31. P. 58, second line. Though āūs means a peacock it also means a handsome man or woman and the root is ūs, beautiful. A.F. applies the term to Rūpmatī II, 137. It seems to have been a title in use among the Afghans. See the story of Kāmrān's reception by Selim Shāh in Budaūnī (Ranking), and see also Bābar's Memoirs where āūs Khān is given as the name of an Afghan chief.
32. P. 58, verse third, last line. The correct translation appears to be: “Easily carried away the hearts of lovers of the difficult,” meaning, I presume, the critical and not easily pleased.
33. P. 62 near foot. For “rouse” read “roused.”
34. P. 66, n. Yes; Allāh has properly three ls, so that 66 is right.
35. P. 66, n. 1. For 3436 read 343b.
36. P. 66, n. 2. For Jafar Ṣadiq read J‘āāfar Ṣādiq.
37. P. 69, n. 2. For Taṣhīlāt read Tasahīlāt. It means, simplifications, or easy lessons.
38. P. 73, n. 1, col. 2, line 11th. For 711 read “7 lines.”
39. P. 77, n. 2. Alcochoden is evidently the same word as Kadkhudā with the article prefixed.
40. P. 82, n. My remark about the Canon Masudicus is, I believe, erroneous. From Rehatsek's description it would seem that there is no astrology in the work. The copy in the Mulla Fīrūz library is in good condition, and very legible. There is also a copy in the Nawab of Rāmpūr's library.
41. P. 83, n. In last para. delete the repetition of the words “et ex hoc adorogen,” and substitute “dorongen.” In last sentence of same paragraph read “A difficulty arises.”
42. P. 91. For Carden read Cardan.
43. P. 92, l. 1. It seems probable that 22 was regarded as a mystic number from its being that of the letters of the Hebrew, Syriac, and, presumably, of the ancient Arabic, alphabets.
44. End of last para. Substitute the translation “Alas! I have
no brother to rise high in my service,” delete note 4 and substitute
“
45. P. 96, n. 1. Delete comma after Shīraz. In this note I have mixed up two distinct princes. The Buyide ‘Azad-ad-daula ruled in Bagdad. Alp Arslān whom Col. Jarrett calls ‘Azad-ad-daula belongs to the 12th century. Fatḥulla whom Budāūnī calls Shāh Fatḥulla came to Akbar's court in 990 A.H. See Budāūnī, Lowe, 326. There is a long account of him, taken chiefly from Budāūnī, on the Darbār Akbarī of Azād.
46. P. 111, n. 3. Humāyūn's death and Akbar's accession occurred when the sun was in Gemini. Can hashtam-chaharam mean the 32nd degree? B.M. M.P. Add. 27, 247 has hashtam dar chaharam, i.e., 8 by 4. In the Bādshāhnāma Bib. Ind. I, 66, Akbar is said to have been born when the sun was in Scorpio. I think now that the proper translation is “As the 8th and 4th Houses are Gemini with respect to the degrees.”
47. P. 112, l. 18. Delete comma after Mars, and insert one after Jupiter.
P. 117, second para. For “copied in sketch” read “exactly copied.”
P. 117, n. 3. The word occurs again in A.N. II, p. 11, l. 16.
P. 123. The account of Humāyūn's dancing seems to be taken from the Tārīkh Alfī, though there the circumstance is said to have only occurred once. The passage occurs in the description of the events of 949 A.H. and at page 572a of B.M. MS. Or. 465 and is as follows:—
*
48. P. 130, five lines from foot. Dāya Bhāwal means the nurse Bhāwal, and the word dāya is used immediately before with reference to Jījī. Dāya Bhāwal is evidently the same person as Bhāwal Anaga who is mentioned soon afterwards, and A.F.'s meaning is that though there is a statement that Bhāwal was the first nurse, the ascertained fact is (taḥaqīq ānast) that Akbar was first of all suckled by his mother, then by Fakhr-i-nisā, then by Bhāwal. Bhāwal or Behāwal is probably a form of the Persian word bahāwar precious and which is sometimes spelt bahālū. Presumably A.F. by speaking of her as a special servant, khidmatgār-i-khāṣ of Humāyūn, means that she was one of his concubines, and of course she must have been a mother. Possibly she was Māham Anaga. Māham, as I have stated elsewhere, means “my Moon” and is a common appellation of women. The author of the Darbārī Akbarī, p. 749, makes the curious statement that Bhāwal Anaga was the daughter of one Jogā Barhār,* ">and that she was introduced into the harem of Humāyūn by his father Bābār. There her attractive face and manners captivated Humāyūn, but her star paled before the sun of Miriam-Makīnī's presence, and the king made her over to Jalāl Koka (?). Still she remained in the harem, and became one of Akbar's nurses. No authority is given for these statements, and I do not know where the author found them. It looks as if he meant to identify her with Māham Anaga, and to represent the latter as a Hindu. This view might coincide with Budāūnī's remark that Akbar was from his earliest years associated with low Hindus. I cannot find the tribe or caste Barhār either in Crooke, or Sherring, though there are some names nearly approaching to it, and I was told in Upper India that there was such a caste. A.F. mentions (A.N. II, 210, top line), the caste Parihār in describing Gondwāna. He also mentions there one Jogī Dās a younger brother of Sangrām Sā. The Parihārs were Rajputs and were rulers of Bandelkhand before the Candels, Sleeman's Rambles ed. 1893, I, 175 note. It is possible that the Jalāl Koka of the Darbārī Akbar may be another name for Nadīm Koka, and that the facts stated there may be a solution of the mystery of Adham Khān's parentage. There certainly is, as Elliot remarks, a mystery about the paternity of Adham Khān and it may be that though his mother was married to Nadīm Koka, Humāyūn was his father.
49. P. 132, last line. Maulvī Abdul Haq Abīd informs me that the meaning of the words sākinān-i-majāma-i-uns is “the dwellers of the gathering places of Divine love, or, the members of the congregations of Divine love,” i.e., the angels.
50. P. 134. In an article in the R.A.S.J., for January 1889, p. 99, I endeavoured to show that Māham Anaga was the wife of Nadīm Kokaltāsh. The mention of his name at p. 135 as one of those left at ‘Umarkot in charge of Miriam-Makānī perhaps supports this view. It appears from a note by Garcin de Tassy at p. 11 of his abridged translation of Syed Aḥmad's book on the Delhi monuments, Paris, 1861, that the author of Colonel Hama's MS., noticed in the article above referred to, was probably Mīrzī Hidayat Ullah for it is stated by Garcin de Tassy that Hidayat Ullah was a grandson of Mīrzā Koka and wrote a Tārīkh or chronicle in 1070 A.H. or 1659. See also p. 129. Hidayat Ullah's chronicle is not in the B.M. or I.O., and I have been unable to find out where it is, for Garcin de Tassy does not tell us and there is no reference to the MS. in Syed Aḥmad's book. Hidayat Ullah's name occurs in Beale's Oriental Biographies. See below p. 475, n. 3. To the remark about Adham Khān's age at end of note in p. 134 it may be added that A.F. describes Adham as taking a prominent part in the beginning of the seige of Mānkot. He could hardly have done this if he had been no older than Akbar who was then only fourteen.
51. P. 139, last lines. The late Mr. Rodgers states, R.A.S.J., for 1898, p. 729, that this chronogram is by Faiẓī, but this seems to be a mistake. A.F. does not ascribe it to his brother, and the latter was not born till some years after Akbar's birth.
52. P. 154, n. 3. Probably this is the correct translation. A.F. means apparently that previous works, though voluminous, have not treated the subject in a satisfactory manner.
53. P. 166, n. 8. For Īfan read Ifīn.
54. P. 180, last sentence. The expression dar parda ārāī receives elucidation from its recurrence in text I, 347, top line. This, I think, disposes of the suggestion inserted by Dr. Bloch in a note at the end of this fasciculus. See also II, 42 of text, l. 10 and do. 43, l. 10. By the expression, remaining behind the veil, A.F. not only means the period before Akbar's birth, but also the time before he revealed himself to the world. Cf. Blochmann, p. 124, n. 1 and p. 13, line 12.