23. Meer Nusseer Khan of Hyderabad to the Court of

Mír Nasír Khán’s account of the whole affair and his explanation about his conduct.

Directors. Sassoor, September 22, 1843.—“I formerly sent you a short account of my history, which has probably reached you, and acquainted you with most of what has befallen me. I write again, to inform you that in the time of the late Meer Gholám Alí Khan, Meerza Nusseer was deputed to Calcutta, and brought back a treaty bearing a seal of the then Governor-General, which treaty was respected as long as that Ameer lived. Subsequently, in the time of the late Meer Kurum Ali Khan and my father Meer Moorad Ali Khan, Meer Ismail Shah was sent on a mission to Governor Elphin­stone, and concluded with him a treaty which was observed until the death of the Ameers above mentioned. In the time of my father, Meer Moorad Ali Khan, Colonel Alexander Burnes, being desirous to proceed through Sinde, by the river Indus, on a visit to Runjeet Sing, arrived at Kurrachee, whence he wrote several letters requesting permission to advance by that route, but as this had not been stipulated for in any former treaty, my father refused to comply, on which I wrote to him (Sir A. Burnes) and told him to leave the property in his charge at Kurrachee and to come himself to Hyderabad, whence he should be allowed to pass up the river; he came accordingly; but my father told him he could not be permitted to proceed up the river, and that he had written to him to that effect at Kurrachee, asking him, moreover, why he had come to Hyderabad without his (my father’s) permission. Sir A. Burnes replied that he had come to Hyderabad as desired by his son Meer Nusseer Khan, who had written to say he would permit him to pass up the river. My father was greatly displeased at this, and asked me why I had consented to what it was impossible for him to grant. I replied that I wrote to him for our advantage, and that I should certainly allow him to proceed up the river; and through my representa­tion my father acceded to his request. A full account of this is given in Sir A. Burnes’ Travels, and also in Government records, so that I am the individual who first opened the Indus to the English. After this Colonel Pottinger arrived at Hyderabad and concluded a treaty which opened the river to the merchants of the neighbour­ing countries, and allowed their boats and merchandise to pass and re-pass duty-free; it was stipulated that this treaty should bind the contracting parties for ever. A copy of it, bearing the seal of the then Governor-General, was given to my father, who made it over to me, and said he had made it to ensure the stability of my affairs. On the death of my father, the said Colonel Pottinger sent for a friendly letter from the Governor-General and gave it to me; in it there was no mention made of oppressing us, or our own country. With pure intentions, I applied for a British Resident to be appointed at Hyderabad, and on the English army advancing to Cabool, I incurred the ill-will of the Beloochee tribes and the enmity of the Afghans, by having, through my friendship for the English, allowed their army to pass through Sinde; yet I preferred the friendship of the English to every other consideration. I have read in books that the Christian religion commands you to cherish, and not alienate, your friends,—friendship being a tree which produces good actions: relying on this I was indifferent about the displeasure of the Beloochees and the hostility of the Afghans. My late brother Meer Noor Mahomed Khan and myself undertook to provide boats, camels, provisions, wood and every other kind of supplies for the army and proclaimed to all the Beloochee tribes, that should any of them be dissatisfied with our alliance with the British and take to plundering the property of the army they should incur our displeasure and be severely punished: none of them dared to disobey our orders. When Sir John Keane arrived with his army at Jerruck he deputed Mr. Eastwick with a memorandum stating that he required 21 laks of rupees; of this sum I was required immediately to pay 7 laks and the other 14 laks were to be paid by the late Meer Noor Mahomed Khan and Meer Meer Mahomed Khan equally. We were also called upon to pay 3 laks of rupees annually to the British Government; this was the immediate result of my faithful services to the English and Sir J. Keane, having arrived unopposed at Jerruck about twelve coss from Hyderabad, began, in violation of treaties, to oppress us and to assume a hostile attitude; as I was helpless I paid the money, knowing well, however, that it was taken from me unjustly by order of the Governor-General. In the treaty concluded with Sir Henry Pottinger, and bearing the seal of the Governor-General, it was affirmed that our friendship would last to the latest posterity and that no oppression should be exercised on us, or on our country; in defiance of this, why were we required to pay 21 laks of rupees at one time and the sum of 3 laks annually? If you say that it was on account of Shah Shooja, I reply that the said Shah had written on a Koran, which he presented to me, that he would never act to the detriment of us, or our country. I answer again, that during Shah Shooja’s sojourn of several years at Loodiana, nothing was demanded from us on his account; but, setting this aside, when Shah Shooja, finding that he was powerful at Cabool, threw off his allegiance to the English, did he inform me on what account and for what purpose the tribute was exacted from me? If you exacted it on your own account, you did so in breach of the articles of the treaty. You are discriminat­ing and just; examine and judge for yourself whether our treatment has been just or unjust. When Sir John Keane’s army advanced towards Cabool, Colonel Pottinger framed and concluded with us a treaty of twelve articles, which he said would be permanent as the wall of Alex­ander, and would last for ever. Thank God that, from the first treaty to the last, I have not infringed even one of their articles; copies of these treaties must be in the Government records and a reference to them will satisfy you whether I state falsehoods or tell the truth. When Major Outram was appointed Resident in Sinde, I acted agreeably to his wishes, and as long as he remained at Hyderabad, everything proceeded satisfactorily, until he was succeeded by Sir Charles Napier, who after an interview with me at Hyderabad, proceeded to Sukkur. Shortly after, the Assistant (Mr. Mylne), who was stationed at Hyderabad, sent off all the property from the Residency and prepared to leave. I sent my Moonshee to him and inquired the reason of his leaving; his reply was that the Ameers found the presence of a British Resident disagree­able and that Major Outram was superseded by Sir Charles Napier. I remarked that, without a Resident, our affairs would be suspended. Mr. Mylne replied that I should write and explain this to Sir Charles. When he went away, no person succeeded. I appointed people to take care of the Residency, and had the trees, flowers, etc., in its garden, watered at my own expense, until a soldier came there to take charge of them. On the 5th Zilkad, Mr. Stanley arrived at Hyderabad with a treaty from the General contravening all former treaties, which perfectly confounded me, and I said to Mr. Stanley that this treaty meant not more or less than a desire to usurp our country. On what account does the General wish to inflict upon me so heavy a loss? He replied “You wrote a letter to Dewan Sawun Mull of Mooltan, and another to the chief of the Beebruck tribe, expressing your enmity to the British Government.” I answered “I did not write a letter to Sawun Mull to that effect, but I may have written to him about some timber I required for building, and even that letter was shown by me to the British Resident, or his Assistant. I have never sent a letter without informing the Resident, to whom I also showed the reply I received. This is agreeable to treaty; and as regards the chief of the tribe of Beebruck, I have never, to this time, had the slightest correspondence with him; who and what is he, and where lies his country with reference to mine, that I should hold any correspondence with him?” Mr. Stanley replied that he would give me a steamer to convey vakeels from me to the General, at Sukkur, to arrange with him. I accordingly deputed Akhund Buchal and Syad Saad Ali and sent them by land to Sukkur, in order to prove to Sir Charles Napier that my statement to Mr. Stanley was true. After their departure agreeably to the General’s angry writing, I sent Meerza Khoosroo Beg and Mahomed Yusoof with full powers to treat and our seals. They met the General at Nowshera; but he, not deeming it fit to have our seals affixed to the treaty at that place, wrote and delivered to them letters desiring us to bring Meer Roostam Khan to Hyderabad as Major Outram would soon be there to settle his (Meer Roostum’s) affairs, when he would also have our seals affixed to the treaty and that he (Major Outram) was invested with full powers on the part of Government to treat with us. Meer Roostum and the vakeels accordingly came to Hyderabad, and Major Outram also arriving there on the 8th of Moharram (8th February) sent me, that very day, a memorandum relative to the proposed treaty. I immediately sent Mirza Khoosroo Beg and Mahomed Khan with my seal to Major Outram; and, in his presence, they affixed it to the kuboolyatnamah (a document in which the Ameers agreed to sign the treaty when pre­sented to them), and returned it. I sent also a message to Major Outram, that, as I had signed the kuboolyat­namah without delay, he would kindly contrive so that the General should return with his army from the place he was now encamped at. The Major replied, “that this was the reason he wished me to agree to the kuboolyat­namah, as of course the treaty would cause some delay; and as you have now signed the former, I am quite satisfied. If you will send me a shootur suwar, I will despatch an officer to the General to inform him that you have agreed to the treaty, and of the manner in which affairs are proceeding at Hyderabad, so that the army may not advance further.” I accordingly sent a camel to the Major; and about 8 p. m. he sent to my house an officer. As it was in the first ten days of Moharram, I was engaged in the offices prescribed by my religion for that period, when a servant came and informed me that a gentleman was at my house. I immediately went to him and learnt from him that he had come for a swifter camel than the one I had previously sent him, as he said he must reach the General speedily. I gave him a better camel and sent with him four or five Beloochees to point out the road and to escort him. Next day (9th February) Major Outram visited me and said that he had sent an officer to the General, whose arrival there would stop the advance of the army. The 10th was the day of Ashoora (anniversary of Hoossein’s death) and consequently no business was transacted, nor had I any intercourse with Major Outram on that day. On the 11th the camelman, who accompanied the officer, returned and told us that he had left him in the General’s camp at Sukkrund, and that, immediately after the officer arrived there, although there was no previous preparation for a march, the General set out with his army, and marched to Kootul Synda, where he halted. On the evening of the 12th Major Outram came to me, and I mentioned to him what the camel-rider had told me. The Major desired me to affix my seal to the treaty which he had brought with him, and to get ready a camel-rider to take a letter from him to the General who would halt, and fall back with the army, on hearing that the treaty was signed. The seals were immediately affixed to the treaty. It was stated in that treaty that the fort and territory of Subzul was disjoined from my dominions. The revenues of Kurrachee were divided into four shares, three of which belonged to myself, Meer Mahomed Khan and Meer Shadad Khan, and were valued at Rs. 25,000 a year, each share giving a total of Rs. 75,000, which sum was to be taken in lieu of tribute to that amount; and the port of Kurrachee made over to the English. Meer Meer Mahomed Khan, Meer Shadad Khan and myself were also to make over to Meer Sobdar Khan, for his share (one-fourth of the revenues of Kurrachee), land valued at Rs. 50,000 a year. I replied that “it was stipulated in former treaties that the English would protect the country of the Ameers; instead of which, you are assign­ing it to another; and as regards Kurrachee, as you value one share of its revenues at Rs. 50,000, how does it happen that you estimate the other three shares, belonging to Meer Mahomed Khan, Meer Shadad Khan and myself, at Rs. 25,000 each; what justice is there in this?” Helpless, I affixed my seal to the treaty and gave it him (Major Outram). I afterwards remarked that he might take the tract of country belonging to Meer Roostum Khan, which lies between Subzal and Roree, leaving to him the remainder of his dominions, to which Major Outram replied that it rested with Sir Charles Napier. I entreated him vehemently on this subject; and, seizing the skirt of his garment, implored him not to suffer Meer Roostum Khan, who was an old man of eighty-five years, to become a homeless wanderer, but to permit him to retain the remainder of his dominions if only to prevent disturbances. The Major again replied that it was not in his power, but he would mention it to the General. When the Beloochees threatened to rise in arms, in consequence of the ejection of Meer Roostum Khan, intelligence arrived that Sir Charler Napier had imprisoned a Murree chief, named Hyat Khan, without any apparent cause; on which some of the Beloochees, who were at Hyderabad, assembled and took a solemn oath, resolving to attack Major Outram on his return from the fort to his Residency. I was informed of their intentions; it was then twilight. As the Major was a friend who was dear to me as my own life, I sent, in consequence of the ferment amongst the Beloochees, Meer Jan Khan, Hajee Ghulam Mahomed, and ten or twelve other nobles of my court to accompany him; they after escorting him to the Residency, returned and told me that they had seen parties of Beloochees ready for mischief at two or three places on the road, and had sent them away. On hearing this I sent to Major Outram a verbal message by Moonshee Madhajee and also wrote to him informing him of it, as Major Outram had promised me to write to the General, to request him not to advance and to send the letter by one of my camel-riders. He did so that night. On the 13th I endeavoured to restrain, by counsel, by force and by reproaches, the Beloochees, and urged them not to excite disturbances, as I had signed the treaty and the Major had written to the General to beg he would not advance, and that this request would be attended to. I asked them what it would take out of their pockets my having agreed to the treaty? On the morning of the 14th the camel-rider, who conveyed the Major’s letter to the General, returned and brought intelligence that the General, on receiving Major Outram’s letter, prepared to advance. My Moonshee Moolram, in Sir Charles Napier’s camp, sent me a letter to the same purport as the camel-rider had stated. On hearing this news, the Beloochees marched out of the town and encamped on the banks of the Fulaillee, and many of the chiefs came to me and requested me to join them; I told them I had signed the treaty, and how then could I fight? As Sir Charles Napier had proclaimed that if any of our followers joined Meer Roostum Khan, we should be held responsible, and considered equally guilty as if we joined him, I reflected that even if the Beloochees went without me, the blame would fall upon me, as declared by the General; I was at a loss how to act; I saw that it was perfectly hopeless to attempt to fight with the English, and I knew that the General, notwithstanding I had agreed to the treaty, was fast approaching; I was averse to the Beloochees setting out from the town, and to their excitement from the first, but on reflection I thought it best to join them on the Fulaillee and to endeavour to allay their excitement, hoping that my presence would gratify them, and that they might thereby be induced to desist from their hostile intentions. With this expectation I went to the Belooch encampment and stayed there day and night counselling and advising them until I gained them over; next morning I intended to depute an experienced vakeel to the General, to entreat him not to have recourse to force, but to settle everything in a friendly manner. I was about to appoint a vakeel when word was brought to me that the General, with his army, had reached the village of Dost Mahomed Khidmutgar, and having taken it, was coming on. He immediately after attacked the Belooch posts, and I heard the noise of cannon. I had hardly time to mount before the action became general. Before the two British Officers rode up to reconnoitre; I would not allow the Beloochees to fire at them, as I hoped everything would be arranged without fighting; but I soon discovered my mistake. Amidst showers of balls, by the will of God, many of the Beloochees were killed, and others fled. I remained with 20 horsemen; at length in amazement at the power of destiny, I returned to Hyder­abad, where before evening a fresh force of 10 or 12,000 Beloochees had assembled, also some of the fugitives; but as I felt assured that after dispersing them the General would approve my sincerity, I went to him of my own accord next morning; I did not even send away my treasure or family, as I was confident of being recompensed for my fidelity; and taking off my sword delivered it into his hands. He kindly returned it to me and buckled it round my waist, using many consoling expressions, and tolling me that in 25 days my affairs would be satis­factorily settled, and that I should be placed in Hyderabad as formerly; Major Outram was present at the time. Next morning I rode with the General to the camp and presented to him the guns which were under the charge of Moosa (the Armenian or) the Ferungee. The com­motion amongst the Beloochees was occasioned by the arrival of Meer Roostum at Hyderabad and the seizure of Hyat Khan, the Murree Chief, and the cause of all the bloodshed. From the first I was opposed to Meer Roostum Khan visiting Hyderabad, as I believed it would cause the disturbance, which the seizure of Hyat Khan height­ened; and his coming there was at the sole desire of the General. When General Napier was at Khyrpore and Dejee-ka-Kot, I wrote to him to say that it would be better if he came to Hyderabad with a few men to gratify me with a meeting, and spend a few days with me in shooting game, and that then I should comply with his demands; but that I was afraid, if he came with an army, the Beloochees, who were furious on account of Meer Roostum Khan’s ejection, would excite a com­motion which would bring ruin on themselves and others. My advice was not attended to. If the General says he conquered Sinde, I reply that as we were tributaries and subjects of the English for many years, he can hardly claim a victory over his own subjects. Truly his slaughter of the people of Sinde and plundering their property was at the expense of the Queen of England. The day after I arrived in camp with Sir C. Napier, Moonshee Ali Akbar was sent to me with a message that the General wanted some of my people to be stationed, with a few of his own men, in Hyderabad, so that the townspeople might be protected from all injury. As long as Major Outram remained there, all was tranquil, but in a few days he left for Bombay. The day after his departure Moonshee Ali Akbar came with a message from the General, who wished to go and inspect the fort of Hyderabad, and required a few trustworthy people along with him. Accordingly I sent Akhoond Buchal, Bahadur Khidmatgar and Moonshee Metharam; again Moonshee Ali Akbar returned and asked for keys of the toshakhana (a depository wherein valuables are kept) in order to obtain all the treasure and property. I told him to do as he pleased, but if he took them according to the catalogue they would get everything, otherwise others would rush in and take whatever they could lay their hands upon. My counsel was not listened to; at last Mr. Fallon and Col. Pattle and Major Reid and several other officers, with two regiments of cavalry and infantry, entered the fort and seized on all the treasures, gold, silver, swords, matchlocks, knives, daggers, shields, and other property, such as jewels, and what else belonged to our establish­ment, costly fabrics, Korans and books, horses and camels and mules, saddles of gold and silver, utensils of copper and silver, everything in fact of the value of a needle; so complete was the plunder that precious stones were falling out of the bosoms of the sepoys, and they were selling gold, jewels and other valuables in the city. The work of plunder was continued for seven days; the first day they rushed into the seraglio of the late Meer Kurum Ali Khan; and the occupants of the seraglio, for fear of their lives and shame lest they should be exposed to the gaze of intruders, abandoning their houses fled on foot from the fort. Afterwards the seraglios of the other Ameers were entered by the British troops; and their inmates, who had never before crossed the threshold of the seraglio, fled on foot from the fort; the sepoys who were at the gates, on seeing a woman with ornaments on her person, immediately stripped them off, so that those who would avoid exposure threw away their jewels, taking with them only the clothes on their backs. The officers carried off even our cots and bedding, leaving us nothing but the ground. I had taken to the seraglio the books and clothes they (the officers) had given me the day they entered the fort, all of which were again taken from me the day I left; also the swords of my sons, Meer Hoosein Ali and Meer Abbas Ali; depriving us also of our bedding. The horses and saddles of gold, on which my sons came to me, were also taken away, notwithstanding my remonstrances to Captain Brown and Ali Akbar; and at this date they are without swords. Although my swords and matchlocks are of iron and of little value, yet, having descended to me from my ancestors, they are by me prized as my life. Besides that, the late Meer Kurum Ali Khan and Meer Moorad Ali Khan treated Meerza Khoosroo as a son; he was imprisoned with us; one day he was taken to the fort and charged with having misdirected them to the spot where was the treasure of the late Meer Kurum Ali Khan, for which they had him disgraced and flogged, until he fainted; on his recovery, he was tied up for two hours in the fort and afterwards brought back to the place where I was imprisoned. Besides this, when Meer Shere Mahomed was about to fight Sir C. Napier’s army, although he was my bitter enemy (as is well-known to Major Out­ram, Captains Leckie, Whitelock and Mylne), who never let slip an opportunity of destroying my property and injuring me, yet was I removed from my spacious abode in camp, on board the confined accommodation of a steamer; 9 days after I was taken back and imprisoned in my former abode. When I was being conveyed on board the steamer, I asked Captain Brown to detain my two sons and my cousin Meer Mahomed Khan, and to take me with him to battle, as I knew that on seeing me, all the troops with Meer Shere Mahomed would abandon him and come over to me; and the said Meer would either be obliged to fly or to surrender himself or to permit me to to go and fight with him; but my suggestions were not attended to. In former times I was in the habit of sending an experienced person on board every stemear passing up and down the river, to procure for them fuel and other necessaries, and was equally careful of the convenience of travellers by land, remunerating them in full for whatever was stolen from them and could not be recovered. In the time of Meer Noor Mahomed these losses were shared between us, but after his death I employed servants on board the steamers, and if British officers or those in their service lost property of any kind in Sinde, one part of it was paid for by Meer Meer Maho­med Khan and the remainder by me, to our great detriment; which however, we considered again, in con­sequence of our friendship with the English. Besides the above, I have performed many other services to the English, in the hope that it would lead to my advantage, instead of conducting me to a prison. It will be notorious all over these countries that this is the reward of a person who has served the British faithfully through life. I formerly sent you a brief account of my circumstances, which I write a second time more in detail, that you may know all that has passed. I have read that Christianity is opposed to oppression of every kind; but from the time the British first arrived in India to the present date no such tyranny was ever practised as on us. Had a shot been fired from the walls of Hyderabad, the British army might have lawfully plundered it; but, after promising security, and making peace, to console us with a promise to restore us to power and afterwards to plunder the treasury, and to disgrace the rulers of the country, is not allowed by any law of the country, is not allowed by any law; and I have heard from experienced persons that it is not the custom of the English to punish a man before he is proved guilty, not to degrade him on the hearsay evidence of others. I therefore hope that you will first investigate my case, and then determine by the laws of Christianity, whether or not, we are suffering from injustice. I look to you for justice and to be sent back, with my former honour and dignity, to my country, where I pledge myself to be bound by the kindness of the English, as long as I live, to serve and obey them; and this will exalt the renown of the English all over the world. Restore me, therefore, to my plundered country.”