth the same, and its height somewhat more, and the care of it was invested in the Barámika. The Kings of India and China used to come to it, and when they reached it they worshipped the idol, and kissed Barmak's hand, and Barmak's rule was paramount in all these lands. And they ceased not, Barmak after Barmak, until Khurásán was conquered in the days of 'Uthmán b. 'Affán, and the guardianship of the temple came at length to Barmak the father of Khálid.”
The Barmecides naturally used their great influence in favour of their compatriots, but they had to be careful lest a too evident partiality for the institutions of Persia should bring them under suspicion of being still at heart Magians. Thus, whilst engaged in constructing his new capital of Baghdad, the Caliph al-Manṣúr was advised by Abú Ayyúb al-Múriyání to destroy the Sásánian palace known as Aywán-i-Kisrá, and utilise the material for building purposes. He consulted Khálid b. Barmak, who replied, “Do not this thing, O Commander of the Faithful, for verily it is a sign of the triumph of Islám, for when men see it they know that only a heavenly dispensation could destroy the like of this building, besides which it was the place of prayer of 'Alí b. Abú Ṭálib. The expense of destroying it is, moreover, greater than what will be gained thereby.” “O Khálid,” answered al-Manṣúr, “thou hast naught but partiality for all that is Persian!” Khálid's prophecy as to the labour and expense involved in its destruction proved, however, to be correct, and so one day the Caliph said to him, “O Khálid, we have come over to thine opinion, and have abandoned the destruction of the palace.” “O Commander of the Faithful,” said Khálid, “I advise thee now to destroy it, lest men should say that thou wert unable to destroy what another built!” Fortunately, however, the Caliph again refused to follow his advice (given, no doubt, from prudential motives, on account of what the Caliph had said to him before), and the demolition of the palace was suspended.
*Another old Persian custom reintroduced very early in the 'Abbásid period was the observance of the Festival Revival of Persian festival of Nawrúz. of the New Year (Nawrúz), the first day of the Persian solar year, corresponding with the vernal equinox and the entry of the sun into the sign of Aries.
“In the time of Hárúnu'r-Rashíd,” says al-Bírúní,* “the landholders assembled again and called on Yaḥyá the son of Khálid the son of Barmak, asking him to postpone the Nawrúz by about two months.* Yaḥyá intended so to do, but then his enemies began to speak of the subject, and said, ‘He is partial to Zoroastrianism.’ So he dropped the subject, and the matter remained as it was before.”
Von Kremer, in those admirable works which we have already so often had occasion to cite, treats fully of the Persian influences which were everywhere active, and which so largely moulded not only the organisation of the Church and State, but, in 'Abbásid times, even the fashions of dress, food, music and the like.
“Persian influence,” he says,* “increased at the Court of the Caliphs, and reached its zenith under al-Hádí, Hárúnu'r-Rashíd, and al-Ma'mún. Most of the ministers of the last were Persians or of Persian fashions in dress adopted. Persian extraction. In Baghdad Persian fashions continued to enjoy an increasing ascendancy. The old Persian festivals of the Nawrúz, Mihrgán, and Rám were celebrated. Persian raiment was the official court dress, and the tall, black, conical Persian hats (qalansuwa, pl. qalánis) … were already prescribed as official by the second 'Abbásid Caliph (in A.H. 153 = A.D. 770). At the court the customs of the Sásánian kings were imitated, and garments decorated with golden inscriptions were introduced, which it was the exclusive privilege of the ruler to bestow. A coin of the Caliph al-Mutawakkil shows us this Prince actually clothed in true Persian fashion.”