When Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān mounted the masnad of the Nizā­mat of Bengal, agreeably to the dying instructions of his father, he appointed Ḥājī Aḥmad, the Rāi Rāiān and Jagatset to be his Councillors in respect of Revenue and Administrative affairs. But these meddling more than before in State affairs ignored the old officers of Sarfarāz Khān who expected promotions and man­ṣabs, and further intrigued to bring about their disgrace and over­throw. Although Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān and the Begams were anxious to promote their old officers, owing to the opposition of the Triumvirate Council, they could not do so. The Triumvirate Council, after secret vows and stipulations, plotted to call in Alī Vardī Khān with his army from ‘Azimabad (Patna) under pre­text of visiting the Nāzim, and then to instal him on the masnad of the Nizāmat in supercession of Sarfarāz Khān.* And in deliberations over this plot they passed days and nights, but failed to mature any plan. At this time, Nādir Shāh,* the king of Per­sia, had defeated Muḥammad Shāh, captured Nizāmu-l-Mulk, Burhānu-l-Mulk, Qamru-d-dīn Khān, and Muḥammad Khān Bang­ash, &c., who were the pillars of the Mughal Empire,* and entering Shāh-jahānābād (Delhi)* with his Persian troops had plun­dered the palaces of both the Emperor and his nobles. In conse­quence, the whole Empire was shaken to its foundation.* The Triumvirate Council persuaded Sarfarāz Khān to introduce in Bengal the coins and the Khutbah* of Nādir Shāh, and about the same time they remitted the confiscated treasures of Shu­jā‘u-d-daulah and the Bengal tribute in charge of Murīd Khān, who had arrived in Murshidābād on behalf of Qamru-d-dīn Khān* long before Nādir Shāh’s invasion. Ḥājī Aḥmad and Alī Vardī Khān intrigued with Murīd Khān, and won him over to their side. On the withdrawal of Nādir Shāh, they carried tales of the introduction of the Nādir Shāhī coin and Khutbah to Nawāb Qamru-d-dīn Khān and to Nizāmu-l-Mulk, and laid various other charges against Sarfarāz Khān. Aided by the machinations of the Imperial ministers,* they secured a royal patent granting to them the Nizāmat of Bengal, and authorising the execution of Sarfarāz Khān,* on account of his treason in introducing the coin and Khutbah of Nādir Shāh. When the arrow of their efforts reached the butt of their aim, the Triumvirate Council represented to Sarfarāz Khān that the resources of the State were limited, whilst its expenditure was heavy, and thereby persuaded the Nawāb to reduce the strength of his Army. They at the same time secretly sent instructions to Alī Vardī Khān to mobilise troops and collect arms, in view of the invasion of Bengal. Whoever was cashiered from the army of Sarfarāz Khān was straightway enlisted by Ḥājī Aḥmad in the service of Alī Vardī Khān, and sent off to Azīmābād (Patna). Nearly one-half of Sarfarāz Khān’s troops were in this way disbanded. Alī Vardī Khān, having completed preparations for war and mobilised a large army consisting of Afghāns, Rohīlahs, and Bhalias, set out for Bengal; whilst Ḥājī Aḥmad sent his and his sons’ hoarded treasures amounting to several laks of rupees for the expenses of Alī Vardī’s army. When Sarfarāz Khān, from the despatches of his Political Agents at the Court of the Emperor, and from informations of emis­saries, came to be apprised of the machinations of the treacherous enemy, deeming it prudent to adopt remedy for the affair before it came to pass, he set himself to overthrow the traitors, and decided to bestow the Deputy-Governorship* of Azīmābād (Patna) on his son-in-law, Syed Muḥammad Ḥasan, in supercession of Alī Vardī Khān, and the Faujdārī of Ākbarnagar (Rājmahal) together with the command of Sakrīgalī and Tēliāgaḍhī passes on Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn Bakhshī, in supercession of A‘tāu-l-lah Khān, son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad. Sarfarāz Khān also determined to appoint Munshī Jasunat Rāi as Diwan in the place of the Rāi Rāiān. But as yet this decision had not been put in force, when the mem­bers of the Triumvirate Council adroitly submitting a representa­tion about their long services, the heavy outstandings of the Imperial Revenue, and their losses, persuaded Sarfarāz Khān to post­pone their supercession and the installation of others in their places till their preparation of the Annual Balance-sheet, which fell due after three months.* Sarfarāz Khān, who owing to guilessness of his nature had already been victimised by the duplicity of the Triumvirate Council, once again suffered himself to be duped by their wiles. A‘lī Vardī Khān, utilising this short respite, secured the adhesion of Muṣtafā Khān, Shamshēr Khān, Sardār Khān, U‘mar Khān, Raḥīm Khān, Karam Khān, Sirāndāz Khān, Shaikh Ma‘ṣūm, Shaikh Jahāngir Khān, Muḥammad Ẕūlfuqār Khān, Chīdan Hazārī (Bakhshī of the Bhalīahs), Bakhtāwar Singh, and other Generals and officers of the Army. Under the false pretext of waiting on Sarfarāz Khān, A‘lī Vardi Khān marched swiftly, crossed the passes of Tilīagaḍhī and Sakrīgalī, and reached the frontiers of Bengal. At the instigation of Ḥājī Aḥmad, Ataullah Khān, Faujdār of Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), had taken steps to prevent all movements of messengers and spies, and to interdict all intercourse through news-letters between A‘zīmābād (Patna) and Bengal viâ the passes of Tilīagadhī and Sakrīgali, until A‘lī Vardī Khān had crossed through those passes. In consequence, no news of A‘lī Vardī Khān’s movements had reached Sarfarāz Khān. It was only when the vanguard of A‘lī Vardī Khān’s army had actually reached Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), that all of a sudden the news of Alī Vardī Khān’s movement reached Sar­farāz Khān. This news threw both the City of Murshidabad and its Bazaar into commotion. Perplexed by this news, Sarfarāz Khān instantly imprisoned Ḥājī Aḥmad. Although the Rāi Rāiān treacherously explained that A‘lī Vardi’s arrival was for the pur­pose of waiting on Sarfarāz Khān, this explanation had no reassur­ing effect. Detailing Ghaus Khān and Mīr Sharfu-d-dīn, who were his old officers, to lead the vanguard, and leaving his son, Ḥāfizu-l-lah surnamed Mīrzā Āmānī, together with Yāsīn Khān Faujdār, to guard the Fort and the City, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān together with Ghazanfar Ḥusain Khān and a son of Muḥammad Taqī Khān, (both of whom were his sons-in-law), and with Mīr Muḥammad Bāqir Khān, Mīrza Muḥammad Īraj Khān, Mīr Kāmil, Mīr Gadāī, Mīr Ḥaidar Shāh, Mīr Diler Shāh, Bajī Sīngh, Rājah Ghandarab Sīngh, Shamshir Khān Qurishī, (Faujdār of Silhat), Shujā Qulī Khān, (Faujdār of the port of Hūglī), Mīr Ḥabīb, Murshid Qulī Khān Faujdār, Mardān A‘lī Khān (the late Shuj‘ā Khān’s Bakhshī) and other Generals and Mansabdars and Zamin­dars of Bengal, marched out from the City with a large army and fire-pouring artillery, and encamped at Bahmaniah, which is two Karoh distant from Murshidābād. Marching on the second day, the Nawab reached Sarāi Dīwān, and marching on the third day, he encamped at Khamrah, where he mustered his army and reviewed its strength and armaments. In that the officers of Shuj‘ā Khān’s regime were in league with Ḥājī Aḥmad, brick-bats instead of shells were discovered in the arsenal, and rubbish was found inside guns. Consequently, cashiering Shahriar Khān, the Ḥājī’s brother, who was General Superintendent of the Artillery, and making him over to the custody of his retainers, Nawab Sarfarāz Khān appointed in his place Pancho, son of Antony the Portuguese, to be General Superintendent of the Artillery. The forces of Mahābat Jang were arranged in the form of a circle from Aurangābād, at the mouth of the Sūtī (where the shrine of Shāh Murtaẓā’ Hindī exists) to the plain of Balkatah.

On the fourth day, when the silvery-crowned King (i.e., the Sun) pranced on to the plain of the sky from his camp in the East darting forth daggers of radial lines, and the dusky Moon with thousands of its forces (i.e., stars), not finding itself a match for that unique Cavalier, hid itself behind the hills, Nawab Sar­farāz Khān, selecting an auspicious moment according to astrologers, advanced to assault the enemy. By one single assault, the troops of Mahābat Jang were thrown into panic and confusion, were set a-reeling, and were nearly routed. The Rāi Rāiān,* find­ing that the table was being turned, at this moment treacherously represented to Nawāb Sarfarāz Khān that the Sun had moved right vertical to the head, and that at that sultry hour if fighting were continued, both horses and soldiers would perish, owing to excessive heat and thirst, and that therefore if that day further fightings were postponed, next morning the bitter-palated enemy could be treated to a similar bitter soup (of death)—