The deplorable death of Seradj-ed-döulah, by transferring the sovereignty to another family, had not put an end to the troubles of the country. Mir-djaafer-qhan, who had been his General and kinsman, now became his successor, and was every­where acknowledged with an unanimity which doubtless had something very surprising for him as much as for others. One of his first cares was to write to Radja Ram-nárain, Governor-General of Azim-abad. The letter contained an invitation to sub­mit to the revolution that had taken place; and it was therefore filled with many promises and many kindnesses. This letter pro­duced all the effect expected from it. The Gentoo at a loss how to act on so sudden an intimation, thought it best for his own interest to acquiesce for the present. In a few days he received an order to set at liberty Mirza-gholam-aaly-beg, son to Doctor Hekim-beg, and to send him with honour to Court. The poor man, who had been dragged back from Arvel, by Seradj-ed-döulah’s order, and expected nothing but what was sinister, from Court, was very much surprised at a polite letter the Radja wrote him on the occasion; and he set out immediately for M8rsh8d-abad. As his humour and character were much akin to that of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s, he was received with affection, and treated with so much distinction and regard, that he came soon to eclipse all the courtiers and favourites. But meanwhile, the news of such a revolution had flown to Banaress, where it soon became public that Mir-djaafer-qhan had been transported half asleep, from his bed-chamber to a throne; and that he already enjoyed the Sovereignty in full. Such a piece of intelligence could not fail to cheer up the spirits of our family, which was then in that city. As we had been exiled by Seradj-ed-döulah’s order from his dominions, and we had left behind houses, possessions, and a Djaghir, or landed estate, such a revolution seemed to us a favourable opportunity for our returning to a city that had become our home, and to which we were attached by a variety of ties. But ambition seemed likewise to have a share in our eager­ness. We had been at all times, and from our very childhood, intimately acquainted with the new Sovereign, as well as connected with his family; he had at all times shewn the sincerest attachment, and the most respectful regard for my illustrious father; insomuch, that whenever he had any occasion to take a journey to M8rsh8d-abad, it was always he that paid me the first visit; nor was it returned but several days after, when I had seen my house cleared of the crowds of visitors; nor did his son, Miren, behave less respectfully. This young nobleman, out of regard, doubtless, to some years which I had more than him, made it a point to abstain from smoking his hocca* in my presence. As to the father, he had such a predilection for my younger brother, Naky-aaly-qhan, that he seemed to be his com­panion, and the partner of all his pleasures. Nor was it easy to conceive a stricter union than that which seemed to subsist between these two bosom friends. No wonder then, if on the first intelligence of so mighty a revolution, my brother should have conceived that all this power, and all this sudden flow of wealth, were articles in which he could claim a share; and he reckoned, that the least object he could now aspire to, would be The author’s family and brothers greatly dis­appointed. the office of Deputy-Governor of Azim-abad. Full of these high-flown notions, he wrote the new Sovereign a respectful letter of congratulation; and taking his father, brother, family, servants, dependants, and effects, with him, he made haste to embark for Azim-abad, sensible that now was the time to reap the benefit of his late connections. But I, who knew that his late friend was now a high-seated Sovereign, that touched the firmament with his forehead; who felt the comparative inferiority of my station and rank; and who was thoroughly apprised of Mir-djaafer-qhan’s character (a man incapable to remember of past obligations, or to mind rights of old date); and who was abundantly sensible that his garden would never afford a flower of good smell; I, who knew the man completely, was far from being so sanguine; and I thought it more prudent to tarry some time more at Banaress, and to act with more propriety and cir­cumspection. My shyness was disapproved; and my younger brother soon found himself landed at Azim-abad. But this arrival having been notified to the new Prince by the Governor of the province, the latter soon received a letter, full of repri­mands and bitter reproaches for what was styled the Governor’s supineness, and it conveyed a peremptory order to send back to Banaress the new arrived folks, without delay, and without fail. This letter opened Naky-aaly qhan’s eyes; then indeed he repented of his hastiness. Luckily for him that Mir-cazem-qhan, elder brother to the new Prince, was these many years in Ram-naráin’s service, both as Paymaster and Commander of his troops. He was a plain man, with very little brilliancy in his character; but who, however, (and justice is due to every one) seemed very valuable on other accounts, being a good-natured man. My younger brother, who thought this man’s acquaintance of some resource, paid him a visit, in which he informed him that he had just received, by a chopdar, or mace-bearer, of Ram-naráin’s, an absolute order from the Prince to return forthwith to Banaress. This intimation affected the good-natured man; and it produced the following message to the Radja-Governor: Sir, I inform you, that these noblemen are my friends; and that I consent to share their destiny, whatever be their chance. If, therefore, you turn them out of Azim-abad, you must think of turning me out of it too. Ram-naráin returned a respectful answer; in which “he excused what he had done, on the plea of necessity; and added, that he also had the honour to be an acquaintance and a friend of those noblemen, and would have never sent so bitter a message, had he not received an express order from Court.” This answer having not satisfied the good-natured man, he backed his request by a note, in these words: Sir, my brother knows not what he is about. I take the matter upon me. Pray do not give yourself any further trouble on that head. The Radja did not reply; but the good-natured man, in the effusions of a feeling heart, took pen immediately, and wrote to his brother whatever came uppermost in his mind; so that the Prince finding himself reprimanded by his elder brother, desisted from his pursuit. It was just at this conjuncture I chanced to arrive at Azim-abad, but it was to give some umbrage to my younger brother, who became fearful lest the Prince’s ill will, and the Governor’s injunction, might be renewed on my occasion. Find­ing how uneasy he was, I desired him to give himself no trouble on that head, as I would, myself, give the Governor notice of my arrival; adding, that if I received his leave, I would stay; else, that I would instantly return. After saying these few words, I wrote a short note to Ram-naráin. This was immediately answered by a polite letter, in which he not only gave me leave to remain, but expressed a desire to see me. I, therefore, paid him a visit, and this was followed by some others, but at great inter­vals; making it a point to live retired with my mother and my brothers. And things went on smoothly enough, until a report spread, that Mir-djaafer-qhan had quitted his capital, and shortly would be at Azim-abad. This journey, or expedition of his, was on account of the umbrage he had taken at the revolution that had lately taken place at P8rania; where one Hazyr-aaly-qhan, who from a slave-boy to Sáyd-ahmed-qhan, had become a man in favour with his master, and a Superintendent of his hall of audi­ence, was now availing himself of the influence which he had in the country, to seize the government of it. This man, in con­federacy with Achel-sing, who had been Divan to young Sháocat-djung, had laid his hands upon the son of Mohon-lal, whom he confined; and he had set up his ownself for lord of the province. Mir-djaafer-qhan, therefore, was coming, both to quell that insurrection, and to take possession of Azim-abad.

It must be observed that although the new Sovereign had been opposed nowhere, it was rather through incertitude how to act, than out of any affection to his person, or any opinion of his talents; so that every one had thoughts of availing himself of such a time of trouble. Ram-naráin, who in his heart was strongly attached to Aaly-verdy-qhan’s family, had already wrote to the zemindars of his province, and namely, to Radja Sunder-sing, and Radja Pahluvan-sing, the most powerful amongst them, to exhort them to join with him in a common effort, calculated to revenge the death of their master’s son. But he received no favourable answer from anywhere; and he soon found that his situation, by becoming critical, required a deal of dissimula­tion, and some apparent compliance with the revolution; for by this time, strong suspicions had arisen in his mind, nor were they totally groundless. One day as he was amusing himself with viewing a seat and garden he had raised, he was informed that Mir-cazem-qhan, who was indeed the Commander of his troops, but who was also elder brother to Mir-djaafer, had suddenly made his appearance at the gate with a great throng of friends and attendants. The Governor, surprised at the suddenness of the intrusion, retired to another set of secret apartments that had a communication with his garden; from thence he sent to complain of the abruptness of so unexpected a visit, and also to excuse his not seeing him at present. A couple of hours after he retired to his palace, which was in the citadel; where he made several observations on a visit that afforded such a handle to suspicions, both on the visitor’s account and on that of his brother. The latter, informed of a miscarriage that might bring disagreeable consequences, sent him two envoys, who had orders to pacify his mind, by every means in their power. The first of these was Mir-sheriff-din, an ancient officer, who after having successively served the three preceding Viceroys, was now a friend of the new Prince. The second was Govinda-mul, an agent and friend of Djagat-seat’s. The envoys spared no pains in persuading the Governor to remain quiet during the troubles at P8rania; for by this time Hazyr-aaly-qhan supported by Achel-sing, had taken possession of the capital, confined Mohon-lal, who was Deputy-Governor on the part of Seradj-ed-döulah, and seized the money he had under his guard. But Achel-sing, in fact, was at the bottom of all the contrivance; his credit in the province knew no bounds, having been for a length of time strictly connected with Government as lessee of the Districts of Tadj-p8r, Serip8r, Gundvara, and Carangola, in Strange revolution at P8rania. which station he had acquired both riches and a character. The farmers of the revenue, as well as all the military Commanders, had connections with him so early as the first year of Sáyd-ahmed-qhan’s administration; and the same may be said equally of Hazyr-aaly. Both passed for men of consequence, and people had contracted an attachment to their persons. And, as on the other hand, the inhabitants of P8rania are exactly the counter part of those of Bengal; those tame, cowardly wretches, at all times so crouching and so ready to submit to any one that offers; no one will wonder at Hazyr-aaly’s having brought into his views both the troops and inhabitants. But he forgot himself not a little in confining the Deputy, Mohon-lal. It was after that per­formance, that he marched up to the Mesned of command and independence, and very unconcernedly took his seat in it. That day he appointed Achel-sing, for his Divan or Prime Minister, declaring publicly, from thence, that he was the person on whom he had conferred the management of the finances. However, it may be said with truth that he was himself no better than a pageant, and that he acted entirely under the other’s guidance. Such an intelligence could not but confound the Prince; who under pretence of a journey to Azim-abad, was really marching against Ram-naráin. Fain he was to divide his attention betwixt two objects become equally important; and in the month of Sefur, 1171, just five months after having acquired the precarious sovereignty of Bengal, he quitted his capital, and encamped in the plain, leaving his worthy son, Miren, to command in his stead as his Deputy. Unfortunately, on the very first days of his march, he chanced in one of his sober moments, to remember Mirza-mehdy, younger brother to Seradj-ed-döulah, a youthful Prince, who had been early decorated with all his father’s titles, but who was now under a severe confinement. Straight he sent an order for his being put to death instantly. The report ran then, Mirza-mehdy, younger brother of Seradj-ed-döulah,
barbarously murdered. and it was generally believed, that the unfortuuate, innocent, youth had been forced between two of those wooden frames, called taqhtas, where they conserve shawls and other precious goods; and that the ropes having been strained hard at one and the same time, he had been squeezed to death; and it is from that kind of rack, that his guiltless soul took its flight towards the regions of unalterable innocence and eternal repose. It is true that some persons said, that he had been made away with by a strong dose of poison; but some others, even after having admitted the kind of death we have mentioned, assign for cause, the dissensions that had early risen between the two confederates, Mir-djaafer-qhan, and Radja D8l8b-ram. These dissensions had risen to such a height, that those two men, once such fast friends, could not bear an intercourse, and had already conceived a mortal dislike to each other. Now it must be remembered that D8l8b-ram had been an eminent Minister, son to a man of consequence, had enjoyed the highest favour of Aaly-verdy-qhan, his master, and was in possession of important offices, and in full possession of a fringed Paleki, a kettle-drum, and other honourific insignia, at a time, when Mir-djaafer-qhan, actually convicted of malver­sation and infamous management in his then office of Paymaster-General, was obliged to look out for a shelter, under the Minister’s wings. A service of that consequence deserved, in the Gentoo’s opinion, very high acknowledgments; for it was acknowledged as such, by all the officers, and all the soldiers of the army. No wonder then that he should now prove too high-minded, to bear Mir-djaafer-qhan’s assumed superiority, and too incensed, to submit to his sway; so that his discontent and indignation had prompted him to take measures for releasing Mirza-mehdy, whose person was to be sent him secretly by some men that had it in custody, and whom he had gained underhand. Be it as it may, Mir—djaafer, who somehow had suspected the probability of such a management, and who was thoroughly sensible of all that could be performed by a man; who to his immense personal property joined an unbounded influence over the hearts of all the troops; resolved to be beforehand with him, and he without hesitation, dispatched an order for murdering that youth, whose innocence and beauty drew tears from every eye. This order had been entrusted to Miren, that virtuous son of his, who after having signalised himself anew, by shedding so much innocent blood, and laid up thereby, as he thought, an abundant stock of ease of mind, for his own occasions, now abandoned himself to all kinds of excesses; and as he imagined that with the title of Shahamet-djung, which he had so much longed for, and had now assumed he had likewise inherited all the other qualifications of the late Nevasish-mahmed-qhan, who had always borne it, he modelled his household accordingly, took in his service all the officers and servants that had belonged to that much regret­ted nobleman, and therefore appointed Hadjee Mehdy, for his Superintendent of the hall of audience, and Radja B8ll8b, a Bengalee of Djehan-ghir-nugur-dacca, for his Prime Minister.