The victory being now secured, Haïder-c8li-qhan sent word to Mohcum-sing, Prime Minister or Divan to Hossëin-aaly-qhan, that he advised him to pay his homage to the Emperor, as that Prince had ordered that his life and property should be spared. He came, and on his making his bow, the Emperor forgave the errors of his past conduct, and augmented his military grade to six thousand horse. Word was also sent to Ratan-chund, but as from that General himself, that he might come and be safe. But Ratan-chund, who knew how much he was detested, made haste to dispatch a dromedary courier to Abdollah-qhan, as we have already said, and getting into his paleki, he was hastening to his own quarters. But he was soon stopped by some Moghuls as well as by crowds of mob, who, incensed this long while at his violent behaviour and at his oppressions, flew at him, and having torn him from his paleki, they gave him a severe beating, and dragged him stark naked to Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s quarters, who immediately ordered him some clothes, but sent him into confine­ment with a chain at his feet. Raï-seromendass, agent-general to Abdollah-qhan, was more lucky. Observing how matters went, he shaved his beard and whiskers, changed his apparel, and whilst his baggage was pillaging, he went like a thief into his own tent took some jewels, and retired successively to the quarters of some trusty friends, who successively found means to conceal him. At last he made his escape good to Abdollah-qhan, his master. But Mir-aaly-qhan did not meet with so much good luck. He was a servant attached this long while to Hossëin-aaly-qhan, who set so much value upon his services, that he had raised him to some offices equally lucrative and honourable, such as that of Dagh-tessuya;* and he in acknowledgment for those favours had now approved himself a worthy brave companion of Ghaïret-qhan’s. He was now plundered as well as others, and sent into confinement, after having been respected for three days together by that same populace, that had proved so licentious with others. Mir-mushreff who had cut so conspicuous a figure, when Hossëin-aaly-qhan was murdered, was now offered offices, and even money. But he thought it incumbent upon him to decline both, and he retired to his house, where he lived for a long while unthought of and in obscurity; when the Emperor, of his own motion, sent for him and took him in his own service.

As to the three corpses of Hossëin-aaly-qhan, N8r-eddin-aaly-qhan, and Ghaïret-qhan, they were wrapped up in cloth of gold by Mahmed-aamin-qhan’s order, and decently put into coffins, that nobleman intending thereby to screen himself from the reproaches of the public. He even went to the place where they lay in state, made his devotions at the foot of them, performed the usual rites, and said aloud: Here lies three valorous Lions asleep. After this he ordered the three coffins to be taken up and carried to the family monument at Adjmir, where lies buried the great Abdollah-qhan, alias Mïa-qhan, the founder of that family. Doubtless, the intention of the gold cloth and other costly ornaments was to excite by the way the cupidity of the banditti and highwaymen, who by plundering the whole, and committing a variety of indecencies, might render the procession ridiculous; but if such was his idea, he was disappointed. Wherever the coffins were descried from afar, people of all ranks would flock to them, and out of a respectful regard, would accompany them a great way; and it was with such a cortege they arrived at Adjmir, where they were deposed in the family monument.

“The world, O my son, is no permanent property:

Never expect that it can abide for ever in the same place.

Have you not seen the morning and evening of all Soleïman’s power (on whom be peace!)*

And has not his Empire gone to wreck as well as so many others?

Did you not see that he went to wreck himself at last?

Happy! that he could carry with him the merits of his wisdom and justice!”

Thanks be to God Almighty, that these two qualifications have confessedly shined in Hossëin-aaly-qhan’s character; and it appears from authentic memoirs and unquestionable testimonies that what befell Feroh-syur and some others of his enemies, was of his and their own seeking, and had never taken place but in his own defence. And, indeed, where is the man that would not strive for the conservation of his life and honour? It is unheard of to this day that any man of the world should have ever parted with either, whilst he had power to defend them. It may even be said that few men have been found of a standard so free from alloy, as to have laid down their lives and honour in the cause of God and of his Messenger, although a total dereliction of either or of both is in such a mighty case, of divine obligation, and never fails to produce in the other world the highest degree of happiness and glory. Whereas the like dereliction in the cause of our own species, is far from producing such a glorious return. And how shall it be believed that it can whilst the many important services rendered Feroh-syur by these two brothers at the expense of so much blood and property, were no better rewarded than by his perpetually endeavouring to make them fall a sacri­fice to such vile reprobate men as an Emir-djemlah and an Yticad-qhan —the most contemptible and most profligate wretches that ever disgraced a Court.

The victor’s lenity was never so conspicuous as in his con­descendence towards those persons attached to the Sëids. Assed-ollah-qhan, The Emper­or’s lenity to the vanquished. better known under the name of Navvab Evliah, a son to Hossëin-ally-qhan’s aunt, having lost all his effects in this general confusion, as well as his credit and influence, obtained leave to quit the Court, and he went in pilgrimage to the house of God in the glorious Mecca. Gholam-aaly-qhan, who had the merit of having been one of those that went to fetch the young Emperor from Selimgur-castle, and on that account had been spared both in his honour and property, no sooner saw himself at full liberty, than he made his escape to Abdollah-qhan. Nusret-yar-qhan, one of the principal Sëids of Barr, who although much dissatisfied with Abdollah-qhan, had had the generosity to march to his brother’s assistance at the head of his body of horse, and was already at three cosses distance, finding on his arrival that all was over, applied to Qhandö8ran with whom he had an inter­course of friendship and civilities; and he was sent for by that nobleman who presented him to the Emperor. On his paying his obeisance, he was raised to the grade of five thousand horse, with an addition of two thousand more, to his command. This favour seemed to serve as a signal for bringing forwards a variety of promotion. Mahmed-aamin-qhan, who enjoyed already the grade of eight thousand horse, was complimented with the effectual command of so many troopers at two horses each, presented with a donative of two corors and-a-half of Dams,* and decorated with the dignity of Supreme Minister, under the title and style of Vezir-el-memalic, Zaafer-djung.* The office of Paymaster-General was given to Qhandö8ran, together with the grade of eight thousand horse, and the title of Emir-ul-umera, that is, Prince of Princes. Camer-eddin-khan, son to the actual Vezir, was invested with the second Paymastership, and the superin­tendence of the Bathing-place, which implies the private apart­ments. He was also complimented with some other offices, and promoted to the command of five thousand horse, with the grade of seven. Haïder-c8ly-qhan, who had cut so conspicuous a figure, was promoted to the same grade, with the effectual command of six thousand troopers at one and two horses each; and he received besides the title of Nasser-djung, that is, Succourer in battles. Saadet-qhan was promoted to the grade and command of five thousand horse, and complimented with the title of Bahadyr or Valiant, and with a nagarah or a large kettle-drum of command. Zaafer-qhan had also a share in the Imperial favour. In one word, no one of the Emperor’s friends, ancient or recent, were forgotten, and every one was rewarded in offices, dignities, and employ­ments, as his merits pointed out, or as he had interest at Court.

Abdollah-qhan had advanced about forty cosses, and he was already at two short journeys from the capital, when he received that note which Ratan-chund had hurried away on the very first tumult—that mournful note which darkened the light of the day for him, blinded his eye-balls, and rendered his existence a burthen. With eyes brimful with tears, and a mountain-load of grief on his breast, he thought it unsafe to stop, and was for marching on to the capital. Some of his friends objected to this notion, and were of opinion that, as the Emperor was not yet joined by the troops of the provinces, and had not had time to practise upon the inclinations of many thousands of old soldiers attached to his late brother, it was expedient to return to Ecber-abad, and to fall at once upon the Emperor, before he should find leisure to fortify his party. This advice did not please Abdollah-qhan, who observed: “That there was no success to be expected by attacking with dispirited, diminished troops, on a Prince firmly seated upon the throne, and surrounded by an infinity of Lords and Generals closely linked together. That for his part, he firmly believed that in such a case the match would prove too unequal, and quite inauspicious, unless he shewed to his party a Prince of Aoreng-zib’s blood, whose person might attract the eyes of the multitude, and conciliate the hearts of so many Lords of the old court, who were now living in the capital, and who by form­ing a court to the new Prince might afford him time to assemble troops and artillery.” This advice of the Vezir’s having been approved, he continued his journey to the capital. But matters were already much altered in that territory.