On these accounts, not a few of my Begs and best men began to lose heart, objected to remaining in Hindustān, and even began to make preparations for their return. If the older Begs, who were men of experience, had made these representations, there would have been no harm in it; for, if such men had communicated their sentiments to me, I might have got credit for possessing at least so much sense and judgment as, after hearing what they had to urge, to be qualified to decide on the expediency or inexpediency of their opinions; to distinguish the good from the evil. But what sense or propriety was there in eternally repeating the same tale in different words, to one who himself saw the facts with his own eyes, and had formed a cool and fixed resolution in regard to the business in which he was engaged? What propriety was there in the whole army, down to the very dregs, giving their stupid and unformed opinions? It is singular, that, when I set out from Kābul this last time, I had raised many of low rank to the dignity of Beg, in the expectation, that if I had chosen to go through fire and water, they would have followed me back and forward without hesitation; and that they would have accompanied me cheerfully, march where I would. It never surely entered my imagination that they were to be the persons who were to arraign my measures, nor that, before rising from the council, they should show a determined opposition to every plan and opinion which I proposed and supported in the council and assembly. Though they behaved ill, yet Ahmedi Perwānchi and Wali Khāzin behaved still worse. From the time we left Kābul, till we had defeated Ibrahīm and taken Agra, Khwājeh Kalān had behaved admirably, and had always spoken gallantly, giving such opinions as befitted a brave man; but a few days after the taking of Agra, all his opinions underwent a complete change. Khwājeh Kalān was now, of all others, the most determined on turning back.
Bābur I no sooner heard this murmuring among my troops
than I summoned all my Begs to a council. I told them
that empire and conquest could not be acquired without the
materials and means of war: that royalty and nobility
could not exist without subjects and dependent provinces:
that, by the labours of many years, after undergoing
great hardships, measuring many a toilsome journey, and
raising various armies*;
after exposing myself and my
troops to circumstances of great danger, to battle and bloodshed,
by the divine favour, I had routed my formidable
enemy, and achieved the conquest of the numerous provinces
and kingdoms which we at present held: ‘And now, what
force compels, and what hardship obliges us, without any
visible cause, after having worn out our life in accomplishing
the desired achievement, to abandon and fly from our conquests,
and to retreat back to Kābul with every symptom of
disappointment and discomfiture*?
Let not any one who
calls himself my friend ever henceforward make such a
proposal. But if there is any among you who cannot bring
himself to stay, or to give up his purpose of returning back,
let him depart.’ Having made them this fair and reasonable
proposal, the discontented were of necessity compelled,
however unwillingly, to renounce their seditious purposes.
Khwājeh Kalān not being disposed to remain, it was
arranged, that as he had a numerous retinue, he should
return back to guard the presents; I had but few troops
in Kābul and Ghazni, and he was directed to see that these
places were all kept in proper order, and amply supplied
with the necessary stores. I bestowed on him Ghazni,
Gerdēz, and the Sultan Masaūdi Hazāras; I also gave him
the perganna of Kehrām*
in Hindustān, yielding a revenue
of three or four laks.*
Khwājeh Mīr Mirān was likewise
directed to proceed to Kābul. The presents were entrusted
to his charge, and put into the immediate custody of Mulla
Khwājeh
Kalān’s
verses.
Hassan Sarāf*
and Nouker Hindū. Khwājeh Kalān, who
was heartily tired of Hindustān, at the time of going, wrote
the following verses on the walls of some houses*
in
Delhi:
| (Tūrki)— | If I pass the Sind safe and sound, May shame take me if I ever again wish for Hind. |
When I still continued in Hindustān, there was an evident impropriety in his composing and publishing such vituperative* verses. If I had previously cause to be offended at his leaving me, this conduct* of his doubled the offence. I composed a few extempore lines, which I wrote down and sent him.
Bābur’s| (Tūrki)— | Return a hundred thanks, O Bābur! for the bounty of the merciful God Has given you Sind, Hind, and numerous kingdoms; If unable to stand the heat, you long for cold, You have only to recollect the frost and cold of Ghazni. |
At this period I sent to Koel, Mulla Apāk, who had
formerly been in a very low station, but who, two or three
years before, having gathered together his brethren and
a considerable body of other followers, had received the
command of the Urukzais*
and of several Afghan tribes on
the banks of the Sind. I sent by him firmāns containing
assurances of safety and protection, to the bowmen and
Bābur
joined by
some Doāb
men.
soldiers about Koel. Sheikh Gūren, availing himself of these
assurances, came voluntarily and entered into my service.*
He brought with him two or three thousand bowmen from
the Doāb, who all joined my army.
The sons and clansmen* of Ālim Khan Fermūli fell in with Yunis Ali, between Delhi and Agra, at a time when he had mistaken the road and separated from Humāiūn; but, after a short engagement, were defeated, and the sons of Ālim Khan made prisoners, and brought to the camp. At this juncture,* I dispatched Mirza Moghul, the son of Doulet Kadem the Turk, accompanied by one of the sons of Ālim Khan, who had been taken prisoner, with firmāns containing assurances of protection and honour, to Ālim Khan, who, during these commotions, had gone to Mewāt. That nobleman returned back in his company. I received Ālim Khan with distinction and kindness, and bestowed on him* one of the most desirable pergannas, worth twenty-five laks.*
By Firūz Sultan Ibrahīm had sent Mustafa Fermūli and Firūz Khan
Sārangkhāni, with several other Amīrs, against the rebellious
lords of the Pūrab (East). Mustafa had some well-fought
and desperate actions with the rebels, and had given them
several severe defeats. He had died, however, before the
defeat of Ibrahīm, and Sheikh Bayezīd, his younger brother,
had assumed the command in his room, while Ibrahīm was
yet on the throne.*
Firūz Khan, Sheikh Bayezīd, Mahmūd
Khan Lohāni, and Kazi Jia, now entered my service. I
bestowed on them honours and rewards beyond their expectations.
To Firūz Khan I gave a grant of upwards of a kror
out of Jaunpūr; on Sheikh Bayezīd one of a kror from Oudh;
on Mahmūd Khan, nine laks and thirty-five thousand dāms
Bābur
distributes
rewards to
his officers.
out of Ghāzipūr,*
and on Kazi Jia twenty laks*
from Jaunpūr.
A few days after the Īd,* or festival of Shawāl, we had a great feast in the grand hall, which is adorned with the peristyle of stone pillars, under the dome in the centre of Sultan Ibrahīm’s private palace.* On that occasion I presented Humāiūn with a chārkob,* a sword with the belt, and a Tipchāk horse with a gold saddle. To Chīn Taimūr Sultan, to Mehdi Khwājeh, and Muhammed Sultan Mirza, I gave a charkob, a sword with the belt, and a dagger.* To the other Begs and officers I gave, according to their circumstances, a sword with a belt, a dagger, and dresses of honour; so that on the whole there were given one Tipchāk horse with the saddle, two pairs of swords* with the belts, twenty-five sets of enamelled* daggers, sixteen enamelled* kitārehs, two daggers* (jamdher) set with precious stones,* four pair* of chārkobs, and twenty-eight vests of purple.* On the day of the feast there was a great deal of rain; it rained thirteen times. Many of those who were seated on the outside were completely drenched.