Defeat of the Mughals at the pass of Garhí.—Humáyún's entry
into Gaur
.

The vanguard of the Mughal army, which, in seven divisions, had marched in advance of the main body, pitched their camp at a distance of three kos from the defile of Garhí; and every morning, urging their horses at full speed towards the entrance of the pass, threw their arrows and clubs at its defenders, and then retreated. A part of them, with loud voices, poured forth most bitter invectives against Jalál Khán, calling him an un­manly coward, cowering in the defile like an old woman; that if he were a man, and the son of a man, and in the least endowed with impetuosity and ardour, he would descend to the field of battle to measure strength with men, as he had not yet come in contact with Mughals. Similar invectives were repeated every day, and a great number of Afgháns perished by the fire of the cannons and matchlocks. Jalál Khán, being informed of these proceedings by his attendants, went one day to Hájí Khán, explaining to him, with the bitterest complaints, that the Mughals, coming up every day to harass them in their position by missile weapons, and then retreating, uttered the most abusive language against him, which he could not brook any longer, for his patience was quite exhausted. He himself certainly was too weak to put a stop to such injuries; but if the other chiefs would assent, they ought at once to march out and make their attack, and see what the curtain of secresy would reveal. Hájí Khán said, “This is not in accordance with your father's command, with which you are well acquainted.” Jalál Khán went on to assure him that as long as his request should not be complied with, he was determined to abstain from water and food. Upon which Hájí Khán replied, that if such was his resolution, he certainly must yield; and every coward returning alive from the battle would suffer punishment by Sher Khán's order; but in case victory should crown their enterprise, all would be right. He then, in order to insure success to his enterprise, read the fátiha, and Jalál Khán withdrew to his own quarters.

The next morning the Mughals, according to custom, charged their horses, and then retreated to their tents, and relieved them­selves of their armour. The troopers then went out to forage, whilst the officers resorted to the carpet of repose. Noon had approached, when the Afgháns, opening the gate in the defile, sallied forth. A few only of the Mughals, whose horses were at hand, mounted, and put themselves in an attitude of defence; but the greater part, being disconcerted in the extreme, turned their faces to flight. The action, nevertheless, proved to be of the most obstinate nature, and Mubárak Farmulí and Abú-l Fath Langáh, besides most of the Mughal officers, fell victims to the sword. The whole camp of the Mughals, baggage, horses, camels, elephants, etc., fell into the hands of the victors; and nearly all were slain, with the exception of a very small number of Kipchí horsemen. It is related that there was no Afghán footman but obtained four or five horses, valuable robes, and many boxes of precious things, out of the spoils.*

Sher Khán had such a mass of wealth and treasures to carry off from Gaur, that he could not gather a sufficient number of porters for that purpose, and was at a great loss how to convey these effects to Rohtás. In the meanwhile, he received intelli­gence from Jalál Khán of this victory, at which he was exceed­ingly rejoiced; and immediately wrote to him, to procure, for a suitable compensation, all the captured elephants, camels, oxen, in short all beasts of burthen, from any person who might possess them, and to send them, as he was in much want of them. Sher Khán, upon the occasion of that victory, made use of this adage, “That if a cock, in a fight, had been once beaten, he would, on being brought into the field a second time, set up his crowing, but never resume the fight.” Jalál Khán after this exploit closed the gate, and stopped the progress of Humáyún for more than a month—a circumstance that enabled Sher Khán at his ease to transport by way of Jhárkand all his treasures to Rohtás, whither he now likewise called Jalál Khán.

The Emperor Humáyún, upon this, made his entrance into Gaur. Sher Khán had previously fitted up all the mansions of that place with an exquisite variety of ornaments and embellish­ments, and rendered them a perfect gallery of pictures, by party-coloured carpets and costly silk stuffs, in hopes that Humáyún charmed with it, would be induced to prolong his stay there; and his designs were unexpectedly seconded by fate, for Humáyún remained four months in Gaur, and had no leisure for any other occupation than pleasure and enjoyment.

* * * * * * *
The Battle of Chaunsa.—Capture of Humáyún's Queen.*

In this conflict Muhammad Zamán, with a large force, stood forth and commenced the action; but was, in one charge, not only defeated and obliged to retreat, but killed. There was no one who could withstand; and every one who found his horse ready turned his face to flight. A bridge of boats having been previously laid over the Ganges, all the fugitives, whether horse or foot, endeavoured to escape over it. Humáyún had not yet performed his ablutions, when his troops were thrown into com­plete disorder; he therefore, immediately finishing them, lent all his thoughts to save his own person; for to save his favourite lady, with all the other beauties of the harem, was impossible. He sent Khwája Mu'azzam, with some other persons who were just at hand, in this painful situation, to rescue Begam Mariam Makání from her dangerous position, whilst he himself hastened to reach the bridge; but it having been broken down by the throng of the fugitives, and the pressure of the great and small, he plunged his horse into the river. He was nearly drowned, but Shamsu-d dín Muhammad Ghaznaví succeeded in extricating him from that destructive element by his skilful efforts and the aid and favour of fortune. In consequence of his excellent service, Shamsu-d dín's sons were raised to high and honourable stations.

When, in the meanwhile, Khwája Mu'azzam had conveyed himself as far as the entrance of the Imperial tent, he perceived that the Afgháns were sedulously employed in massacre and plunder, and he could not find an opportunity of rescuing the veil-covered ladies. Nevertheless, he sacrificed his life in the execution of his master's command. The greater part of the Mughals perished in the river, and an immense number besides fell by the sword; whilst the Afgháns, by the rich booty they captured, had all their wants abundantly supplied. The Imperial consort likewise fell into their hands, with all her establishment.

Constructs new Rohtás.—Its cost.—Khizr Khán governor of
Bengal
.

Sher Sháh threatened to construct such a fort in that country that it should not only effectually restrain the Ghakkars, but also the passage of the Mughals. He therefore himself made a tour through the hills of Girjhák Ninduna [mountains circum­jacent], * and finding a fit spot, he laid the foundations of the fort, which he called Rohtás.

Besides that, he sent a large force against Ráí Sárang, the Ghakkar, and not only was the country subdued, and the hill of Balnáth plundered, which was then the residence of the Dárogha of that tract, but the daughter of its chief was taken prisoner, and conducted before Sher Sháh, who presented her to Khawás Khán; upon which Ráí Sárang, they relate, sent a quantity of [hemp] blankets and millet to Sher Sháh, with the remark that in such only consisted their raiment and food, besides which they could afford nothing; according to others, he sent a lion's skin and some [arrows] spears, which he said was their only property. With this conduct, however, Sher Sháh was by no means satis­fied. Sárang [Sárang's troops] being weakened by [skirmishes] the attacks of the holy warriors, and greatly reduced and straitened, submitted himself in person to Sher Sháh, who ordered him to be flayed alive, and his skin to be filled with straw, and so pay the penalty of his misdeeds.

Sher Sháh issued farmáns to complete the fortifications of Rohtás; but Todar Khatrí represented that the Ghakkars, to whom that country belonged, would not allow any one to work for wages; and that they had agreed amongst themselves, upon oath, to expatriate every person that should contravene their wishes. Sher Sháh, in answer, told him [that he should noways be allowed to give up that work, which he only wished to do in consequence of his greediness for gold]* that the work did not seem to advance under his superintendence, and that a man who was fond of money, and was alarmed about disbursing it, would never accomplish the king's designs. Todar, on the reception of this fresh command, fixed first a golden ashrafí as the enormous remuneration for one stone, which induced the [Kakers] Ghakkars to flock to him in such numbers that afterwards a stone was paid with a rupee, and this pay gradually fell to five tankas, till the fortress was completed.*

Sher Sháh, during his stay in the environs of [Tatta] the river Behat, where he amused himself with hunting, received intelligence that Khizr Khán Surk, the governor of Bengal, had married a daughter of Sultán Mahmúd, and [maintained a princely household] sat on the roof of the palace, after the manner of the kings of Bengal, at which disrespectful conduct Sher Sháh was highly displeased.