This strange attack intimidated to a high degree both Seradj-ed-döulah, and his disorderly, timorous army, which was in such a dismay and confusion, as to anticipate all the horrors of the Day of Judgment. Henceforward it became dangerous to remain encamped close to an enemy, so daring, and so alert; and he resolved to carry his camp farther; but first of all, he sent for Mahmed-iredj-qhan, his father-in-law, as well as for the principal Grandees of his Court, and the chief Commanders of his army; and having assembled them in his tent, he asked them what was now to be done, and where he must encamp? The assembly, on observing his fright and panic, advised him to encamp at a good distance, and to listen to proposals of peace. But by this time the English, fully sensible of his pusillanimity, and thoroughly acquainted with the intrigues in his Court, had altered their tone of voice; and they talked of his making good the whole amount of what had been plundered by himself or by his army at the sack of Calcutta, an amount that rose to an immense sum. At last, after many interviews, and much negotiation, and many schemes about war and peace, it was agreed on both sides, that Seradj-ed-döulah should make good in ready money the amount of the loss under­gone by the Company; and that as a security for the other losses, he should deliver into the hands of the English six Perganahs or Districts in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, with the product of which they were to indemnify themselves fully; after which the Districts in question were to revert to the Navvab’s officers. Mr. Watch was the person employed in these negotiations, and in the conclusion of the treaty, where he acquired the good will of both parties, and was applauded by both sides. This man had been taken prisoner at Cassim-bazar, but had recovered his liberty on Seradj-ed-döulah’s defeat. The mutual bonds and obligations being exchanged, that Prince decamped from the neighbourhood of Calcutta, and returned to M8rsh8d-abad. There on revolving in his palace of Mansour-gunj upon the catastrophe he had met with, he was confounded with wonder at a reverse of fortune of which he never had so much as conceived an idea; and he was at a loss what party to take. He now remembered some matters that had passed, and some actions of his now recurred to his mind. He now commenced feeling remorses, and he became sensible that there was such a being as an avenging God. His Generals and friends now commenced to desert his Court; and Dost-mahmed-qhan, one of his bravest and most zealous Commanders, obtained leave to retire, in order to get cured of his wounds; so that he availed himself of that permission to go to Sarsaram, as a place of safety, where he might lodge his family and children. Mir-djaafer-qhan himself ceased to go to Court, and he lived retired in his own quarters. As that General, as well as Radja Dollub-ram were at the head of the army, and they seemed of late to have become a different sort of men from what they had been, Seradj-ed-döulah concluded that they must be at the head of the malcontents, and the very persons that blew the fire of dissension. Of course that they deserved an exemplary punishment; but he had not the courage necessary for such a vigorous action. He remembered moreover that he had such an enemy as the English at his elbow; and on the other hand, his innate pride and vanity, as well as his natural perverseness and ignorance, did not allow his making up matters with those two Commanders, by such a conduct as might recover their hearts. Nor did he feel in himself vigour enough to seize their persons by open force, and to exile them from the regions of life and existence; nor was there any one amongst those new Ministers, favourites, and Generals of his, (every one of whom was as incapable and as thoughtless as himself) that had courage enough to acknowledge his own unfitness for such important concerns, and to advise his master to alter his system of conduct; and instead of consuming himself with cares, anxieties, and bodily labour, to call together the ancient Ministers and Generals formed by Aaly-verdy-qhan, to gain their hearts by a condescending behaviour, and to entrust them with the management of his affairs. His new favourites ought in such a distressed state of his affairs, to have laid down their own pretensions, and exhorted him to call to his assistance all the abilities and talents of his kingdom. They ought to have said with a common voice: “My Lord, to complete our wishes, and to fill the measure of our ambition, is an easy matter. Whenever you are yourself power­ful, and honoured, some beams of your own glory shall surely be reflected on our own persons; but now think only of putting at the head of your affairs those old Generals and Ministers that have already a character.” This was the language which they ought to have held, and which no one would hold. But his own thoughts were so uncertain as yet, and so fluctuating was his behaviour, that after having been for some time intent on schemes of reconciliation, he was at once so overcome by his anger and resentment, as to order cannon to be planted against Mir-djaafer-qhan’s house. Radja D8ll8b-ram was no less dis­satisfied, and difficult to manage; he would not hear of submitting to Mohon-lal’s superiority. And on the other hand, Djaagat-seat, the principal citizen of the capital, whom he had often used with slight and derision, and whom he had mortally affronted, by sometimes threatening him with circumcision, was in his heart totally alienated and lost.

Just at this crisis the flames of war broke out between the French and the English: two nations that had disputes amongst themselves of five or six hundred years standing; and which after proceeding to bloodshed, wars, battles, and massacres, for a number of years, would lay down their arms by common agree­ment, and take breath on both sides, in order to come to blows again, and to fight with as much fury as ever. The French were everywhere beaten in Decan; and Admiral-dilir-djung-bahadyr* came down with his ships to attack Farash-danga, which is two or three cosses from H8gly, and close to Chichira, an Hollandish settlement and town. He was incited to this enter­prise by M8sher-terno*, who forgetting what he owed to his own nation, pointed out to him a particular passage, which the French had left open in the Bagrati, for their own ships to pass, in case of need; for they had spoiled the whole breadth of the river by sinking a number of vessels. The Admiral-dilir-djung, under such a guide, advanced up with his ships of war, and took by force the French fortress. The French were vanquished, and they lost likewise the factory they had at the Cassima-bazar. In this extremity, M8sher Lass (Monsieur Law), who was a Commander of character amongst them, assembled the few remains of his nation; and with these, and some cannon, and some musqueteers which he had disciplined, he marched to M8rsh8d-abad, where he took service with Seradj-ed-döulah. The English being informed of this, were provoked; and whether by the instigation of the discontented Grandees, now become their confederates, or of their own motion, they represented to him by the means of their agent, that it was proper and convenient that the enemies and friends of the English should be deemed the enemies and friends of Seradj-ed-döulah, in the same manner as his enemies and friends were reputed the enemies and friends of the Enghish; they insisted that it was obligatory on both sides, as being a special article in the late treaty. “Now, added they, as we have beaten the French, and driven them away; and that Prince has taken them under his protection, and he intends to keep them in his service; such a conduct, being contrary to agreement, may occasion a breach in the treaty, and give birth again to troubles and dissensions.” These representations of the English agent were supported by malcontents that wished Seradj-ed-döulah’s downfall. They contended, “that to fall out with the English, for such a parcel of runaways, was very improper; and that he had better dismiss those strangers.” Seradj-ed-döulah, upon those representations, sent for M8sher Lass, and had a long con­ference with him. “The latter observed that should that Prince choose to give his protection to the affairs of the French Com­pany, for the sake of the French refugees, such a proceeding might be reputed an infraction of this treaty; but that to enter­tain a few fugitives amongst the many thousands of other nations in his service, could never be deemed a breach of the articles.” This answer pleased Seradj-ed-döulah, and he gave it to the English agents; but these, supported and instigated by his numerous enemies, repeated their former pretension, and made great instances. Those enemies of his were equally artful and numerous; and under the cloak of zeal and attachment, they were perpetually urging in his ears, “that to fall out with such foes as the English, for the sake of an handful of wretched fugitives, was not a prudent proceeding; but rather such as might be productive of evil and repentance.” Seradj-ed-döulah, overcome by these repeated instances, advised M8sher Lass to repair to Azim-abad; and he spoke much in order to bring him to his opinion. Lass, on his departure, told the Navvab, that “most of his servants, Ministers, and Generals, either were dis­affected Answer of M8sher-Lass the French Commander, and his pre­diction. to his person, or had already entered into a correspondence with the English; and that it was out of disaffection to his person they were so desirous of seeing the French at a distance. That those same men after the departure of the French, would embroil him with the English, and thereby would find opportunities to advance their own affairs, and to ruin those of their master’s; but that so long as he, with his handful of French, would be in his service, no one would dare to lay his hands upon Seradj-ed-döulah, and none would serve him so well in a day of battle. That after giving him that piece of advice, he would leave him to his own choice in taking what resolution he might please.” This speech made an impression on Seradj-ed-döulah; but as he did not dare to keep him in his service, for fear of offending the English, he told him that at present it was fit that he should depart; and that if there should happen any thing new, he would send for him again. “Send for me again?” answered Lass. “Rest assured, my Lord Navvab,” added he, “that this is the last time we shall see each other. Remember my words. We shall never meet again; it is nearly impossible.” After saying these few words, he departed for Azim-abad; and this departure seemed to serve as a signal for the parties to exert themselves. For now the dissensions between Seradj-ed-döulah and his two principal Generals rose to so great a height, that these two Commanders confederated with the Djagat-seats, and the other disaffected Grandees; and all these joined together in the scheme of over­setting Seradj-ed-döulah, whose character of ferocity and thought­lessness kept them in continual alarms, and whose fickleness of temper made them tremble. It was in those conjunctures that an ancient enemy of his appeared again upon the stage of the world. This was Bibi Gahassity-begum, a Princess that had a rooted aversion to him, and whose heart was ulcerated by his having turned her out of her property and home. She now leagued herself secretly with Mir-djaafer-qhan, and gave him much assistance, by making interest in his behalf with every one whom she thought to have conserved some attachment to her concerns. “To these she presented, by the means of trusty advocates, a long list of the wrongs she had endured. To these she sent secret messages, to claim at their hands all the rights which Aaly-verdy-qhan’s daughter, and Nevazish-mahmed-qhan’s consort, must have acquired over their gratitude. She recalled to their minds all the favours they had received from her family, recapitulated the violences she had suffered, and exhorted them to join Mir-djaafer-qhan and Radja D8ll8b-ram.” And as in the moment that preceded the capture of Moti-djill, she had contrived to secret some gold, by the means of some trusty old women and eunuchs, she now took care to distribute it adroitly; and she even sent some to Mir-djaafer-qhan. This General on his side distributed his money wherever he thought it would be effectual; and he exerted himself so well in taking in his pay every disbanded soldier, and every hungry adventurer he heard of, that he soon assembled secretly in his house and in his quarter a very respectable force. Affairs being now come to that point; and every one of the Grandees tending to one common centre in view, which was to remove Seradj-ed-döulah; every one pointed his efforts that way; every one, firmly persuaded that the concurrence of the English was a necessary piece to the completion of his wishes, was exhorting them to break with that Prince. Djagat-seat was one of the foremost of them, and he had also the best opportunities. By the means of his mercantile agent, Emin-chund, one of the principal bankers of Calcutta, he was perpetually exciting the English to a rupture. Radja D8l8b-ram likewise had his agent there on the same errand; and Mir-djaafer-qhan sent thither his friend and confidant, that same Mirza-emir-beg, whom we have already mentioned as a generous man, who had carried untouched to the English fugitives some ladies of theirs: an action by which he had ingratiated himself in their minds. By his means he represented to the English “the wrongs he had suffered, the injuries offered to all the Grandees, and the resolution they had unanimously taken to rid themselves of Seradj-ed-döulah.” His agent went so far as to shew the very paper, signed by all the malcontents, by which they promised to stand by him against Seradj-ed-döulah. He then added these words: “Do you, Gentlemen, but put yourselves in motion, and come to some skirmish with Seradj-ed-döulah; and we engage, after that, to do his business amongst ourselves effectually. By a small motion of yours, you shall put it in our power to rid ourselves and the world of the oppressions and violences of the tyrant.” After such a confi­dence, he promised to pay them three corors of rupees for their interference, and engaged his master’s faith for some other con­cessions which were stipulated, but of which I have no particular information. These conditions were sworn to, and bankers engaged themselves as sureties for the money. This promise was followed by a list of the injuries and oppressions that had been offered to Biby-gahassity, and to the others. These instiga­tions could not but make their effect upon the English. This nation, which has not its equal in prowess, and courage, and strength of mind, but which is as covetous as any other; (and indeed where is the man, who in the pride of conscious power and victory, has not an avidity for conquests, especially if the means be ready, and already provided at his hand?) the English, I say, on being informed of the state of things at M8rsh8d-abad, held a great council, the result of which was “that the proposals and offers of Mir-djaafer-qhan and Radja D8l8b-ram ought to be accepted, and that preparations ought immediately to be made for declaring war.” But as it is not customary with this nation, nor indeed with any man of sense, to break with any one, without a sufficient subject, it is probable that in their negotia­tions with Seradj-ed-dönlah, they had found some grave subject that might warrant a rupture. Of this, indeed, I could get no information; but probably they found it in the dilatoriness and neglect of the payment of the sum of money stipulated for the plunder made in Calcutta; and to all appearance that Prince himself found it hard to part with such a sum as one coror of rupees, for a promise made only in a moment of necessity. Be it as it may, the resolution for war having been taken at Calcutta, Colonel Clive, better known under the title of Sabut-djung, pre­pared to march with the troops and necessaries which he had at hand. This intelligence struck Seradj-ed-döulah. Sensible now that he had no other resource but that of regaining the hearts of his enemies, he at once made his appearance at the wicket of dissimulation and at the gate of caresses; but he advanced nothing by that step. For, as says the Poet:

“After having suffered your oppressions for a whole year, and seen you tear my liver out of my body,

Do you expect that I am to forget all those wrongs for a little fawning you have now set up?”